Podcasts about Republican Party

In this engaging conversation, Anthony Scaramucci discusses a range of topics from current political events, including the return of Jimmy Kimmel, to the dynamics within the Republican Party and the future of Donald Trump. He provides insights into economic issues such as inflation and market predictions, while also addressing the challenges facing the Democratic Party. Scaramucci also introduces his podcast, 'Open Book', where he interviews bestselling authors. Be sure to check out the ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠On Brand with Donny Deutsch YouTube page⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Takeaways Trump's influence is declining within the Republican Party. Inflation is a misunderstood economic issue affecting the middle class. The Democratic Party is experiencing an ideological civil war. Scaramucci believes the system is still functioning despite political chaos. Market corrections are inevitable, but not immediate. The Fed's interest rate cuts will impact asset values. Scaramucci emphasizes the importance of understanding inflation's effects on wealth. The political landscape is shifting with new voices emerging. Scaramucci's podcast aims to reignite interest in reading and literature. The need for Democrats to unify and define their brand is critical. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Professor Nicholas Giordano welcomes John Fawcett, host of The Great America Show, for an unflinching look at America's political and cultural crossroads. They break down the fallout from Charlie Kirk's assassination, the rise of Marxist-style politics within the Democratic Party, and how dangerous rhetoric drives polarization. The conversation examines economic headwinds, the expanding federal bureaucracy, and Donald Trump's influence on today's Republican Party. From censorship and free-speech battles to the role of young voters and the FCC's failures, Giordano and Fawcett reveal how these forces will shape the coming elections and America's future.   Episode Highlights How Charlie Kirk's assassination and incendiary rhetoric are fueling political violence and deepening polarization Why censorship, free-speech crackdowns, and a bloated federal bureaucracy threaten the Republic What Trump's influence, youth activism, and a radicalized Democratic Party mean for the 2026 midterms and beyond  

Tuesday, September 23rd, 2025Today, Disney bucks ABC and says it will return Jimmy Kimmel to the air tonight; insurance attorney and Trump's personal lawyer Lindsey Halligan has been installed as the interim US Attorney in the EDVA; Zohran Mamdani cancelled a local ABC town hall citing FCC censorship of Jimmy Kimmel; the Supreme Court allows Trump to fire a member of the Federal Trade Commission Board for the pendency of the litigation; in a win for voting rights, Arizona Republican voter suppression laws will stay blocked; and Allison and Dana deliver your Good News.Thank You, Mint MobileMake the switch! MINTMOBILE.com/DAILYBEANSThank You, Naked WinesTo get 6 bottles of wine for $39.99, head to nakedwines.com/DAILYBEANS and use code DAILYBEANS for both the code and password. MAGA's Horst Wessel Moment: Using Charlie Kirk's Murder to Advance AuthoritarianismStoriesJimmy Kimmel's show returning on Tuesday, ABC announces | NBC NewsLindsey Halligan: Trump aide takes over as US attorney in Virginia to replace prosecutor fired for not charging political opponent | CNNSupreme Court allows Trump to fire Democratic member of trade commission | The Washington PostIn Win for Voters, Arizona's GOP-Backed Voter Suppression Laws Will Stay Blocked | Democracy DocketGood TroubleBetsy: Want two easy good trouble things to do immediately? Write both your Senators this morning asking them to please keep Senator Schumer from caving into the Republican Party's new funding bill.  Contacting U.S. SenatorsThe second good trouble is to wear a paper clip (I'm making a paper clip necklace because a paper clip doesn't work well on my obnoxious tee-shirts that I wear constantly).  Norwegians wore a paper clip during WWII to symbolize resistance to the Nazis.  Now it's our turn.  Subtle, but Great.  I'm also putting a few paper clips on the sign on my apartment door and suggesting that everyone look up paper clips and WWII.   **California needs your help | Proposition 50 Vote YES !! Yes On Prop 50 | Special Election Phone Banks - mobilize.us**Help ensure safety of public servants. Hold RFK Jr accountable by signing the letter: savehhs.org, @firedbutfighting.bsky.social on Bluesky**SIGN THE STATEMENT OF SOLIDARITY for the FEMA Katrina Declaration.**How to Organize a Bearing Witness Standout**Fire Kilmeade - foxfeedback@foxnews.com, Submit a request – Fox News**Indiana teacher snitch portal - Eyes on EducationFrom The Good NewsYou Can Vote For Dana !  2025 Out100: Cast your vote for Readers' Choice!!Order of the ArrowSeparation of Church and Hate by John Fugelsang - OUT NOW!Indivisible Regent Square - monthly meetinganatomicalcrochet.comSubstance Use Treatment For Veterans | Veterans AffairsOur Donation LinksNational Security Counselors - DonateMSW Media, Blue Wave California Victory Fund | ActBlueWhistleblowerAid.org/beansFederal workers - email AG at fedoath@pm.me and let me know what you're going to do, or just vent. I'm always here to listen. Find Upcoming Actions 50501 Movement, No Kings.org, Indivisible.orgDr. Allison Gill - Substack, BlueSky , TikTok, IG, TwitterDana Goldberg - BlueSky, Twitter, IG, facebook, danagoldberg.comMore from MSW Media - Shows - MSW Media, Cleanup On Aisle 45 pod, The Breakdown | SubstackReminder - you can see the pod pics if you become a Patron. The good news pics are at the bottom of the show notes of each Patreon episode! That's just one of the perks of subscribing! patreon.com/muellershewrote Our Donation LinksNational Security Counselors - DonateMSW Media, Blue Wave California Victory Fund | ActBlueWhistleblowerAid.org/beansFederal workers - feel free to email AG at fedoath@pm.me and let me know what you're going to do, or just vent. I'm always here to listen. Find Upcoming Actions 50501 Movement, No Kings.org, Indivisible.orgDr. Allison Gill - Substack, BlueSky , TikTok, IG, TwitterDana Goldberg - BlueSky, Twitter, IG, facebook, danagoldberg.comCheck out more from MSW Media - Shows - MSW Media, Cleanup On Aisle 45 pod, The Breakdown | SubstackShare your Good News or Good TroubleMSW Good News and Good TroubleHave some good news; a confession; or a correction to share?Good News & Confessions - The Daily Beanshttps://www.dailybeanspod.com/confessional/ Listener Survey:http://survey.podtrac.com/start-survey.aspx?pubid=BffJOlI7qQcF&ver=shortFollow the Podcast on Apple:The Daily Beans on Apple PodcastsWant to support the show and get it ad-free and early?The Daily Beans | SupercastThe Daily Beans & Mueller, She Wrote | PatreonThe Daily Beans | Apple Podcasts Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Here they come again! Another far-right-wing mob, spurred on by Trump, is storming our US Capitol!Only, these are not uncouth MAGA marauders wearing buffalo horns, breaking in, and attacking Capital police. No, this is a very couth, richly-attired, well-mannered political mob laying siege on Congress. And look: Instead of fighting or fleeing, Republican lawmakers are holding the Capitol's doors wide open for this incursion! That's because this is a swarm of always-welcome corporate lobbyists and campaign funders. In particular, they're an army of global pesticide giants.Led by Bayer, the multibillion-dollar German biochemical conglomerate, they're demanding that Congress keep us commoners from interfering with their poisonous profiteering. Bayer reaps billions of dollars selling a killer pesticide named Roundup, which scientists increasingly consider a cause of cancer, especially in children. Thousands of afflicted families have filed major lawsuits holding Bayer responsible.Of course, Bayer honchos did the honorable thing. Ha! Just kidding. Instead, its lobbyists rushed to Trump and GOP congressional leaders, who – shhhh – quietly tucked a corporate “gotcha” into this month's must-pass budget bill. It would effectively hand retroactive immunity to chemical manufacturers, quashing all those lawsuits filed by families of Roundup victims. Sneaky, huh? Infuriated, grassroots leaders of MAHA (The “Make America Healthy Again” movement) say the Republican Party is being corrupted by false information from the pesticide companies.This is Jim Hightower saying… Actually, what's corrupting the Party's lawmakers is the gusher of campaign money they take from the poison pushers. For information and action on stopping this capitulation to what a Bayer, go to FoodAndWaterWatch.org.Jim Hightower's Lowdown is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jimhightower.substack.com/subscribe

Meghan and Miranda open with the most-talked-about moment from Charlie Kirk's memorial in Arizona, Erica Kirk publicly forgiving her husband's killer, and what that act of faith and restraint means for a grieving movement and a fractured country. They also unpack the media's reaction, the surge of young churchgoers some listeners are seeing, and whether the Republican Party is entering a more openly Christian era. Then Senator Joe Manchin joins to discuss his new book, Dead Center in Defense of Common Sense, why he chose life on a D.C. houseboat, and the lost art of bipartisan hospitality (yes, he used to host mixed-party dinners: four Dems, four Republicans). Manchin gets candid on closed primaries, the rise of independents, border security vs. legal immigration, putting assets in a blind trust, resisting “party-line” votes, and the McCain/Lieberman model of political courage. He also shares personal stories, from carrying refrigerators up walk-ups as a teen to perfect Italian meatballs (veal/pork/beef) and the history of Harpers Ferry. Plus audience Q&A: a dad on introducing his 16-year-old to public life (and flip phones), a New Yorker on how the press misunderstands Christian worship, and a sober look at rhetoric vs. responsibility after political violence.

On Friday we learned that according to President Donald Trump, when coverage is negative, "It's no longer free speech."  And it seems he's not alone. There's a growing sentiment within the Republican Party, which currently controls the White House and both Chambers of Congress, that actually, free speech doesn't apply if you say mean things about Republicans. This is all in regards to ABC pulling “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” from its usual spot in the nightly lineup, after FCC Chairman Brendan Carr said that Kimmel should face repercussions for comments regarding the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. On this episode, we discuss why the suspension of a late-night talk show host isn't just about a late-night talk show host. It's about speech, and what you can, and apparently can't, say on television. To talk more about the media machinations that got Jimmy Kimmel pushed off the air, and the chilling effect of the FCC's implied threats, we spoke to Brian Stelter, media analyst for CNN. And in headlines, a federal judge in Florida tosses out Trump's $15-billion dollar defamation lawsuit against the New York Times, the United Kingdom, Australia, Portugal and Canada formally recognize a Palestinian state, and new H1-B applicants will have to pay an extra $100,000 fee for their visas.Show Notes:Check out Brian's recent story: https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/20/media/trump-kimmel-disney-bob-iger-abc-fccCall Congress – 202-224-3121Subscribe to the What A Day Newsletter – https://tinyurl.com/3kk4nyz8What A Day – YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@whatadaypodcastFollow us on Instagram – https://www.instagram.com/crookedmedia/For a transcript of this episode, please visit crooked.com/whataday Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Will Con Inc. once again misdirect the base's energy for reform into supporting an unreformed Republican Party vs. Democrats in the general election, in an ill-fated bid to win the entire country, when, in fact, much of it is lost? We're joined by Wyoming activist Darcie Gudger, who explains how a lack of education in primaries has led to Wyoming becoming a RINO haven. The state is under a multi-front assault on its land and beauty at the hands of the green grift, data centers, and transmission lines created to power California. We rely on ranchers in Wyoming for affordable, healthy beef, yet ranchers are disappearing. We're making some headway against liberal Republicans, but they continue to dominate in state and local government because Con Inc. refuses to get involved. Multiply Wyoming's dynamic by 20+ other red states, and you will understand why there is such a disconnect between conservative social media bravado and the lack of boots on the ground in red states fighting for policy outcomes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Thousands of Americans gathered on Sunday in remembrance of Turning Point USA co-founder Charlie Kirk, who was assassinated earlier this month. As a conservative activist, Charlie did a lot to encourage Americans to get out and vote. Following his death, many wonder whether his legacy and work will help propel the Republican Party in the upcoming key elections. Republican strategist and Executive Vice President at Targeted Victory, Matt Gorman, joins the Rundown to discuss Charlie Kirk's legacy and how his influential conservative movement will affect upcoming elections.   Parents are speaking out against AI companies after they say artificial intelligence chatbots contributed to their child's suicide. Josh Golin, executive Director of the children's advocacy group, Fair Play, joins the Rundown to talk about the growing concerns about AI relationships and what can be done to put more regulations on ChatGPT and other AI platforms.   Plus, commentary from the senior legal analyst for the Heritage Foundation Cully Stimson.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

President Trump and thousands of Americans gathered to remember Charlie Kirk on Sunday. Only time will tell if his legacy and movement will help energize Republicans in the coming months. Former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy describes his relationship with Kirk and his unique ability to rally young voters towards the Republican Party.  Speaker McCarthy discusses the significance of President Trump's trip to the United Kingdom last week. He also details how the President stabilized significant conflicts in the world and continues to fix others.   I Wish Someone Had Told Me: Speaker McCarthy explains why he is keeping an eye on California Governor Gavin Newsom.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

644. Part 1 of our interview with David T. Ballantyne about his book, Fractured Freedoms: Reconstruction in Central Louisiana. "Fractured Freedoms is a riveting history of central Louisiana from the 1860s to the 1890s, focusing on majority-Black Rapides Parish during Reconstruction. Using the region as a case study, Ballantyne reveals what is, in part, a rural Reconstruction success story, emphasizing the resilience of Black politics and the persistence of significant divisions among white residents that allowed the Republican Party to gain and maintain power there. It was only with the collapse of state-level Republican power in 1877 that Democratic forces in the parish were able to dismantle local Republican political control and gradually constrict Black freedoms." (LSU Press). Now available: Liberty in Louisiana: A Comedy. The oldest play about Louisiana, author James Workman wrote it as a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. Now it is back in print for the first time in 221 years. Order your copy today! This week in the Louisiana Anthology. We've recently added Mosquitoes, one of William Faulkner's early novels. Faulkner was one of the South's greatest writers. He wrote this novel about the artists he had met in the French Quarter. He put them on a yacht that took them through Lake Pontchartrain until they ran aground and were stranded for several days. That's right, Faulkner basically created Gilligan's Isle.     "The violet dusk held in soft suspension lights slow as bellstrokes, Jackson square was now a green and quiet lake in which abode lights round as jellyfish, feathering with silver mimosa and pomegranate and hibiscus beneath which lantana and cannas bled and bled. Pontalba and cathedral were cut from black paper and pasted flat on a green sky; above them taller palms were fixed in black and soundless explosions. The street was empty, but from Royal street there came the hum of a trolley that rose to a staggering clatter, passed on and away leaving an interval filled with the gracious sound of inflated rubber on asphalt, like a tearing of endless silk. Clasping his accursed bottle, feeling like a criminal, Mr. Talliaferro hurried on.     "He walked swiftly beside a dark wall, passing small indiscriminate shops dimly lighted with gas and smelling of food of all kinds, fulsome, slightly overripe. The proprietors and their families sat before the doors in tilted chairs, women nursing babies into slumber spoke in soft south European syllables one to another. Children scurried before him and about him, ignoring him or becoming aware of him and crouching in shadow like animals, defensive, passive and motionless." This week in Louisiana history. September 20, 1717. Gov. LePinay recalled to France after "ruining the colony." This week in New Orleans history. The last space shuttle fuel tank rolls out of the Michoud Assembly Facility on September 20, 2010. This week in Louisiana. Louisiana Gumbo Festival October 10-12, 2025 326 Hwy 304 Thibodaux, LA 70301 Celebrate Louisiana's Rich Culinary Heritage Indulge in a diverse array of Cajun and Creole cuisines, savor our traditional gumbo recipe, and immerse yourself in the captivating rhythms of live Zydeco and Cajun performances. With exciting activities for all ages, there's something for everyone to enjoy.      The Louisiana Gumbo Festival began in 1973. During the 1970s, Louisiana Governor Edwin Edwards signed a proclamation naming Chackbay the Gumbo Capitol of Louisiana. Annually, volunteers cook nearly 500 gallons of Gumbo during the festival weekend. You can also find various Cajun food, music, amusement rides, parade, auction, and so much more for the whole family to enjoy.      This year, we are offering Pay One Price Advanced Weekend Armbands for $65.00 + tax. 
Advanced Armbands allow children unlimited carnival rides throughout the duration of the festival. Advanced Armbands are available for purchase ONLINE ONLY until Friday October 10, 2025. Armbands will NOT be sold at the festival.      Advanced armbands can be picked up at the designated line of the festival ticket booth on Friday, October 11th beginning at 5:30pm. Postcards from Louisiana. Street Poet Melody Eloise. Listen on Apple Podcasts. Listen on audible. Listen on Spotify. Listen on TuneIn. Listen on iHeartRadio. The Louisiana Anthology Home Page. Like us on Facebook. 

In this episode, guest host Ben Whedon sits down with Congresswoman Beth Van Duyne from Texas to discuss the recent redistricting in her state and its implications for the upcoming elections. As Texas adds Republican-leaning seats, we explore the shifting political landscape, the impact of new residents from blue states, and the importance of policies that resonate with Texans. The conversation also delves into Congress's challenges regarding spending, tariffs, and the path forward for the Republican Party. Also, Ben engages in a thought-provoking discussion with former Deputy National Security Advisor Victoria Coates, currently with the Heritage Foundation. We analyze the escalating conflict in Gaza, the implications of Israel's ground offensive, and the complexities surrounding the relationship between the U.S. and Israel. Victoria shares insights on the challenges of negotiating peace with Hamas, the shifting public opinion regarding Israel, and the potential for a diplomatic resolution. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

September 21, 2025; 8am: ABC's suspension of Jimmy Kimmel's show under pressure from the head of the FCC raised new fears about even more plans to silence critics. In response, Democrats announced new legislation to bolster free speech protections for people targeted by the President. Senator Alex Padilla, one of the senators who introduced this bill, joins “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

September 20, 2025; 8am: The Senate recently rejected dueling Republican and Democratic bills that would have kept the government funded on a short-term basis, and now there are only 10 days left until the October 1st deadline. Party leaders on both sides of the aisle are blaming each other, claiming the other side isn't willing to negotiate. Congress will be in recess next week and the Senate will only have two days to agree on a plan when they come back. Former Office of Management and Budget director Shalanda Young joins “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Since the killing of Charlie Kirk, there has been an organized, concerted, and angry effort on the eight to attack free speech, to shut down speech they don't like, and to get people fired for things they say. Today's Republican Party has declared war on free speech. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In the town of West Bloomfield, a longtime Republican Trump supporter is working alongside two unlikely allies: a pair of Democrats who disagree with him on many issues. Tim Schiefen is an auto mechanic who argues that, yes, Trump supporters and Democrats can co-exist -- even get to like one another. When Schiefen felt shut out by the Republican Party in his desire to run for town supervisor, he called the Democrats. To his surprise, they took his call, and now he's campaigning for supervisor while supporting two Democrats who are running for town board. Our guests will discuss getting past their differences; the importance of getting to know people in real life, not just on screens; and political alliances in the age of division.In studio: Birgit Coffey, candidate for West Bloomfield town council Julie Eveleigh, candidate for West Bloomfield town council Tim Schiefen, candidate for West Bloomfield supervisor ---Connections is supported by listeners like you. Head to our donation page to become a WXXI member today, support the show, and help us close the gap created by the rescission of federal funding.---Connections airs every weekday from noon-2 p.m. Join the conversation with questions or comments by phone at 1-844-295-TALK (8255) or 585-263-9994, email, Facebook or Twitter. Connections is also livestreamed on the WXXI News YouTube channel each day. You can watch live or access previous episodes here.---Do you have a story that needs to be shared? Pitch your story to Connections.

For weeks, fights have been escalating between top scientists at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the health secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., culminating in his accusation that the agency's top official, Dr. Susan Monarez, was untrustworthy.Dr. Monarez went before a Senate committee on Wednesday to give her side of the story.Sheryl Gay Stolberg, who covers health policy for The New York Times, discusses the testimony and the rift that the hearing exposed within the Republican Party over how far to go to support Mr. Kennedy and his vaccine agenda.Guest: Sheryl Gay Stolberg, a correspondent based in Washington who covers health policy for The Times.Background reading: The fired C.D.C. director described clashes with Mr. Kennedy and turmoil at the agency.For more information on today's episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily. Transcripts of each episode will be made available by the next workday. Photo: Kenny Holston/The New York Times Unlock full access to New York Times podcasts and explore everything from politics to pop culture. Subscribe today at nytimes.com/podcasts or on Apple Podcasts and Spotify.

In the week since MAGA activist Charlie Kirk was fatally shot, some Republicans have responded by declaring "war" on liberals. We discuss that and other responses to Kirk's death, as well as what his loss means for the Republican Party's future.This episode: White House correspondent Tamara Keith, political reporter Elena Moore, and political reporter Stephen Fowler.This podcast was produced by Casey Morell & Bria Suggs, and edited by Rachel Baye. Our executive producer is Muthoni Muturi.Listen to every episode of the NPR Politics Podcast sponsor-free, unlock access to bonus episodes with more from the NPR Politics team, and support public media when you sign up for The NPR Politics Podcast+ at plus.npr.org/politics.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

As information about Charlie Kirk’s killer slowly begins to emerge, the Republican Party’s response has been far more prompt. Andrew Mueller assesses the fallout. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dallas County is poised to become the largest jurisdiction in the U.S. to hand-count paper ballots as the local Republican Party has decided to manually tally election day ballots during its March primary. In other news, for the third time, Robert Roberson III is scheduled to be executed by lethal injection next month in Texas. The 58-year old Roberson was convicted of capital murder in 2003 for reportedly shaking his 2-year-old daughter, Nikki, to death.; the McKinney City Council abandoned plans Tuesday for a deck park meant to reconnect the city's east side to its historic downtown after losing $15 million in federal funding as a result of President Donald Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act; and SMU had been quietly conducting a rebrand until Board of Trustees Chair David Miller made a bold statement to an arena full of SMU fans Friday night. Miller said “‘Pony Up' has died a natural death.” It led to an outpouring of frustration from fans on social media. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

State lawmakers are looking to address a legal patchwork of rules governing hemp products — some of which make users high, like marijuana. A Lancaster County hemp business owner is organizing like-minded entrepreneurs to project their voice in the Capitol. The Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission has released its 2025 Electric Power Outlook Report. The White House is touting a new $50 billion program to aid rural health care, included in the Republican Party’s tax and jobs cut law passed in July. It’s unclear how much Pennsylvania stands to gain from the program. The number of Pennsylvania police departments signing agreements to help ICE enforce immigration laws is surging. Senator John Fetterman is once again breaking with the Democratic party in some of his public statements. A property auction for Harrisburg's former Jewish Community Center is being postponed. An online auction was originally scheduled to begin on Monday, but it's being rescheduled for October 20 - 22. Federal funding for public media has been rescinded. Your monthly gift to WITF can help fill the gap as we navigate this new reality. Become a monthly sustaining member today at www.witf.org/givenow.Support WITF: https://www.witf.org/support/give-now/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, Chuck explores the frustrations of the “mainstream middle” in red states and why Democrats can't seem to reach them, even as discontent with the country grows. From the poisonous information ecosystem that radicalizes voters to the outsized influence of social media and big tech money in Washington, the conversation digs into how extremism thrives while moderation is punished. Chuck also examines the rise of independents, the possibility of a third-party shake-up, and how redistricting battles in California, Missouri, and Georgia could reshape the political map. With major races in New Jersey and Virginia looming, and Democrats struggling to find the right message, the episode highlights both the dangers and the opportunities in an increasingly unsettled political landscape.Then, Chuck sits down with Brian Bengs, who challenged John Thune in South Dakota and is running for senate as an independent, and Todd Achilles, an independent from Idaho, to explore what it really means to run outside the two-party system. They open up about why they chose independence, the challenges of campaigning in red states where the word “Democrat” is a nonstarter, and the dysfunction they see as the product of both parties. From tariffs hurting farmers to the growing cost of attention in politics, the conversation highlights how America's political and economic systems reward division and extremism over pragmatism and compromise.The discussion also tackles the bigger picture: whether the Republican Party could split between MAGA and traditional conservatives, why democracy no longer serves as a pressure release valve, and how corporate power and money in politics further erode trust. Bengs and Achilles share lessons from Ross Perot's run, their views on immigration reform, and the importance of building bipartisan relationships in an age where the middle is punished. For them, independence isn't just about rejecting partisanship—it's about offering voters an alternative path forward in a system that too often feels broken.Finally, Chuck gives his ToddCast Top 5 states that could elect an independent candidate to the U.S. Senate and answers listeners' questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 Introduction02:00 There is a mainstream middle in red states, but Dems can't reach them03:00 Feeling terrible about the state of the country, don't see a path out04:30 We have a poisonous information ecosystem that radicalizes people05:15 Social media is poisoning the well, but big tech doesn't shoulder blame06:30 When algorithms curate content, it makes the platform a publisher 08:00 Public schools finally starting to ban phones in classrooms09:00 The phones are toxic for adults too, not just kids11:00 Big tech companies have saturated D.C. with money to avoid regulation13:00 The administration is speaking in the language of the red scare13:45 Bipartisanship hasn't been good for Donald Trump14:30 The fastest growing political party is “no party”15:45 The two major parties need a time out in order to course correct16:45 Spencer Cox can't succeed in MAGA, but would be a great leader18:00 A third party scare could sober up the two major parties19:45 The one commonality between the parties is internet radicalization21:30 We need a moderate temperament to lead the country22:45 Our information ecosystem punishes moderation25:00 It could be a tough year for incumbents26:45 The big redistricting fight brewing in California28:00 There are 3 big money entities trying to get CA voters to vote no28:45 California voters are educated and want the redraw to be temporary30:00 Missouri redistricting law could go before voters and be repealed31:30 California Democrats have been very organized33:00 Democrats' messaging problem over redistricting35:00 The Georgia Democratic primary for governor is fascinating37:15 GA governor primary could be bellwether for progressive vs moderate38:00 Big money pouring into NJ and Virginia races39:30 Virginia AG race will show whether law & order politics will be effective41:45 Trump conceding the NYC mayor's race to Mamdani42:45 Jeffries in a tough spot, can't be seen embracing a socialist 45:45 Brian Bengs & Todd Achilles join the Chuck ToddCast 47:15 Why are you running and why as an independent? 48:30 Someone needed to challenge John Thune in SD 49:30 Voters in red states hear "Democrat" and tune out despite agreement 50:45 We have huge levels of debt, division and dysfunction 51:45 70% of Idahoans identify as independent 52:30 Democrats haven't provided a counter message in red states 54:45 Will the MAGA and traditional wings of the Republican party split? 56:30 Trump's tariffs hurting farmers, can they be won over? 58:00 Republican leaders get in trouble for "not being MAGA enough" 59:15 Tariffs and market concentration are squeezing farmers 1:01:15 What does "caucusing on your own" look like? 1:03:15 Deny both parties a majority and independents are swing votes 1:04:00 Is Thune's leadership an impediment to your candidacy? 1:05:00 The status quo dysfunction is a product of both parties 1:06:15 The information ecosystem punishes the middle & incrementalism 1:08:00 Attention is incredibly expensive for candidates 1:09:30 The attentional incentive structures reward extremism 1:11:15 The importance of meeting voters in person 1:12:15 How did we get to the point where political violence isn't shocking? 1:13:15 Democracy is supposed to be a pressure release valve, but it isn't working 1:14:15 Talking to the voter who prioritizes economics over democracy 1:15:30 We need to fix democracy to fix other issues 1:16:30 There's a "race to blame" in wake of Kirk shooting 1:17:45 Corporations are pushing their operation costs onto taxpayers 1:19:15 Guardrails on the private sector have been chipped away at 1:20:45 The Big Beautiful Bill will shutter rural hospitals 1:23:00 How can we make money in politics a salient voting issue? 1:24:45 Lessons that can be learned from Ross Perot's run? 1:27:15 Pragmatic immigration requires border security and path to citizenship 1:29:30 Congress more worried about their own security than deescalation 1:30:30 The importance of building bipartisan relationships 1:32:30 What 2 senators would you most look forward to working with if elected 1:33:45 Favorite Democratic and Republican president? 1:35:30 Eisenhower was the closest to an independent of any modern president 1:36:15 Military service doesn't lend itself to partisanship1:39:00 ToddCast Top 5 states most likely to elect an independent to the senate 1:40:15 #1 & #2 - Vermont & Alaska 1:41:15 #3 Minnesota 1:42:45 #4 Arizona 1:43:30 #5 Florida 1:45:00 Runner ups 1:46:15 Ask Chuck 1:46:30 Is it possible for a candidate to run as a uniter in the current climate? 1:51:30 At congressional hearings, are the subjects provided questions in advance? 1:54:15 The importance of presenting multiple viewpoints in a fractured ecosystem 1:57:45 Instances of a political death being used to attack other side so soon? Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, Chuck sits down with Brian Bengs, who challenged John Thune in South Dakota and is running for senate as an independent, and Todd Achilles, an independent from Idaho, to explore what it really means to run outside the two-party system. They open up about why they chose independence, the challenges of campaigning in red states where the word “Democrat” is a nonstarter, and the dysfunction they see as the product of both parties. From tariffs hurting farmers to the growing cost of attention in politics, the conversation highlights how America's political and economic systems reward division and extremism over pragmatism and compromise.The discussion also tackles the bigger picture: whether the Republican Party could split between MAGA and traditional conservatives, why democracy no longer serves as a pressure release valve, and how corporate power and money in politics further erode trust. Bengs and Achilles share lessons from Ross Perot's run, their views on immigration reform, and the importance of building bipartisan relationships in an age where the middle is punished. For them, independence isn't just about rejecting partisanship—it's about offering voters an alternative path forward in a system that too often feels broken.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 Brian Bengs & Todd Achilles join the Chuck ToddCast01:30 Why are you running and why as an independent?02:45 Someone needed to challenge John Thune in SD03:45 Voters in red states hear “Democrat” and tune out despite agreement05:00 We have huge levels of debt, division and dysfunction06:00 70% of Idahoans identify as independent06:45 Democrats haven't provided a counter message in red states09:00 Will the MAGA and traditional wings of the Republican party split?10:45 Trump's tariffs hurting farmers, can they be won over?12:15 Republican leaders get in trouble for “not being MAGA enough”13:30 Tariffs and market concentration are squeezing farmers15:30 What does “caucusing on your own” look like?17:30 Deny both parties a majority and independents are swing votes18:15 Is Thune's leadership an impediment to your candidacy? 19:15 The status quo dysfunction is a product of both parties20:30 The information ecosystem punishes the middle & incrementalism22:15 Attention is incredibly expensive for candidates23:45 The attentional incentive structures reward extremism 25:30 The importance of meeting voters in person26:30 How did we get to the point where political violence isn't shocking? 27:30 Democracy is supposed to be a pressure release valve, but it isn't working28:30 Talking to the voter who prioritizes economics over democracy29:45 We need to fix democracy to fix other issues30:45 There's a “race to blame” in wake of Kirk shooting32:00 Corporations are pushing their operation costs onto taxpayers33:30 Guardrails on the private sector have been chipped away at35:00 The Big Beautiful Bill will shutter rural hospitals37:15 How can we make money in politics a salient voting issue?39:00 Lessons that can be learned from Ross Perot's run?41:30 Pragmatic immigration requires border security and path to citizenship43:45 Congress more worried about their own security than deescalation44:45 The importance of building bipartisan relationships46:45 What 2 senators would you most look forward to working with if elected48:00 Favorite Democratic and Republican president?49:45 Eisenhower was the closest to an independent of any modern president50:30 Military service doesn't lend itself to partisanship Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The Democrats are annoying, but the entire party including the voters are being painted with a pretty broad brush right now. The DNC and national leadership might make me furious, but the Democratic Party is still the alternative to the Republican Party in this broken two party system. So if you're pro-democracy, pro-rule of law, pro-constitution, and you're watching the country fall apart right now, then we can't pretend it doesn't matter how the Democrats are doing. We have to be supporting the Democrats who are doing good work, and challenging the Democrats who aren't. We need to be pressuring leadership, particularly Congressional leadership, to get it together and realize we're fighting for our lives here. Which is why we're joined today by Heather Williams, President of the DLCC, the part of the Democratic Party responsible for getting Democrats elected to state legislatures, and unlike our federal leadership, she and her team know exactly what they stand for and how to win. As always, if you find worth in what we do, please consider SUBSCRIBING to PoliticsGirl Premium. You'll get this podcast ad free, along with a bunch of other perks, like the rants directly to your inbox and the knowledge that you're making this kind of highly researched, factual information possible. If that interests you, please go to https://www.politicsgirl.com/premium and subscribe today!! Thank you so much!  xoPG As always, please RATE and SUBSCRIBE so we can grow the show, open the dialogue, and inspire change moving forward! All show links here!: https://linktr.ee/politicsgirl   Guest Link:  https://dlcc.org/   This episode is sponsored by… https://mudwtr.com code: politicsgirl https://joindeleteme.com/politicsgirl code: politicsgirl https://honeylove.com/politicsgirl https://quince.com/politicsgirl

“Hacks on Taps” political guru, Mike Murphy, talks about growing up in Detroit, studying ads, becoming a political consultant by being the only one to raise his hand, starting political pacs, being on the outs with the current Republican party, what the Dems should do to win a bigger percentage of the vote, how buying an EV can really help America, being a Republican in Blue Los Angeles, and secret Republicans in Hollywood whispering that they were conservative! Bio: Mike Murphy is one of the Republican Party's most successful political media consultants, having handled strategy and advertising for more than 26 successful gubernatorial and Senatorial campaigns, including 12 wins in “blue” states that have consistently voted Democratic in Presidential elections, running successful gubernatorial campaigns for Mitt Romney, Jeb Bush, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Christie Whitman (NJ), Tommy Thompson (WI), John Engler (MI), Terry Branstad (IA) along with many other GOP Senators and Members of Congress. In 2024 Murphy founded the EV Politics Project, an organization focused on breaking down the growing partisan divide over Electric Vehicles. Murphy has worked on five GOP Presidential campaigns, and in 2000 was a key strategist for Sen John McCain's “Straight Talk Express” campaign. He also advises several Fortune 500 corporations, as well as several Hedge Funds and Trade Associations. In 2020 he served as a key strategist for Republican Voters Against Trump. Murphy is also a widely quoted pundit; he wrote the popular “Murphy's Law” column for TIME and is a longtime senior analyst for NBC News and MSNBC. He also co-hosts the popular podcast “Hacks on Tap” with his longtime friend David Axelrod. He also serves as co-director of the Center for the Political Future at USC and was a longtime senior fellow at Harvard's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Murphy also works as a writer and producer in the entertainment industry with projects at HBO, CBS and 20th Century Fox Studios. In 2021 he wrote and created the CBS network pilot “Ways & Means” starring Patrick Dempsey. Murphy was born in Detroit, Michigan and attended the Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He lives with his wife Tiffany and daughter Audrey in Los Angeles. He is on Twitter/X at @murphymike.

Here at the podcast we do not condone any political violence. The views on the show are strictly satire and personal views without offending anyone's view on life. With that being said, we chat about the recent passing of Charlie Kirk and the influence he had towards the Republican Party. New music talks and Cardis latest roll out for her album. New sneakers dropping. Unreleased music by Papijohnson and more.

For more than two decades, activist, educator, diplomat Jessica Stern has worn a variety of hats in her efforts to advance LGBTQ human rights around the world, always at the forefront — unafraid, unapologetic, speaking truth to power. Currently serving as Senior Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Policy Fellow at the Carr-Ryan Center for Human Rights at the Harvard Kennedy School, Stern talks about her pioneering work at the United Nations, her tenure as the top queer diplomat in the U.S. State Department and her advice for standing up for human rights in a hostile world (interviewed by David Hunt). And in NewsWrap: the lower house of the Dutch parliament votes to criminalize so-called “conversion therapy,” Hong Kong legislators overwhelmingly vote down a bill to grant same-gender couples limited legal rights, an hour-long LGBTQ+ Pride motorcade cruises through the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv in the very midst of the Russian invasion, the U.S. Supreme Court temporarily allows transgender students in South Carolina can use campus bathrooms that align with their gender identity, Oregon state lawmaker Cyrus Javadi has had enough of the Republican Party, and more international LGBTQ+ news reported this week by Joe Boehnlein and Melanie Keller (produced by Brian DeShazor). All this on the September 15, 2025 edition of This Way Out! Join our family of listener-donors today at http://thiswayout.org/donate/

Ann Coulter- Charlie Kirk's Assassination is the Latest Chapter in a Long Legacy of Leftwing Violence in America.     Charlie Kirk's assassin has been arrested. A father has had to turn in his radicalized son. It's the latest chapter in a long legacy of leftwing political violence in America.   View Post Unsafe with Ann Coulter Kirk Killer Caught and the Legacy of Leftist Violence September 12, 2025 Hosted by Ann Coulter Ann Coulter's Ricochet channel-  https://ricochet.com/series/unsafe-with-ann-coulter/ To listen to Ann Coulter on Podcast Addict visit- https://podcastaddict.com/podcast/unsafe-with-ann-coulter/5612702 UNSAFE with Ann Coulter   UNSAFE with Ann CoulterTop of Form   Ann Coulter, author of 13 New York Times bestsellers, chats about politics, religion, war, crime, history, sex, race, soccer (even real sports!) — all the things we're told it's impolite to raise in polite company. Coulter's UNSAFE podcast is the Rapid Response Team to the Democratic Party and its subsidiaries, the New York Times, the Washington Post, MSNBC, CNN, et al — as well as 90 percent of the Republican Party. Listen here first – and be 3 days ahead of all the cable news channel hosts, who will undoubtedly be listening too. Subscribe to Ann's Substack: anncoulter.substack.com. Listen to UNSAFE with Ann Coulter, along with more than 40 other original podcasts, at Ricochet.com. No paid subscription required.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

September 14, 2025; 7am: On Saturday night, the President took credit for Memphis' reported drop in crime while reiterating the National Guard will be deployed to the city. The Governor of Tennessee supports this decision, but Memphis Mayor Paul Young and some local politicians argue it won't be a long-term fix. Additionally, new reporting outlines the Pentagon's plan to send a thousand troops on a policing mission in Louisiana's “urban centers.” Former Congressman and Commanding General for the Illinois National Guard, Major General William Enyart, and Former Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security at the U.S. Department of Justice, Mary McCord, join “The Weekend” to discuss.For more, follow us on social media:Bluesky: @theweekendmsnbc.bsky.socialInstagram: @theweekendmsnbcTikTok: @theweekendmsnbcTo listen to this show and other MSNBC podcasts without ads, sign up for MSNBC Premium on Apple Podcasts.

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reports on the total frustration of the Republican Party as they can't hide Donald Trump's dark past no matter what they try to do and Meiselas interviews Democratic Congressman Eric Swalwell about Trump's cover ups and how Swalwell is leading efforts to ensure Trump is held accountable. Visit https://meidasplus.com for more! Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcast Legal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-af MissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trial The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcast The Influence Continuum: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassan Mea Culpa with Michael Cohen: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/mea-culpa-with-michael-cohen The Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-show Burn the Boats: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/burn-the-boats Majority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54 Political Beatdown: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/political-beatdown On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellman Uncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Coalition of the Sane: https://meidasnews.com/tag/coalition-of-the-sane Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

“Personnel is policy” is an old truism in the conservative movement. After President Donald Trump won the 2024 election, one of the big question marks as he headed into his second term was whether or not those tasked with setting up his administration had fully appreciated that time-tested wisdom. In his first term, Trump saw his agenda undermined by deep state and Republican Party apparatchiks alike. That problem most clearly manifested at the top of the administration, with figures such as former National Security Advisor John Bolton, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley playing outsized roles. But the American Right's personnel problem runs far deeper than the Cabinet. At every level, Trump was facing a shortage of staffers who believed in the president's vision and were willing to enact it.  Nick Solheim co-founded American Moment with Saurabh Sharma and Jake Mercier in 2021 to solve this problem beyond just a second Trump term. Solheim, now the organization's CEO, joined “The Signal Sitdown” to take viewers inside the conservative movement's changing personnel pipeline. Keep Up With The Daily Signal   Sign up for our email newsletters:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://www.dailysignal.com/email⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠     Subscribe to our other shows:    The Tony Kinnett Cast: ⁠https://megaphone.link/THEDAILYSIGNAL2284199939⁠ The Signal Sitdown: ⁠https://megaphone.link/THEDAILYSIGNAL2026390376⁠   Problematic Women:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠https://megaphone.link/THEDAILYSIGNAL7765680741⁠   Victor Davis Hanson: ⁠https://megaphone.link/THEDAILYSIGNAL9809784327⁠     Follow The Daily Signal:    X:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠https://x.com/intent/user?screen_name=DailySignal⁠ Instagram:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://www.instagram.com/thedailysignal/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠  Facebook:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://www.facebook.com/TheDailySignalNews/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠  Truth Social:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://truthsocial.com/@DailySignal⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠  YouTube:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠https://www.youtube.com/dailysignal?sub_confirmation=1⁠    Subscribe on your favorite podcast platform and never miss an episode. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The left-wing surge of the U.S. working class during the Great Depression of the 1930s compelled the Democratic Party to prioritize serving the working class more than it had before or would again. It was called the New Deal. In response, the US employer class, angry that taxes on corporations and the rich were used to fund government programs for the people, turned to the Republican Party after World War II ended in 1945 and directed it to roll back the New Deal, reducing or eliminating all it had accomplished. Because the New Deal made the great mistake of leaving profits in the hands of employers, the employers used those profits to provide Republicans with the means to defeat the Democrats and roll back the New Deal. In response, the Democrats sought funding, finding it in the hands of many donors who had supported the Republicans. For many years, the U.S. was led by one party or the other: the GOP rolled back the New Deal faster, while the Democrats did so more slowly—one ruling class, two parties to serve it. The 2008 Great Recession ended the cozy system, as both parties had to protect the privileges of the corporations and the rich, even as the US empire and economy declined. As the mass of people suffered and neither the GOP nor the Democrats stopped it, people became desperate and elected Trump out of rage and hysteria. He did not and will not solve the fundamental problems any more than his predecessors did. For that, a genuinely new and different political party is needed — one that puts the American Working People First, the American majority. The program concludes with suggestions on how such a new party could truly transform the country and address its most pressing problems.   The d@w Team Economic Update with Richard D. Wolff is a DemocracyatWork.info Inc. production. We make it a point to provide the show free of ads and rely on viewer support to continue doing so.  You can support our work by joining our Patreon community:  https://www.patreon.com/democracyatwork Or you can go to our website: https://www.democracyatwork.info/donate     Every donation counts and helps us provide a larger audience with the information they need to better understand the events around the world they can't get anywhere else.  We want to thank our devoted community of supporters who help make this show and others we produce possible each week. We kindly ask you to also support the work we do by encouraging others to subscribe to our YouTube channel and website: www.democracyatwork.info

Alex returns! But that's not all - Mike Podhorzer joins Joe and Alex to discuss the fight we're in - and the fights a lot of people might not know about. Why is Trump going after labor so strongly? Also - why Mike thinks the old red vs. blue framing is outdated - and why the Republican Party is now an agent of the "Neo-Confederacy," as Mike calls it. And we're so far past defending the broken status quo - how do Mike and Joe think it's time to ignore the traditional paved roads and find new maps? Read Mike's latest post that has Joe and Alex thinking: http://weekendreading.net/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Charlie Kirk, the conservative organizer, activist and media mogul, died on Wednesday after being shot during an appearance at Utah Valley University.Mr. Kirk brought millions of young Americans in to the Republican Party, and to the ballot box for Donald Trump.Robert Draper, who profiled Charlie Kirk for The New York Times Magazine, discusses Mr. Kirk's improbable rise to power, his stunning assassination, and his controversial legacy.Guest: Robert Draper, a Washington, D.C.-based journalist for The New York Times.Background reading: Read the profile of Charlie Kirk from February.Read updates about the shooting.For more information on today's episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily. Transcripts of each episode will be made available by the next workday. Photo: Nic Antaya for The New York Times Unlock full access to New York Times podcasts and explore everything from politics to pop culture. Subscribe today at nytimes.com/podcasts or on Apple Podcasts and Spotify.