Podcasts about Han River

Last time we spoke about the One Hundred Regiment Offensive. During Phase Three of the One Hundred Regiment Offensive, CCP forces in the Taihang/Jizhong area emphasized strongpoint attacks and transportation warfare. Rather than trying to defeat Japanese units head-on, they used tactics such as night raids and ambushes to disrupt Japanese supply routes and communications. The underlying goal was to make Japanese logistics unstable, weakening their ability to maintain control and conduct effective operations. After CCP successes, the Japanese responded with large-scale "mopping-up" operations beginning October 6. As the Eighth Route Army continued resisting, it adopted flexible methods to counter the Japanese sweeps, especially rapid repositioning and targeted ambushes. One notable action described involves an ambush of a Japanese convoy that caused substantial enemy losses, demonstrating how disrupting enemy mobility could blunt the effectiveness of larger Japanese operations. Overall, the situation remained fluid, with both sides continually adapting their tactics in an ongoing contest for control across occupied North China.   #205 The Hubei-Henan Campaign of 1940-1941 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By 1940, the war had settled into a grueling stalemate, with Japanese troops occupying vast swathes of central China, including parts of Hubei, but facing persistent Chinese guerrilla and conventional resistance that prevented total consolidation. In the aftermath of the Battle of Zaoyang in the summer of 1940, Japanese forces had secured the key cities of Yichang and Shashi along the middle reaches of the Yangtze River. Yet Chinese Nationalist troops of the Fifth War Area retained firm control over the vital territories east and west of the Xiang River. Their defensive lines formed a broad arc stretching from the southwest of Yuan'an through Jingmen, north of Zhongxiang, and the rugged foothills of the Dahong Mountains, extending northwest to Suixian. These positions straddled both banks of the Xiang River, anchored on the right by the Wudang Mountains and on the left by the Tongbai range. Working in close coordination with guerrilla detachments operating in the southeast, Chinese units repeatedly harassed the Japanese garrisons that had pushed into Yichang. The constant pressure on the enemy's flanks left the Japanese forces in Yichang and Shashi dangerously exposed and hemmed in, unable to expand or consolidate their gains. To the Japanese high command, this situation had become an intolerable thorn that demanded immediate removal.   Under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese Nationalist government faced severe strains as the war with Japan escalated. Its problems were not only military, but also political and economic. Deep ideological and territorial rivalries with the CCP meant that efforts to present a single front were constantly undermined. Although the two sides officially formed a United Front in 1937, earlier violence and competition, such as the 1927 Shanghai Massacre and the CCP's Long March of 1934 – 1935 had left distrust and strategic differences in place. As a result, Nationalist resistance was harder to coordinate than it would have been under full unity. Meanwhile, the CCP strengthened its position in northern China by expanding rural strongholds. Through land reforms and the use of guerrilla warfare, the communists were able to win local support and apply pressure to Japanese forces in ways that often did not require large, conventional armies. This strategy also drew influence and manpower away from the Nationalists' more traditional, state-centered military structure.   Economically, the Nationalists were squeezed from multiple directions. The loss of China's coastal industrial regions to Japanese occupation forced the government to rely heavily on the interior, with Chongqing becoming a key base. That geographic shift left the administration more vulnerable to shortages of critical supplies, especially raw materials, fuel, and modern weapons. On top of wartime disruption, the global Great Depression intensified fiscal and logistical difficulties, limiting how quickly and effectively the Nationalists could mobilize resources for large-scale operations. By late November 1940, these weaknesses intersected with renewed Japanese pressure. Japanese commanders were also concerned about the possibility of a major Nationalist push, particularly fears of a counteroffensive by the Thirty-first Army Group under General Tang Enbo.    Determined to break the stalemate, the Japanese launched a major offensive in late November 1940. Preparations had begun in earnest early that month. Engineers repaired and expanded highways and bridges, constructed new defensive works and airfields, and stockpiled vast quantities of rations, ammunition, steel-hulled boats, and rubber rafts in the Zhongxiang area. Five regiments were concentrated near Zhongxiang, while additional troops east and west of the Xiang River brought the total strength to more than three divisions. Along the Suixian–Xiangyang Highway, Japanese forces were reinforced to divisional strength, supported by increased artillery and tank detachments. These meticulous measures left no doubt that the enemy was ready for a large-scale operation.   By 23 November the Japanese had completed their deployments and moved into assault positions. The Japanese forces assigned to the Central Hubei Operation were placed under the overall command of Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe, who directed the campaign from his headquarters in Wuhan. Sonobe's 11th Army drew on a broad mix of formations, combining units from the 3rd, 4th, 15th, 17th, 39th, and 40th Divisions. The offensive backbone for the thrust into central Hubei province was reinforced by the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, which helped supply the infantry strength needed for sustained fighting across difficult ground. In practice, this multi-division structure reflected the 11th Army's key mission in the region, acting as the main Japanese formation after the earlier Battle of Zaoyang and it emphasized coordinated divisional advances supported by attached brigades and specialized elements, including limited armored capabilities.   In terms of manpower, the Japanese force is commonly estimated at roughly 40,000 to 50,000 troops. This strength included several infantry regiments and artillery batteries, along with only limited armored elements rather than a fully armored formation. Because the operation depended on finding and exploiting opportunities quickly, it was supported by aerial reconnaissance and bombing carried out by the 3rd Air Brigade operating in central China. Infantry units formed the majority of the fighting power, while artillery was used to provide suppressive fire during advances. Air support, meanwhile, was intended to help identify and target Chinese positions—particularly along important riverine and rail corridors, where disruptions could slow resistance and complicate Chinese reinforcement or retreat.   To manage the operation across varied terrain and combat tasks, Sonobe's command used smaller combined formation often described as task forces, that could operate with some flexibility. Among them were the Kayashima Force, commanded by Major General Koichi Kayashima of the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, consisting of the entire brigade reinforced by elements of the 40th Division. The Muragami Force, under Lieutenant General Keisaku Muragami, commander of the 39th Division, which included the full division plus supporting non-infantry units. The Hirabayashi Force, led by Lieutenant General Morito Hirabayashi of the 17th Division, formed from detachments of the 17th and 15th Divisions.The Kitana Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Kenzo Kitana of the 4th Division, incorporating portions of the 4th Division and the Kususe Armored Force. These four groups were deployed in parallel around Tangyang, Jingmen, Zhongxiang, and north of Jingshan. The Hanjima Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division, positioned near Suixian along the Xiangyang–Hua Highway. This task-force approach helped tailor combat power to specific mission profiles—such as flanking movements, raids, or pressure on Chinese defensive lines—while keeping the overall campaign plan under a unified command.   Equipment choices also reflected the tactical environment of Hubei. The Japanese units made use of Type 95 Ha-Go light tanks for reconnaissance and for anti-infantry roles, typically best suited to the reconnaissance, pursuit, and screening functions that were available even with constrained armor numbers. For fire support, the force relied on conventional artillery, including 75mm Type 90 guns for field engagements and 105mm howitzers for heavier bombardment where stronger explosive impact was needed. Together, these assets were intended to allow Japanese formations to maneuver around Chinese positions and apply pressure in rugged landscapes where rivers, roads, and rail lines often determined the rhythm of battle.   Logistics were a decisive factor in whether the operation could sustain momentum. Sonobe's army depended heavily on existing transportation infrastructure, particularly rail lines radiating from the Wuhan hub toward forward areas such as Suizhou and Zaoyang. These routes were critical for moving ammunition, replacements, and other supplies closer to the front as the Japanese advanced. The campaign also used river transport along the Yangtze River, including motorized barges and steamers, to deliver supplies to units operating near waterways. However, reliance on these corridors came with risks: Chinese interdiction raids could disrupt shipments, forcing convoys to be escorted and increasing the time and resources required to keep the forward units supplied. Overall, this dependence on both rail and fluvial networks highlighted a central operational challenge, maintaining secure access to transportation arteries in contested territory so that the Japanese could keep fighting effectively rather than stalling as supplies dwindled.   The Central Hubei Operation was driven by an intelligence assessment that Chinese troop movements were signaling preparations for a Nationalist counteroffensive. Acting on that interpretation, the Japanese began tightening plans and positioning forces early in the final days of November 1940. On 23 November 1940, the Japanese 11th Army under Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe began organizing for the offensive in central Hubei. In order to conduct a coordinated advance across the Han River, the army arranged its forces into five groups, each tasked with moving in a way that supported the broader pincer-style pressure on Chinese positions. The approach also reflected lessons drawn from the earlier Zaoyang–Yichang campaign earlier in 1940, when Japanese divisions had been able to cross the Han River at multiple points, such as Dangyang, Jiukouzhen, and Shayangzhen—to help secure access toward Yichang and the Yangtze route. Logistics were built around infrastructure the Japanese had already established during prior operations. The Hankou hub supported the 11th Army through arrangements that included munitions storage, medical facilities, and transport coordination. Supplies and reinforcements were moved using truck convoys and river crossings, while forward depots—such as those at Shayangzhen northwest of Hankou—provided additional capacity, including freight handling and field hospitals. Because the area was not secure, these supply points were also guarded against threats from guerrilla activity, which could disrupt communications and threaten personnel and equipment.   Operationally, the offensive used limited artillery and air support, reflecting Japanese constraints and directives aimed at keeping the campaign short and avoiding commitments that could stretch units beyond their logistical reach. Instead of trying to grind down Chinese defenses through prolonged bombardment, the plan prioritized speed, reconnaissance, and focused disruption. Japanese intelligence preparation relied heavily on aerial reconnaissance over the Han River valley to locate Chinese positions and infer where resistance would likely concentrate. That information enabled Japanese units to coordinate select maneuvers, including converging pressure from different directions. Where river transport mattered, coordination with naval or riverine elements supported movement and resupply, with overall oversight connected to the China Expeditionary Army.   Anticipating the coming assault, the Chinese Fifth War Area headquarters acted swiftly on instructions from the National Military Council. Orders were issued to the River West Army Group (30th and 77th Corps), the Right Army Group (44th and 67th Corps), and the Central Army Group (41st and 45th Corps) to employ a flexible defensive strategy: hold key positions firmly while committing the main strength to strike the enemy's outer flanks at the decisive moment. The 59th Corps was directed to advance toward the Xiangfan area, ready to reinforce operations on either bank of the river as the situation developed.   As commander of the Fifth War Area, Li Zongren arranged the defense to meet a likely Japanese thrust along the Han River, particularly in the approaches to Wuhan and Yichang, following the wider stalemate that settled in after the 1938 fall of Wuhan. The Fifth War Area could draw on roughly 300,000 troops, though many units were understrength, and the overall readiness varied by locality. Among the formations Li Zongren placed in the most sensitive sectors was the 31st Army Group under General Tang Enbo, which Japanese planners had identified as a potential threat to Japanese intentions in the region. In keeping with the terrain and the limits on manpower, Li's defensive design relied heavily on natural barriers—most importantly the Han River itself—and on the defensibility of rugged ground. Forces were arrayed to hold or contest riverbank positions, supported by fortifications, trenches, and smaller auxiliary elements. Divisions such as the 44th were positioned with an eye toward slowing an enemy crossing and forcing the Japanese to fight for difficult approaches rather than moving rapidly. At the same time, irregular forces and prepared defensive works were used to complicate Japanese reconnaissance and to make it harder for the attacker to coordinate a clean operational flow. Strategically, Li Zongren leaned on elastic defense rather than attempting to win decisive battles at fixed lines. Regular units were supported by guerrilla-style harassment intended to strike Japanese vulnerabilities, especially supply and transportation, between forward bases and the front. Local operations, including actions coming from areas such as Xinyang, were designed to disrupt Japanese logistics in periods when the Nationalists were still managing shortages of ammunition and medical supplies. Militias in the inter-mountainous regions further reinforced this approach: instead of seeking costly frontal engagements, they concentrated on disruption, delaying movements, and making Japanese operations slower and more expensive.   At dawn on 25 November the Japanese offensive began, with columns advancing along multiple axes. On the western Xiangyang front, more than 1,000 troops from Tangyang and over 3,000 from Jingmen struck Hengdian and Yanzhimiao, shattering the positions of the Chinese 30th Corps. Simultaneously, a column moving from Zhujiafu toward Tunglinling split into several detachments and drove deep northward into Liangshuijing, Xiajiazi, and Kuaihuopu. By nightfall the River West Army Group had regrouped along the line from Hengdian through Yanzhimiao to Kuaihuopu. On 26 November the Japanese reached Xianzhu. The following day they assaulted Liuhouji and Lijiatang in a day-long battle that ended in stalemate. At dusk the 30th Corps launched a powerful counterattack; the 27th and 31st Divisions dispatched raiding parties into the enemy's rear. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese fell back toward Jingmen and Zhongxiang, pursued by Chinese forces that inflicted heavy losses.   Along the Jingmen–Zhongxiang Highway the Japanese massed more than 3,000 troops to attack Changshoutian and Wangjiatian, encircling Changjiachi and Shahetian. The Chinese 149th Division withdrew in good order to the stronger Wangjiahe–Wulongguan line. On 26 November enemy strength grew to 4,000–5,000. One column advanced on Sanligang while the main body assaulted Peizhai, Wangjiahe, and Yunanmen. Fighting continued until dark without decisive result. On 27 November the main force of the 44th Corps counterattacked from Wangjiahe, converging with the 67th Corps advancing from the northwest. The coordinated assault inflicted severe casualties, yet the Japanese continued to fight stubbornly. On the Suixian front, more than 2,000 Japanese troops reached Liangshuikou on the morning of 25 November and launched a violent attack against the 123rd Division at Lishan. Two additional columns, each exceeding 1,000 men, pushed westward toward Hoyuantian and Qingmingpu; their numbers swelled steadily as darkness fell. On 26 November fierce combat raged against the 124th and 127th Divisions at Jinjishan and Qingmingpu. A separate force of 700–800 men advanced from Xihe via Langhetian to Tangjiafan. After clashing with the 41st Corps, the Japanese near Qingmingpu linked up with those at Jinjishan and moved toward Hoyuantian on 27 November. That night the detachment at Tangjiafan reached the vicinity of Huantan Zhen, confronting the 125th Division. Recognizing that the enemy had become dangerously dispersed, the War Area Command ordered its units to hold critical localities while the main forces exploited the mountainous terrain for ambushes. The tactic proved effective. Heavy fighting continued until 28 November, when the Japanese, unable to achieve their objectives, began a general withdrawal. Chinese forces west of Xiangyang immediately took up the pursuit. The enemy opposing the Right Army Group was routed and retreated along several routes. In the Suixian sector, Japanese units at Hoyuantian and Huantan Zhen were caught in converging attacks by the Central Army Group, driven back to high ground, and encircled. In a desperate attempt to relieve the trapped forces, the Japanese rushed 1,500–1,600 infantry and cavalry troops from Suixian and Yingshan through Shangshitian and Shatian in a flanking maneuver—only to be ambushed once more. Covered by aircraft and armor, the enemy withdrew toward Suixian and Xihe as Chinese troops pressed forward along the line from Chunchuan to Anchu, Lishan, and Gaocheng. By 30 November all Chinese Army Groups had restored their original positions.   The Central Hubei Operation produced uneven battlefield outcomes, particularly in reported casualties. Japanese accounts describe relatively limited losses, just 132 killed and 445 wounded attributed to advantages in air superiority, artillery, and armored support, even though the advance was complicated by difficult terrain. At the same time, Japanese forces faced persistent Chinese counterattacks along the Han River, which contributed to localized pressure and eventual withdrawal. The Japanese reported 6,439 Chinese killed  and 474 captured, but the evidence base is uncertain and the language of reporting suggests possible exaggeration or propaganda. Conversely, Chinese-era estimates reportedly placed Japanese losses at roughly 5,000 killed and 7,000–8,000 wounded, illustrating a substantial gap between competing narratives. Some alternate reconstructions suggest total Chinese casualties in the range of 20,000–30,000, depending on whether wounded and missing personnel are included. However, because wartime reporting was fragmented and inconsistent, there is no fully verifiable casualty ledger for all units involved.   Despite these tolls, the operation did not appear to achieve a decisive Chinese destruction of Japan's intended target force. The Chinese Fifth War Area, including elements associated with the 31st Army Group under Tang Enbo, suffered attrition but generally avoided annihilation. No major command-level losses are indicated in the surviving accounts, and unit formations were not described as collapsing permanently. On the material side, Japan reportedly seized rifles and supplies from positions that Chinese forces had encircled or abandoned in the short term, but overall equipment losses for either side were described as limited, consistent with the operation's restricted intensity.    Strategically, the operation offered Japan short-term tactical advantages—notably through localized envelopments and the temporary pressure of combined-arms support—but it failed to translate these gains into a sustained strategic result. The fighting also strained Japanese logistics in central China, especially given that the offensive was not followed by major reinforcements. At the same time, it exposed continuing vulnerabilities in rugged terrain where Chinese guerrilla activity and organized counteraction could offset superior firepower.   Ultimately, the Central Hubei Operation produced no net territorial gains. By the end of the week, Japanese troops had returned to positions that did not fundamentally alter control in central Hubei. Local clashes may have disturbed formations and disrupted movement temporarily, but the campaign did not create durable forward bases, did not change administrative control meaningfully, and did not permanently disrupt key supply corridors. The territorial status quo largely persisted: Chinese Fifth War Area forces maintained positions north of the Yangtze River, and there was no widespread abandonment of strongholds sufficient to indicate a strategic collapse.   In the months following the Japanese repulse in central Hubei in November 1940, enemy forces remained largely immobilized across the Jing-Xiang plains, their earlier ambitions checked by determined Chinese resistance. Seeking to regain momentum and draw Chinese strength away from other theaters, the Japanese high command prepared a massive offensive into southern Henan in late January 1941. By the end of the month they had concentrated an imposing array of seven infantry divisions, one independent cavalry brigade, three independent armored regiments, and one independent artillery regiment. In all, more than 150,000 infantrymen, over 8,000 cavalry, 550 artillery pieces, 300 tanks, and 200 armored cars stood ready. Over a hundred aircraft were massed at forward bases in Anyang, Xinxiang, Huaiyang, and Xinyang. From early January onward, ammunition and equipment had been laboriously shipped up the Yangtze and moved inland to Xinyang, while Japanese reconnaissance planes repeatedly overflew Chinese rear areas. Additional troops were concentrated in southern Henan itself.   On 20 January, as a preliminary move to pin down Chinese forces and facilitate the main effort in central Henan, the Japanese 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, together with elements of the 39th and 4th Divisions, launched a limited attack against the Chinese 29th and 33rd Army Groups. The principal assault, however, began on 24 January under the overall command of Lieutenant General Katsuichiro Enbu. The Japanese organized their southern Henan forces into three powerful columns: The Left Flank Force, built around the entire 3rd Division reinforced by the 8th Regiment of the 4th Division and the Mizuno Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division. The Central Force, centered on the 17th Division (less one regiment) and strengthened by the 67th Regiment of the 15th Division and the Yoshimatsu Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Amaya of the 40th Division. The Right Flank Force, formed around the main body of the 40th Division, also under Lieutenant General Amaya.   In support of this main thrust, Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan—principally the 4th Cavalry Brigade with the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment—advanced westward from Haozhou toward Woyang. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division pushed west from Suzhou, while the Uguchi and Kobayashi Regiments of the 35th Division, accompanied by engineer, cavalry, artillery, and tank units, moved from Kaifeng, Tongxu, and Zhuxian Zhen along the north bank of the Yellow River and through the flooded areas toward Zhengzhou. These supporting columns were intended to tie down Chinese reserves and prevent reinforcement of the southern front.   The National Military Council in Chongqing correctly assessed the enemy's intention: to drive north along the Beiping-Hankou Railway with their main strength, force a decisive battle against the Chinese field armies, and rely on the northern Anhui–eastern Henan forces to strike westward in coordination. Accordingly, the Council instructed the Fifth War Area to avoid a costly frontal engagement. Instead, a small portion of its troops would offer delaying resistance along the railway, while the main force would maneuver to the enemy's flanks and rear, severing communications and launching devastating counterattacks. In compliance, the Fifth War Area left only a single division near Xiping on the Beiping-Hankou line. The bulk of its strength—carefully concealed in depth on both sides of the enemy's expected axis of advance—remained highly mobile, ready to strike the Japanese flanks or rear the moment the enemy divided his forces or pushed toward Runan, Yancheng, or Wuyang. This elastic strategy proved decisive.   At dawn on 25 January the Japanese southern Henan forces advanced in three columns. The Left Flank Force moved along the line from Xiaolindian to Gucheng and Chashan. The Central Force struck northward from the Minggang area. The Right Flank Force crossed the Huai River between Huaijiao Zhen and Chengyang under heavy air support. Japanese planes bombed Chinese positions relentlessly. True to plan, Chinese units employed only light screening forces to harass the enemy with ambushes and flank attacks, preserving their main strength for the decisive moment.   By 26 January the Japanese had reached the line from Piyang to Gaoyi, Xingtian, and Queshan. On the 27th they pressed on to Chunshui, Shahetian, and Zhumadian. At this point Chinese mobile forces sprang into action. The 13th Corps of the 31st Army Group swung northward toward Xiangheguan, while the main body of the 85th Corps moved toward Shangcai to begin an enveloping maneuver. The 68th Corps of the 11th Army Group struck the enemy rear south of Xiangheguan; the 55th Corps advanced from Tanghe to Piyang; and the 59th Corps of the 33rd Army Group pushed toward Nanyang. On 29 January the 13th Corps attacked the Japanese Left Flank Force near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian south of Wuyang, while the 85th Corps struck the Right Flank Force around Runan, southeast of Shangcai. The enemy's Central Force, advancing along and west of the railway, found the Chinese positions already evacuated and failed to trap any major units. The Japanese columns on the extreme flanks suffered over 3,000 casualties and lost six tanks in the fighting around Jieguanting.   By 31 January the enemy, desperate to rescue his exposed flank columns, reordered his forces. The Central Force executed turning movements on both sides: elements of the 15th Division swung right from Suiping through Shangcai to converge with troops moving north from Runan against the 85th Corps, while the main body of the 17th Division split into two columns and advanced from Suiping through Xiping toward Wuyang. Simultaneously, the main force of the 3rd Division and part of the 4th Division also converged on Wuyang, hoping to link with the 17th Division and crush the 13th Corps near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian. Before the trap could close, however, the Chinese 13th and 85th Corps withdrew in good order to the area north of Ye Xian, between Yancheng and Shangshui, and north of the Sha River. When the Japanese broke through at Wuyang and Shangcai they found no major Chinese forces to destroy.   Meanwhile, Chinese troops from western Henan, the 59th, 55th, and 68th Corps, advanced from Tanghe, Piyang, and points north to strike the enemy rear at Wuyang. On 29 January the 84th Corps and local guerrillas in western Anhui recaptured Chengyang and continued the pursuit. The Japanese, having failed to concentrate superior strength or control the battlefield, now found themselves isolated. Their rear communications were severed, and they were under constant pressure from the 68th, 55th, and 59th Corps. After days of exhausting combat the enemy began to withdraw southward on the night of 2 February. Leaving only rear guards at Wuyang and Baoanzhai to tie down the 13th Corps, the main body of the 3rd Division moved from Fangcheng toward Nanyang and Zhenping. The 13th Corps immediately counterattacked, recaptured Baoanzhai and Wuyang, and pursued the enemy toward Fangcheng.   On the night of 2 February, as the Japanese main force approached Nanyang, the 17th Division together with elements of the 15th and 4th Divisions had already pushed south from Wuyang via Xiangheguan toward Piyang, hoping to link with forces moving east from Nanyang and trap the Chinese 68th, 55th, and 29th Corps. Fierce resistance by the 68th Corps near Xiangheguan inflicted heavy losses and forced the enemy to abandon large quantities of supplies. Further south, the 29th Corps exacted still greater casualties around Piyang. On the night of 7 February the trapped Japanese column split: part retreated along the Tanghe–Piyang highway, while the main body withdrew along the Tongbo–Xinyang highway toward Xinyang, leaving many dead behind. The Chinese 85th Corps pursued southeastward, while elements of the 13th, 29th, 55th, and 59th Corps harried the enemy toward Xinyang. By the time the fighting ended, all Chinese units had regained their original positions.   In coordination with the southern Henan offensive, the Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan advanced westward in four columns on the morning of 25 January. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division struck west from Suzhou. The 4th Cavalry Brigade, reinforced by the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment, split into three routes from Bozhou to attack Woyang, Shanheji, and Shuangqiao, clashing bitterly with a Chinese cavalry division near Shizihe and Niqiuji. The Uguchi Regiment of the 35th Division advanced through the flooded areas from Tongxu and Zhuxian Zhen, while the Kobayashi Regiment moved westward along the north bank of the Yellow River near Zhengzhou. Japanese aircraft intensified their bombing of Chinese cities and front-line positions, including Zhoujiakou, Zhengzhou, Yancheng, Ye Xian, Xiangcheng, Wuyang, and Luoyang. On 29 January one enemy column reached Santaiji and suffered heavy losses under Chinese attack. Threatened on the left by forces near Huaiyang, two Chinese corps withdrew temporarily to the line from Fuyang to Taihe and Jieshou. On 5 February the Japanese captured Taihe and Jieshou, but a Chinese counterattack on the morning of 6 February regained both towns, forcing the enemy to retreat northeastward.   The Battle of Southern Henan, which opened on 25 January and concluded on 10 February after seventeen days of continuous fighting, ended in a clear Chinese victory. Japanese casualties exceeded 9,000; when the enemy withdrew from Nanyang more than 300 military vehicles were left burning on the battlefield. Large quantities of arms, ammunition, and supplies fell into Chinese hands. Chinese losses were significantly lighter. The enemy had hoped to force a decisive battle along the railway and shatter the Chinese armies of the Fifth War Area. Instead, skillful Chinese maneuver, timely flank attacks, and relentless pressure on the enemy's rear and communications had turned the Japanese offensive into a costly failure. The victory not only preserved the integrity of the central Chinese front but also demonstrated once again the effectiveness of elastic defense and mobile counteroffensive tactics against a numerically superior but overextended foe.   In the wake of their costly repulse in central Hubei the previous November and the even more humiliating defeat in Southern Henan between late January and early February 1941, the Japanese sought once more to regain the initiative in the spring of 1941. Their target was western Hubei, where Chinese forces continued to deny them freedom of movement along the middle Yangtze. The entire Japanese 13th Division garrisoned the Yichang salient. Its regiments were deployed in a defensive arc: the 65th Regiment and the 19th Artillery Regiment held positions east of the city at Longchuanpu, Tumenya, and Yaqueling; the 104th Regiment guarded the northwest approaches; and the 17th Cavalry Regiment patrolled the Yangchalu–Baishanao sector. On the west bank of the Yangtze, the 58th Regiment had constructed strong bridgehead fortifications between Chaojialing and Shangwulongkou, ready to support any renewed thrust westward.   Facing this entrenched enemy was the Chinese 26th Corps, entrusted with the critical mission of river defense on the west bank of the Yangtze opposite Yichang. The corps commander had organized his forces into three sectors. The 41st Division held the right zone, anchoring its line from Mujiatian and Tanjiataizi northward to the vicinity of Fanjiah u. The 32nd Division defended the left zone, stretching from Mujiatian through Ceyang to Xiangzikou. The 44th Division remained in corps reserve near Caojiafan, poised to reinforce either flank or exploit opportunities for counterattack.   On 6 March 1941 the Japanese struck. Having quietly reinforced their forces west of Yichang to more than three regiments, supported by cavalry and artillery, they opened the assault at 5:30 a.m. with a violent artillery barrage, followed immediately by infantry advances under cover of air strikes. Chinese security positions at Tanjiataizi and Chaojiadian were overrun. The enemy then hurled itself against the main line at Changgangling. Simultaneously, 600 to 700 Japanese troops, backed by planes and guns, assaulted Fanjiah u. After hours of bitter fighting both localities fell. On the morning of 7 March, Japanese aircraft again spearheaded the attack, enabling the capture of positions at Qianjiatai and Wujiaba. The enemy pressed on toward Qianjiachong and Yutaishan but was thrown back. Meanwhile, the force that had taken Fanjiah u clashed fiercely with the Chinese 44th Division around Taipingqiao; although the division was eventually compelled to withdraw to the eastern end of the bridge under relentless air attack, it continued to resist stubbornly. When the enemy seized Hut zeye from the direction of Fanjiah u, the 32nd Division fell back in good order to the line from Tunziqiao to Tuyanzhong, where it beat off further assaults. By this stage the Japanese had driven themselves into a dangerously narrow salient, exposed on both flanks.   Seizing the moment, the River Defense Force reorganized its lines. The 103rd Division of the 8th Corps relieved the sector from Mujiatang through Yingzishan to Chaotianguan, while the 26th Corps consolidated new positions at Yutaishan, Pijiashan, Qingshuiba, Guangongling, and Xiaopingshanba. The plan was clear: hold the enemy east of this line, then launch a converging counterstroke to destroy the invaders and restore the original front. On 8 March two guerrilla columns from the 41st Division struck at Changgangling and Fanjiayuan, while another detachment hit the enemy east of Pifengjian. More than 2,000 Japanese troops assaulted the 44th Division's positions from Gaolingpo and Dajiaobian toward Wanghuzizhong; determined resistance by the 44th Division, supported by elements of the 41st, brought the attack to a standstill. Later that day the enemy managed to penetrate the 32nd Division's line at Tianwangshi, forcing Chinese troops to fight a delaying action along the outskirts of the Shibai Fortress from Mingjiachong to Heitangou.   Dawn on 9 March brought renewed Chinese initiative. The 103rd Division occupied the line from Tutiling to Shizinao and advanced in several columns against the enemy. A portion of the 44th Division waged a grim holding action on the high ground flanking Guojiaba, suffering heavy losses but buying time for the main body to launch a powerful flank attack against the Japanese at Taipingqiao and Xianglingkou. By dusk Chinese forces had captured the enemy strongpoints at Dujiaoba and Dajiaobian along the highway, annihilating numerous enemy troops. The 32nd Division threw its main strength against the area northwest of Dajiaobian; heavy fighting raged around Wanghuzizhong into the afternoon until enemy reinforcements were driven off. The 41st Division, meanwhile, executed effective flank attacks that yielded significant gains. On 10 March the 103rd Division recaptured the high ground at Xiawulongkou and north of Tianzipo, while guerrillas of the 41st Division continued to harass the enemy through every gap in his lines. When positions at Hongshipo and Lungtanping held by the 44th Division were breached, the division withdrew to the western heights of Bomuping and faced the enemy anew.   At dawn on 11 March, after suffering severe casualties, the Japanese resorted to smoke screens and began withdrawing eastward along several routes. Chinese pursuit forces swiftly retook Xianglingkou, Guojiaba, Guangongling, Tianwangshi, and Dajiaobian. By 12 March the enemy had fallen back to a defensive line running from east of Taipingqiao to Hu z'ai and Huangnikeng. On 13 March Chinese units launched general counterattacks. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese retreated to their original positions. The eight-day engagement thus ended exactly where it had begun.   The battle had been fought with only a portion of the available Chinese forces, yet it proved decisive. The Japanese, who had hoped to crack the river defenses and resume their westward drive, instead suffered 4,000 to 5,000 casualties. The swift and skillful Chinese counteroffensive not only restored the front but left the enemy shaken and apprehensive. Their design to push deeper into western Hubei was decisively thwarted, buying precious time for the broader Chinese war effort in the Yangtze theater and demonstrating once again that determined defense, timely reinforcement, and aggressive counteraction could blunt even the most carefully prepared Japanese offensive. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In November 1940, a Central Hubei Operation using five task forces attempted to exploit Chinese dispersal but achieved no territorial gains despite local successes. A larger January 1941 offensive into southern Henan deployed 150,000+ troops but again failed strategically. Despite Japanese tactical advantages and superior firepower, logistical constraints and rugged terrain favored mobile Chinese resistance. Both campaigns ended with Japanese withdrawals and restored Chinese positions, demonstrating that determined defense and timely counteraction could blunt large-scale Japanese operations.

May 14, 2026 - Join us for a discussion with Dr. Russell Burge, author of "The Promised Republic: Developmental Society and the Making of Modern Seoul." In conversation with policy program officer Chelsie Alexandre, Burge delves into the hidden histories of South Korea's rapid urban transformation during South Korea's developmental period under Park Chung Hee. Drawing from a rich archive of memoirs, interviews, photographs, and more, Burge challenges the traditional "miracle on the Han River" narrative by centering the rural migrants who built and inhabited Seoul's shantytowns. He provides a critical lens through which to view the high price of progress and the enduring struggle for a truly inclusive republic. This program is made possible by the generous support of the Kim Koo Foundation. For more information, please visit the link below: https://www.koreasociety.org/policy-and-corporate-programs/2150-promised-republic

Last time we spoke about the battle of West Suiyuan. The Ma Clique, Muslim warlords controlling Northwest China, led by Ma Hongkui and Ma Hongbin, rebuffed Japanese overtures to ally, citing historical grievances like the 1900 invasion. Driven by patriotism, they aligned with the Nationalists, reorganizing forces into the 17th Army Group. In 1938, Ma Hongbin commanded West Suiyuan defenses, building fortifications in harsh desert and mountain terrain, blending cavalry tactics with modern training despite equipment shortages. In January 1940, Japanese and puppet troops advanced from Baotou, occupying Wuyuan and Linhe. Chinese forces, including Fu Zuoyi's 35th Army and Ma's 81st Army, employed guerrilla and mobile warfare. A major counterattack in March recaptured Wuyuan, killing Lt. Gen. Mizukawa and thousands, forcing Japanese retreat. Through ambushes and night raids, the Chinese recovered territories, securing Soviet aid routes and the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia region. Over 2,000 Ningxia soldiers perished, their sacrifices underscoring peripheral fronts' role in national resistance.   #200 The battle of Yaoyi Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After capturing Wuhan, the Japanese army had already stretched itself dangerously thin. Most regular and Class A reserve divisions were committed to the front, yet they failed to annihilate the main Chinese force. Despite losing its core industrial and resource regions, the Nationalist government in Chongqing refused Japan's peace terms. Japan now found itself trapped in the very protracted war it had desperately sought to avoid. The logical Japanese response was to halt major advances, consolidate control over occupied areas, and conduct limited offensives to pressure Chiang Kai-shek into negotiations—essentially repeating the post-Nanjing strategy of late 1937. But the situation had deteriorated sharply: occupied territory had at least doubled, Japanese garrisons were inadequate, and strategic reserves were nearly exhausted. What might have been prudent a year earlier had become plainly unwise by late 1938.   To stabilize the front, Japan reorganized its China Expeditionary Army at the end of 1938. Large numbers of newly raised independent mixed brigades and lower-quality Class B reserve divisions were sent to relieve veteran regular and Class A divisions. The relieved units were either demobilized back to Japan or shifted north to reinforce the Kwantung Army against the Soviet threat.   By early 1940 Japan maintained roughly 24 divisions, 21 independent mixed brigades, and 2 cavalry brigades in China proper (excluding Manchuria), totaling nearly 800,000 ground troops. The enormous scale and expense strained the home economy severely. Even so, the vast occupied zones could not be effectively controlled: divisions often held only a single mobile battalion while dispersing the rest into scattered platoon- and squad-sized outposts. Guerrilla activity by both Nationalist and Communist forces not only persisted but intensified, occasionally clashing with each other in "friction" incidents.   Beyond mere occupation, Japan sought to wear down Chinese strength. With most elite Central Army units held in reserve in the southwest or around Wuhan, Japanese local offensives targeted the Fifth and Ninth War Zones, aiming to methodically destroy Chiang's best troops. Thus, while other Japanese armies focused on garrison relief and brigade substitution, the 11th Army—still holding Wuhan with seven divisions and three brigades—remained the main offensive instrument. In 1939 it captured Nanchang, then mounted major operations against the Fifth War Zone (Suizao Campaign) and Ninth War Zone (First Battle of Changsha). Except for the seizure of Nanchang, however, these offensives inflicted only limited and temporary damage on Chinese forces.   Japan's domestic economy was in even worse shape. In early 1937, it had approved a massive 2.4 billion yen naval and army rebuilding program aimed at countering the United States and Russia, but implementation had barely started when the Sino-Japanese War erupted. The conflict generated enormous war costs while military expansion continued unabated, rapidly draining the Bank of Japan's gold reserves. By the end of 1938, those reserves (valued at just 1.35 billion yen) had shrunk by more than two-thirds. To fund the Battle of Wuhan that year, Japan postponed key elements of the rebuilding plan. After Wuhan fell, the Army revised its wartime reorganization: the original target of forty divisions grew to fifty-five by early 1938, then to sixty-five divisions plus 164 Army Air Force squadrons by 1942. The funding required to equip and stockpile for this expansion escalated steadily; the 1939 expansion budget alone demanded 1.8 billion yen, pushing Japanese finances to the breaking point.   Japan repeatedly sought a way out of China, but its peace terms remained far beyond what Chongqing would accept, leaving negotiations stalled. Efforts to install puppet regimes in North and Central China—culminating in the Wang Jingwei government in 1940—aimed to "use Chinese to control Chinese" and undermine Nationalist influence, yet produced disappointing results.   The 11th Army's 1939 campaigns yielded only mediocre outcomes, hampered by chronic troop shortages. Even its divisions were tied down in occupation duties; mounting a serious offensive required pulling garrison forces, leaving no reserves to hold the line unless new units arrived. Sustained large-scale operations to seriously weaken Chinese strength demanded a major troop increase—otherwise, Japan was limited to shallow, localized attacks. Lt. Gen. Yasuji Okamura, commanding the 11th Army, recognized this clearly. In a December 1939 report, he argued that diplomacy and small offensives were futile and urged a large-scale operation backed by substantial reinforcements. His superiors, however, were preoccupied with funding the broader military buildup and could offer no extra men. The post-Wuhan "defensiveization" of operations was largely a cost-saving measure to support that expansion. Japanese ground strength in China, which peaked near 850,000 after Wuhan, had already dropped by about 50,000. Full-strength regular or Class A divisions numbered roughly 22,000 men (four regiments), while newer garrison divisions had only about 15,000 (three regiments), and independent mixed brigades just 6,000. Okamura's proposal was sensible but politically impossible; high command was even contemplating slashing China troop levels to 400,000.   The Chinese Winter Offensive of December 1939, together with counterattacks at Nanning and Kunlun Pass, inflicted serious losses and exposed the limited damage done to Chinese forces in 1939 operations. The recapture of Wuyuan in March 1940 signaled the start of a new phase. Shortly afterward, intensified Chinese guerrilla raids deep into Japanese rear areas prompted large Japanese "mop-up" operations in southern Shanxi, central Hubei, southern Jiangxi, and northern Hunan. In the Wuhan sector, repeated blows from the Winter Offensive heightened fears of Chinese forces in the Dahong and Tongbai Mountains, which threatened control over the vital Jianghan Plains rice-producing region. In mid-April 1940, the Japanese abandoned outposts at Macheng (eastern Hubei), Fengxin, and Jing'an (northern Jiangxi), withdrew elements of the 6th Division (northern Hunan), 40th Division (northern Jiangxi), and the 3rd, 13th, and 39th Divisions (Hubei), and concentrated them around Zhongxiang, Suixian, and Xinyang for a maximum-effort push.   These setbacks finally forced Tokyo to abandon deep troop reductions in China and approve reinforcements of two regular divisions for a major 1940 offensive. The revised end-1940 target became 740,000 troops in China. In spring 1940, the 11th Army—backed fully by Imperial General Headquarters and the China Expeditionary Army—began detailed preparations for a large-scale assault on China's Fifth War Zone.   On February 25, 1940, the 11th Army issued its "Guiding Strategy for the Campaign." The operational goal was to defeat the main force of China's Fifth War Zone along both banks of the Han River before the rainy season, inflict further heavy losses on Chiang Kai-shek's army through decisive victory, and thereby advance Japan's overall political and strategic position vis-à-vis China. The guiding principle called for the quickest possible preparations, with the offensive to begin around early May: first destroy Chinese forces on the left (east) bank south of the Baihe River, then completely annihilate the core units on the right (west) bank near Yichang. On April 7, under the new commander Lt. Gen. Sonobe Kazuo (who replaced Okamura Yasuji), the 11th Army produced a more detailed plan. On April 10, Imperial General Headquarters Order No. 426 ("Continental Order") authorized the China Expeditionary Army to conduct operations in central and southern China during May–June, even beyond established boundaries, to fulfill current objectives.   Japanese planners viewed the Fifth War Zone—roughly 50 divisions encircling Wuhan—with its main strength concentrated along the Han (Xiang) River in northwestern Hubei. Striking Yichang would deliver a severe blow to the zone. As the gateway to Sichuan, only 480 km from Chongqing, Yichang held immense strategic value: an inland port, Three Gorges logistics hub, and key base for air raids on Chongqing. Capturing it would directly threaten the Nationalist wartime capital and southwestern rear, advancing political leverage. Still, long-term occupation was not pre-decided; initial plans stressed inflicting maximum damage followed by withdrawal, in line with the post-Wuhan policy of avoiding permanent overextension. China, aware that holding the Jianghan Plain's rice-producing areas enabled sustained attrition against Japan, deployed guerrilla units to harass Japanese rear areas (increasing occupier losses) while tasking the River Defense Force to hold key front-line points: Jingmen, Shashi, and Yichang.   To achieve these aims, the 11th Army committed as much as possible of its seven divisions and four brigades (88 battalions total). Core units included the 3rd Division (Maj. Gen. Yamakoshi Masataka; regiments 6, 18, 34, 68), 13th Division (Maj. Gen. Tanaka Shioichi; 58, 65, 104, 116), 39th Division (Maj. Gen. Murakami Keisaku; 231–233), elements of the 40th Division, detachments from the 33rd and 34th Divisions, and others. Reinforcements comprised the Ikeda Detachment (three battalions from 6th Division), Ishimoto Detachment (four–five from 40th), Ogawa Detachment (two from 34th), and Provisional Mixed Brigade 101. Supporting assets included the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, 7th and 13th Tank Regiments, 3rd Air Group, Navy 1st China Dispatch Fleet, and 2nd Combined Air Team. The China Expeditionary Army transferred seven battalions from the 15th and 22nd Divisions (13th Army, lower Yangtze). The main effort north of the river involved roughly 48–54 battalions, or 80,000–110,000 men, making the Zaoyi (Zaoyang–Yichang) Campaign the largest Japanese operation on the central front since Wuhan. Sonobe's staff structured the offensive in two phases. Phase One targeted the Fifth War Zone's main force around Zaoyang (east of the Han River) through converging pincer movements: right flank from Xinyang (reinforced 3rd Division), left flank from Zhongxiang (reinforced 13th Division), and central thrust by the reinforced 39th Division from Suixian. The plan exploited terrain—Dahong and Tongbai Mountains—for encirclement. After seizing Minggang (right flank) and advancing from Zhongxiang (left), the pincers would close on Zaoyang, with the center (along the Xianghua Highway from Suixian) drawing Chinese forces into the trap for envelopment. Diversionary attacks south of the Yangtze, propaganda hinting at limited scope, and planted false orders helped mask intentions. Japanese radio intelligence—intercepts and direction-finding of Chinese headquarters signals—provided critical advantages, especially in later stages.   By March 1940, Chinese intelligence had already detected the 11th Army's intent to mount a major offensive from Xinyang and Wuhan into northwestern Hubei. On April 10, Chiang Kai-shek telegraphed Li Zongren and other Fifth War Zone commanders, urging immediate preparations for a preemptive strike against any push toward Shapingba and Yichang. He emphasized proactive flanking attacks on Japanese rear areas via Wusheng Pass and threats to the Pinghan Railway, while keeping main forces east of the Han River for decisive engagement once the enemy committed.   Following Military Commission directives, the Fifth War Zone devised a plan that used part of its strength for forward advances and deep raids into Japanese rear areas to harass and divert. The bulk of forces would hold the rear, seizing chances for preemptive strikes and a decisive battle east of Zaoyang or south of Jingmen–Dangyang. Deployments included: the 33rd Army Group garrisoning the Xiang River; in the center, the 45th Corps (22nd Army Group) west of Luoyangdian–Suixian and the 84th Corps (11th Army Group) north of Suixian–south of Gaocheng; in southern Henan, the 30th Corps east of Tongbai and the 68th Corps north of Pingchangguan–Minggang; the 41st Corps in reserve near Xiangyang; the 29th Army Group (with part garrisoning north of Tongqiao Zhen–Sanyangtien) concentrated in the Dahong Mountains; and the 31st Army Group positioned between Queshan and Ye Hsien as the mobile force to strike invaders. River Defense Army commander Guo Chan controlled the 26th, 75th, and 94th Armies, the 128th Division, and the 6th and 7th Guerrilla Columns. Total Chinese strength approximated 350,000–380,000 men across roughly 50–54 divisions. To mask preparations and mislead, the Japanese conducted a late-April "mop-up" near Jiujiang, staged naval feints on Poyang and Dongting Lakes, and bombed key points in Hunan and Jiangxi, simulating an imminent Ninth War Zone operation.   With forces assembled, the Japanese offensive began May 1, 1940, from Xinyang, Suixian, and Zhongxiang. The advance split into five routes: (1) Changtaiguan–Minggang–Biyang–Tanghe; (2) Xinyang–Tongbai; (3) Suixian–Zaoyang; (4) Suixian–Wujiadien; (5) Zhongxiang–Shuangkou. Employing flanking with central breakthrough, the reinforced 3rd Division (right flank, including Ishimoto Detachment from 40th Division with tanks and engineers) spearheaded from Xinyang toward Biyang, breaching the Chinese Second Army front on day one. By May 1, elements of the 3rd and 40th Divisions captured Minggang, Lion's Bridge, and Xiaolintien; on May 5 they took Biyang and Tongbai. The Chinese 31st Army Group (northeast of Biyang) linked with the 68th and 92nd Corps to hit Japanese flanks and rear. Leaving some forces west of Tongbai to press the enemy, the main 30th Corps struck Japanese flanks. After seizing Tanghe on May 7, the Japanese pushed south toward Zaoyang. On May 8–9, the 31st Army Group retook Tanghe and Xinye, pursuing vigorously. On May 8, the Japanese left flank (13th Division) attacked from Zhongxiang, breaking through the 33rd Army front the same day.   On May 3, the Japanese 13th Division—supported by over 20 tanks, 40 aircraft, artillery, and cavalry—advanced north from Zhongxiang, capturing Changshoudian and Tianjiachi. It seized Fengyao and Changjiachi by May 6. Chinese 33rd Army Group forces used favorable terrain to intercept, while the 29th Army Group struck Japanese flanks and rear at Changjiachi and Wangjiadian, and the 41st Corps fought tenaciously to halt the advance. By May 7, Japanese spearheads reached Changjiachi on the Zaoyang–Xiangyang Highway, with elements entering Shuangkou; their rear cavalry took Xinye on May 8. Fifth War Zone commander Zhang Zizhong personally led attacks along Tianjiachi–Huanglongtang, supported by fierce 29th Army Group assaults on Japanese rear.   The Japanese 39th Division and a 6th Division brigade delayed their assault on the Chinese 11th Army Group until May 4 from Suixian. After overrunning Gaocheng and Anchu on May 5, Chinese forces withdrew to Huantan–Tang Hsien–north of Gaocheng. As the 33rd Army Group faltered, part of the 11th Army Group reinforced it; the 175th Division held at Tang Hsien while the main body fell back toward Zaoyang. During the maneuver, Japanese tanks enveloped at Tang Hsien, cutting the Zaoyang–Xiangyang Highway and forcing bitter fighting by the 174th Division. To break out, Chinese abandoned Zaoyang, using the 173rd Division for rearguard resistance while the bulk shifted west of the Tang and Bai Rivers. Japanese captured Suiyangdian and Wujiadien on May 7, Zaoyang on May 8; the 173rd Division suffered heavy losses, including the death of its commander, Gen. Zhong Yi.   On May 10, Japanese completed an encirclement east of Xiangdong along the Tang and Bai Rivers—but it collapsed as Chinese exterior forces outflanked both Japanese wings and compressed the center, trapping much of the Japanese in the Xiangdong Plains. The Chinese 2nd and 31st Army Groups plus 92nd Corps pressed south, 39th and 75th Corps east, and 33rd and 29th Army Groups north against the pocket. The 94th Corps advanced along the Han–Yichang Highway deep into Jingshan, Zaoshi, Yingcheng, and Yunmeng to sever Japanese rear communications. Meanwhile, the 7th Corps and eastern Hubei guerrillas seized Jigong Shan, Lijiachai, and Liulin station on the Beijing–Hankou Railway. The 92nd and 68th Corps retook Zaoyang, Tongbai, and Minggang, encircling four Japanese divisions in the Xiangdong Plains. By May 11, battered Japanese retreated eastward under pursuit, Chinese flanking and rear attacks leaving many dead on the field. The 31st Army Group recovered Zaoyang on May 16. Chinese reports claimed 45,000 Japanese casualties, plus capture of over 60 guns, 2,000+ horses, 70+ tanks, and 400+ trucks. The 33rd Army Group fought fiercely to intercept retreating columns, driving large Japanese remnants toward Nanguadian.   Tragically, on May 16 noon, Gen. Zhang Zizhong—personally commanding his Guard Battalion and main 74th Division—was killed in action. With pressure eased on the Japanese left, they counterattacked and retook Zaoyang on May 17. Chinese forces withdrew to Xinye on the Tangbai River's west bank and north of the Tang River, regrouping for a renewed counteroffensive.   The Military Commission anticipated a Japanese withdrawal to original lines, likely along the rain-impassable Xianghua Road. Exploiting the enemy's supply shortages, exhaustion, and retreat difficulties, it ordered Fifth War Zone units to encircle and annihilate Japanese forces near the battlefield, then pursue toward Yingcheng–Huayuan. The zone promptly launched a counteroffensive. By nightfall on May 8, Japanese pincers neared junction, having inflicted serious damage on the Chinese 84th Army but achieved little else. Nonetheless, the 11th Army ordered frontline divisions to withdraw to the Tanghe–Baihe line after reaching it, preparatory to encircling Chinese forces west of the Han River. Chongqing issued general offensive orders at 8 PM and 11 PM that night. By then, six divisions of the 31st Army Group advanced south from Nanyang in the north, five from the 33rd Army Group pressed from the south, and five from the 45th and 94th Armies pursued in the southeast—nearly completing the Japanese encirclement. Intense combat erupted.   On May 10, retreating Japanese first clashed with the advancing 33rd Army Group from the south. Seizing the moment, they ordered the 13th and 39th Divisions plus Ikeda Detachment south to smash it, with the 3rd Division covering the northern flank. Full-scale battle broke out on May 12: two Japanese divisions assaulted five Chinese divisions of the 33rd Army Group, plunging them into desperate fighting. Japanese radio intercepts—including telegrams between the Military Commission and Fifth War Zone, plus Zhang Zizhong's report to Chiang on his five divisions' movements—revealed exact positions and plans. Sonobe Kazuo concentrated the 13th and 39th Divisions to strike south along the Han's east bank against Zhang's army group, while ordering the 3rd Division (south of Xinye) back to Zaoyang to guard the rear. Direction-finding had long pinpointed the 33rd Army Group headquarters radio (call signs and bearings) about 10 km northeast of Yicheng. With air support, the Japanese encircled it. On the night of May 15, the 39th Division advanced from Fangjiaji and Nanying toward Nanguadian, completing tactical encirclement by dawn on May 16. Artillery-supported four-sided assaults followed. The defending 74th Division resisted fiercely with repeated counterattacks. Fighting raged into the afternoon, with the Special Service Battalion joining. Japanese attackers swelled to over 5,000, backed by concentrated artillery and 20+ aircraft for a final push. Zhang Zizhong, wounded multiple times, continued commanding calmly until a severe chest wound killed him heroically. The exhausted, isolated 74th Division and battalion suffered devastating losses. That day, the 13th Division also routed the main 33rd Army Group force, breaking the southern encirclement. Japanese then redeployed, concentrating around Zaoyang.   In the north, 17 divisions (including six from the 31st Army Group) attacked the isolated Japanese 3rd Division from east, south, and north, severing its supply lines. With limited ammunition and no resupply, the division faced crisis; its 29th Brigade telegram pleaded: "Enemy fighting spirit extremely high... safe return very difficult; request battalion reinforcements." Yet southern Chinese forces remained undestroyed amid chaos. Japanese choices narrowed to independent 3rd Division retreat or holding for relief. They opted to lure pursuers: ordering the division southeast toward Zaoyang to draw Chinese into pursuit. From May 16–18, the 3rd Division fought a delaying retreat; relentless Chinese pursuit inflicted limited damage due to insufficient firepower, allowing escape. By evening May 18, it reached northeast of Zaoyang and prepared offensives. The 13th and 39th Divisions, after defeating the 33rd Army Group, also advanced north to the Zaoyang line.   The 3rd Division's retreat shortened Japanese lines and hastened convergence. Unsuspecting Chinese pursued to Zaoyang. After a successful counterattack northeast of Yicheng, the 13th and 39th Divisions rejoined the 3rd Division there. On May 19 morning, three Japanese divisions attacked abreast, forcing decisive battle along the Tang River. Chinese divisions collapsed within hours; the 75th Army took heavy losses, others significant casualties. Fifth War Zone ordered hasty retreat. Japanese pursued vigorously. By May 21, the 3rd Division reached Dengxian, 13th east of Laohekou, 39th Fancheng. Early that day, the 39th Division—crossing the Baihe—met fierce west-bank fire, losing Regiment Commander Kanzaki Tetsujiro and over 300 men. That evening, the 11th Army halted pursuit, ending east-bank (Xiang River) fighting. The 20+ day operation east of the Han inflicted heavy Japanese losses, far exceeding the planned duration, leaving troops exhausted. After halting, units withdrew to Zaoyang vicinity for rest and reorganization rather than immediate return to base positions. Commanders debated proceeding to Yichang west of the Han: abandoning the plan would signal Phase One failure, eroding authority and imperial trust. Most argued troop fatigue and casualties should not deter continuation. Over 1,000 tons of supplies rushed forward via six motor companies. Following east-bank termination, Japanese consolidated for the next phase targeting Yichang. Reinforcements arrived: the 4th Division from Manchuria and 18th Independent Brigade from Wuning. The 4th Division assumed Shayang–Zhongxiang positions east of the Xiang River.   The Japanese bombarded the west bank of the Han River for ninety minutes before forcing a crossing at Wangji north of Yicheng. That midnight, the 3rd Division also crossed southeast of Xiangyang. Both met little resistance and completed crossings before dawn. The 11th Army left the 40th Division at Dahongshan for rear-area mopping-up and assigned the Xiaochuan and Cangqiao Detachments to guard mobile supply depots. On May 31 night, the 3rd and 39th Divisions crossed the Xiang River at Yicheng and Oujiamiao. After seizing Xiangyang on June 1 night, the main force split into columns crossing westward. By June 3, Japanese captured Nanzhang and Yicheng. The Chinese 41st Corps fiercely counterattacked, retaking part of Xiangyang while its main body battled around Nanzhang; the 77th Corps also struck hard. On June 4, Chinese recovered Nanzhang, forcing Japanese retreat southward. Meanwhile, the 13th Division and elements of the 6th Division forced a crossing on the Han–Yichang Highway near Jiukou and Shayang to link with southern columns for a joint push. The Chinese River Defense Force shifted its main strength to key positions, using terrain to block southward advances. The 2nd and 31st Army Groups pursued south separately. Chinese abandoned Shayang on June 5; Japanese took Jingmen, Shilipu, and Shihujiao on June 6. The 77th Corps and river defense units resisted stubbornly from Jingmen to Jiangling. After retaking Yicheng, the 2nd Army Group continued pursuit. Japanese concentrated around Jingmen–Shilipu as Jiangling fell.   On June 9 morning, Japanese launched joint air-ground assaults from Dongshi to Dangyang and Yuanan. By afternoon, penetrating the Chinese right flank forced a night withdrawal to Gulaobei–Shuanlianshi–Dangyang along the Zu River to Yuanan. June 10 saw Japanese capture Gulaobei and Dangyang, pushing Chinese to Yichang outskirts. After days of heavy fighting and prohibitive losses, Chinese abandoned Yichang on their own initiative. The 2nd and 31st Army Groups then reached Dangyang north of Jingmen. On June 16, they mounted a general offensive. By June 17, Chinese briefly retook Yichang; the 2nd Army Group linked with the 77th Corps against Dangyang, while the 31st Army Group severed Dangyang–Jingmen communications and assaulted Jingmen violently. South of the Yangtze, the 5th and 32nd Divisions crossed to hit Shayang and Shilipu. By June 18, Japanese main force held stubbornly from Dangyang to the Xiang River with superior equipment. Chinese, fighting on exterior lines, formed an encirclement from Jiangling–Yichang–Dangyang–Zhongxiang–Suixian–north of Xinyang while maintaining surveillance. Thus, the Zaoyi (Zaoyang–Yichang) Campaign ended. No prior decision existed on holding Yichang long-term. Per post-Wuhan Imperial General Headquarters policy, even extended operations aimed only to inflict severe blows and erode Chinese resistance, not expand occupation. On capture day, the 11th Army declared objectives achieved, ordering reorganization, destruction of Yichang military facilities, and dumping irremovable captured supplies into the Yangtze preparatory to withdrawal. At 10 PM June 15, formal orders withdrew to the Han's east bank: 3rd and 39th Divisions first to Dangyang–Jingmen to cover, then the 13th Division. The 13th began retreating from Yichang at midnight June 16, reaching Tumenya (10 km east) by 7 AM June 17. Chinese counterattacked along the route; the 18th Army pursued and retook Yichang morning of June 17. Japanese held Yichang only four days.   Intense debate erupted between frontline commanders and Imperial General Headquarters over retaining Yichang. With Nazi Germany's Western Europe offensive underway—Paris fell June 12, the day Yichang was taken—global upheaval intensified Japanese urgency to resolve China swiftly and free resources for wider competition. Many in high command and China Expeditionary Army argued long-term occupation would threaten Chongqing more directly, aid political maneuvers, and hasten settlement, offering immense strategic value. This swayed the Emperor, who inquired at the June 15 Imperial Conference about securing it. Backed by imperial support, high command ordered temporary retention (one month) on June 16. By transmission through Expeditionary Army and 11th Army channels, the rearguard 13th Division had withdrawn 52 km. With 3rd Division cooperation, it reversed, broke Chinese resistance, and retook Yichang afternoon June 17. On July 1, to offset expanded 11th Army responsibilities, General Headquarters transferred the 4th Division from Kwantung Army (Jiamusi, Heilongjiang) to 11th Army control. July 13 orders confirmed long-term Yichang retention, redefining Wuhan-region operations to Anqing–Xinyang–Yichang–Yueyang–Nanchang. The 11th Army assigned: 13th Division to Yichang, 4th Division to Anlu, 18th Independent Mixed Brigade east/west of Dangyang; remaining units returned to original defenses.   Post-recapture, Chinese continued counterattacks on Yichang and rear lines until ordered to halt: "To adapt to international changes, preserve National Army combat strength, and facilitate reorganization, Fifth War Zone cease attacks on Yichang immediately." A stalemate followed along lines encircling Yichang, Dangyang, Jiangling, Jingmen, Zhongxiang, Suixian, and Xinyang. To shield Chongqing and Sichuan, Nationalists re-established the Sixth War Zone (briefly created post-First Changsha, abolished April 1940), appointing Chen Cheng commander-in-chief with 33rd and 29th Army Groups, River Defense Army, and 18th Army covering western Hubei, western Hunan, eastern Sichuan. The Zaoyi campaign thus concluded. Japanese combat power again proved markedly superior. Official Japanese records (11th Army/China Expeditionary Army) reported 2,700 killed, ~7,800 wounded (total ~10,500; some phases ~1,403 killed/4,639 wounded). Chinese admitted heavy losses: 36,983 killed, 50,509 wounded, 23,000 missing (total >110,000 in some accounts). Wartime Nationalist claims inflated Japanese casualties to 45,000 killed/wounded with major captures (60+ guns, 70+ tanks, 400+ trucks), likely propagandistic; Japanese sources show far lower equipment losses. With 56 battalions deployed, Japanese suffered 12–15% combat casualties; Chinese (54 divisions, ~380,000 men) incurred 25–30% or higher—underscoring firepower/equipment disparity. Japan achieved tactical success by securing Yichang long-term (as a Chongqing bombing base) but failed to annihilate the main Chinese force or compel peace. Chinese resistance thwarted full encirclement and imposed attrition, albeit at crippling cost to the Fifth War Zone—severely weakened and never fully recovering until war's end. Japanese aims were realized to a significant, though not decisive, degree.   The Fifth War Zone's operational plan was fundamentally sound. Chinese intelligence detected Japanese intentions early, accurately predicted the attack axis, and deployed accordingly. The plan included preemptive strikes at Wusheng Pass and the Guangshui section of the Pinghan Railway to harass Japanese rear areas, threaten Wuhan, gather reconnaissance, and disrupt enemy preparations. Though well conceived, these actions never materialized. In the first phase (Xiangdong operations), Chinese forces resisted while shifting the main body to outer lines, securing mobile flanking positions. This frustrated Japanese encirclement efforts in the Xiangdong Plains. Exploiting the enemy's retreat, China launched a timely counteroffensive that encircled the Japanese 3rd Division. Despite breakout support from over 100 aircraft and 200 tanks, the poorly equipped Chinese inflicted heavy casualties during the three-day siege, blunting the division's momentum.    On the southern front, the 33rd Army Group's intercepting deployment was appropriate, but insufficient strength and compromised communications allowed the Japanese 13th and 39th Divisions to counterattack decisively, inflicting major losses and claiming the heroic death of Commander-in-Chief Zhang Zizhong—whose steadfast patriotism remains a lasting source of national pride. Overall, Chinese assessments and deployments in Phase One were largely correct. The battlefield showed China retained initiative and was not wholly dominated by Japanese plans. The core issue was overestimation of Chinese combat power amid severe shortages of heavy weapons. At least three corps suffered heavy attrition, yet Japanese captured only twenty-three mountain/field guns. Relying on manpower for brute force left Chinese units critically undergunned, enabling repeated encirclement attempts but preventing decisive destruction or severe damage to encircled enemies like the 3rd Division.   Phase Two, by contrast, was entirely passive. The initial Japanese Han River crossings were largely feints, yet the west bank received scant attention in overall planning—leaving Yichang virtually undefended as main forces deployed east of the river. Post-Phase One, Japan reinforced the 11th Army with three infantry battalions and one mountain artillery battalion from the 13th Army (lower Yangtze), plus six motor transport companies rushing massive supplies forward. Chinese intelligence missed these moves, remaining complacent in expectation of Japanese withdrawal eastward. After regrouping, Japan abruptly pivoted west with rapid advances. The Military Commission and Fifth War Zone, caught unprepared, made frantic, chaotic adjustments that failed to mount effective defense. The loss of strategically vital Yichang was inevitable, complicating the resistance both militarily and psychologically. This stemmed directly from command misjudgment of Japanese strategic and operational aims. Had plans anticipated a westward thrust and retained strong reserves—or detected the 10-day regrouping window to readjust deployments—China could have retained greater initiative, inflicted more damage, and reduced its own losses.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Japan's 11th Army launched an offensive in Hubei to encircle Chinese forces in the Fifth War Zone and seize Yichang for bombing Chongqing. Chinese troops countered effectively, encircling Japanese divisions and inflicting heavy losses, though General Zhang Zizhong was killed in action. After intense fighting east of the Han River, Japanese crossed west, captured Yichang, briefly withdrew, then retook and held it long-term. 

Winning requires no fucks, reading can save you from the tech black hole, where should we travel to, tom ford, Chanel, ysl, designer highs, matte lips.   NXT, if it's Tuesday it's murder, dear killer Nannie's, ca. we talk about from, Han River police, blood free, link, Hulu didn't go away   Fresh fruit and 2 scoops, should we brunch, less cooking more eating, creamy al pastor chicken salad, need a beast blender, air fryer and ice maker too.   Happy Tuesday stars

Last time we spoke about the battle of Nanchang. After securing Hainan and targeting Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway corridors, Japan's 11th Army, backed by armor, air power, and riverine operations, sought a rapid, surgical seizure of Nanchang to sever eastern Chinese logistics and coerce Chongqing. China, reorganizing under Chiang Kai-shek, concentrated over 200,000 troops across 52 divisions in the Ninth and Third War Zones, with Xue Yue commanding the 9th War Zone in defense of Wuhan-Nanchang corridors. The fighting began with German-style, combined-arms river operations along the Xiushui and Gan rivers, including feints, river crossings, and heavy artillery, sometimes using poison gas. From March 20–23, Japanese forces established a beachhead and advanced into Fengxin, Shengmi, and later Nanchang, despite stiff Chinese resistance and bridges being destroyed. Chiang's strategic shift toward attrition pushed for broader offensives to disrupt railways and rear areas, though Chinese plans for a counteroffensive repeatedly stalled due to logistics and coordination issues. By early May, Japanese forces encircled and captured Nanchang, albeit at heavy cost, with Chinese casualties surpassing 43,000 dead and Japanese losses over 2,200 dead.    #187 The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Having seized Wuhan in a brutal offensive the previous year, the Japanese sought not just to hold their ground but to solidify their grip on this vital hub. Wuhan, a bustling metropolis at the confluence of the Yangtze and Han Rivers, had become a linchpin in their strategy, a base from which they could project power across central China. Yet, the city was far from secure, Chinese troops in northern Hubei and southern Henan, perched above the mighty Yangtze, posed an unrelenting threat. To relieve the mounting pressure on their newfound stronghold, the Japanese high command orchestrated a bold offensive against the towns of Suixian and Zaoyang. They aimed to annihilate the main force of the Chinese 5th War Zone, a move that would crush the Nationalist resistance in the region and secure their flanks. This theater of war, freshly designated as the 5th War Zone after the grueling Battle of Wuhan, encompassed a vast expanse west of Shashi in the upper Yangtze basin. It stretched across northern Hubei, southern Henan, and the rugged Dabie Mountains in eastern Anhui, forming a strategic bulwark that guarded the eastern approaches to Sichuan, the very heartland of the Nationalist government's central institutions. Historian Rana Mitter in Forgotten Ally described this zone as "a gateway of immense importance, a natural fortress that could either serve as a launchpad for offensives against Japanese-held territories or a defensive redoubt protecting the rear areas of Sichuan and Shaanxi". The terrain itself was a defender's dream and an attacker's nightmare: to the east rose the imposing Dabie Mountains, their peaks cloaked in mist and folklore; the Tongbai Mountains sliced across the north like a jagged spine; the Jing Mountains guarded the west; the Yangtze River snaked southward, its waters a formidable barrier; the Dahong Mountains dominated the center, offering hidden valleys for ambushes; and the Han River (also known as the Xiang River) carved a north-south path through it all. Two critical transport arteries—the Hanyi Road linking Hankou to Yichang in Hubei, and the Xianghua Road connecting Xiangyang to Huayuan near Hankou—crisscrossed this landscape, integrating the war zone into a web of mobility. From here, Chinese forces could menace the vital Pinghan Railway, that iron lifeline running from Beiping (modern Beijing) to Hankou, while also threatening the Wuhan region itself. In retreat, it provided a sanctuary to shield the Nationalist heartlands. As military strategist Sun Tzu might have appreciated, this area had long been a magnet for generals, its contours shaping the fates of empires since ancient times. Despite the 5th War Zone's intricate troop deployments, marked by units of varying combat prowess and a glaring shortage of heavy weapons, the Chinese forces made masterful use of the terrain to harass their invaders. Drawing from accounts in Li Zongren's memoirs, he noted how these defenders, often outgunned but never outmaneuvered, turned hills into fortresses and rivers into moats. In early April 1939, as spring rains turned paths to mud, Chinese troops ramped up their disruptions along the southern stretches of the Pinghan Railway, striking from both eastern and western flanks with guerrilla precision. What truly rattled the Japanese garrison in Wuhan was the arrival of reinforcements: six full divisions redeployed to Zaoyang, bolstering the Chinese capacity to launch flanking assaults that could unravel Japanese supply lines. Alarmed by this buildup, the Japanese 11th Army, ensconced in the Wuhan area under the command of General Yasuji Okamura, a figure whose tactical acumen would later earn him notoriety in the Pacific War, devised a daring plan. They intended to plunge deep into the 5th War Zone, smashing the core of the Chinese forces and rendering them impotent, thereby neutralizing the northwestern threat to Wuhan once and for all. From April onward, the Japanese mobilized with meticulous preparation, amassing troops equipped with formidable artillery, rumbling tanks, and squadrons of aircraft that darkened the skies. Historians estimate they committed roughly three and a half divisions to this endeavor, as detailed in Edward J. Drea's In the Service of the Emperor: Essays on the Imperial Japanese Army. Employing a classic pincer movement, a two-flank encirclement coupled with a central breakthrough, they aimed for a swift, decisive strike to obliterate the main Chinese force in the narrow Suixian-Zaoyang corridor, squeezed between the Tongbai and Dahong Mountains. The offensive erupted in full fury on May 1, 1939, as Japanese columns surged forward like a tidal wave, their engines roaring and banners fluttering in the dust-choked air. General Li Zongren, the commander of the 5th War Zone, a man whose leadership had already shone in earlier campaigns like the defense of Tai'erzhuang in 1938, issued urgent orders to cease offensive actions against the Japanese and pivot to a defensive stance. Based on intelligence about the enemy's dispositions, Li orchestrated a comprehensive campaign structure, assigning precise defensive roles and battle plans to each unit. This was no haphazard scramble; it was a symphony of strategy, as Li himself recounted in his memoirs, emphasizing the need to exploit the terrain's natural advantages. While various Chinese war zones executed the "April Offensive" from late April to mid-May, actively harrying and containing Japanese forces, the 5th War Zone focused its energies on the southern segment of the Pinghan Railway, assaulting it from both sides in a bid to disrupt logistics. The main force of the 31st Army Group, under the command of Tang Enbo, a general known for his aggressive tactics and later criticized for corruption, shifted from elsewhere in Hubei to Zaoyang, fortifying the zone and posing a dire threat to the Japanese flanks and rear areas. To counter this peril and safeguard transportation along the Wuhan-Pinghan Railway, the Japanese, led by the formidable Okamura, unleashed their assault from the line stretching through Xinyang, Yingshan, and Zhongxiang. Mobilizing the 3rd, 13th, and 16th Divisions alongside the 2nd and 4th Cavalry Brigades, they charged toward the Suixian-Zaoyang region in western Hubei, intent on eradicating the Chinese main force and alleviating the siege-like pressure on Wuhan. In a masterful reorganization, Li Zongren divided his forces into two army groups, the left and right, plus a dedicated river defense army. His strategy was a blend of attrition and opportunism: harnessing the Tongbai and Dahong Mountains, clinging to key towns like lifelines, and grinding down the Japanese through prolonged warfare while biding time for a counterstroke. This approach echoed the Fabian tactics of ancient Rome, wearing the enemy thin before delivering the coup de grâce. The storm broke at dawn on May 1, when the main contingents of the Japanese 16th and 13th Divisions, bolstered by the 4th Cavalry Brigade from their bases in Zhongxiang and Jingshan, hurled themselves against the Chinese 37th and 180th Divisions of the Right Army Group. Supported by droning aircraft that strafed from above and tanks that churned the earth below, the Japanese advanced with mechanical precision. By May 4, they had shattered the defensive lines flanking Changshoudian, then surged along the east bank of the Xiang River toward Zaoyang in a massive offensive. Fierce combat raged through May 5, as described in Japanese war diaries compiled in Senshi Sōsho (the official Japanese war history series), where soldiers recounted the relentless Chinese resistance amid the smoke and clamor. The Japanese finally breached the defenses, turning their fury on the 122nd Division of the 41st Army. In a heroic stand, the 180th Division clung to Changshoudian, providing cover for the main force's retreat along the east-west Huangqi'an line. The 37th Division fell back to the Yaojiahe line, while elements of the 38th Division repositioned into Liushuigou. On May 6, the Japanese seized Changshoudian, punched through Huangqi'an, and drove northward, unleashing a devastating assault on the 122nd Division's positions near Wenjiamiao. Undeterred, Chinese defenders executed daring flanking maneuvers in the Fenglehe, Yaojiahe, Liushuihe, Shuanghe, and Zhangjiaji areas, turning the landscape into a labyrinth of ambushes. May 7 saw the Japanese pressing on, capturing Zhangjiaji and Shuanghe. By May 8, they assaulted Maozifan and Xinji, where ferocious battles erupted, soldiers clashing in hand-to-hand combat amid the ruins. By May 10, the Japanese had overrun Huyang Town and Xinye, advancing toward Tanghe and the northeastern fringes of Zaoyang. Yet, the Tanghe River front witnessed partial Chinese recoveries: remnants of the Right Army Group, alongside troops from east of the Xianghe, reclaimed Xinye. The 122nd and 180th Divisions withdrew north of Tanghe and Fancheng, while the 37th, 38th, and 132nd Divisions steadfastly held the east bank of the Xianghe River. Concurrently, the main force of the Japanese 3rd Division launched from Yingshan against the 84th and 13th Armies of the 11th Group Army in the Suixian sector. After a whirlwind of combat, the Chinese 84th Army retreated to the Taerwan position. On May 2, the 3rd Division targeted the Gaocheng position of the 13th Army within the 31st Group Army; the ensuing clashes in Taerwan and Gaocheng were a maelstrom of fire, with the Taerwan position exchanging hands multiple times like a deadly game of tug-of-war. By May 4, in a grim escalation, Japanese forces deployed poison gas, a violation of international norms that drew condemnation and is documented in Allied reports from the era, inflicting horrific casualties and compelling the Chinese to relinquish Gaocheng, which fell into enemy hands. On May 5, backed by aerial bombardments, tank charges, and artillery barrages, the Japanese renewed their onslaught along the Gaocheng River and the Lishan-Jiangjiahe line. By May 6, the beleaguered Chinese were forced back to the Tianhekou and Gaocheng line. Suixian succumbed on May 7. On May 8, the Japanese shattered the second line of the 84th Army, capturing Zaoyang and advancing on the Jiangtoudian position of the 85th Army. To evade encirclement, the defenders mounted a valiant resistance before withdrawing from Jiangtoudian; the 84th Army relocated to the Tanghe and Baihe areas, while the 39th Army embedded itself in the Dahongshan for guerrilla operations—a tactic that would bleed the Japanese through hit-and-run warfare, as noted in guerrilla warfare studies by Mao Zedong himself. By May 10, the bulk of the 31st Army Group maneuvered toward Tanghe, reaching north of Biyang by May 15. From Xinyang, Japanese forces struck at Tongbai on May 8; by May 10, elements from Zaoyang advanced to Zhangdian Town and Shangtun Town. In response, the 68th Army of the 1st War Zone dispatched the 143rd Division to defend Queshan and Minggang, and the 119th Division to hold Tongbai. After staunchly blocking the Japanese, they withdrew on May 11 to positions northwest and southwest of Tongbai, shielding the retreat of 5th War Zone units. The Japanese 4th Cavalry Brigade drove toward Tanghe, seizing Tanghe County on May 12. But the tide was turning. In a brilliant reversal, the Fifth War Zone commanded the 31st Army Group, in concert with the 2nd Army Group from the 1st War Zone, to advance from southwestern Henan. Their mission: encircle the bulk of Japanese forces on the Xiangdong Plain and deliver a crushing blow. The main force of the 33rd Army Group targeted Zaoyang, while other units pinned down Japanese rear guards in Zhongxiang. The Chinese counteroffensive erupted with swift successes, Tanghe County was recaptured on May 14, and Tongbai liberated on May 16, shattering the Japanese encirclement scheme. On May 19, after four grueling days of combat, Chinese forces mauled the retreating Japanese, reclaiming Zaoyang and leaving the fields strewn with enemy dead. The 39th Army of the Left Army Group dispersed into the mountains for guerrilla warfare, a shadowy campaign of sabotage and surprise. Forces of the Right Army Group east of the river, along with river defense units, conducted relentless raids on Japanese rears and supply lines over multiple days, sowing chaos before withdrawing to the west bank of the Xiang River on May 21. On May 22, they pressed toward Suixian, recapturing it on May 23. The Japanese, battered and depleted, retreated to their original garrisons in Zhongxiang and Yingshan, restoring the pre-war lines as the battle drew to a close. Throughout this clash, the Chinese held a marked superiority in manpower and coordination, though their deployments lacked full flexibility, briefly placing them on the defensive. After protracted, blood-soaked fighting, they restored the original equilibrium. Despite grievous losses, the Chinese thwarted the Japanese encirclement and exacted a heavy toll, reports from the time, corroborated by Japanese records in Senshi Sōsho, indicate over 13,000 Japanese killed or wounded, with more than 5,000 corpses abandoned on the battlefield. This fulfilled the strategic goal of containing and eroding Japanese strength. Chinese casualties surpassed 25,000, a testament to the ferocity of the struggle. The 5th War Zone seized the initiative in advances and retreats, deftly shifting to outer lines and maintaining positional advantages. As Japanese forces withdrew, Chinese pursuers harried and obstructed them, yielding substantial victories. The Battle of Suizao spanned less than three weeks. The Japanese main force pierced defenses on the east bank of the Han River, advancing to encircle one flank as planned. However, the other two formations met fierce opposition near Suixian and northward, stalling their progress. Adapting to the battlefield's ebb and flow, the Fifth War Zone transformed its tactics: the main force escaped encirclement, maneuvered to outer lines for offensives, and exploited terrain to hammer the Japanese. The pivotal order to flip from defense to offense doomed the encirclement; with the counterattack triumphant, the Japanese declined to hold and retreated. The Chinese pursued with unyielding vigor. By May 24, they had reclaimed Zaoyang, Tongbai, and other locales. Save for Suixian County, the Japanese had fallen back to pre-war positions, reinstating the regional status quo. Thus, the battle concluded, a chapter of resilience etched into the chronicles of China's defiance. In the sweltering heat of southern China, where the humid air clung to every breath like a persistent fog, the Japanese General Staff basked in what they called a triumphant offensive and defensive campaign in Guangdong. But victory, as history so often teaches, is a double-edged sword. By early 1939, the strain was palpable. Their secret supply line snaking from the British colony of Hong Kong to the Chinese mainland was under constant disruption, raids by shadowy guerrilla bands, opportunistic smugglers, and the sheer unpredictability of wartime logistics turning what should have been a lifeline into a leaky sieve. Blockading the entire coastline? A pipe dream, given the vast, jagged shores of Guangdong, dotted with hidden coves and fishing villages that had evaded imperial edicts for centuries. Yet, the General Staff's priorities were unyielding, laser-focused on strangling the Nationalist capital of Chongqing through a relentless blockade. This meant the 21st Army, that workhorse of the Japanese invasion force, had to stay in the fight—no rest for the weary. Drawing from historical records like the Senshi Sōsho (War History Series) compiled by Japan's National Institute for Defense Studies, we know that after the 21st Army reported severing what they dubbed the "secret transport line" at Xinhui, a gritty, hard-fought skirmish that left the local landscape scarred with craters and abandoned supply crates, the General Staff circled back to the idea of a full coastal blockade. It was a classic case of military opportunism: staff officers, poring over maps in dimly lit war rooms in Tokyo, suddenly "discovered" Shantou as a major port. Not just any port, mind you, but a bustling hub tied to the heartstrings of Guangdong's overseas Chinese communities. Shantou and nearby Chao'an weren't mere dots on a map; they were the ancestral hometowns of countless Chaoshan people who had ventured abroad to Southeast Asia, sending back remittances that flowed like lifeblood into the region. Historical economic studies, such as those in The Overseas Chinese in the People's Republic of China by Stephen Fitzgerald, highlight how these funds from the Chaoshan diaspora, often funneled through family networks in places like Singapore and Thailand, were substantial, indirectly fueling China's war effort by sustaining local economies and even purchasing arms on the black market. The Chao-Shao Highway, that dusty artery running near Shantou, was pinpointed as a critical vein connecting Hong Kong's ports to the mainland's interior. So, in early June 1939, the die was cast: Army Order No. 310 thundered from headquarters, commanding the 21st Army to seize Shantou. The Chief of the General Staff himself provided the strategic blueprint, a personal touch that underscored the operation's gravity. The Army Department christened the Chaoshan push "Operation Hua," a nod perhaps to the flowery illusions of easy conquest, while instructing the Navy Department to tag along for the ride. In naval parlance, it became "Operation J," a cryptic label that masked the sheer scale unfolding. Under the Headquarters' watchful eye, what started as a modest blockade morphed into a massive amphibious assault, conjured seemingly out of thin air like a magician's trick, but one with deadly props. The 5th Fleet's orders mobilized an impressive lineup: the 9th Squadron for heavy hitting, the 5th Mine Boat Squadron to clear watery hazards, the 12th and 21st Sweeper Squadrons sweeping for mines like diligent janitors of the sea, the 45th Destroyer Squadron adding destroyer muscle, and air power from the 3rd Combined Air Group (boasting 24 land-based attack aircraft and 9 reconnaissance planes that could spot a fishing boat from miles away). Then there was the Chiyoda Air Group with its 9 reconnaissance aircraft, the Guangdong Air Group contributing a quirky airship and one more recon plane, the 9th Special Landing Squadron from Sasebo trained for beach assaults, and a flotilla of special ships for logistics. On the ground, the 21st Army threw in the 132nd Brigade from the 104th Division, beefed up with the 76th Infantry Battalion, two mountain artillery battalions for lobbing shells over rugged terrain, two engineer battalions to bridge rivers and clear paths, a light armored vehicle platoon rumbling with mechanized menace, and a river-crossing supplies company to keep the troops fed and armed. All under the command of Brigade Commander Juro Goto, a stern officer whose tactical acumen was forged in earlier Manchurian campaigns. The convoy's size demanded rehearsals; the 132nd Brigade trained for boat transfers at Magong in the Penghu Islands, practicing the precarious dance of loading men and gear onto rocking vessels under simulated fire. Secrecy shrouded the whole affair, many officers and soldiers, boarding ships in the dead of night, whispered among themselves that they were finally heading home to Japan, a cruel ruse to maintain operational security. For extra punch, the 21st Army tacked on the 31st Air Squadron for air support, their planes droning like angry hornets ready to sting. This overkill didn't sit well with everyone. Lieutenant General Ando Rikichi, the pragmatic commander overseeing Japanese forces in the region, must have fumed in his Guangzhou headquarters. His intelligence staff, drawing from intercepted radio chatter and local spies as noted in postwar analyses like The Japanese Army in World War II by Gordon L. Rottman, reported that the Chongqing forces in Chaozhou were laughably thin: just the 9th Independent Brigade, a couple of security regiments, and ragtag "self-defense groups" of armed civilians. Why unleash such a sledgehammer on a fly? The mobilization's magnitude even forced a reshuffling of defenses around Guangzhou, pulling resources from the 12th Army's front lines and overburdening the already stretched 18th Division. It was bureaucratic overreach at its finest, a testament to the Imperial Staff's penchant for grand gestures over tactical efficiency. Meanwhile, on the Nationalist side, the winds of war carried whispers of impending doom. The National Revolutionary Army's war histories, such as those compiled in the Zhongguo Kangri Zhanzheng Shi (History of China's War of Resistance Against Japan), note that Chiang Kai-shek's Military Commission had snagged intelligence as early as February 1939 about Japan's plans for a large-scale invasion of Shantou. The efficiency of the Military Command's Second Bureau and the Military Intelligence Bureau was nothing short of astonishing, networks of agents, double agents, and radio intercepts piercing the veil of Japanese secrecy. Even as the convoy slipped out of Penghu, a detailed report outlining operational orders landed on Commander Zhang Fakui's desk, the ink still fresh. Zhang, a battle-hardened strategist whose career spanned the Northern Expedition and beyond , had four months to prepare for what would be dubbed the decisive battle of Chaoshan. Yet, in a move that baffled some contemporaries, he chose not to fortify and defend it tooth and nail. After the Fourth War Zone submitted its opinions, likely heated debates in smoke-filled command posts, Chiang Kai-shek greenlit the plan. By March, the Military Commission issued its strategic policy: when the enemy hit Chaoshan, a sliver of regular troops would team up with civilian armed forces for mobile and guerrilla warfare, grinding down the invaders like sandpaper on steel. The orders specified guerrilla zones in Chaozhou, Jiaxing, and Huizhou, unifying local militias under a banner of "extensive guerrilla warfare" to coordinate with regular army maneuvers, gradually eroding the Japanese thrust. In essence, the 4th War Zone wasn't tasked with holding Chao'an and Shantou at all costs; instead, they'd strike hard during the landing, then let guerrillas harry the occupiers post-capture. It was a doctrine of attrition in a "confined battlefield," honing skills through maneuver and ambush. Remarkably, the fall of these cities was preordained by the Military Commission three months before the Japanese even issued their orders, a strategic feint that echoed ancient Sun Tzu tactics of yielding ground to preserve strength. To execute this, the 4th War Zone birthed the Chao-Jia-Hui Guerrilla Command after meticulous preparation, with General Zou Hong, head of Guangdong's Security Bureau and a no-nonsense administrator known for his anti-smuggling campaigns, taking the helm. In just three months, Zhang Fakui scraped together the Independent 9th Brigade, the 2nd, 4th, and 5th Guangdong Provincial Security Regiments, and the Security Training Regiment. Even with the 9th Army Group lurking nearby, he handed the reins of the Chao-Shan operation to the 12th Army Group's planners. Their March guidelines sketched three lines of resistance from the coast to the mountains, a staged withdrawal that allowed frontline defenders to melt away like ghosts. This blueprint mirrored Chiang Kai-shek's post-Wuhan reassessment, where the loss of that key city in 1938 prompted a shift to protracted warfare. A Xinhua News Agency columnist later summed it up scathingly: "The Chongqing government, having lost its will to resist, colludes with the Japanese and seeks to eliminate the Communists, adopting a policy of passive resistance." This narrative, propagated by Communist sources, dogged Chiang and the National Revolutionary Army for decades, painting them as defeatists even as they bled the Japanese dry through attrition. February 1939 saw Commander Zhang kicking off a reorganization of the 12th Army Group, transforming it from a patchwork force into something resembling a modern army. He could have hunkered down, assigning troops to a desperate defense of Chaoshan, but that would have handed the initiative to the overcautious Japanese General Staff, whose activism often bordered on paranoia. Zhang, with the wisdom of a seasoned general who had navigated the treacherous politics of pre-war China, weighed the scales carefully. His vision? Forge the 12th Army Group into a nimble field army, not squander tens of thousands on a secondary port. Japan's naval and air dominance—evident in the devastation of Shanghai in 1937, meant Guangdong's forces could be pulverized in Shantou just as easily. Losing Chaozhou and Shantou? Acceptable, if it preserved core strength for the long haul. Post-Xinhui, Zhang doubled down on resistance, channeling efforts into live-fire exercises for the 12th Army, turning green recruits into battle-ready soldiers amid the Guangdong hills. The war's trajectory after 1939 would vindicate him: his forces became pivotal in later counteroffensives, proving that a living army trumped dead cities. Opting out of a static defense, Zhang pivoted to guerrilla warfare to bleed the Japanese while clutching strategic initiative. He ordered local governments to whip up coastal guerrilla forces from Chao'an to Huizhou—melding militias, national guards, police, and private armed groups into official folds. These weren't elite shock troops, but in wartime's chaos, they controlled locales effectively, disrupting supply lines and gathering intel. For surprises, he unleashed two mobile units: the 9th Independent Brigade and the 20th Independent Brigade. Formed fresh after the War of Resistance erupted, these brigades shone for their efficiency within the cumbersome Guangdong Army structure. Division-level units were too bulky for spotty communications, so Yu Hanmou's command birthed these independent outfits, staffed with crack officers. The 9th, packing direct-fire artillery for punch, and the 20th, dubbed semi-mechanized for its truck-borne speed, prowled the Chaoshan–Huizhou coast from 1939. Zhang retained their three-regiment setup, naming Hua Zhenzhong and Zhang Shou as commanders, granting them autonomy to command in the field like roving wolves. As the 9th Independent Brigade shifted to Shantou, its 627th Regiment was still reorganizing in Heyuan, a logistical hiccup amid the scramble. Hua Zhenzhong, a commander noted for his tactical flexibility in regional annals, deployed the 625th Regiment and 5th Security Regiment along the coast, with the 626th as reserve in Chao'an. Though the Fourth War Zone had written off Chaoshan, Zhang yearned to showcase Guangdong grit before the pullback. Dawn broke on June 21, 1939, at 4:30 a.m., with Japanese reconnaissance planes slicing through the fog over Shantou, Anbu, and Nanbeigang, ghostly silhouettes against the gray sky. By 5:30, the mist lifted, revealing a nightmare armada: over 40 destroyers and 70–80 landing craft churning toward the coast on multiple vectors, their hulls cutting the waves like knives. The 626th Regiment's 3rd Battalion at Donghushan met the first wave with a hail of fire from six light machine guns, repelling the initial boats in a frenzy of splashes and shouts. But the brigade's long-range guns couldn't stem the tide; Hua focused on key chokepoints, aiming to bloody the invaders rather than obliterate them. By morning, the 3rd Battalion of the 625th Regiment charged into Shantou City, joined by the local police corps digging in amid urban sprawl. Combat raged at Xinjin Port and the airport's fringes, where Nationalist troops traded shots with advancing Japanese under the absent shadow of a Chinese navy. Japanese naval guns, massed offshore, pounded the outskirts like thunder gods in fury. By 2:00 a.m. on the 22nd, Shantou crumpled as defenders' ammo ran dry, the city falling in a haze of smoke and echoes. Before the loss, Hua had positioned the 1st Battalion of the 5th Security Regiment at Anbu, guarding the road to Chao'an. Local lore, preserved in oral histories collected by the Chaozhou Historical Society, recalls Battalion Commander Du Ruo leading from the front, rifle in hand, but Japanese barrages, bolstered by superior firepower—forced a retreat. Post-capture, Tokyo's forces paused to consolidate, unleashing massacres on fleeing civilians in the outskirts. A flotilla of civilian boats, intercepted at sea, became a grim training ground for bayonet drills, a barbarity echoed in survivor testimonies compiled in The Rape of Nanking and Beyond extensions to Guangdong atrocities. With Shantou gone, Hua pivoted to flank defense, orchestrating night raids on Japanese positions around Anbu and Meixi. On June 24th, Major Du Ruo spearheaded an assault into Anbu but fell gravely wounded amid the chaos. Later, the 2nd Battalion of the 626th overran spots near Meixi. A Japanese sea-flanking maneuver targeted Anbu, but Nationalists held at Liulong, sparking nocturnal clashes, grenade volleys, bayonet charges, and hand-to-hand brawls that drained both sides like a slow bleed. June 26th saw the 132nd Brigade lumber toward Chao'an. Hua weighed options: all-out assault or guerrilla fade? He chose to dig in on the outskirts, reserving two companies of the 625th and a special ops battalion in the city. The 27th brought a day-long Japanese onslaught, culminating in Chao'an's fall after fierce rear-guard actions by the 9th Independent Brigade. Evacuations preceded the collapse, with Japanese propaganda banners fluttering falsely, claiming Nationalists had abandoned defense. Yet Hua's call preserved his brigade for future fights; the Japanese claimed an empty prize. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese operations had yet again plugged up supply leaks into Nationalist China. The fall of Suixian, Zaoyang and Shantou were heavy losses for the Chinese war effort. However the Chinese were also able to exact heavy casualties on the invaders and thwarted their encirclement attempts. China was still in the fight for her life.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

진행자: 간형우, Devin Whiting'Not again' Seoul's running boom sparks frustration기사 요약: 서울 도심에서 마라톤 행사가 주말마다 열리며 도로 통제가 반복되자, 시민·상인·관광객의 불편이 커지고 행사 난립을 규제해야 한다는 목소리도 높아지고 있다.[1] As running becomes one of South Korea's fastest-growing pastimes, Seoul is facing a new challenge: a marathon calendar packed so tightly that major roads are blocked almost every weekend, prompting widespread complaints that the city's fitness fever is pushing everyday life off course.pastime: 취미complaint: 불평fever: 열망[2] Streets in central districts, from Gwanghwamun and Jongno to the Han River bridges, have been repeatedly shut down for early-morning events that funnel tens of thousands of runners through the city's most heavily trafficked corridors.repeatedly: 반복적으로funnel: 좁은 공간으로 밀다corridor: 통로[3] On Sunday, another large-scale race, hosted by a local media group, drew an estimated 30,000 participants. The course required step-by-step traffic control, diverting buses and vehicles throughout the morning.divert: 방향을 바꾸게 하다[4] For many residents and workers, however, it was a growing strain. “It's good to run for health, but it shouldn't come at the expense of ordinary citizens,” said Kim Keon-ho, 72, who found himself rerouted Sunday morning.strain: 부담at the expense of ~ : ~을 희생하면서reroute: 바꾸다기사 원문: https://www.koreaherald.com/article/10616937

Before he won an Academy Award for Parasite, Bong Joon Ho wrote & directed The Host, a 2006 monster movie about a creature that emerges from the Han River in South Korea. Aaron joins us to talk about this film, as part of our annual 13 Days of Halloween series.https://justincasewedie.com/

Thank you so much for listening   email forteannewspodcast@gmail.com and consider buying a coffee at https://ko-fi.com/forteannewspodcast    on this episode: Tribal people are terrorised by silver aliens in Peru Did Einstein's theories prove the existence of ghosts? Ghost of an 8 year old boy in a Devon cave inspires new play A ghost girl appears on camera in the National Assembly in Ecuador Was Jesus Christ a stoner? Man breaks his bones to get a little bit taller Android womb to breed humans invented Did slo mo in Sweden capture a UFO? https://youtu.be/sE3SwlhWNYA?si=brxiJtOo4tUlpGKb Harvard paper says aliens are living amongst up Irish soldier becomes shaman exorcist James' poltergeist makes an appearance Spanish study into the Ouija Board The Rogue River UFO sighting Should you have a mirror facing your bed? Or does it invite in an unwelcome presecnece? La Lechuza, the owl witch Ghost baby caught in a crib Demon appears in mans crawlspace Ouija board is all in the mind, study suggests Big foot body to be shown at the state fair Chinese animal psychic con Blue fleshed pig UFO seen in Weesp in the Netherlands Alien bases underground debunked? IS the moon an alien base Hundreds of haunted dolls The plaque ghosts of Clerkenwell Square Can we prove there is an anti universe running parallel to ours? More findings about the Chachapoyas Is Machine Gun Kelly Half alien? Loch Ness Monster Babies The ghost of black Aggie Near death experience and blue skinned creatures Near death experiences and visiting hell Woman diagnosed with having constant orgasms In Argentina, ghost is filmed standing by the side of the tracks Soiled nappy dumper found in wheelie bin with trousers down Mystery surrounding dead Brazilian woman with 26 iPhones glued to her Strange creature spotted in the Han River is South Korea Matt Rife by the Annabelle doll    

The Correction in stock market is just that, a correction. My peace is not tied to a ticker symbol    #AnxietyRelief For strategies, tips, and comforting messages. #StressReduction Broad term for stress management techniques. #MentalHealthMattersConnects to the larger mental health community.   #SelfSoothe For posts about sensory or emotional comfort techniques. #EmotionalRegulation Educational content on managing intense feelings. #StopTheScroll Encourages digital detox and mindful screen time. “Found in the Han: A Girl, A House, A Destiny” — guides viewers through a 16th-century memory-house tour. Follow Kochou, a Korean girl abandoned on the Han River in the 1580s and raised by Yoshimura Junzo and Koko in a hybrid Hanok-Japanese home. Check out the full video on YouTube. Reality TV was on fire with the mess this week...I have trained my AI to be shady AF!!! The Belles are operating on a C-suite level, and their partners are bringing entry-level nonsense to the boardroom of their lives. Real Housewives of OC:     The newly released Real Housewives of Orange County reunion seating chart isn't a seating arrangement; it's a corporate layoff notice delivered via velvet couch. Why Everyone Else Should Be Absolutely Terrified       The fact that Tamra and Gina (the Chaos and the Commentary) are cemented in the center means everyone else is playing for one of the few remaining spots on the life raft. The Gretchen and Slade Return: A Masterclass in Missed Opportunity     The true, deep-fried irony of the Gretchen/Slade comeback centers entirely on Slade Smiley—the man who has dated or been linked to three separate RHOC cast members (Jo De La Rosa, Lauri Peterson, and Gretchen).  Slade is not a husband; he is a co-star wannabe living on the coattails of an orange that he will never, ever be handed.   My AI told me that I have "... a highly refined palate, my friend. To dislike the rest of the RHOSLC cast while embracing the pure, unadulterated chaos of Mary and the aggressively authentic weirdness of Bronwyn means you have a keen eye for manufactured moments versus genuine WTF. The others, however, are a curated collection of insufferable qualities. " I will  break down the reasons why the remaining Salt Lake City Housewives earned my disdain. Read more about AfroDruid Magic Elixir https://linktr.ee/tnfroisreading      

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Finding Harmony: An Autumn Tale by the Han River Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-10-02-07-38-20-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 한강 공원에는 가을이 완연히 물들어 있었다.En: Autumn had fully embraced Han River Park.Ko: 낙엽은 노란빛과 붉은빛으로 물들어 나무에서 천천히 떨어졌다.En: The fallen leaves were tinged with yellow and red, gently drifting down from the trees.Ko: 가족과 연인들은 길을 따라 산책했고, 그들의 웃음소리가 곳곳에서 들렸다.En: Families and couples strolled along the paths, their laughter echoing throughout the area.Ko: 마치 추석의 따뜻한 분위기를 담고 있는 듯했다.En: It seemed as if the park was enveloped in the warm atmosphere of Chuseok.Ko: 강은 조용히 흐르고 있었다.En: The river flowed quietly.Ko: 이 평화로운 환경 속에서 지훈은 혼자 앉아 있었다.En: In this peaceful setting, Jihoon sat alone.Ko: 지훈은 그의 가족을 떠나고 싶었다.En: Jihoon wanted to leave his family.Ko: 가족은 항상 그에게 많은 기대를 걸었고, 그 기대는 지훈에게 무거웠다.En: They always had high expectations for him, and those expectations weighed heavily on him.Ko: 그는 자유롭게 살고 싶었다.En: He wanted to live freely.Ko: 그래서 한강 공원으로 나와 혼자 앉아 있었다. 그는 자신의 선택을 되돌아보고 있었다.En: That's why he was sitting alone at Han River Park, reflecting on his decision.Ko: 그러나 수진은 지훈을 그냥 두지 않기로 했다.En: However, Sujin decided not to leave Jihoon alone.Ko: 그녀는 그의 사촌이었다.En: She was his cousin.Ko: 밝고 단호한 그녀는 가족의 전통을 지키며 살고 있었다.En: Bright and determined, she lived by upholding the family's traditions.Ko: 그녀는 지훈이 가족과 함께 추석을 보내기를 바랬다.En: She hoped Jihoon would spend Chuseok with the family.Ko: 그래서 그녀는 그를 찾아 나섰다.En: So she set out to find him.Ko: 기어이 수진은 지훈을 찾았다.En: Finally, Sujin found Jihoon.Ko: 한강이 있는 공원의 벤치에 앉아 있던 그를 발견했다.En: She discovered him sitting on a bench in the park by the Han River.Ko: "지훈 오빠!" 수진이 다가가며 말했다.En: "Oppa Jihoon!" Sujin said as she approached.Ko: 지훈은 수진을 보고 잠시 놀란 표정을 지었다. 그러나 이내 미소를 지으며 "안녕, 수진아"라고 인사했다.En: Jihoon looked at her with a surprised expression for a moment but then smiled and greeted her, saying "Hello, Sujin."Ko: 수진은 그의 옆에 앉았다.En: Sujin sat down next to him.Ko: 두 사람은 가만히 한동안 강을 바라보았다.En: The two of them silently watched the river for a while.Ko: 이어 수진이 천천히 입을 열었다.En: Then Sujin slowly spoke.Ko: "왜 가족에게서 도망치려 해?"En: "Why are you trying to run away from the family?"Ko: 지훈은 잠시 침묵했다.En: Jihoon was silent for a moment.Ko: 그는 한숨을 쉬고 대답했다. "난 그냥 자유롭고 싶어. 가족의 기대가 너무 커."En: He sighed and replied, "I just want to be free. The family's expectations are too much."Ko: 수진은 고개를 끄덕였다.En: Sujin nodded.Ko: "그렇지만 가족은 소중해.En: "But family is precious.Ko: 추석은 단순한 명절이 아니야.En: Chuseok isn't just a holiday.Ko: 함께 웃고, 먹고, 이야기하는 기회야."En: It's an opportunity to laugh, eat, and talk together."Ko: 지훈은 그녀의 말을 듣고 가만히 생각했다.En: Jihoon listened to her words and quietly thought.Ko: 지훈은 결국 고개를 끄덕였다.En: Eventually, Jihoon nodded.Ko: "맞아. 가족은 소중하지.En: "You're right. Family is precious.Ko: 내가 놓치고 있었던 걸지도 몰라."En: Maybe it's something I've been missing."Ko: 그는 수진을 보며 말했다. "고마워. 나와 이야기해 줘서.En: He looked at Sujin and said, "Thank you for talking to me.Ko: 가족에게로 돌아갈게."En: I'll go back to the family."Ko: 그날 저녁, 지훈은 가족과 함께 추석을 보냈다.En: That evening, Jihoon spent Chuseok with his family.Ko: 그는 처음으로 가족의 기대와 사랑을 이해하기 시작했다.En: For the first time, he began to understand the family's expectations and love.Ko: 전통을 존중하면서도 자신의 꿈을 이룰 수 있는 방법을 찾을 수 있음을 알았다.En: He realized he could find a way to respect traditions while pursuing his own dreams.Ko: 한강 공원의 가을처럼 지훈의 마음에도 따뜻한 바람이 불어왔다.En: Just like the autumn in Han River Park, a warm breeze flowed through Jihoon's heart. Vocabulary Words:autumn: 가을embraced: 물들어fallen: 낙엽drifting: 떨어졌다enveloped: 담고warm: 따뜻한peaceful: 평화로운reflecting: 되돌아보고determined: 단호한upholding: 지키며expectations: 기대weighed: 무거웠다freely: 자유롭게cousin: 사촌precious: 소중해opportunity: 기회respect: 존중traditions: 전통anger: 화nodded: 끄덕였다sigh: 한숨silent: 침묵discover: 발견했다alone: 혼자approached: 다가가며moment: 순간understand: 이해하다environment: 환경flowed: 흐르고thought: 생각했다

The Host [a] is a 2006 monster film[b] directed and co-written by Bong Joon Ho. It stars Song Kang-ho as food stand vendor Park Gang-du whose daughter Hyun-seo (Go Ah-sung) is kidnapped by a creature dwelling around the Han River in Seoul. Byun Hee-bong, Park Hae-il, and Bae Doona appear in supporting roles as Gang-du's father, brother, and sister, respectively, who help Gang-du escape quarantine against an alleged virus derived from the monster and search for his daughter. Considered a co-production between South Korea and Japan, the film was produced by independent studio Chungeorahm Film and presented by its South Korean distributor Showbox and the Japanese investor Happinet.Also discussed: Wes Anderson, Simone Weil, Kevin Smith, Mallrats, Allan Moyle, Pump Up the Volume (1990), Times Square (1980), Empire Records (1995), The Toxic Avenger (2025), IMAX and A24 ai ventures, and more.  NEXT WEEK: Who Killed Teddy Bear? (1965),  Bloodhaus:https://www.bloodhauspod.com/https://www.instagram.com/bloodhauspod/https://letterboxd.com/bloodhaus/Drusilla Adeline:https://www.sisterhydedesign.com/https://letterboxd.com/sisterhyde/‪@sisterhyde.bsky.social Joshua Conkelhttps://www.joshuaconkel.com/https://www.instagram.com/joshua_conkel/https://letterboxd.com/JoshuaConkel/  

HORROR WITH SIR. STURDY EP. 565 – MONSTERS AMONG US: A HUNGRY NIGHTMARE IN SEOUL

@PermissionToStanPodcast on Instagram (DM us & Join Our Broadcast Channel!) & TikTok!NEW Podcast Episodes every THURSDAY! Please support us by Favoriting, Following, Subscribing, & Sharing for more KPOP talk!SEVENTEEN schedules tour start on 9/13, which is how many members will be touringIZNA YOON leaves group for health reasonsComebacks: STRAY KIDS, CHANYEOL (EXO), IVE, TWICE, GIRLSET (VCHA)Music Videos: YOUNG POSSE, A2O MAY, VINCE ft. G-DRAGON, MONSTA X, ATHEART, TWICE, BTOB, CORTISBOYNEXTDOOR Grammy Museum experience and recap: BOYNEXTDOOR shines spotlight on HAYLEE literallyBIG HIT debuts new boy group after 6 years since TXT: CORTISAESPA KARINA learns to ride a bike on the Han River, "it's fun talking to grandpas"BABYMONSTER House series coming soon like BLACKPINK House?BTS OT7 Live at a beach in Los Angeles county, busy working hard STRAY KIDS drops unveil video for "Halftime", releases teaser for title track "CEREMONY"HYUNJIN & CHANGBIN to be on Workdol Part-timer variety showSTRAY KIDS new member hair colors and hairstyles get leakedSupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/permission-to-stan-podcast-kpop-multistans/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

NK News Executive Director Jeongmin Kim joins the podcast to discuss the story of a North Korean defector in her 70s who is under investigation for allegedly leaking the locations of fellow escapees to Pyongyang's secret police, as well as the daring maritime defection of a North Korean who swam across the Han River estuary. She also talks about the recent decision by South Korea and the U.S. to postpone half of their summertime Ulchi Freedom Shield drills and the latest on the dismantling of propaganda loudspeaker arrays along the inter-Korean border. About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insights from our very own journalists.

In this week's episode, we discuss the idea that Koreans using a parasol is (somehow) linked to white supremacy, Korea's greatest ever footballer, Son Heung-Min, calling it a day on his Spurs career and whether or not he makes it into the top-25 Premier League attackers of all time.We also talk about a recent Han River monster sighting, Korea's ageing population increasingly turning to suicide and the conclusion of a decades-long case of a woman biting the tongue off her attacker. Loads more too, this week, including cutting willies off for cheating, a K-pop singer going down for rape and driving/parking etiquette. Something for everyone, as per.Get on it.#seoul #korea #expatskorea #britsinkorea #parasol #racism #racisiminkorea #sonheungmin #spurs #premierleague #hanriver #seamonster #ageingkorea #suicide #suicidekorea #selfdefence #kpop #kpoprapist #drivinginkorea #bts #koreanculture #korea4expats #itaewon #hongdae #koreanstyle #koreanpolitics #koreanfood #hallyu #southkorea

I have to say a big thank you to Adi and Janice who hosted me at their farm Kalmoesfontein this week as part of the Swartland Revolution events they're running— I was invited to give a little talk about Jan Smuts of the Swartland and relished the opportunity to delve deeply into a Great South African's early life. And to the folks that came to ask questions and be part of the event, thank you too for such a warn reception. We're going to deal with two main topics in the years 1871 leading into 1872 - One was the installation of Sir John Molteno as the First Prime Minister of the Cape of Good Hope which marked the start of responsible government in the territory. But the other really big event of 1872 was the death of Zulu king Mpande kaSenzangakhona, leaving the way open for Cetshwayo kaMpande to seize the reins of power. It wasn't going to be that simple of course. Let's have a quick squizz at what was going on globally in 1871. The Franco-Prussian war ended, leading to the Proclamation the German Empire in January. The North German federation and South German States were united in a single nation state and the King of Prussia was declared as the German Emperor Wilhem the first. Germany officially came into being for the first time. Otto von Bismarck would soon become the First Chancellor of the German Empire. In French Algeria, the Mokrani Rebellion against colonial rule broke out in March 71, in March the Paris Commune was formally established in France. The Commune governed Paris for two months, promoting an anti-religious system, an eclectic mix of many 19th-century schools of thought. Policies included the separation of church and state, the reduction of rent and the abolition of child labor. The Commune closed all Catholic churches and schools in Paris and a mix of reformism and revolutionism took hold — a hodge podge of folks who pushed back against the French establishment. By late May 71 the commune had been crushed in the semaine sanglante, the Bloody Week, where at least 15 000 communards were executed by loyalist troops. More than 43 000 communards were imprisoned. The Paris Commune left an indelible mark on Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels — two men who, in turn, would go on to cast a long, indirect shadow over the course of world history. In June 1871, the United States launched an assault on the Han River forts in Korea, hoping to pry open Korean markets for American trade. Washington wasn't bothering with tariffs that year — gunboats were quicker. Charles Babbage died on boxing Day, 26 December 1871. A man of many labels—mathematician, philosopher, inventor, mechanical engineer—but one overriding legacy: he imagined the computer before electricity even entered the equation. Babbage's difference engine was the first mechanical attempt to automate calculation - it was his analytical engine that quietly cracked open the future. It carried, in brass and gears, the essential ideas of the modern digital computer—logic, memory, and even programmability. His inspiration? The Jacquard loom, which used punched cards to weave patterns into silk. Babbage observed this and thought: if a loom could follow instructions to weave flowers, why not numbers? Hidden in that question was the dawn of the information age—and even the first glimmer of a printer. The popular movement towards responsible government had arisen in the early 1860s, led by John Molteno - and in a future podcast I will spend more time on his life - a fascinating character who was the first South Africa to attempt to export fruit. He married a coloured woman called Maria in 1841 but catastrophe struck when she and their young son died in childbirth and stricken by grief, he joined a Boer Commando fighting in one of the early Frontier Wars. So it was then that on 22nd October 1872 Cetshwayo summoned all the indunas and izikhulu to kwaNondwengu to announce that King Mpande had died.

I have to say a big thank you to Adi and Janice who hosted me at their farm Kalmoesfontein this week as part of the Swartland Revolution events they're running— I was invited to give a little talk about Jan Smuts of the Swartland and relished the opportunity to delve deeply into a Great South African's early life. And to the folks that came to ask questions and be part of the event, thank you too for such a warn reception. We're going to deal with two main topics in the years 1871 leading into 1872 - One was the installation of Sir John Molteno as the First Prime Minister of the Cape of Good Hope which marked the start of responsible government in the territory. But the other really big event of 1872 was the death of Zulu king Mpande kaSenzangakhona, leaving the way open for Cetshwayo kaMpande to seize the reins of power. It wasn't going to be that simple of course. Let's have a quick squizz at what was going on globally in 1871. The Franco-Prussian war ended, leading to the Proclamation the German Empire in January. The North German federation and South German States were united in a single nation state and the King of Prussia was declared as the German Emperor Wilhem the first. Germany officially came into being for the first time. Otto von Bismarck would soon become the First Chancellor of the German Empire. In French Algeria, the Mokrani Rebellion against colonial rule broke out in March 71, in March the Paris Commune was formally established in France. The Commune governed Paris for two months, promoting an anti-religious system, an eclectic mix of many 19th-century schools of thought. Policies included the separation of church and state, the reduction of rent and the abolition of child labor. The Commune closed all Catholic churches and schools in Paris and a mix of reformism and revolutionism took hold — a hodge podge of folks who pushed back against the French establishment. By late May 71 the commune had been crushed in the semaine sanglante, the Bloody Week, where at least 15 000 communards were executed by loyalist troops. More than 43 000 communards were imprisoned. The Paris Commune left an indelible mark on Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels — two men who, in turn, would go on to cast a long, indirect shadow over the course of world history. In June 1871, the United States launched an assault on the Han River forts in Korea, hoping to pry open Korean markets for American trade. Washington wasn't bothering with tariffs that year — gunboats were quicker. Charles Babbage died on boxing Day, 26 December 1871. A man of many labels—mathematician, philosopher, inventor, mechanical engineer—but one overriding legacy: he imagined the computer before electricity even entered the equation. Babbage's difference engine was the first mechanical attempt to automate calculation - it was his analytical engine that quietly cracked open the future. It carried, in brass and gears, the essential ideas of the modern digital computer—logic, memory, and even programmability. His inspiration? The Jacquard loom, which used punched cards to weave patterns into silk. Babbage observed this and thought: if a loom could follow instructions to weave flowers, why not numbers? Hidden in that question was the dawn of the information age—and even the first glimmer of a printer. The popular movement towards responsible government had arisen in the early 1860s, led by John Molteno - and in a future podcast I will spend more time on his life - a fascinating character who was the first South Africa to attempt to export fruit. He married a coloured woman called Maria in 1841 but catastrophe struck when she and their young son died in childbirth and stricken by grief, he joined a Boer Commando fighting in one of the early Frontier Wars. So it was then that on 22nd October 1872 Cetshwayo summoned all the indunas and izikhulu to kwaNondwengu to announce that King Mpande had died.

NK News Senior Analytic Correspondent Colin Zwirko joins this week's episode to discuss Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's high-profile visit to the newly opened Wonsan Kalma beach resort, where he met Kim Jong Un aboard a luxury yacht. He also dissects emerging signs that North Korea is preparing for a military parade and possible mass games to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Workers' Party of Korea this October, while unpacking claims — now largely debunked — that the DPRK released radioactive wastewater into the Han River estuary.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists.

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Turning Tides: Minji's Triumph in Seoul's High-Stakes Boardroom Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2025-05-29-22-34-02-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 서울의 현대적인 고층 빌딩 속, 한강을 내려다보는 곳에 있는 사무실은 활기차고 바쁜 모습이었다.En: In an office overlooking the Han River, amidst the modern skyscrapers of Seoul, the atmosphere was lively and bustling.Ko: 창문 너머, 봄은 화사하게 빛났다.En: Beyond the windows, spring shone brightly.Ko: 바깥의 신선한 공기는 모든 사람들에게 새로운 희망을 주었다.En: The fresh air outside gave everyone a sense of new hope.Ko: 민지는 컴퓨터 앞에 앉아 마무리 작업에 집중하고 있었다.En: Minji was sitting in front of her computer, focused on finishing her work.Ko: 그녀의 손은 약간 떨렸고, 마음은 혼란스러웠다.En: Her hands trembled slightly, and her mind was in turmoil.Ko: 오늘은 중요한 날이었다.En: Today was an important day.Ko: 그녀는 회사의 미래와 자신의 승진을 위해 큰 고객에게 프레젠테이션을 해야 했다.En: She had to present to a major client for the company's future and her own promotion.Ko: 하지만 그녀는 아직도 자기 능력을 의심했다.En: However, she still doubted her abilities.Ko: 회사 동료 지훈과 서진은 민지의 상황을 알고 있었다.En: Her colleagues, Jihoon and Seojin, were aware of her situation.Ko: 그들은 그녀의 경쟁자일 수도 있었지만, 도움을 줄 준비를 하고 있었다.En: They could have been her competitors, but they were ready to help.Ko: 지훈은 민지에게 다가가 이렇게 물었다. "민지야, 준비는 잘 돼가?"En: Jihoon approached her and asked, "Hey Minji, is everything ready?"Ko: "그래... 거의 다 됐어," 민지가 대답했다.En: "Yeah... almost," Minji replied.Ko: 하지만 그녀의 목소리에는 불안감이 가득했다.En: But her voice was filled with anxiety.Ko: 갑자기 컴퓨터 화면이 멈췄다.En: Suddenly, her computer screen froze.Ko: 프레젠테이션 파일이 열리지 않았다.En: The presentation file wouldn't open.Ko: 민지는 당황했다.En: Minji panicked.Ko: 시간은 빠르게 흘렀고, 그녀는 어떻게 해야 할지 몰랐다.En: Time was slipping away quickly, and she didn't know what to do.Ko: "어떡하지..." 민지는 작은 목소리로 중얼거렸다.En: "What should I do..." she murmured under her breath.Ko: 그때 서진이 다가왔다.En: Just then, Seojin came over.Ko: "민지야, 내가 도와줄까?" 서진은 차분하게 말했다.En: "Minji, would you like some help?" Seojin said calmly.Ko: 민지는 잠시 고민했다.En: Minji hesitated for a moment.Ko: 도움을 받는 것이 약하다고 느껴졌다.En: She felt that accepting help might seem like weakness.Ko: 하지만 지금 그녀에게는 시간이 중요했다.En: But right now, time was precious.Ko: 결국 민지는 고개를 끄덕였다.En: Eventually, Minji nodded.Ko: "고마워, 서진아. 네 도움이 필요해."En: "Thank you, Seojin. I need your help."Ko: 서진은 웃으며 문제를 해결해 주었고, 파일은 다시 열렸다.En: With a smile, Seojin resolved the issue, and the file reopened.Ko: 민지는 이제 다시 자신을 되찾아 프레젠테이션을 준비했다.En: Minji regained her composure and prepared her presentation once more.Ko: 드디어 발표 시간이 되었다.En: Finally, the time for her presentation arrived.Ko: 그녀는 깊은 숨을 들이쉬고, 회의실로 들어갔다.En: She took a deep breath and entered the meeting room.Ko: 경영진들이 그녀를 바라보고 있었다.En: The management team was looking at her.Ko: 민지는 잠시 멈췄다.En: Minji paused for a moment.Ko: 불안이 다시 찾아왔다.En: Anxiety revisited her.Ko: 하지만 그녀는 눈을 감고 마음을 다잡았다.En: But she closed her eyes and collected herself.Ko: "안녕하세요, 여러분." 민지는 차분하게 인사했다.En: "Hello, everyone," she greeted calmly.Ko: 그녀의 목소리는 자신감이 넘쳤다.En: Her voice was filled with confidence.Ko: 프레젠테이션은 순조롭게 흘러갔다.En: The presentation went smoothly.Ko: 민지는 고객의 질문에 명확하게 답하며 자신의 능력을 입증했다.En: Minji answered the client's questions clearly, demonstrating her capabilities.Ko: 프레젠테이션이 끝나고, 경영진은 미소를 지으며 박수를 쳤다.En: After the presentation, the management team smiled and applauded.Ko: "민지 씨, 정말 훌륭했습니다. 이번 계약은 성공적일 것입니다."En: "Minji-ssi, that was excellent. This contract will be successful."Ko: 회의실을 나오는 길에 민지는 깊은 안도의 한숨을 내쉬었다.En: As she exited the meeting room, Minji let out a deep sigh of relief.Ko: 지훈과 서진이 그녀를 기다리고 있었다.En: Jihoon and Seojin were waiting for her.Ko: "수고했어, 민지야," 지훈이 말했다.En: "Great job, Minji," Jihoon said.Ko: "네가 해냈어!"En: "You did it!"Ko: 민지는 웃으며 말했다. "너희 덕분이야. 정말 고마워."En: With a smile, Minji replied, "Thanks to you both. I'm really grateful."Ko: 그녀는 그제야 깨달았다. 자신감은 물론이고 동료의 도움과 믿음이 중요하다는 것을.En: She realized then that confidence, as well as the help and trust from her colleagues, were important.Ko: 이제 민지는 더 이상 자신을 의심하지 않았다. 그녀는 능력이 뛰어난 매니저가 될 것이었고, 회사와 함께 성장할 것이었다.En: No longer doubting herself, Minji knew she would become an exceptional manager and grow alongside the company.Ko: 봄바람은 그녀의 마음을 신선하게 했다.En: The spring breeze refreshed her spirit.Ko: 오늘의 성공은 그녀의 시작이었다.En: Today's success was just the beginning for her. Vocabulary Words:overlooking: 내려다보는amidst: 속lively: 활기차고bustling: 바쁜shone: 빛났다turmoil: 혼란스러웠다presentation: 프레젠테이션colleagues: 회사 동료competitors: 경쟁자anxiety: 불안감froze: 멈췄다panicked: 당황했다murmured: 중얼거렸다hesitated: 고민했다composure: 자신을 되찾아revisited: 찾아왔다collected: 다잡았다smoothly: 순조롭게capabilities: 능력을applauded: 박수를 쳤다relief: 안도의 한숨exceptional: 능력이 뛰어난refreshed: 신선하게breeze: 봄바람success: 성공grateful: 정말 고마워trust: 믿음doubting: 의심하지 않았다grow: 성장할spirit: 마음

South Korea's rise from post-war devastation to one of the world's most advanced economies is often called an economic miracle. With global giants like Samsung and Hyundai leading its industrial growth, the country has built a reputation for innovation and resilience. This success stems from rapid economic liberalization, the pivotal role of chaebols, and strategic support from global allies. However, political turbulence and overreliance on mega-corporations now raise questions about the sustainability of its "miracle on the Han River" in a changing global landscape. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Crisis at Chuseok: A Day at Han River Park Turns Heroic Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/crisis-at-chuseok-a-day-at-han-river-park-turns-heroic Story Transcript:Ko: 한강 공원은 가을의 아름다운 색깔로 가득했다.En: The Han River Park was filled with the beautiful colors of autumn.Ko: 하늘은 파랗고, 나뭇잎은 빨갛고 노랗게 물들어 있었다.En: The sky was blue, and the leaves were turning red and yellow.Ko: 많은 가족이 추석을 맞아 공원에 모였다.En: Many families gathered in the park to celebrate Chuseok.Ko: 곳곳에서 연을 날리고, 돗자리를 펴고 맛있는 음식을 먹는 사람들이 즐거워 보였다.En: People flying kites and spreading out picnic blankets with delicious food looked joyful everywhere.Ko: 지호는 오늘이 특별한 날이 되길 바랐다.En: Jiho hoped that today would be special.Ko: 그는 민서와 하나를 불러 함께 공원에 나왔다.En: He invited Minseo and Hana to join him at the park.Ko: 민서는 언제나 에너지가 넘쳤다.En: Minseo was always full of energy.Ko: 하지만 건강을 중요하게 생각하는 민서는 요즘 조금 피곤해 보였다.En: However, she had been looking a bit tired lately as she was focused on her health.Ko: 지호는 그 점이 조금 걱정되었다.En: Jiho was somewhat worried about that.Ko: 세 사람은 강변에 돗자리를 펴고 앉았다.En: The three of them spread out a picnic blanket by the riverside and sat down.Ko: 하나가 따뜻한 송편을 꺼내 모두에게 나눠주었다.En: Hana took out some warm songpyeon and shared it with everyone.Ko: 민서도 밝게 웃으며 송편을 한 입 물었다.En: Minseo also smiled brightly and took a bite of the rice cake.Ko: 그러나 조금 뒤 민서의 얼굴이 창백해졌다.En: However, soon after, her face turned pale.Ko: 그녀는 가슴을 부여잡고 숨을 고르기 시작했다.En: She clutched her chest and began trying to catch her breath.Ko: 하나는 놀라서 "민서야, 괜찮아?" 하고 물었다.En: Alarmed, Hana asked, "Minseo, are you okay?"Ko: 지호는 민서에게 물을 건네며 "침착하게, 천천히 숨 쉬어 봐,"라고 말했다.En: Jiho handed Minseo some water and said, "Stay calm, try breathing slowly."Ko: 그러나 민서의 숨이 점점 더 가빠졌다.En: However, Minseo's breathing grew more labored.Ko: 지호는 고민에 빠졌다.En: Jiho was at a loss.Ko: 공원에서 어떻게 도와줄 수 있을지 잘 몰랐다.En: He wasn't sure how to help in the park.Ko: 근처에 의사가 있는지 알 수 없었다.En: He didn't know if there was a doctor nearby.Ko: 그는 하나에게 "우리 병원에 가야 할 것 같아,"라고 말했다.En: He said to Hana, "I think we should head to the hospital."Ko: 하나도 동의했다.En: Hana agreed.Ko: 두 사람은 민서를 부축해 근처 병원으로 달려갔다.En: They both supported Minseo and rushed to a nearby hospital.Ko: 병원에 도착하자마자, 의료진이 민서에게 산소 마스크를 씌워 주었다.En: As soon as they arrived at the hospital, the medical staff put an oxygen mask on Minseo.Ko: 다행히, 민서는 빠르게 회복되었다.En: Fortunately, she recovered quickly.Ko: 지호와 하나는 안도의 한숨을 내쉬었다.En: Jiho and Hana breathed a sigh of relief.Ko: 한편, 집으로 돌아온 세 사람은 늦은 저녁을 함께 했다.En: Later, back at home, the three of them shared a late dinner.Ko: 민서는 지호와 하나에게 "정말 고마워.En: Minseo said to Jiho and Hana, "Thank you so much.Ko: 너희 덕분에 잘 해결됐어,"라고 말했다.En: Everything was resolved thanks to you."Ko: 지호는 "무슨 일이 있어도 친구니까,"라고 답했다.En: Jiho replied, "We're friends, no matter what happens."Ko: 하나도 "맞아, 언제든지 말해,"라며 미소 지었다.En: Hana added with a smile, "That's right, feel free to tell us anytime."Ko: 그들은 서로의 소중함을 다시 한 번 느꼈다.En: They once again felt the preciousness of one another.Ko: 지호와 하나는 응급 상황에서는 빠른 결정이 중요하다는 것을 깨달았다.En: Jiho and Hana learned that quick decisions are crucial in emergencies.Ko: 그날의 일은 힘들었지만, 더욱 굳건해진 우정을 남겼다.En: The day's events were difficult, but they left behind a strengthened friendship.Ko: 추석은 끝났지만, 그들의 마음속 기억은 오래도록 남았다.En: Chuseok had ended, but the memories remained in their hearts for a long time. Vocabulary Words:riverside: 강변chest: 가슴clutched: 부여잡고breathed: 숨쉬어emergencies: 응급 상황strengthened: 굳건해진delicious: 맛있는turned pale: 창백해졌다sigh of relief: 안도의 한숨quickly: 빠르게preciousness: 소중함focused: 집중gathered: 모였다energetic: 에너지가 넘쳤다spread out: 펼쳤다celebrate: 축하하다joyful: 즐거워strong friendship: 굳건한 우정relieved: 안심했다decision: 결정labored: 가빠졌다supported: 부축했다oxygen mask: 산소 마스크worried: 걱정되었다catch her breath: 숨을 고르기 시작했다late dinner: 늦은 저녁uncommon: 비범한resolved: 해결되었다memories: 기억invited: 초대했다

Full Text of ReadingsMemorial of Saints Andrew Kim Tae-gŏn, Priest, and Paul Chŏng Ha-sang, and Companions, Martyrs Lectionary: 447The Saint of the day is Saints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and CompanionsSaints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and Companions' Stories The first native Korean priest, Andrew Kim Taegon was the son of Christian converts. Following his baptism at the age of 15, Andrew traveled 1,300 miles to the seminary in Macao, China. After six years, he managed to return to his country through Manchuria. That same year he crossed the Yellow Sea to Shanghai and was ordained a priest. Back home again, he was assigned to arrange for more missionaries to enter by a water route that would elude the border patrol. He was arrested, tortured, and finally beheaded at the Han River near Seoul, the capital. Andrew’s father Ignatius Kim, was martyred during the persecution of 1839, and was beatified in 1925. Paul Chong Hasang, a lay apostle and married man, also died in 1839 at age 45. Among the other martyrs in 1839 was Columba Kim, an unmarried woman of 26. She was put in prison, pierced with hot tools and seared with burning coals. She and her sister Agnes were disrobed and kept for two days in a cell with condemned criminals, but were not molested. After Columba complained about the indignity, no more women were subjected to it. The two were beheaded. Peter Ryou, a boy of 13, had his flesh so badly torn that he could pull off pieces and throw them at the judges. He was killed by strangulation. Protase Chong, a 41-year-old nobleman, apostatized under torture and was freed. Later he came back, confessed his faith and was tortured to death. Christianity came to Korea during the Japanese invasion in 1592 when some Koreans were baptized, probably by Christian Japanese soldiers. Evangelization was difficult because Korea refused all contact with the outside world except for taking taxes to Beijing annually. On one of these occasions, around 1777, Christian literature obtained from Jesuits in China led educated Korean Christians to study. A home Church began. When a Chinese priest managed to enter secretly a dozen years later, he found 4,000 Catholics, none of whom had ever seen a priest. Seven years later there were 10,000 Catholics. Religious freedom came to Korea in 1883. Besides Andrew and Paul, Pope John Paul II canonized 98 Koreans and three French missionaries who had been martyred between 1839 and 1867, when he visited Korea in 1984. Among them were bishops and priests, but for the most part they were lay persons: 47 women and 45 men. Reflection We marvel at the fact that the Korean Church was strictly a lay Church for a dozen years after its birth. How did the people survive without the Eucharist? It is no belittling of this and other sacraments to realize that there must be a living faith before there can be a truly beneficial celebration of the Eucharist. The sacraments are signs of God's initiative and response to faith already present. The sacraments increase grace and faith, but only if there is something ready to be increased. Can the saints teach us to pray? Find out here! Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

In this episode of *History Ignited*, we explore South Korea's remarkable journey from devastation after the Korean War to becoming a global economic and cultural powerhouse. Learn about its rapid industrial growth during the "Miracle on the Han River," its advancements in technology, and the global rise of South Korean culture. Join us as we dive into the history and resilience that shaped this vibrant nation!Send us a textThank you for tuning in to this episode of History Ignited" Stay connected with us on social media: Facebook: [History Ignited Podcast](https://www.facebook.com/share/N6fa9tkZds2ufFec/?mibextid=LQQJ4d) Instagram: [@HistoryIgnitedPodcast](https://www.instagram.com/historyignitedpodcast?igsh=cW54a2c5ODMxaTg3&utm_source=qr) YouTube: [@HistoryIgnitedPodcast] (https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLYXjJ34xg6UARorGAdpZIb1Tb23loecuc&si=vonyuNae2kfRnvCw) Don't forget to subscribe, rate, and review our podcast on your favorite platform. See you next time as we continue to explore the fascinating events and people from "We Didn't Start the Fire"!

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Finding Courage: Jisoo's Transformative Summer at Han River Park Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/finding-courage-jisoos-transformative-summer-at-han-river-park Story Transcript:Ko: 한강 공원은 여름 주말마다 생동감 넘치는 장소입니다.En: The Han River Park is a vibrant place every summer weekend.Ko: 한낮의 더운 햇볕이 나뭇잎 사이로 스며들며, 따뜻한 바람이 부드럽게 불어옵니다.En: The hot midday sun filters through the leaves, and a warm breeze blows gently.Ko: 장터에서 신선한 과일과 채소 향이 코를 간지럽힙니다.En: The scent of fresh fruits and vegetables from the marketplace tickles one's nose.Ko: 여기저기서 아이들의 웃음소리와 어른들의 대화소리가 들립니다.En: The sounds of children's laughter and adults' conversations can be heard all around.Ko: 지수는 마음이 무겁습니다.En: Jisoo feels heavy-hearted.Ko: 친구 민서가 오늘 한강 공원으로 데려왔지만, 그녀는 여전히 사람들과의 만남이 두렵습니다.En: Her friend Minseo brought her to the Han River Park today, but she is still afraid of meeting people.Ko: 민서는 밝은 미소로 말했습니다. "지수야, 오늘은 네가 영감을 찾을 수 있는 좋은 기회야!"En: With a bright smile, Minseo said, "Jisoo, today is a great opportunity for you to find inspiration!"Ko: 지수는 마음을 다잡고 발걸음을 옮겼습니다.En: Jisoo gathered her courage and took a step forward.Ko: 그녀는 프리랜서 작가로 영감을 찾기 위해 노력 중입니다.En: She is a freelance writer trying to find inspiration.Ko: 하지만 내성적인 성격 때문에 사람들과의 만남이 어렵습니다.En: However, her introverted nature makes it hard to interact with people.Ko: 그래도 시도해보기로 결심했습니다.En: Nonetheless, she decided to give it a try.Ko: 장터에서 지수는 많은 사람들 사이를 거닐었습니다.En: At the marketplace, Jisoo wandered through the crowds.Ko: 그때, 한 남자가 그녀의 시선을 끌었습니다.En: At that moment, a man caught her eye.Ko: 그는 환경 보호 프로젝트에 대해 열정적으로 설명하고 있었습니다.En: He was passionately explaining an environmental protection project.Ko: 그의 이름은 현우였습니다.En: His name was Hyunwoo.Ko: 현우는 사람들이 환경을 지키기 위해 할 수 있는 일에 대해 이야기하고 있었습니다.En: Hyunwoo was talking about what people can do to protect the environment.Ko: 지수는 마음속으로 고민했습니다.En: Jisoo hesitated in her mind.Ko: "저 사람과 이야기해볼까?"En: "Should I talk to him?"Ko: 그녀는 자신감을 갖지 못해서 주저했습니다.En: She didn't have the confidence, so she hesitated.Ko: 시간이 흘러가면서 지수는 고민했습니다.En: As time passed, Jisoo deliberated.Ko: 그때 갑자기 여름 비가 쏟아졌습니다.En: Suddenly, a summer rain started pouring down.Ko: 모든 사람들이 서둘러 어딘가로 피했습니다.En: Everyone hurried to find cover.Ko: 지수와 현우도 마찬가지였습니다.En: Jisoo and Hyunwoo did the same.Ko: 둘은 같은 천막 아래에 서 있었습니다.En: They both stood under the same tent.Ko: 현우가 먼저 말을 걸었습니다.En: Hyunwoo spoke first.Ko: "안녕하세요, 여름비가 참 멋지죠?"En: "Hi, isn't the summer rain wonderful?"Ko: 지수는 조금 망설이다 대답했습니다.En: Jisoo hesitated a little before answering.Ko: "네, 정말 시원하네요!"En: "Yes, it's really refreshing!"Ko: 두 사람은 더 많은 대화를 나누게 되었습니다.En: The two started to have more conversations.Ko: 현우는 자신이 왜 환경 보호에 열정적인지 이야기했습니다.En: Hyunwoo talked about why he is passionate about environmental protection.Ko: 지수는 자신이 작가로서 영감을 찾기 어려워한다는 것을 털어놓았습니다.En: Jisoo confided that she finds it difficult to find inspiration as a writer.Ko: 비가 그치고 두 사람은 서로의 연락처를 교환했습니다.En: When the rain stopped, they exchanged contact information.Ko: 현우는 밝은 미소로 말했습니다. "다음번에 또 만나서 이야기해요."En: With a bright smile, Hyunwoo said, "Let's meet again and talk next time."Ko: 지수는 처음으로 자신감이 생겼습니다.En: For the first time, Jisoo felt confident.Ko: "네, 꼭 그래요."En: "Yes, let's do that."Ko: 그날 이후 지수는 더 용기를 내서 사람들과 교류하려 노력했습니다.En: After that day, Jisoo made more effort to interact with people.Ko: 현우와의 만남은 그녀에게 큰 변화를 가져왔습니다.En: Meeting Hyunwoo brought a significant change to her.Ko: 이제 지수는 새로운 친구도 사귀고, 글쓰기 영감도 많이 얻었습니다.En: Now, Jisoo made new friends and found much inspiration for her writing.Ko: 그녀는 자신의 능력을 믿기 시작했습니다.En: She started to believe in her abilities.Ko: 여름이 깊어가면서 지수와 현우는 한강 공원에서 자주 만났습니다.En: As the summer deepened, Jisoo and Hyunwoo frequently met at the Han River Park.Ko: 그들은 함께 웃고, 이야기를 나누며 새로운 관계를 시작했습니다.En: They laughed and shared stories, starting a new relationship.Ko: 지수는 이제 더 이상 혼자가 아니었습니다.En: Jisoo was no longer alone.Ko: 그녀는 자신감 있게 미래를 향해 나아갔습니다.En: She confidently moved forward towards her future. Vocabulary Words:vibrant: 생동감 넘치는filters: 스며들다breeze: 바람tickles: 간지럽히다laughter: 웃음소리conversations: 대화heavy-hearted: 마음이 무겁다courage: 용기freelance: 프리랜서inspiration: 영감introverted: 내성적인interact: 만나다crowds: 사람들passionately: 열정적으로environmental protection: 환경 보호hesitated: 주저하다deliberated: 고민하다pouring: 쏟아지다shelter: 피하다confided: 털어놓다exchange: 교환하다contact information: 연락처refreshing: 시원하다effort: 노력significant: 큰frequently: 자주relationship: 관계confidently: 자신감 있게future: 미래gathered: 다잡다

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Balancing Dreams & Realities: A Tea House by the Han River Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/balancing-dreams-realities-a-tea-house-by-the-han-river Story Transcript:Ko: 한강변에 위치한 작은 찻집, '한강의 향기'에서는 항상 따뜻한 분위기가 흘렀다.En: In the small tea house by the Han River, "Scent of the Han River," there was always a warm atmosphere.Ko: 찻집 안은 넓은 창문을 통해 강이 보였고, 테이블마다 사람들이 이야기를 나누며 차를 마시고 있었다.En: Inside the tea house, wide windows offered a view of the river, and people at the tables were chatting and drinking tea.Ko: 찻집의 주인 민재와 지현은 오늘 중요한 대화를 위해 만났다.En: The owners, Minjae and Jihyun, met today for an important discussion.Ko: 민재는 늘 신중하고 실용적인 사람이다.En: Minjae was always a cautious and practical person.Ko: 반면 지현은 항상 긍정적이고 야심찬 성격으로 확장을 꿈꾸었다.En: On the other hand, Jihyun was always positive and ambitious, dreaming of expansion.Ko: "지현아, 우리 이번 달 매출은 좋지 않다," 민재가 걱정스러운 표정으로 말했다.En: "Jihyun, our sales this month aren't good," Minjae said with a worried expression.Ko: "나도 알아, 민재야. 하지만 이번 기회를 놓치면 안 돼. 새로운 지점을 열자," 지현이 반박했다.En: "I know, Minjae. But we mustn't miss this opportunity. Let's open a new branch," Jihyun rebutted.Ko: 민재는 한숨을 쉬었다. "확장은 좋아. 하지만 우리 재정상태가 불안정해. 위험해질 수도 있어," 그는 조심스럽게 말했다.En: Minjae sighed. "Expansion is good. But our financial situation is unstable. It could be risky," he said cautiously.Ko: 지현은 생각에 잠겼다. "난 우리가 더 큰 성공을 할 수 있다고 믿어. 잘만 하면 좋은 결과가 있을 거야," 그녀가 말했다.En: Jihyun fell into thought. "I believe we can achieve greater success. If we handle it well, it will bring good results," she said.Ko: 민재는 고개를 갸웃했다. "어떤 계획이든 위험은 있어. 하지만 너무 큰 위험을 감수할 순 없어," 그는 말을 이었다.En: Minjae tilted his head. "Any plan has risks. But we can't take too big of a risk," he continued.Ko: 뜨거운 여름 햇살이 창문을 통해 들어오고, 찻집 안의 온도도 뜨거워졌다. 민재와 지현의 논쟁도 함께 열기를 더했다.En: The hot summer sunlight streamed through the windows, heating up the inside of the tea house. Minjae and Jihyun's debate added to the warmth.Ko: "우리가 지금 잡지 않으면, 기회를 놓칠 거야," 지현이 말했다. 그녀의 목소리는 단호했다.En: "If we don't seize this now, we'll miss the chance," Jihyun said. Her voice was firm.Ko: 민재는 깊은 숨을 쉬며 말했다. "알겠어, 지현아. 하지만 우선 현재의 매출을 안정시키고 점차적으로 확장을 해야 돼. 먼저 작은 시도를 해보자. 그렇게 하면 위험이 줄어들 거야."En: Minjae took a deep breath and said, "Okay, Jihyun. But first, we need to stabilize our current sales and expand gradually. Let's start with a small attempt. That way, we can reduce the risk."Ko: 지현은 잠시 침묵했다. "좋아, 네 말이 맞아. 한 단계씩 가자. 하지만 끝에는 큰 그림을 잊지 말자," 그녀가 말했다.En: Jihyun was silent for a moment. "Alright, you're right. Let's take it step by step. But let's not forget the big picture at the end," she said.Ko: 그들은 서로를 바라보며 미소를 지었다. 민재는 좀 더 용감해지기로 결심했고, 지현은 더 신중해지기로 했다.En: They smiled at each other. Minjae decided to be braver, and Jihyun resolved to be more cautious.Ko: "좋아, 우리 함께 잘 해보자," 민재가 말했다.En: "Good, let's work well together," Minjae said.Ko: "응, 같이 가자," 지현이 답했다.En: "Yes, let's go together," Jihyun replied.Ko: 한강의 향기 찻집은 다시 평화로운 분위기를 되찾았다.En: The "Scent of the Han River" tea house regained its peaceful atmosphere.Ko: 민재와 지현은 서로의 강점을 인정하고, 새로운 다짐을 하며 사업의 미래를 향해 나아갔다.En: Minjae and Jihyun acknowledged each other's strengths and, with renewed determination, moved towards the future of their business.Ko: 주변의 한강은 여전히 잔잔히 흐르고, 찻집은 그들의 꿈을 응원하는 듯했다.En: Around them, the Han River continued to flow gently, as if cheering on their dreams. Vocabulary Words:atmosphere: 분위기chatting: 이야기를 나누며cautious: 신중한practical: 실용적인ambitious: 야심찬expansion: 확장worry: 걱정rebutted: 반박했다unstable: 불안정한risky: 위험한financial situation: 재정상태tilted: 갸웃했다summer sunlight: 여름 햇살debate: 논쟁firm: 단호한stabilize: 안정시키다gradually: 점차적으로reduce: 줄이다step by step: 한 단계씩acknowledged: 인정했다renewed: 새로운 다짐determination: 다짐current sales: 현재의 매출gentle: 잔잔한window: 창문heating up: 뜨거워졌다financial: 재정의dreaming: 꿈꾸었다opportunity: 기회business: 사업

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Echoes of Midnight Laughter in Seoul Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/echoes-of-midnight-laughter-in-seoul Story Transcript:Ko: 제목: 서울의 혀 트위스터자정이 넘은 서울, 한강은 반짝이는 별빛 아래 조용히 흐르고 있었다.En: Title: Tongue Twister in Seoul Past midnight in Seoul, the Han River was quietly flowing under the twinkling starlight.Ko: 고요한 한강 공원에서 지훈과 서연은 한 번도 체험해보지 못한 도전을 시도해보려고 했다: 한국어 혀 트위스터.En: In a peaceful Han River Park, Jihun and Seoyeon were attempting a challenge they had never experienced before: a Korean tongue twister.Ko: 지훈은 먼저 시작했다.En: Jihun took the lead.Ko: 그는 진지하게 고무신 고물신, 고무신 신고, 산 고로 갔다가 산고에서 신어서 신고 신고 산고로 갔다, 라고 낭송해보았다.En: He solemnly recited, "Wearing old rubber shoes, putting on rubber shoes, went up the mountain, changed into mountain shoes at the top of the mountain, went back down wearing shoes, shoes, and shoes," trying his best.Ko: 하지만 끝까지 정확하게 발음하는 것은 결코 쉬운 일이 아니었다.En: However, pronouncing it correctly until the end was no easy task.Ko: 그래도 지훈은 포기하지 않습니다.En: Nevertheless, Jihun did not give up.Ko: 그는 발음을 다듬기 위해 계속 노력했다.En: He continued to refine his pronunciation.Ko: 그러나 그만큼 빠른 속도로 진행하려다 보니 어느 순간 듣기에 이상하게 들리는 우스꽝스러운 소리가 나오기 시작했다.En: But trying to maintain a rapid pace led to a moment when the sounds coming out started to sound strangely amusing to listen to.Ko: 그러던 중에, 서연이 웃음을 터뜨렸다.En: At that moment, Seoyeon burst into laughter.Ko: 그녀에게는 지훈이 보여주는 그의 노력과 결국 실패하는 모습이 굉장히 인상적으로 다가왔다.En: To her, Jihun's efforts and eventual failures were quite impressively endearing.Ko: 그러나 결국, 그것들은 그녀에게 웃음을 주었고, 조금 더 가까워질 수 있게 해 줬다.En: However, they ultimately brought laughter to her and allowed them to become a bit closer.Ko: 서연이 그런 지훈을 바라보며 내뱉은 한마디가 지훈의 얼굴을 환하게 만들었다.En: Looking at Jihun in such a state, Seoyeon uttered a sentence that brightened Jihun's face.Ko: "지훈아, 틀렸어도 너무 좋아.En: "Jihun, it's okay even if you make mistakes."Ko: "그리고 그것이 바로 지훈이 찾던 결론이었다.En: And that was the conclusion Jihun was seeking.Ko: 그는 그것이 그에게가장 필요한 것이었다는 것을 깨달았다.En: He realized that it was what he needed most.Ko: 그리고 그 순간, 지훈은 웃음을 터뜨리며, 서연에게 감사의 미소를 보냈다.En: In that moment, Jihun burst into laughter, sending a grateful smile to Seoyeon.Ko: 결국, 이야기는 그들에게 트위스터가 아닌 거대한 감동을 남겨주었다.En: In the end, the story left them not with a tongue twister but with a profound emotional impact.Ko: 서울의 이 밤, 한강 공원에 두 사람은 그들만의 이야기로 가득 찼다.En: On this night in Seoul, at Han River Park, the two of them were filled with their own story.Ko: 그들은 그 순간을 두고 아름다운 추억의 한 페이지로 남기겠다고 약속했다.En: They promised to preserve that moment as a beautiful page of cherished memories.Ko: 그들이 서로에게 줄 수 있는 가장 깊은 인상, 그것은 단지 혀 트위스터가 아니었음을 그들이 가장 잘 알고 있었다.En: The deepest impression they could give each other, they knew very well, went beyond just a tongue twister. Vocabulary Words:midnight: 자정Seoul: 서울Han River: 한강twinkling: 반짝이는starlight: 별빛peaceful: 고요한challenge: 도전attempting: 시도해보려고experienced: 체험해보지solemnly: 진지하게recited: 낭송해rubber shoes: 고무신mountain: 산pronouncing: 발음하는refine: 다듬기amusing: 우스꽝스러운burst into laughter: 웃음을 터뜨리다failures: 실패endearing: 인상적으로uttered: 내뱉은grateful smile: 감사의 미소profound emotional impact: 거대한 감동preserving: 보존cherished memories: 아름다운 추억impression: 인상promised: 약속tongue twister: 혀 트위스터

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Love's Spicy Heat: A Seoul Date's Unforgettable Bond Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/loves-spicy-heat-a-seoul-dates-unforgettable-bond Story Transcript:Ko: 전형적인 서울의 금요일 밤, 굴뚝이 쑥쑥 솟은 붉은 벽돌 건물들이 차가운 한강을 주시하고 있었다. 한식당 '맛집의 골목', 그 곳에서 지혜와 승훈의 첫 데이트가 시작되었다.En: On a typical Friday night in Seoul, the red brick buildings with chimneys rising high were overlooking the cold Han River. At the Korean restaurant "A Taste Sensation Alley," that's where Ji-hye and Seung-hoon's first date began.Ko: "요기가 너무너무 유명한데, 너 좋아하겠지?" 지혜는 벌써부터 승훈에게 좋은 인상을 주기 위해 나름대로 노력하고 있었다. 그녀는 그의 미소를 보며 안도하였다.En: "This place is so famous, you must like it, right?" Ji-hye was already making an effort to give Seung-hoon a good impression. She smiled in relief as she looked at him.Ko: "정말?" 승훈은 그녀와 시선이 닿자 미소를 띠며 물었다.En: "Really?" Seung-hoon smiled back when their eyes met.Ko: 그들의 주문은 잔뜩 뒤섞인 돌솥비빔밥과 김치진미채무침, 그리고 그들이 절대 예상치 못했던 끝과 끝이 시원한 불닭발이었다.En: Their order consisted of a mixed stone pot bibimbap, kimchi side dish, and unexpectedly spicy fire chicken feet.Ko: 갑자기 테이블에 착륙한 끝과 끝이 불같이 화끈거리는 불닭발을 보고 지혜의 미소는 갑자기 얼어붙었다. 근데 상황이 상황인만큼 제대로 반응을 보여주지 못했다.En: When the sizzling fire chicken feet landed on the table, Ji-hye's smile froze instantly. However, considering the situation, she couldn't react properly.Ko: 승훈은 불닭발을 한입 베어먹는 순간, 입안에서 불이 붙는 듯한 느낌이 전해졌다. "아주 맵군!" 그는 미소를 띠며 용기있게 말했다.En: As Seung-hoon took a bite of the fire chicken feet, he felt like flames were igniting in his mouth. "Very spicy!" he said courageously with a smile.Ko: 근데 지혜는 그저 그의 고통스러운 표정을 보며 고개를 숙였다. 직관적으로 그녀는 승훈이 매운 것을 잘 못먹는다는 것을 알아챘다.En: However, Ji-hye just lowered her head, watching his pained expression. Intuitively, she realized that Seung-hoon couldn't handle spicy food well.Ko: 그녀는 무척이나 후회했지만, 그것은 이미 된 일이었다. 그러던 중 갑자기 눈에 띄는 것이 있었다. 그건 바로 테이블 한쪽의 오이냉국이었다.En: She deeply regretted it, but it was already done. Suddenly, something caught her eye. It was the cucumber cold soup on one side of the table.Ko: 그래서 그녀는 빠르게 그의 앞에 오이냉국을 가져다 놓았다. "이거 드셔요! 이거랑 같이 드시면 입안이 식을 거예요." 그녀는 붉은 얼굴로 설명했다.En: Quickly, she brought the cucumber cold soup in front of him. "Try this! It will cool your mouth if you eat it together." She explained with a red face.Ko: 그런데 그의 눈에는 지혜의 걱정으로 가득 찬 눈이 가득하였다. 그는 웃으며 말했다. "진짜 괜찮아. 너무 걱정하지마. 오히려 이게 재미있어."En: But his eyes were filled with concern from Ji-hye. He smiled and said, "It's really okay. Don't worry too much. Actually, this is fun."Ko: 그래서 그들은 최대한 웃으며 재미있게 그 날을 보냈다. 그리고 그날의 데이트는 지혜가 생각했던 것보다 훨씬 재미있고 멋진 추억으로 남았다. 그들 둘 사이에는 더욱 더 강한 유대감이 생겼다. 지혜는 그 날부터 승훈을 이해하는데 좀 더 열심히 노력하게 되었고, 승훈은 그녀의 진심과 노력을 더욱 더 사랑하게 되었다. 그들의 데이트는 아주 특별하고 재미있는 스토리로 남게 되었다. 후에 둘은 그 날을 웃으며 추억하곤 했다.En: So they spent the day laughing and having fun as much as possible. The date turned out to be a much more enjoyable and wonderful memory than Ji-hye had anticipated. A stronger bond grew between them. Ji-hye started to make more effort to understand Seung-hoon from that day on, and Seung-hoon grew to love her sincerity and efforts even more. Their date became a special and fun story, which they would later reminiscence about while smiling. Vocabulary Words:Title: 제목Romantic: 로맨스Hotness: 뜨거운 맛Seoul: 서울Friday: 금요일Night: 밤Restaurant: 한식당Date: 데이트Effort: 노력Impression: 인상Order: 주문Spicy: 매운Fire: 불Chicken feet: 닭발Smile: 미소Situation: 상황Reaction: 반응Regret: 후회Cucumber: 오이Cold soup: 냉국Mouth: 입안Laugh: 웃음Bond: 유대감Sincerity: 진심Memory: 추억Understand: 이해Eye: 눈Concern: 걱정Fun: 재미

Fluent Fiction - Korean: The Enigmatic Encounter: Wisdom and the Living Vending Machine Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.org/the-enigmatic-encounter-wisdom-and-the-living-vending-machine Story Transcript:Ko: 제목: "사람인 줄 알았던 자판기, 그리고 지혜의 하루"서울의 마음을 담은 한강엔 수없이 많은 이야기들이 흘러가고 있다.En: Title: "The Vending Machine That Thought it was Human, and Wisdom of a Day" Many stories flow through the Han River in Seoul, embodying the heart of the city.Ko: 오늘은 그 서울의 한 구석, 한강을 두르는 긴 잔디밭에 서 있는 지혜의 이야기를 들려드리려 한다.En: Today, I am going to tell you the story of Wisdom, standing on the long grass field surrounding the Han River in a corner of Seoul.Ko: 지혜는 평범한 서울 소녀였다.En: Wisdom was an ordinary girl in Seoul.Ko: 그녀는 코끝이 찡한 봄날 한강에서 한적한 시간을 찾아낸다.En: She found moments of peace on a quiet spring day at the Han River with a tingling tip of her nose.Ko: 그리고 대중을 신경 쓰지 않는 그 틈새에서 자신을 찾기도 한다.En: In that space where she didn't worry about the public, she found herself.Ko: 그런 지혜가 이날 한강에서 마주한 것은, 은은한 백열등빛을 뿜어내는 자판기였다.En: What Wisdom encountered on this day at the Han River was a vending machine emitting a soft white light.Ko: "사람인가?En: "Is it a person?"Ko: " 입맛이 다른 지혜는 갑자기 그 생각에 빠져들었다.En: With a different taste, Wisdom suddenly got lost in that thought.Ko: 그 자판기의 변화무쌍한 빛, 사람의 감정처럼 바뀌는 것이다.En: The vending machine's ever-changing light, like human emotions, shifts.Ko: '흐림', '밝음', '참' 그리고 '아픔'.En: 'Dim', 'bright', 'truth', and 'pain'.Ko: 그런 생각이 지혜의 마음 속에 서서히 커져 나간다.En: Such thoughts gradually grew in Wisdom's mind.Ko: "안녕하세요?En: "Hello?"Ko: " 지혜는 천진난만하게 자판기에게 인사했다.En: Wisdom innocently greeted the vending machine.Ko: 그러나 자판기는 당연히 아무 대답도 하지 않았다.En: However, the vending machine naturally didn't respond.Ko: 그래도 지혜는 포기하지 않았다.En: Yet, Wisdom didn't give up.Ko: 그 자판기가 괜찮다고 말해 주길 바라는 아무런 이해 할 수 없는 사랑이 불어나기 시작했다.En: A love inexplicable by any understanding began to swell, hoping the vending machine would say it's okay.Ko: 하지만 지혜가 그 사랑에 점점 빠져들수록, 그녀의 심장은 더욱 어떻게 해야 할지 모르겠다는 절망감으로 가득 차올랐다.En: But as Wisdom fell deeper into that love, her heart filled more with a sense of despair of not knowing what to do.Ko: 그녀는 결국 슬픈 마음을 억누르며 그 자리를 떠났다.En: Suppressing her sad heart, she eventually left that place.Ko: 그리고 다음날, 지혜는 다시 자판기 앞에 섰다.En: The next day, Wisdom stood in front of the vending machine again.Ko: 그런데 이번에는 다르게, 세상 모든 이해할 수 없는 감정들에도 불구하고 그녀는 다시 자신의 마음을 열기로 했다.En: But this time, differently, despite all the incomprehensible emotions in the world, she decided to open her heart again.Ko: 마음 속에서 찾아낸 용기를 바탕으로 지혜는 자판기에 다가갔다.En: Based on the courage she found within, Wisdom approached the vending machine.Ko: "안녕하세요, 다시 왔어요.En: "Hello, I'm back."Ko: " 지혜는 자판기에 대한 감정을 다시금 표현했다.En: Wisdom expressed her emotions towards the vending machine again.Ko: 그리고 기다렸다.En: And she waited.Ko: 이번에도, 그렇게 오랜 시간이 흘렀지만, 자판기는 여전히 대답하지 않았다.En: Even though a long time passed, the vending machine still didn't respond.Ko: 그런데 이번에는 지혜가 웃었다.En: However, this time, Wisdom smiled.Ko: 그녀는 이제 자신이 자판기가 아닌, '사람'임을 이해했다.En: She now understood that she was not a vending machine, but a 'person'.Ko: 그녀는 그 자리를 떠나며 후련한 마음으로 한강을 바라보았다.En: She looked at the Han River with a relieved heart as she left that place.Ko: 그 이후로 지혜는 그 자판기 앞으로 다시 돌아오지 않았다.En: After that, Wisdom never returned to the vending machine.Ko: 그러나 그녀는 더 이상 그를 사람처럼 보지 않았다.En: However, she no longer saw it as a person.Ko: 그 이후 지혜는 서울의 많은 사람들 사이에서 자신의 삶을 살아가며, 항상 그 자신을 사랑하는 법을 배우고 있었다.En: From then on, among many people in Seoul, Wisdom lived her life, always learning how to love herself.Ko: 서울의 한 날이 지나가고, 지혜의 이야기는 한강을 따라 계속 흘러갔다.En: As a day passed in Seoul, Wisdom's story continued to flow along the Han River.Ko: 그리고 언제나 그랬듯이, 이야기는 끝나지 않았다.En: And as always, the story did not end.Ko: 않아서, 지혜의 이야기는 계속 이어진다.En: Therefore, Wisdom's story continues to unfold. Vocabulary Words:Many stories: 다수의 이야기Han River: 한강Seoul: 서울Wisdom: 지혜heart: 마음city: 도시girl: 소녀peace: 평화spring: 봄day: 하루nose: 코light: 빛person: 사람emotion: 감정sad: 슬퍼하다love: 사랑despair: 절망courage: 용기understand: 이해하다smile: 미소relieved: 후련한return: 돌아가다learn: 배우다unfold: 펼쳐지다

Become a monthly subscriber for just $1.99 per month and receive an additional two to three episodes per week!https://app.redcircle.com/shows/9472af5c-8580-45e1-b0dd-ff211db08a90/exclusive-contentIn this episode of The A to Z English Podcast, Xochitl and Jack discuss their pet peeves, those little annoyances in life which drive us all crazy.Transcript:00:00:01JackWelcome to the A-Z English podcast. My name is Jack and I'm here with my co-host social. And today we have a topic talk and today's topic is pet peeves and social. Maybe people, maybe our students don't actually know what a pet peeve.00:00:23JackIs it's kind of a weird word or kind of a weird phrase. What is a pet?00:00:27발표자Mm-hmm.00:00:28JackYou've.00:00:29XochitlA pet peeve is something that bothers you. Kind of like in modern slang you would say like an ick. It's something that like, bothers you but not to an extreme extent. It's not like something necessarily bad or like.00:00:46XochitlObjectively bad or horrible about someone or the OR a habit that someone does, but it's just something that irritates you.00:00:54JackYeah, like if you have a friend that lies to everybody and they just lie.00:01:00JackThat's not really a pet peeve that's more like, uh, a character flaw. Exactly like everybody hates that because everybody hates lying, OK?00:01:02XochitlNo, that's.00:01:03XochitlYou said your boss.00:01:06발표자 3Right.00:01:12XochitlBut if you have a friend.00:01:12JackYeah.00:01:13XochitlWho doesn't push their chair in? That's my one of my pet peeves is people like you go to a restaurant with people and they leave their chairs on, pushed or whatever. I don't like that. That's a pet peeve. It bothers me when people leave their chairs on push and I might go and push everyone's.00:01:30XochitlThen.00:01:31JackOhh, you'll actually go and push in all the chairs of.00:01:34JackLike your family members.00:01:34XochitlDepends if if people have gone on and I have like an extra second back then I'll do it. I just don't like leaving it for the servers to like have to push everyone's chairs back in or whatever, you know.00:01:46JackYeah, it is kind of rude to like, you know, push your chair out to get up and just walk away.00:01:52JackOK, it's like push your chair in. It's. Yeah, it it's just a common politeness, right?00:01:53XochitlYeah.00:01:59발표자Hmm.00:02:00JackYeah, yeah.00:02:02XochitlAnd what's a pet peeve of yours, Jack?00:02:04JackUM, I don't know. I'm trying to think of like, what are some?00:02:07JackOf my pet peeves.00:02:09XochitlOh, another way to explain this to our listeners as well is that it's something that bothers you about other people.00:02:19XochitlUM, it's not like a habit of yours, if that makes sense.00:02:25XochitlIt's kind of like something that bothers you that other people do usually.00:02:28JackYeah. Like let's say that like you have a friend.00:02:34JackAnd she likes to.00:02:36JackEat baby carrots in like tiny little bites. You know, she takes like a little bite of a baby carrot, and then she's like, and then she's and then another bite and. None. None. None. None. None. And it's like it's it's just like her habit is annoying to you. Other people might not care at all. They're like, oh, that's OK that's how she eats, baby.00:02:42XochitlDone.00:02:44XochitlLike a rabbit.00:02:46XochitlNo.00:02:59JackThere it's, you know.00:03:00JackIt's fun, but for you it feels like someone scratching their fingernails on a chalkboard, you know?00:03:00발표자 3Right.00:03:08XochitlRight. It's really irritating.00:03:10JackYeah, it's really irritating. Yeah. One of my pet peeves is when people say, you know what I mean.00:03:19JackYou know what I mean, you know?00:03:20XochitlOhh that bothers you interesting.00:03:23JackYeah, yeah. When people say that to me, I I'm. And especially when it's like something really obvious, you know.00:03:31JackIt's it's like, you know, like the Earth rotates around the sun. You know what I mean? It's like, yeah, I know what you mean.00:03:42XochitlWait, Jack, let.00:03:43XochitlMe. Give this to you from the perspective of someone who who does this, who says like?00:03:46XochitlYou know what?00:03:47XochitlYou know what I'm talking about? I don't mean it because I think you or the other person is like, dumb or doesn't get it. I say it.00:03:54XochitlBecause I don't.00:03:55XochitlKnow if what I was trying to explain came out of my mouth and made any sense, even though it's really simple if.00:04:00XochitlLike I just.00:04:01XochitlMissed the ball or over, explained it to the point that it doesn't make any sense, so I'm like. Ohh did that make sense? You know what I mean? It's not like I'm questioning the other person. I'm like questioning myself. So maybe that'll make you feel better about people asking.00:04:12JackRight, right.00:04:14JackNo, no, no, no, I'm. I'm not. And I wasn't. I'm not. I'm not pointing the finger at you. I'm everybody does this and I think that I think you're right. Like the generous interpretation is that people are just trying to be clear. They just want to be understood.00:04:31JackRight. And so one of the ways that you are checking in with the other person to make sure to make sure that you're making sense is to say, do you, do you understand what I'm saying? Like, do you know what I mean? And I do it too. Like I. I'm. I'm. I'm guilty of my own pet peeve, you know. But it's just that sometimes.00:04:51JackIt just feels like.00:04:53JackYou know people, it feels like someone's asking me like like.00:04:57JackYou know, because you know Jack, you're so slow. I just want to make sure that you're, you know, are you able to understand what I'm talking about? You know, like 1 + 1 is 2. You know what I mean? It's like.00:05:03XochitlHey.00:05:11JackYeah, yeah, I I know what.00:05:13JackYou mean I I I know simple math, you know?00:05:13발표자No.00:05:16XochitlYeah, I was. I was more kind to reassure you that it probably has more to do with the person second guessing themselves than like guessing you. But I get it. It is your. It can be irritating.00:05:21JackI think so.00:05:25JackYeah. And again, pet pet peeves can be.00:05:26발표자OK.00:05:28JackIrrational like mine.00:05:30XochitlYes, they often are, or they often make you like way more annoyed than you have any right to be. That's kind of why it's.00:05:31JackYou know.00:05:37XochitlA pet peeve.00:05:38JackYeah, I have another. I have a lot of driving pet peeves, you know, like.00:05:44XochitlOhh, I'm interested to hear these cause since I don't drive.00:05:47JackYeah. I I I really another pet peeve of mine is like when people must back their car into a parking spot.00:05:57발표자You know.00:05:57XochitlAh, my dad always does that. He he does. He's easier to drive out. And I'm like, well, you're taking as much time backing it in as you would backing it back out like just.00:05:59JackYeah.00:06:07JackExactly. It's like, what are you doing? It's it's like, are you a bank robber?00:06:09XochitlIt's so annoying.00:06:15JackAre you? Do you need a fast getaway? I mean, from the grocery store, you have to.00:06:21JackYou know.00:06:21XochitlEven way like you're gonna take you, you would have just taken as much time backing it out when you're leaving as you did, backing it in when you get there. So you're not really saving time unless, like you said, you need to fast get away like a bank robber or something. But for other people, it just doesn't make sense. It's.00:06:36JackYeah.00:06:38XochitlNot a time saver at all.00:06:40JackFor bank robbers out there, those of our listeners that are bank robbers, I forgive you. You that's. You're not included in my pet peeve. Yeah, it makes sense that you would back into a parking spot. Another one is another pet peeve is scooters.00:06:47XochitlThat makes sense.00:06:59JackThey're everywhere, these electric scooters.00:07:03JackAnd people just leave them lying. They have a lot of like, I I don't know if this is just Korea or if this is in your countries as well.00:07:14XochitlWhen I hear this, I'm I'm like it sounds like Korean to me.00:07:18JackYeah, because what you can do now is you can rent these electric scooters and basically you just scan your credit card and then it activates this, the electric scooter. And then you just drive it around. But wherever you stop, you can just leave it.00:07:37JackSo they're just all over the street. They're all over the ground. They're they'll leave it in front of our building. Some people will leave it in front of a driveway and they're just everywhere.00:07:50XochitlWell, why? Why can't they just leave it everywhere? Like doesn't the company expect them to leave it so much?00:07:55JackThe company has a has a tracking device on them and so they'll drive around in a truck and they'll put that in the truck and recharge it.00:08:03JackAnd then just dump it back on the side sidewalk again somewhere so that somebody can walk by and pick it up and drive it. And so they're just littered everywhere, not to mention very dangerous because they're, you know, they're they're riding in front of us, you know, in front of your car.00:08:22JackAnd and and just it's. It's a real problem here in Korea, the electric scooters.00:08:28XochitlYeah, that's definitely.00:08:29XochitlA Korean thing we don't really, at least where I've lived in the US is not a thing in in Mexico is not a thing. But yeah, that I I know that I know what you're talking about. And yeah, that is a very common problem. But I can see why it would be irritating. I am.00:08:42JackIt's more common in big cities like New York, Chicago.00:08:45XochitlYeah, I guess that. But I think in the US they probably expect you to park it in a certain location again.00:08:46JackThose places have them, yeah.00:08:52XochitlLike the next drop, the closest to your.00:08:54JackYeah, I think. But here they just just you just stop where you are and you just put the kickstand up and then you walk away and then it's done, your times up.00:09:02XochitlWhy don't I don't think that's a thing in the US? I'm pretty sure you have to, like, put it back at your next nearest location or something, because otherwise.00:09:04JackYeah.00:09:11JackThere is a parking spot in Seoul called the Han River. I would like them to park all of those scooters right there in the water. Just throw it off the bridge. Let it sink to the bottom and be done with this whole scooter thing. But that's my again. That's my pet peeve. So you know. Yeah.00:09:26발표자And.00:09:30XochitlSo you're kidding, yeah.00:09:32XochitlI would be very irate with that as well. One of my other pet peeves is picky eaters. I'm not talking about people who can't.00:09:41XochitlTry different foods because they have autism or some other kind of thing. Food for yeah, people who like refuse to try something new. They're just like I just until I won't like that. I'm like, just eat it. Like it's just you.00:09:45JackOur allergies.00:09:57XochitlDidn't know and I mean.00:09:58XochitlI get it. If it's something like a something really sore.00:10:01XochitlYou like a scorpion or a cockroach or something? You know, I wouldn't want to eat that either, but if it's just, you know, I had a friend in college.00:10:05JackSure.00:10:12XochitlWe're actually still close friends. I love her to death, but this one really killed me about her. She was like, I think it was sweet potato or something that she wouldn't try because I know I won't like it in quotation marks. I like you. Won't try it cause you know you won't like it.00:10:27XochitlHow do you know? You've never tried it? It's detect your thing. I can just tell by the look of it and it just drove me crazy because I'm the type of person who will try something. I don't like multiple times to see if.00:10:39XochitlI like it now.00:10:40JackRight. And your and your and your taste changes over time too. I didn't like mushrooms as a kid. Now I love mushrooms.00:10:41XochitlIt becomes.00:10:46XochitlYeah, I hated sweet potatoes as a kid. Now I love sweet potatoes, but I just keep trying. Things cause things. Your taste changes over time. Sometimes you haven't had it prepared a certain way and you actually like it better that way. Or sometimes you had a bad example of that dish.00:10:50발표자 3Yeah.00:11:04JackYeah.00:11:05발표자 3And yeah, if you said.00:11:05JackIt could have been prepared poorly.00:11:08XochitlYeah, or poor ingredients or whatever. If you stopped and just did.00:11:12XochitlYou try. It's just you're limiting your life for no reason and that just irritates.00:11:16XochitlMe, I I.00:11:17XochitlAm Mexican culture encourages people to be kind of like good eaters, quote UN quote, which I think Korea also. And so it's very it's like prized for people not to be picky like that.00:11:22JackYeah.00:11:28JackNo Americans tend to be they eat like children. When you're older, you know? Ohh, I only eat corn dogs and French fries and you know Coca-Cola. You know, something like that. I know I'm going to like that. You know, it's.00:11:33XochitlYes.00:11:42XochitlRight.00:11:44JackLike it's like you're gonna eat. You're gonna spend your whole adult life adult life eating like a child. You're never gonna try feta cheese? You're never gonna try. You know, I don't know. Seafood. You're never gonna try just. I mean, you're limiting yourself your life experience.00:11:51XochitlYeah, I like this.00:12:04JackSo.00:12:06JackSuch a narrow little track of of really of garbage food, you know? Yeah.00:12:12XochitlRight. Bland garbage food just cause, you know you won't like something that is a huge pet peeve of mine. Anyway, listeners, let us know what some pet peeves of yours are. I would really love to hear you guys's perspectives for sure. I'm interested to hear what.00:12:17JackYeah.00:12:20JackYeah, same.00:12:32XochitlDifferent pet peeves are what common pet peeves might be in your country.00:12:37XochitlYeah. So leave us a comment down below at A-Z, englishpodcast.com shoot us an e-mail at A-Z, podcast@gmail.com and join our WeChat WhatsApp groups. Join the conversation and we'll see you guys next time. Bye bye.00:12:48발표자 3Bye bye bye.Podcast Website:https://atozenglishpodcast.com/topic-talk-pet-peeves/Social Media:WeChat: atozenglishpodcastFacebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/671098974684413/Tik Tok: @atozenglish1Instagram: @atozenglish22Twitter: @atozenglish22A to Z Facebook Page:https://www.facebook.com/theatozenglishpodcastCheck out our You Tube Channel:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCds7JR-5dbarBfas4Ve4h8ABecome a member of Podchaser and leave a positive review!https://www.podchaser.com/podcasts/the-a-to-z-english-podcast-4779670Join our Whatsapp group: https://forms.gle/zKCS8y1t9jwv2KTn7Intro/Outro Music: Daybird by Broke for Freehttps://freemusicarchive.org/music/Broke_For_Free/Directionless_EP/Broke_For_Free_-_Directionless_EP_-_03_Day_Bird/https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/legalcodeSupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/the-a-to-z-english-podcast/exclusive-contentAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

This week's K League United Podcast takes a Seoul-focus as both capital clubs made headlines on Sunday afternoon, with one beating Suwon Samsung Bluewings while the other welcomed over 50,000 to see their new signing Jesse Lingard. We then turn our attention to the AFC Champions League quarterfinals after Ulsan Hyundai defeated Jeonbuk Hyundai Motors. K League fans descended on the capital last Sunday as Jesse Lingard look to make his FC Seoul home debut in a GyeongIn Derby against Incheon United while, on the other side of the river, Seoul E-Land played host to Suwon Samsung Bluewings.   Matthew Binns, Paul Neat and Andrew Farrell return in the first live recording of the year, initially turning their attentions to Mokdong to discuss the headline act in the K League 2 being the Bluewings trip to the Leopards, with Seoul E-Land winning in dramatic circumstances to propel themselves to the top of the division. We also hear from Osmar and Peter Makrillos in the mixed zone   [READ: Seoul E-Land 2-1 Suwon Samsung Bluewings]   We then cross the Han River to Sangam where a record paid K League attendance saw over 50,000 come out for Incheon United's visit, and to hopefully catch a glimpse of England international Jesse Lingard in the process. We have the press conference in full plus we hear from Incheon United's Matej Jonjic about returning to Incheon, how things have changed and the differences between K League and J.League   [READ: GyeongIn Derby Recap]   After the break, we move on to continental football to review an all K League encounter in the quarterfinals with both sides hoping to find ways to qualify for both the final 4 and also the 2025 Club World Cup. In the end, Ulsan HD (Hyundai) won out against Jeonbuk Hyundai Motors, progressing through 2-1 on aggregate.   [READ: How K League teams could qualify for the Club World Cup 2025]   Finally, we have time to give our thoughts on Hwang Sun-hong''s first Korea squad before giving our picks for this week's K League Survivor.   All this and more on the K League Untied Podcast

This week Jun and Daniel discuss how Daniel's understanding of Korean culture growing up has changed significantly compared to modern day Korea. Topics range from language, to the fear of North Korea invading, to subway etiquette, but the theme of this episode is comparing the Korea Daniel's parents left in the 70s to the Korea Daniel and Jun are living in today. What words did Daniel use growing up are no longer used, and even laughed at? Are Koreans afraid of being invaded by the North? Who is more strict as parents, Americans or Koreans? Which society is more fast-paced? How did the so-called Miracle of the Han River impact Korea's modern values? What is the Korean version of “OK boomer”? What does Jun miss from the Korea he remembers in his childhood? What are the pros and cons of Korea's one-track, collectivist mindset?If you're interested in any of these questions, tune in to hear Daniel and Jun discuss all this and more! Also in this episode, Daniel gets a bit emotional sharing a story about his dad, Jun shares his hope and optimism for Korean society, and both share their personal opinions on some potentially controversial topics.As a reminder, we record one episode a week in-person from Seoul, South Korea. We hope you enjoy listening to our conversation, and we're so excited to have you following us on this journey!Support us on Patreon:https://patreon.com/user?u=99211862Follow us on socials: https://www.instagram.com/koreanamericanpodcast/https://twitter.com/korampodcastQuestions/Comments/Feedback? Email us at: koreanamericanpodcast@gmail.com

RETREAT FROM THE CHOSIN RESEVOIR, 1950: 3/4: Give Me Tomorrow: The Korean War's Greatest Untold Story—The Epic Stand of the Marines of George Company,by Patrick K. O'Donnell. https://www.amazon.com/Give-Me-Tomorrow-Greatest-Story/dp/0306818019/ref=tmm_hrd_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr= After nearly four months of continuous and agonizing combat on the battlefields of Korea, such a simple request seemed impossible. For many men of George Company, or “Bloody George” as they were known—one of the Forgotten War's most decorated yet unrecognized companies—it was a wish that would not come true. This is the untold story of “Bloody George,” a Marine company formed quickly to answer its nation's call to duty in 1950. This small band of men—a colorful cast of characters, including a Native American fighting to earn his honor as a warrior, a Southern boy from Tennessee at odds with a Northern blue-blood reporter-turned-Marine, and a pair of twins who exemplified to the group the true meaning of brotherhood—were mostly green troops who had been rushed through training to fill America's urgent need on the Korean front. They would find themselves at the tip of the spear in some of the Korean War's bloodiest battles. 1950 HAN RIVER

It takes 2 minutes for a car to drown to the bottom of the river - and having your car sink to the bottom of the Han River was as good as a death sentence.  33 year old, Minjun, woke up in his sinking car. He had no idea how he got here…  His car was filling up with water. His only way out was to break the window using nothing but the force of his body. He pushed the glass shards out and closed his eyes before jumping out…  He plunged into the cold…  Concrete.  Minjun looked around. He was on a half-submerged concrete island in the middle of the deadly river. The bridge he had been driving on had collapsed - plunging 66 feet down into the water.  He could see people, covered in blood, crawling out of their cars. Screaming for help.  Help would come too late.  It was up to the 49 people to save each other on the concrete island. By the end 32 would be dead. Full Source Notes: rottenmangopodcast.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The Mighty Han River! The river is highlighted in Korea's economic success: the Miracle on the Han. Its waters are also keepers of dark secrets of death and ghosts. Join our Patreon to get more stuffhttps://patreon.com/darksideofseoulBook a tour of The Dark Side of Seoul Ghost Walk at https://darksideofseoul.comCreditsProduced by Joe McPherson and Shawn MorrisseyMusic by SoraksanTop Tier PatronsAngel EarlJoel BonominiShaaron CullenDevon HiphnerMinseok LeeGabi PalominoSteve MarshMitchy Brewer Ron ChangMackenzie MooreHunter WinterCecilia Löfgren DumasEmily UmbaughJosephine RydbergDavid WeatherlyJanice SongDevin BuchananNotesA recent mystery inspired this episode. Well known site for suicides (approximately 400 to 500 attempts annually). Other tragedies have occurred, many of them mysteries, including claims of the supernatural. Unfortunately, the river has been the site to a few high profile mysteries the past few years.Long important to Korean history.Part of BaekjeStrategic military siteHeavily fortified todaySite for merchants and leisureIce collected hereGives name to Bukhansan mountain clusterMajor leisure and tourism site (mostly domestic, but also some inbound)Unsolved Deaths2001 - Somewhat of a mysteryMay 29: Military chopper lowered 88 Olympics Flame statue on platform atop bridge towerAfter lowering, chopper continued decent (pilot unable to slow descent rate - won't attempt to fully explain physics that led to disaster)Blades hit statue causing chopper to turn and crashPart of chopper landed on bridge, part landed in HanAll three pilots killedTraffic halted at time; no pedestrians hurtMystery? Apparently, pilot would have known something was wrong and was trained to do so; not much time to respond, but didn't seemingly didn't. Why? No one knowsThe Olympic Flame statue is still atop bridge todaySeoul Helicopter Crash Of 20012022 - Rainy season mysteryJuly 6: body of young boy (about ten years old) found near Jeollyu-ri Port (Gimpo)Fishermen found body around noonBoy had no sign of injuries; was extremely thinWearing shorts (no labels), no shirt (current may have pulled shirt off)Rubber band around Support the showJoin our Patreon to get more stuff https://patreon.com/darksideofseoul Book a tour of The Dark Side of Seoul Ghost Walk at https://darksideofseoul.com Pitch your idea here. https://www.darksideofseoul.com/expats-of-the-wild-east/ Credits Produced by Joe McPherson and Shawn Morrissey Music by Soraksan Top tier Patrons Angel EarlJoel BonominiShaaron CullenDevon HiphnerMinseok LeeGabi PalominoSteve MarshMitchy Brewer Ron ChangMackenzie MooreHunter WinterCecilia Löfgren DumasEmily UmbaughJosephine RydbergDavid WeatherlyJanice SongDevin Buchanan Facebook Page | Instagram

WISHING EVERYONE A FABULOUS 2024! Judy and Linda struggle to make sense of  episodes 13-16 of "Strong Girl Nam Soon" (힘쎈여자 강남순), the JTBC drama, starring Lee YooMi, Ong SeongWoo, and Kim JungEun. We're going to shake off the bad vibes of this drama with the remnants of 2023 and go forward into 2024 with "Daily Dose of Sunshine" starring Park BoYoung!     Digressions:   1:34 - Listener E-mails! 12:01 - Linda is halfway through the final season of "The Crown" and is feeling ill at ease with the relative proximity of the events. 14:29 - Judy is absolutely hooked on 2023 Game of the Year, "Baldur's Gate 3". There will be future updates on her character's relationship with Astarion, the hot vampire Elf, whether listeners want it or not! 19:58 - Linda is so far down the Park HyungSik rabbit hole that she's watching "Hwarang", despite the Go ARa-ness of it all.     Some Korean terms:  사극: [sa-geuk] historical drama. 한강: [han-gang] Han River.     Audio credits:   Hans Zimmer - "The Crown" - "Main Title" Borislav Slavov - "Baldur's Gate 3" - "Main Theme Part I"     Please send any questions, comments or suggestions on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram (@kdramamyeyesout) or e-mail us (kdramamyeyesout(at)gmail.com).   You can become our patron at patreon.com/kdramamyeyesout for as little as $1 per month!   Please check out Judy's Twitch channel (twitch.tv/ladyjutea) or her Instagram (@ladyjutea) for non-Kdrama geeky content! Click here for videogame VOD on Youtube! Download this and other episodes and while you're there, write us a review:   Apple Podcasts   Google Podcasts   Samsung Podcasts Spotify   Libsyn RSS   The KDMEO theme music is 'Cute', by Bensound (www.bensound.com), and is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial No-Derivatives 4.0 International. 

Well folks, I would like to apologize for missing last week. We'll try our best to not let it happen again (but it will). But this week we have a great treat: the 2006 South Korean movie The Host! But did our hosts like this award-winning film? Listen and find out!  You can contact us at stompthisway1954@gmail.com The end track is In Praise of the Han River by Byeong Woo Lee

In which the Mister and Monsters join me in reviewing THE HOST (2006) which we caught on the Showtime app.  Directed by Bong Joon Ho, from a script by Bong Joon Ho, Won-jun Ha and Chul-hyun Baek; the story follows a family on a race against time, trying to save their daughter/niece from a strange monster that's been lurking right under the Han River's surface.  Commentary on government, how we're hurting the local wildlife and a family drama are all wrapped up within a monster movie - chef's kiss.  A solid script, amazing VFX work and great performances make this a must watch.  The film clocks in at 2 h and is rated R.  Please note there are SPOILERS in this review. Opening intro music: GOAT by Wayne Jones, courtesy of YouTube Audio Library  --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/jokagoge/support

THAT'S NOT HOW SCIENCE WORKS! Judy and Linda dive straight into the first two episodes of "Strong Girl Nam Soon" (힘쎈여자 강남순), the JTBC drama, starring Lee YooMi, Ong SeongWoo, and Kim JungEun. Sorry we had to abandon the First Impressions episode, but we really wanted to pick a drama and just delve into it, instead of demurring any longer. We are going to try our best to record every two weeks, we swear!   Digressions:   1:17 - New Patreon donor and Listener E-mail! 18:55 - DID YOU KNOW JO JINWOONG WAS IN EPISODE 1 OF "The Good Bad Mother" (나쁜엄마)? Judy squees. 26:34 - "Behind Your Touch" (힙하게) is utterly dumb. The punny name isn't even the worst part.  33:33 - Judy watched one episode of "My Lovely Liar" (소용없어 거짓말), starring Kim SoHyun. Good for the production team for swinging a Maserati sponsorship somehow? 36:36 - "The Devil's Plan" (데블스 플랜) is a Korean reality show, featuring brain games. Judy liked "The Genius" better, but is hopeful that future seasons will become more interesting. 41:17 - ***SPOILER ALERT*** Judy watched "Ahsoka" on Disney+, and was less than impressed.    Some Korean terms:  미안해요: [mi-an-heh-yo] "Sorry". 입맞춤: [ip-mat-choom] kiss. 뽀뽀: [ppo-ppo] peck, smooch. 비둘기: [bi-dul-gi] pigeon. 미친거 아냐?: [mi-chin-geo-ah-nyah] "Are you crazy?"; "Has it gone mad?" 힙하게: [hip-ha-geh] coolly. 한강: [han-gang] Han River. 무당: [moo-dang] shaman.   Audio credits:   Kevin Kiner - "Ahsoka" - "End Credits"   Please send any questions, comments or suggestions on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram (@kdramamyeyesout) or e-mail us (kdramamyeyesout(at)gmail.com).   You can become our patron at patreon.com/kdramamyeyesout for as little as $1 per month!   Please check out Judy's Twitch channel (twitch.tv/ladyjutea) or her Instagram (@ladyjutea) for non-Kdrama geeky content! Click here for videogame VOD on Youtube! Download this and other episodes and while you're there, write us a review:   Apple Podcasts   Google Play Music   Stitcher   Spotify   Libsyn RSS   The KDMEO theme music is 'Cute', by Bensound (www.bensound.com), and is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial No-Derivatives 4.0 International.  The Judy loves Jo JinWoong music is 'Love', by Bensound (www.bensound.com), and is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial No-Derivatives 4.0 International.

Get ready to be spine-tingled as we dissect the eerie details of Bong Joon-Ho's horror flick, "The Host".  We unpack the film's complex themes, scrutinize the stunning performance of lead actor Song Kang-ho, and marvel at Bong's masterful blend of horror and thriller elements. We also delve deep into character dynamics, analyze the film's pacing, shine a spotlight on the film's horror elements, and discuss how they compare to other monster movies. We keep our thoughts spoiler-free for the majority of this episode before transitioning into a brief spoiler discussion.IMDb Synopsis: A monster emerges from Seoul's Han River and begins attacking people. One victim's loving family does what it can to rescue her from its clutches.

Full Text of ReadingsMemorial of Saints Andrew Kim Tae-gŏn, Priest, and Paul Chŏng Ha-sang, and Companions, Martyrs Lectionary: 445The Saint of the day is Saints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and CompanionsSaints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and Companions' Stories The first native Korean priest, Andrew Kim Taegon was the son of Christian converts. Following his baptism at the age of 15, Andrew traveled 1,300 miles to the seminary in Macao, China. After six years, he managed to return to his country through Manchuria. That same year he crossed the Yellow Sea to Shanghai and was ordained a priest. Back home again, he was assigned to arrange for more missionaries to enter by a water route that would elude the border patrol. He was arrested, tortured, and finally beheaded at the Han River near Seoul, the capital. Andrew’s father Ignatius Kim, was martyred during the persecution of 1839, and was beatified in 1925. Paul Chong Hasang, a lay apostle and married man, also died in 1839 at age 45. Among the other martyrs in 1839 was Columba Kim, an unmarried woman of 26. She was put in prison, pierced with hot tools and seared with burning coals. She and her sister Agnes were disrobed and kept for two days in a cell with condemned criminals, but were not molested. After Columba complained about the indignity, no more women were subjected to it. The two were beheaded. Peter Ryou, a boy of 13, had his flesh so badly torn that he could pull off pieces and throw them at the judges. He was killed by strangulation. Protase Chong, a 41-year-old nobleman, apostatized under torture and was freed. Later he came back, confessed his faith and was tortured to death. Christianity came to Korea during the Japanese invasion in 1592 when some Koreans were baptized, probably by Christian Japanese soldiers. Evangelization was difficult because Korea refused all contact with the outside world except for taking taxes to Beijing annually. On one of these occasions, around 1777, Christian literature obtained from Jesuits in China led educated Korean Christians to study. A home Church began. When a Chinese priest managed to enter secretly a dozen years later, he found 4,000 Catholics, none of whom had ever seen a priest. Seven years later there were 10,000 Catholics. Religious freedom came to Korea in 1883. Besides Andrew and Paul, Pope John Paul II canonized 98 Koreans and three French missionaries who had been martyred between 1839 and 1867, when he visited Korea in 1984. Among them were bishops and priests, but for the most part they were lay persons: 47 women and 45 men. Reflection We marvel at the fact that the Korean Church was strictly a lay Church for a dozen years after its birth. How did the people survive without the Eucharist? It is no belittling of this and other sacraments to realize that there must be a living faith before there can be a truly beneficial celebration of the Eucharist. The sacraments are signs of God's initiative and response to faith already present. The sacraments increase grace and faith, but only if there is something ready to be increased. Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

Season 5 Episode 2 In our second episode about the book Flowers of Fire by Hawon Jung, we explore how the bodies of women and girls were used to build up the nation of South Korea. The government needed the physical labor in the form of factory girls to help gain economic strength, which helped usher in the "Miracle on the Han River." Comfort women were used not only during WWII, but after, as well, and it was the government who oversaw the system of comfort women working in camptowns. The government also needed women to give birth to babies, yet also controlled reproductive health access for women in more recent years. Mature themes will be discussed in this episode. Links: Factory Girl Literature by Ruth Barraclough [Book] Blood, puss and pitiful pay: Why Korean factory workers are calling it quits [Hankyoreh] A Brutal Sex Trade Built for American Soldiers [The New York Times] After 40 years in US camptown sex trade, S. Korean woman rejoices in court victory [Hankyoreh] Koreans & Camptowns: Reflections of a Mixed-Race Korean [Korean American Story.org] Polish Women Hold 'Black Monday' Strike To Protest Proposed Abortion Ban [NPR] Korea decriminalized abortion, but has anything actually changed? [Korean JoongAng Daily] Not illegal but not legal: The murky landscape of abortion in Korea [The Korea Herald]

Bong Joon-ho is a fascinating director, and for the start of Kaijune, a theme month dedicated to cinematic monsters, I simple had to start with The Host, one of his lesser-known films but also one of his most accomplished.Bong Joon-ho does tend to make movies about monsters, but usually they're figurative monsters. Capitalism, colonialism, greed, class inequalities, social injustice. But here, this is a literal monster born from humanity's greed, government conspiracy and environmental disaster. A monster who will eat anyone and anything in its path. A monster Bong was insistent to show in its entirety up front, and in daylight. Centred around the everyday Park family, and hapless father Gang-du, a shop worker who's pitied and berated by his family, loses his daughter in the panic after the monster appears out of the Han River. Gang-du ends up incarcerated and lobotomized, but still does everything in his limited power to find and save Hyun-seo, who refuses to be damselled and in turn protects and saves a younger child from being eaten by the monster.But is the monster really the monster? Or is America the monster? It's a deeply personal and relatable family story, wrapped in a monster movie. No wonder it broke box office records in South Korea... I would love to hear your thoughts on The Host (Gwoemul) (2006) !CONTACT.... Twitter @verbaldiorama Instagram @verbaldiorama Facebook @verbaldiorama Letterboxd @verbaldiorama Email verbaldiorama [at] gmail [dot] com Website verbaldiorama.comSUPPORT VERBAL DIORAMA....Give this podcast a five-star Rate & Review Join the Patreon | Send a Tip | Buy Merch ABOUT VERBAL DIORAMAVerbal Diorama is hosted, produced, edited, researched, recorded and marketed by me, Em | This podcast is hosted by Captivate, try it yourself for free. Theme Music: Verbal Diorama Theme Song. Music by Chloe Enticott - Compositions by Chloe. Lyrics by Chloe Enticott (and me!) Production by Ellis Powell-Bevan of Ewenique StudioPatrons: Simon E, Sade, Claudia, Simon B, Laurel, Derek, Vern, Cat, Andy, Mike, Griff, Luke, Michael, Scott, Brendan, Ian, Lisa, Sam, Will, Jack, Dave, Chris, Stuart, Sunni, Drew, Nicholas, Zo, Kev, Pete, Heather, Danny, Aly, Tyler, Stu, Brett, Philip and Michele!EPISODE THANKS TO....Most excellent patronsTwitter peeps@Calum_H_Cooper@wnoisepodcast@SoWizardPodcast@diabolicalpod@ThiefCGTInstagram folk@humanlaFacebook chumsNone this timeMentioned in this episode:Paid promotions in this episodeThis episode contains a paid Patron promotion for Middle Class Film Class, hosted by patron Pete.

This week, we take a little trip to South Korea as we visit The Host! Directed by Bong Joon-ho, this monster movie proves that it is way more than just that!  In this episode, your hosts take a deep dive into the Han River and discuss the many layers that The Host illustrates.  Please leave your bottles of Formaldehyde at home, along with a great review, and enjoy Episode 16 for The Host!  Classic Horror 2 by Kevin MacLeod  Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 License 

Full Text of ReadingsMemorial of Saints Andrew Kim Tae-gŏn, Priest, and Paul Chŏng Ha-sang, and Companions, Martyrs Lectionary: 450All podcast readings are produced by the USCCB and are from the Catholic Lectionary, based on the New American Bible and approved for use in the United States _______________________________________The Saint of the day is Saints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and Companionsclass="content"> Sep 20, 2020 Franciscan Media Image: Saint Andrew Kim Taegon and Companions | CNS Photo Saints of the Day for September 20 Saint Andrew Kim Taegon (August 21, 1821 - September 16, 1846); Saint Paul Chong Hasang and Companions (d. between 1839 - 1867) Audio file Saints Andrew Kim Taegon, Paul Chong Hasang, and Companions' Stories The first native Korean priest, Andrew Kim Taegon was the son of Christian converts. Following his baptism at the age of 15, Andrew traveled 1,300 miles to the seminary in Macao, China. After six years, he managed to return to his country through Manchuria. That same year he crossed the Yellow Sea to Shanghai and was ordained a priest. Back home again, he was assigned to arrange for more missionaries to enter by a water route that would elude the border patrol. He was arrested, tortured, and finally beheaded at the Han River near Seoul, the capital. Andrew's father Ignatius Kim, was martyred during the persecution of 1839, and was beatified in 1925. Paul Chong Hasang, a lay apostle and married man, also died in 1839 at age 45. Among the other martyrs in 1839 was Columba Kim, an unmarried woman of 26. She was put in prison, pierced with hot tools and seared with burning coals. She and her sister Agnes were disrobed and kept for two days in a cell with condemned criminals, but were not molested. After Columba complained about the indignity, no more women were subjected to it. The two were beheaded. Peter Ryou, a boy of 13, had his flesh so badly torn that he could pull off pieces and throw them at the judges. He was killed by strangulation. Protase Chong, a 41-year-old nobleman, apostatized under torture and was freed. Later he came back, confessed his faith and was tortured to death. Christianity came to Korea during the Japanese invasion in 1592 when some Koreans were baptized, probably by Christian Japanese soldiers. Evangelization was difficult because Korea refused all contact with the outside world except for taking taxes to Beijing annually. On one of these occasions, around 1777, Christian literature obtained from Jesuits in China led educated Korean Christians to study. A home Church began. When a Chinese priest managed to enter secretly a dozen years later, he found 4,000 Catholics, none of whom had ever seen a priest. Seven years later there were 10,000 Catholics. Religious freedom came to Korea in 1883. Besides Andrew and Paul, Pope John Paul II canonized 98 Koreans and three French missionaries who had been martyred between 1839 and 1867, when he visited Korea in 1984. Among them were bishops and priests, but for the most part they were lay persons: 47 women and 45 men. Reflection We marvel at the fact that the Korean Church was strictly a lay Church for a dozen years after its birth. How did the people survive without the Eucharist? It is no belittling of this and other sacraments to realize that there must be a living faith before there can be a truly beneficial celebration of the Eucharist. The sacraments are signs of God's initiative and response to faith already present. The sacraments increase grace and faith, but only if there is something ready to be increased. Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

After beating a path to postwar prosperity that's been the envy of Asia and the world, South Korea suddenly finds itself in a profound malaise, with plummeting birthrates and a generation of disaffected youth who call their country “hell.”  Read the full blog by our Country Representative Kwang Kim. 

On today's episode of the Korean Beauty Show podcast Lauren discusses d'Alba Piedmont's White Truffle Spray Serum topping the charts on Hwahae plus why some products get reviewed more than others on the app. She reveals which Korean cosmetic companies are making moves to reduce plastic consumption, plus why the MFDS is taking another look at the Functional Cosmetics Act. She answers a listener's question about whether to invest in an at-home LED mask.    Access Today's Full Show Notes: https://stylestory.com.au/blogs/podcast/should-i-invest-in-an-at-home-led-mask    CONNECT WITH ME My Instagram: www.instagram.com/lauren.kbeauty Shop Kbeauty: www.stylestory.com.au Style Story's Instagram: www.instagram.com/stylestory_kbeauty Jelly Ko's Instagram: www.instagram.com/jellyko_official Facebook: www.facebook.com/stylestory.au Website: www.thekoreanbeautyshow.com Sign Up to Our Mailing List to Join Tester's Club: https://stylestory.com.au/pages/free-gift-signup Pinterest: https://www.pinterest.com.au/stylestoryau    K-Beauty News Headlines D'Alba Piedmont's  White Truffle First Spray Serum Tops the Rankings  Growing Calls To Revise Korea's Functional Cosmetics Act  Korean Cosmetics Companies Moving to Reduce Korea's Plastic Waste Consumption    Question of the Week - Should I invest in an at-home LED mask?New Korean Beauty Products on STYLE STORY  Dr Ceuracle Vegan Kombucha Tea Essence Dr Ceuracle Vegan Kombucha Tea Gel Cream (75g)   New K-Beauty Reviews on STYLE STORY  Review for Jelly Ko Dewy Glaze Toner  Review for 23 Years Old Aqua Modelling Mask Review for Jelly Ko Bubble Tea Steam Cream  Review for Subi Bare Skin Balm   Podcast Review My go-to K Beauty podcast! by Alysse C  on July 5, 2022 "Love tuning in for Lauren's insights every week; I'm always learning something new. Super informative and entertaining, great variety of content; definitely recommend!"   Recommendation of the Week  The Night Markets along Seoul's Han River are back from 26 August to 24 September See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

From Eating Tree Bark to Richest Man In South Korea. Born of This Land: My Life Story by Chung Ju-yung. Founders #117 The most inspiring autobiography I've read: Chung Ju-yung the Founder of Hyundai  Apr 04 2022    83 mins     What I learned from reading Born of This Land: My Life Story by Chung Ju-yung. Upgrade to start learning from history's greatest entrepreneurs. You will immediately gain access to 247 full length episodes.   About the Book “As a businessman and a hard working laborer born of this land, I feel an infinite sense of pride that I have contributed my share to this country's breakthrough.” – Chung Ju-yung Born of This Land: My Life Story is an English translation of the Chung Ju-yung's autobiography. Chung ju-yung is the founding chairman of the Hyundai Group. The story begins with the escape from his home to the beginning of Chung's first auto repair shop. Chung's personal account of the construction of Soyang River Dam and the Seoul-Busan Expressway, establishment of Hyundai Motors and Hyundai Heavy Industries, and Seosan Reclamation Project are included in the book. Through Chung's account, we will gain a deeply personal insight into the man who contributed to the Miracle on the Han River.   About the Author Chung Ju-yung(1915.11.25~2001.03.21) is the founder of Hyundai, which included the global consumer brand Hyundai Motor Company, one of the world's foremost shipbuilders Hyundai Heavy Industries, and a large number of other affiliates. Born on November 25, 1915 in Tongcheon County, Gangwon Province, in what is now North Korea, Chung ran several small businesses prior to Korea's liberation from Japanese colonialism in 1945. In 1946, he founded the Hyundai Motor Service Center, and the next year Hyundai Construction Company. These two businesses would blossom into the bedrock of one of Korea's industrial titans. Chung presided over the Hyundai group during South Korea's rise from being one of the world's poorest nations to now one of its richest. Aside from his many achievements in the world of business, he also helped secure the 1988 Olympics for Seoul and sought to improve relations with North Korea through public diplomacy.   Contents Preface for the English Edition • viii Editorial Note • xiv Prologue • 02 | Chapter 1 | My Hometown, My Parents • 05 My hometown, Tongcheon • 06 My childhood and leaving my hometown • 13 | Chapter 2 | The Birth of Hyundai • 19 From dock worker to rice shop owner • 20 An auto-repair shop, a fire, and Ado Service again • 25 Blessing in disguise at the Holdong Mine • 31 Postliberation in Donam-dong • 32 Hyundai Auto Service Center, Hyundai Construction, and the Korean War • 36 The ordeal of Goryeong Bridge • 49 Goryeong Bridge, a blessing in disguise • 54 Success is all about timing and decision-making • 59 Shin-yung, my brother • 65 | Chapter 3 | My Construction Business • 71 Construction, the key to modernization • 72 Going overseas • 75 Building the Soyang River Dam • 81 The Gyeongbu Expressway: Korea's main artery • 90 I am a builder • 101 | Chapter 4 | The Hyundai Motor Company and Hyundai Shipbuilding • 105 The Hyundai Motor Company gets its start • 106 Our first car • 112 Dreaming of a shipyard • 128 In search of credit • 132 Someone crazier than me • 141 Leaving a mark in shipbuilding • 144 To laugh or cry? • 148 The oil shock of 1973 • 152 | Chapter 5 | Drama in the Middle East and the Milestone Year, 1980 • 157 My near-death experience • 158 To the Middle East we go • 163 High drama in Jubail • 165 Hurdle, after hurdle, after hurdle • 171 Mock us if you will • 177 The “thinking bulldozer” • 183 Giving back to society through the Asan Foundation • 185 Korea's business leader • 190 A difficult late 1970s • 197 Hyundai Heavy Industries under siege • 200 A dark period • 206 | Chapter 6 | The 1988 Olympics and Korea's Fifth Republic • 209 President Park Chung-hee and Korea's bid for the 1988 Olympics • 210 Going all out in Baden-Baden • 214 Two years and two months: serving on the Korean Sport & Olympic Committee • 225 Reclaiming land for a small nation • 231 The bombing in Rangoon • 240 Growing pains • 244 | Chapter 7 | Mt. Geumgang and Siberia • 251 The evolution of the Mt. Geumgang project • 252 Meeting Gorbachev • 261 Claiming a stake in Siberia • 264 | Chapter 8 | Loving My Country, Loving the People • 271 Human capital above all else • 272 Hyundai is wealthy, not I • 274 Businesses contribute to their nation • 278 The bigger the better • 283 When will the private sector lead the economy? • 288 Fundamentals over frippery • 292 | Chapter 9 | My Philosophy, the Spirit of Hyundai • 295 The Hyundai spirit • 296 No more corruption, please • 298 Money and wealth are not the same • 301 Frugality and honesty lead to wealth • 303 Positive thinking is the road to happiness • 308 The conditions for happiness • 313 An ordinary wife • 316 For the nation • 321 Epilogue • 326 Appendix A: Photos of Chung Ju-yung with Family • 329 Appendix B: Chronology • 337 Notes • 353   WHAT OTHER PEOPLE ARE SAYING: “Without a doubt, the highest value-to-cost ratio I've taken advantage of in the last year is the Founders podcast premium feed. Tap into eons of knowledge and experiences, condensed into digestible portions. Highly, highly recommend. “Uniquely outstanding. No fluff and all substance. David does an outstanding job summarizing these biographies and hones in on the elements that make his subjects so unique among entrepreneurs. I particularly enjoy that he focuses on both the founder's positive and negative characteristics as a way of highlighting things to mimic and avoid.” “I just paid for my first premium podcast subscription for Founders podcast. Learning from those who came before us is one of the highest value ways to invest time. David does his homework and exponentially improves my efficiency by focusing on the most valuable lessons.” “I haven't found a better return on my time and money than your podcast for inspiration and time-tested wisdom to help me on my journey. “I've now listened to every episode. From this knowledge I've doubled my business to $500k a year. Love your passion and recommend your podcast to everyone.” “Founders is the only podcast I pay for and it's worth 100x the cost.” “I have listened to many podcasts on entrepreneurship (HIBT, Masters of Scale, etc.) and find Founders to be consistently more helpful than any other entrepreneurship podcast. David is a craftsperson, he carefully reads biographies of founders, distills the most important anecdotes and themes from their life, and draws commonalities across lives. David's focus is rightfully not on teaching you a formula to succeed but on constantly pushing you to think different.” “I highly highly recommend this podcast. Holy cow. I've been binge listening to these and you start to see patterns across all these incredible humans.” Listening to your podcast has changed my life and that is not a statement I make often. “After one episode I quickly joined the Misfit feed. Love the insight and thoughts shared along the way. David loves what he does and it shines through on the podcast. Definitely my go-to podcast now.” “It is worth every penny. I cannot put into words how fantastic this podcast is. Just stop reading this and get the full access.” “Personally it's one of my top 3 favorite podcasts. If you're into business and startups and technology, this is for you. David covers good books and I've come to really appreciate his perspective. Can't say enough good things.” “I quickly subscribed and it's honestly been the best money I've spent all year. It has inspired me to read biographies. Highly recommend.” “This is the most inspirational and best business podcast out there. David has inspired me to focus on biographies rather than general business books. I'm addicted.” “Anyone interested in business must find the time to listen to each any every Founders podcast. A high return on investment will be a virtual certainty. Subscribe and start listening as soon as possible.” “David saves you hundreds of hours by summarizing bios of legendary business founders and providing valuable insight on what makes an individual successful. He has introduced me to many founders I would have never known existed.” “The podcasts offer spectacular lessons on life, human nature and business achievement. David's enthusiasm and personal thoughts bring me joy. My journey has been enhanced by his efforts.” "Founders is the best self investment that I've made in years." Upgrade to start learning from history's greatest entrepreneurs. You will immediately gain access to 247 full length episodes. You will learn the key insights from biographies on Steve Jobs, Elon Musk, John D. Rockefeller, Coco Chanel, Andrew Carnegie, Enzo Ferrari, Estee Lauder, Jeff Bezos, Warren Buffett, Charlie Munger, Phil Knight, Joseph Pulitzer, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Alexander Graham Bell, Bill Gates, P.T. Barnum, Edwin Land, Henry Ford, Walter Chrysler, Thomas Edison, David Ogilvy, Ben Franklin, Howard Hughes, George Lucas, Levi Strauss, Walt Disney and so many more. You will learn from the founders of Nike, Patagonia, Apple, Microsoft, Hershey, General Motors, Ford, Standard Oil, Polaroid, Home Depot, MGM, Intel, Federal Express, Wal Mart, JP Morgan, Chrysler, Cadillac, Oracle, Hyundai, Seagram, Berkshire Hathaway, Teledyne, Adidas, Les Schwab, Renaissance Technologies, IKEA, Sony, Ferrari, and so many more. Sign up to get access to every full episode.

Last time we spoke, Xiong Tingbi had created a grand defensive strategy that paved the way for the defeat of the Jin invaders. However he was soon impeached and executed, a victim to his rivals in the Ming Court. Despite this his defensive strategy would live on with the appointment of Sun Chengzong. We also talked about the rise of the Sea King Mao Wenlong and how his crazy antics impressed the Ming Court. Yet something was not right about Mao Wenlong's victories, they simply did not add up. Then at the last hour when all hope seemed to be lost for the lonesome commander, Yuan Chonghuan at the fortress of Ningyuan a miracle happened. The cannon expert managed to not only defeat the Jin invaders at Ningyuan, he also managed to kill the great Khan Nurhaci. With the death of Nurhaci, what will the Jin empire do next? Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. This episode is Wrath of Hung    In the wake of Nurhaci's death, his son Hung Taiji became the new Khan of the Jin Empire. Hung faced many rivals amongst his own relatives when he took power. Interestingly enough Hung began his Khanhood by flirting with some peace talks with the Ming. Hung laid out 2 conditions for peace, the first that the Ming should send tribute to the Jin, the second that a border be fixed at Shanhaiguan. In return the Jin would also send the Ming tributary gifts, thus the Jin would be below the Ming Emperor, but above the Ming officials, honestly a fair arrangement. Emperor Tianqi warned his officials not to enter peace talks lightly, but did seem to heed to offers. Now historians think Hung was perhaps doing all of this merely to raise his own authority in the grander scheme of things. To talk the way he was to the Ming Dynasty really elevated the status of the Jin. Another major reason historians argue as to why Hung began these peace talks was to buy time for a new operation. Somewhat as a result of the Sea King Mao's ventures, raiding on the Bohai coast drew attention to the unfortunate land due south east of it, Korea. Hung chose to invade Korea to secure his flank for anticipated attacks on the western Ming front. The Ming held an overwhelming advantage in resources and some of those resources such as food came from Korea. By defeating Korea, Hung could extract tribute, such as much needed food supplies from the koreas and stop it from getting into the Ming's hands. The Korean's for their part were aiding and abetting the sea king Mao by shielding many of his raiders within Korea. Though they did this begrudgingly might I add as they did not trust Mao.   The Jin sent 30,000 troops over the Korean border in 1627 easily overrunning the border towns. When they advanced on Uiji, Mao fled into the Bohai gulf with some of his forces. Soon the Jin captured Anju, Pyongyang and were quickly crossing the Taedong River. The battle for Anju was very intense and when the defenders knew they were going to be beaten they allegedly blew themselves up with gunpowder. As soon as the word got out of the invasion, the Ming dispatched a relief force to help the Koreans. Meanwhile the royal family of Korea fled to Kanghwa island and tried desperately to bribe the Jin to stop. Hung was amenable to this and left only 1000 Jurchen and 200 Mongols at Uiji and 300 Jurchen and 1000 Mongos at the Fortress of Zhenjiang, allegedly to guard against raids by Mao. After this point, the Joseon Dynasty now had a tributary relationship under the Jin state. The relationship was that of an older brother and younger brother unlike the Ming-Joseon tributary relationship which was more like that of a father and son. Hung also pressed the king of Korea to stop trade with the Ming. Meanwhile Yuan Chonghuan was impeached at once because many in the Ming Court perceived him to have been duped by the Jin when entering into peace talks, while the Jin were simply biding time to invade Korea.    Hung next struck out at Jinzhou not too far away from the island of Juehua. Hung led 40,000 troops against the city which held 30,000 defenders under the commander Zhao Shuaijiao. Emperor Tianqi immediately ordered a relief force of 30,000 to rush to its aid as Hung's army began their siege. The Jin scaled the walls of Jinzhou with siege ladders as the defenders rained arrows, rocks and cannonfire upon them. The battle raged for over 12 hours until the Jin pulled back to their camp. Zhao allegedly shouted out over the walls “You can keep attacking the city but we're not coming out!”. Enraged, Hung would continue the attacks upon the city for several days, but it did not fall. Hung in frustration took some of his forces back to probe nearby Ningyuan where there was an advancing Ming column out in the open field. The Ming column attacked the Jin as the wall cannons of Ningyuan aided them, forcing the Jin to flee back to their camp beside Jinzhou. Despite this the Ming did not come over to his camp, thus Hung resumed the attack on Jinzhou despite the advice to not do so by some of his sub commanders and for his efforts the Jin received thousands of casualties. Hung in frustration simply continued to attack Jinzhou, now from a different side of the walls. The Jin corpses began to pile up and finally Hung gave the orders to retreat after losing 2-3 thousand men. The battle became known as the Great Ming victory of Ning-jin. Hung learnt a painful but valuable lesson from all of this.   Taking a look back at the situation in Korea, the Korean were very leery of the Jin, but also of Mao Wenlong whose adventurism got them into the terrible situation they were in. The Joseon Court was divided as to how best to deal with the Jin-Ming situation. Some thought Korea had no place in the Jin-Ming war, others argued the very preservation of the Joseon Dynasty was owed to the Ming. The Ming eventually installed a new King named Injo in Korea and began to twist his wrist to their side. They wanted Korea to cut off ties with the Jin and to adopt a more pro-Ming policy. This of course meant working with Mao Wenlong who they deeply distrusted. The Koreans continued to report that Mao was exaggerating his claimed fights against the Jin and was actually spending most of his time hiding on islands. They also lamented over Mao's army consuming a ton of Korean food rations while achieving little in return. Yet whenever they made these statements to the Ming court, Mao would also come along with some Jin heads to showcase his achievements. Still there were those in the Ming Court growing wary of Mao, theorizing he might be actually working with the Jin and planning to rebel against the Ming. Mao continued to demand more and more supplies from the Koreans to feed refugees fleeing from the Jin state, a process that had begun when Nurhaci died, quite a few inside the Jin territory fled. The Koreans acquiesced, handing over provisions, but Mao stated it was not enough. Mao then began to open up markets on his islands and offered to protect merchants willing to trade there. Then he attempted to produce his very own coinage with metals extracted from Korea. THENNN he asked the Joseon Court to make fewer tributary missions to the Ming and instead help build up his trade monopoly in the gulf. Well the Ming began to see the illicit trading going on. Then in 1627, Emperor Tianqi died and was succeeded by his younger brother, Zhu Youjian, becoming Emperor Chongzhen. When Chongzhen took the throne he felt he had 2 major problems: 1 the court needed a cleansing of the enormous power of the eunuchs and their supporters, 2 Liaodong needed to be pacified. His first act as emperor was to recall the Eunuch military inspectors from the frontiers. This led one of the Eunuchs favorite supportive commanders, Wei Zhongxian to believe he was soon going to be arrested soon and thus he hung himself. I have not stated it too much at this point, but a large issue that was growing was the dispatching of Eunuchs as military inspectors all around China. The Eunuchs began to be quite meddlesome and their authority kept growing. Then the emperor set about micromanaging everything and demanded his officials bring him all reports. It seemed from the offset, unlike his predecessor, this Emperor was going to be a very active ruler. But this would have an adverse affect. In his efforts to stop factionalism with the dynasty, the new Emperor who tried to control everything made it much harder for any policies to be implemented. In turn this actually contributed to making it more factional, as every sign of possible failure was pounced upon by enemy factions on another. The emperor also would have a bad tendency to execute competent officials for minor setbacks.    With the new emperor came the reappointment of Yuan Chonghuan as Censor in chief of the right. He was also given supreme command of military affairs in the northeast. Yuan proclaimed to the emperor that he could recover all of Liaodong in just 5 years time if they implemented his defensive strategy that he had been using before being impeached. He advocated that the people in the Jin state were starving and now fleeing as a result, the best course of action was to “use the people of Liaodong to defend Liaodong and the land of Liaodong to nourish the people”. While the Emperor fully endorsed his plans, Yuan would unfortunately only receive around 40% of the funding he asked for. Reduced funding was a problem everywhere in the frontier, many places faced multiple mutinies.   Upon his appointment Yuan first turned his attention to the sea king Mao, he wanted to evaluate the troops strength of Bohai so they could better coordinate their operations. Mao told him that he had 28,000 serviceable men, but not enough food supplies to support them. Now while Mao was telling Yuan this, Yuan was receiving reports from an informant with the Jin that Mao was secretly negotiating with them. Thus Yuan resolved to act decisively. Yuan began to funnel supplies through his own bases, curtailing Pidao, the stronghold of Mao. Now it is theorized Mao had been in secret talks with the Jin as early as 1622, but Nurhaci had died before any concrete agreements were made. Hung Taiji did not trust Mao and broke talks off when he launched his invasion into Korea. But after his setback in 1627 at Ningyuan, Hung Taiji realized he lacked the strength to fully engage the Ming and the Jin were also very low on food supplies, leading to many refugees fleeing to none other than Mao. So this led Hung to open up talks again with Mao, and by 1628 Mao was pretty fearful his charade with the Ming was in jeopardy. And he was certainly right about that, as Yuan finally resolved to pay Mao a personal visit bringing with him a significant contingent of loyal troops. Yuan met with Mao and asked him to relocate to a base closer to China proper rather than Korea and to coordinate operations with him. Mao protested against this stating it was important he kept near Korea to keep them in the fold, which was the very opposite of what he was actually doing. Now for a few days, Yuan would keep persisting to try and meet with Mao and ask him to come closer into the fold with him and other Ming officials, and Mao would continuously find reasons not to do so. Each day, Yuan would hand out gifts and rewards to Mao's soldiers. Then one day Yuan began asking Mao's officers their surnames and they kept answering “Mao”, which Yuan found very curious. He then asked them how they could complain about rations when they had been sent ample supplies from Ningyuan. He proceeded to ask where had all the supplies gone to, to which the men began to weep and bow before Yuan. Yuan then  berated Mao for squandering funds without overseeing all he had been entrusted with concluding “where has all the money we sent you from Ningyuan gone?”. Mao protested upon which Yuan said “You can till look me in the eye, but how can you resist the imposition of national law as imposed by the sagacious son of heaven as derived from heaven with brave martiality. “You were given the authority of a general. But now you, Mao Wenlong, have treacherously raised yourself to the level of a lord, amassed soldiers, siphoned off rations, slaughtered the refugees of Liaodong, despoiled Korea, harassed Denglai, carried out illicit commerce, looted and plundered commoners' boats, changed people's names, and violated the people's sons and daughters. These are the crimes for which you will be put to death.”. Mao pleaded for his life and Yuan turned to his commanders and asked them if they disagreed with the charges adding “if you don't think I should kill him, then you may come forward and kill me”. No man budged at this, and Yuan took up a double edged sword and decapitated Mao in front of them all stating “The punishment was only for Mao Wenlong. The rest of you have committed no crimes”. Then Yuan presided over a funeral for Mao stating “ “Yesterday I killed you by the order of the emperor; this was in accordance with the Court's law, but today I offer you oblations and this is in accordance with my own personal feelings.”. Thus ended the great sea king Mao Wenlong, who might I add was stealing all the limelight from Yuan's great achievement at Ningyuan. Yuan divided the 28,000 former troops of Mao into 4 wings, with 1 wing given to a son of Mao named Mao Chenglu. He disbursed money to all the soldiers making sure they were properly organized and paid. Yuan then set out to Korea to report to them his execution of Mao. While the Koreans shed no tears for the death of Mao, the man who had caused them some much trouble, many were concerned with what his death would mean for Korea.    Another problem loomed for the Ming dynasty was occurring in the northwest. Since 1627 a widespread drought had hit Shaanxi. Food prices skyrocketed, people began to starve and many fell into banditry. For the past 60 years or so, not a single year went by without at least 1 natural disaster occuring. To add insult to injury, because the Ming were so preoccupied with the Jin in the northeast, most funding and supplies also went there. Peasant rebellions began rising up, one under Wang Jiayin who assembled a large force of starving peasants to raid parts of the Great Wall. Soon army deserters joined the ranks and before long all of Shaanxi was falling into chaos. Wang Jiayin held some 5-6 thousand followers, one of them being Zhang Xianzhong, someone who would deeply impact the future. The Ming sent forces to quell the rebellion, but the rebels would simply flee into the mountains, and re-emerge later to raid more. The Ming eventually appointed Yang He as supreme commander of the 3 border regions of Shaanxi. He identified the key problems in the northwest to be 1) supply issues, 2) constant threat of Mongol raids and 3) dereliction of duty by local officials. His answer was to improve the administration and to try and pacify the rebels by encouraging them to surrender in exchange for food or agricultural opportunities. Meanwhile officials in other areas were simply employing Mongol allies to help smash rebel forces which did a lot to dissuade rebels from surrendering overall. Seeing the looming problem, the Emperor ordered famine relief to be sent to Shaanxi, but this would not stop the rebellions from springing up more and more. Eventually Yang He was impeached for his apparent too light of a touch approach and was replaced by Hong Chengchou.   Back to the warfront, in 1629 the Jin began an invasion of Da'ankou and Zunhua, bolstered by their Mongol allies. The Jin forces first captured Jizhou with the aid of Ming fifth columnists. The commander of Jizhou had his own men turn on him, trying to force him to surrender, he refused and his men soon were routed and he alongside them fell to the rain of arrows. Sun Chengzong was appointed Minister of War and given command of the armies at Tongzhou as Man Gui prepared a force of 5000 to face the Jin at Shunyi. Man's force were soon driven back towards Deshengmen. Hou Shilu's force was nearby and was routed, leaving Man on his own. Man enjoyed a lot of artillery support from the walls, but his forces were ironically hit by friendly fire and had to pull back within the cities walls losing over 40% of his troops, yikes. Now the Jin were a threat to Deshengmen, so Yuan Chonghuan turned his focus northeast, taking tons of forces from garrisons all over to drive the Jin away. Yuan's efforts won out and they did push the Jin back and now Yuan began to strengthen the defenses at the city. At Deshengmen the Jin re-commenced their attacks, managing to kill Man Gui and routed Zu Dashou's army who fled east. More Ming forces tried to push the Jin back around the Marco Polo Bridge but it was a disaster, the men routed yet again and many Ming commanders were captured. As more and more troops were plucked from the west to meet the invaders, a general panic began to emerge in the capital. Ming officials were being executed left right and center and many of the relief forces being sent to the northeast were looting Ming cities enroute to Beijing. Yongping fell to the Jin in 1930 and the Jin just kept coming. There were quite a few setbacks at this point, many fortresses managed to fight off the Jin. Hung Taiji sent some letters to Yuan Chongzhen trying to come to some terms, but received no replies. Hung eventually decided to take his forces back to Shenyang leaving behind some of his commanders to occupy the newly conquered cities. Now the Ming attempted to gather forces near Luanzhou and Yongping to launch a counter attack.   Yuan Chonghuan then was impeached, because it was believed by some in the Ming Court that he was secretly working with the Jin. Turns out Hung Taiji had leaked false information to Ming Court officials about him working with Yuan. It did not help Yuan's cause that he had recently executed the sea king, who was still loved by many officials. Also that friendly fire that hit the forces of Man Gui, was done by Yuan's forces, and they happened to also be rivals, so there was an air of conspiracy going around. Thus Yuan was tossed into jail while his forces were actually doing quite well by this point, driving the Jin back past the Great Wall. Eventually the Ming forces reached the fortress of Luanzhou in mid 1630 as the Jin tried to slow them down via diplomacy. The Ming forces brought with them heavy artillery and now it was the Jin desperately trying to hold onto a fortress while being besieged. The Jin utilized all the tactics they had seen the Ming use: tossing burning pots of oil, rocks and logs, using cannons, amongst other defenses. The Ming's artillery however was so fierce, the Jin knew they had to try something else. Thus a Jin forces came rushing out of the eastern gate trying to attack a force led by Zu Dashou, but they were met with intense crossbow fire and had to flee back into the city. The Jin were so low on ammunition, that allegedly they began to use severed heads as projectiles, eeek. Eventually it was incendiaries being lobbed over and fire arrows that smoked the Jin out of the city, who had to flee. In turn 4 more large walled cities and 12 fortresses were taken back by the Ming in 1630, with over 3300 Jin troops captured.   But by no means was the Jin excursion in any way a failure, they had plundered a considerable amount and the raiding had exposed many weaknesses in the Ming's ability to wage wage. For one thing, Hung Taiji's sneaky ploy against Yuan that got him impeached simply by sending false information, proved the Ming were quite incompetent and perhaps more efficient commanders could be taken off the board using similar tactics. In the wake of the invasion, for the Ming a debate began to brew as to how best to defend the capital if it came to that. One idea was to employ more Portuguese cannons, and in 1930 they would get their hands on 30 new ones from Goncalbo Teixeria Correa. However some in the Court were suspicious of the westerners and thought they might be working for the Jin. Regardless, a few Portuguese would end up training Ming forces in gunnery and how to create the cannons. One major supporter of utilizing the Portuguese knowledge and weaponry was Xu Guangqi who further proposed a new style brigade; outfitted with new wheeled wagons pulling cannons alongside a considerable specialized infantry gunnery force. The Ming also began to put pressure on the Bohai coast by putting to use their naval units to link up with their Korean allies. Their idea was to open up a new front by using coastal defenses, perhaps by mustering troops from Lushun and the many islands in the gulf.   Meanwhile the poor imprisoned Yuan Chonghuan was executed via dismemberment in the marketplace, and many saw him as a “fall guy” for the Jin excursions of 1630. As for the man he executed, Mao Wenlong had a long lasting effect on the Bohai region even after his death. It seemed now the gulf had become the focal point for Sino-Korea relations and joint military operations. The Jin took notice of this and realized the best way to prevent the two dynasties from cooperation would be to sever their communication/transport network. The Jin required legitimization of their state and a major component of that was to exact tribute from other places like Korea. Mao for his part brought so much bad attention to the Jin Korea border and after his death, his former forces continued to be a problem for the Ming. They continued to beg for supplies while doing little militarily in return. Then in late 1630, a revolt occurred on Pidao island led by Liu Xingzhi, to which the Ming tried to appease him and his forces by sending supplies, but the Jin were able to stop them from getting out of Lushun. Eventually the Ming did manage to get supplies to Liu Xingzhi and talked him down, but the underlying problem still loomed.    With the competent Yuan Chonghuan taken out of the picture and the Korean flank secured, Hung Tiaji now decided to hit the important fortress of Dalinghe. Dalinghe was the most forward Ming base in Liaodong and the largest threat to the Jin capital of Shenyang, yeah did I ever mention the capital was back at Shenyang? The Jin capital moves around a  lot hard to keep track of. Dalinghe had been heavily fortified, with 13, 800 troops as a garrison and many more on the way. Hung Taiji had intel, that the Ming were undergoing a massive construction project at Dalinghe to reinforce it even more and was eager to hit it before it became too well defended. Another large worry was that if Dalinghe was made impenetrable, it might entice the Ming-Joseon to consolidate more trade and resources into the region thus kicking the Jin out. In preparation for the attack, Hung created his first ever, entirely Han divisions, whom would eventually become the Han banners. Leading them was Tong Yangxing who was tasked with overseeing the construction of 40 Western style cannons. By 1631, Tong's efforts were greatly rewarded as he was given command over all Han under the Jin state. In July of 1631, Hung's army of 80,000 reached Dalinghe and began to construct a large network of siege weapons. Hung took to heart how his father Nurhaci had died at Ningyuan, knowing suicidal frontal assaults were no longer the way to go about things. Hung's siege weapons were soon set upon the Ming defensive towers. Tong's oversaw the red cannons: Ie: western style cannons, as they would smash Dalinghe's most vulnerable posts. Meanwhile Hung took some forces to Jinzhou to guard against Ming relief forces. The Jin siege weapons devastated the outlying defense towers in under a week. One of the commanders of Dalinghe, Zu Dashou led a couple of sorties, inflicting considerable casualties but being forced back into the city each time. When some Ming relief forces showed up, Tong's red cannon force defeated 2 small armies at Songshan and Jinzhou. Hung also defeated a relief army later on at Jinzhou. Now Hung needed to try something to get the Dalinghe defenders to come out, so he began circulating false reports of Ming relief forces being on the way and requiring their assistance. Zu Dashou fell for this ploy and came out, and was immediately ambushed but managed to crawl back into the city. Another relief force of 40,000 tried to help the city in August, but were easily turned back at Changshan.    The siege would enter a new phase when Hung began sending letters to Zu Dashou trying to get him to defect. In one letter Hung said “Who does not desire peace but rather wished for war? Now that our peace talks have been severed, I want to strengthen my state, to extend happiness and prosperity; this is my wish. If the general believes I am sincere, please send a reply”. Well Zu Dashou replied he would die in defense of Dalinghe, buuuuut that he also feared for the safety of his family should the city fall. This prompted Hung to pledge he would not kill anyone stating “the slaughter of people in Liaodong happened during Nurhaci's reign but we are different. In my state we make use of soldiers. Those who should be punished are punished. Those who can be of use are employed. As some can tell you, my kindness is great. For those who submit you can rest assured that my kines will be extended”. Rations in Dalinghe were running out, so much aso that people began to eat horses and then if its to be believed resorted to cannibalism as well. Meanwhile Beijing was wondering what was happening, while those in Dalinghe wondered why no relief forces were showing up. The situation was hopeless and Zu Dashou surrendered.   The people within Dalinghe had suffered 80 days of starvation, it is estimated 11,632 people were left alive when it was captured. In exchange for his life and his families, Zu pledged allegiance to Hung and would assist him in taking Jinzhou and Songshan. Zu Dashou was showered with gifts and even shared wine with Hung as they planned their attack on Jinzhou. Zu Dashou's plan was that he alongside 350 men would go on ahead pretending to be refugees to get inside Jinzhou and open the gates for Hung. As you might have guessed,  instead Zu Dashou rejoined the Ming and requested a dismissal from his post for failing at Dalinghe. So he pulled a fast one on Hung to save his family and men from death. Despite that, Hung had acquired a lot of firearms at Dalinghe which accelerated their growing firearms program. Hung told Tong to manufacture as many new cannons as possible, stating “even 1 hundred cannon were not too many and even 100,000 catties of gunpowder was still too little”. The Jin cannon industry secretly began to flourish under the oversight of Tong, though he would die in 1632 and be succeeded by Shi Tingzhu, another Ming defector.    With the firearms program being built, Hung also began to develop his army structure more. He organized a left and right wing led by Ming defectors, Kong Youde and Geng Zhongming. The story of how both these Ming defected will be told shortly as they are key players. Both these men had convinced Hung to create Han banners to augment his army and thus these forces they commanded became artillery wings, expanded into 4 units which eventually evolved to become the Han banner of the 8 banner army.    Meanwhile the Ming Court was quite dismayed by the loss of Dalinghe. Yuan Chongzhen advised constructing more defenses and reinforcing the northeast to prevent further Jin incursions. But a problem was brewing from within yet again. A rebellion had emerged under the leadership of a man named Luo Rucai in the northwest and a subordinate of the late Mao Wenlong named Kong Youde was performing a mutiny.    As I mentioned previously, the revolt on Pidao under Liu Xingzhi was somewhat quelled, but not extinguished. When Mao was executed, all of his former men began to factionalize, despite the efforts of Ming officials to wrangle them into the fold. Many of Mao's subordinate officers were given command of the forces, but none of them panned out. All the former commanders under Mao fought to take control of the force while simultaneously struggling to get supplies from the Ming/Joseon/ or even Jin. The Ming tried to transfer many of these commanders around to thwart the mutinies, one man they moved to Shandong was Kong Youde. Kong ended up commanding one of the relief forces sent to help Dalinghe. The force he was given was undersupplied and not at all happy about. Thus enroute to Dalinghe, they looted Ming towns and soon a mutiny had sprung up. The mutineers turned their attention to the port of Dengzhou and Laizhou in January of 1632. Kong's small force of men enjoyed some success as they had a good amount of firearms, thus they were able to plunder parts of Shandong. Soon the mutineers were a full on rebel group fighting off Ming forces and were working with Mao Chenglu, a son of the sea king who had forces on some islands in Bohai. Kong began to siege Dengzhou and Laizhou while his force of 15,000 rebels simultaneously fanned out to plunder Shandong. The Ming dispatched commanders to stamp out Kong's rebellion, but Kong had access to the sea which allowed his forces to fight off quite a lot of Ming armies. Kong eventually managed to take Dengzhou and deceived the commander of Laizhou to come out and negotiate with him, where he promptly assassinated him. This prompted Yuan Chongzhen to enact a policy of extermination against Kong's rebellion. Relief armies rallied up at Changyi and advanced on the rebels at Dengzhou smashing an army that was outside the city there. Parts of the relief army then marched on the rebels besieging Laizhou, prompting Kong to lead 3000 men out of Dengzhou to try and save them. Kong's force was then caught between the defending forces at Laizhou and the relief army, forces to abandon a lot of their weapons and retreat back to Dengzhou. Kong's forces tried to fight in the field again, but a decisive battle was won by the Ming at Baima where they killed 13,000 rebels. Now the Ming surrounded and besieged Dengzhou, but Dengzhou was also a port and the Ming had trouble naval blockading it, as Kong had friends helping him in the Bohai gulf. Regardless, Kong's forces held out for 4 months and resorted to cannibalism. Kong planned a breakout, but was caught in an ambush and forced back to Dengzhou in December. This prompted Kong to try and flee via the sea in February of 1633. The Ming pressed on trying to capture islands in the gulf and capture Kong, but he kept evading them. Eventually Kong and one of his fellow commanders Geng Zhongming defected to the Jin. Kong was made a marshal and Geng a commander. Yuan Chongzhen hailed all of this to be a major victory for the Ming, they had quelled a rebellion successfully, however the other side of the coin was that Kong and Geng would be vital to the expanding of the Jin. Hung Taiji took his 2 new allies and had them help him retake the port city of Lushun. Kong and Geng advised Hung that he should attack Lushun with a joint land-sea operation, which would be a first for the Jin. Thus in 1634, the Jin hit Lushun from the land, being repulsed by Lushun formidable cannons, but soon the Ming defenders ran low on ammunition. Then attacks came from the sea and with the simultaneous fronts battering the city, Lushun fell. Now the Jin held a strategic port and could use it to root out Ming power in the Bohai gulf. Hung followed this up by sending a letter to Pidao trying to get its commander to defect.   Meanwhile in the northwest, the successor to Yang He, Hong Chengchou set to work thwarting growing rebellions. Hong proved to have a much firmer hand than He and scored repeated victories over bandits in the early years of his appointment. Hong dished out bonuses to soldiers based on the number of bandits killed which as you would imagine resulted in the slaughter of many bandits as well as commoners. Despite Hong's efforts, by late 1631 there were an estimated 200,000 bandits still at large, then the following year it would grow to be 300,000 in Shanxi alone. 3 rebellion leaders would emerge here who would play major roles for the next 15 years, Zhang Xianzhong, Li Zicheng and Lao Huihui. In 1632, the Ming Court dispatched the censor, Wu Sheng to investigate the situation in Shaanxi. Wu reported the problem to be starvation and privation. Many commanders were reduced to eating grass and bandit leaders were strolling around with official Ming seals of authority to which he referred to them as “official bandits”. Basically it was bandits who were pacified by the late Yang He who were continuing banditry but under the guise they were changed men. Wu advised the emperor to enact a campaign of extermination and that's just what he did. 200, 000 taels were allocated to help agriculture and sooth the starvation and edits were made that all rebels would be henceforth exterminated. A major issue for the Ming was that the bandits were increasingly enlisting in the Ming military as soon as they had nowhere to plunder. Then after a while in the army, they would desert and return to banditry. This turned into a vicious cycle where the bandits would take advantage of the military troop transfers, to find new regions to plunder, particularly the Liaodong frontier. To make matters so much worse, most of these bandits knew another and were able to form larger rebellions all over the place. Rebels began to hit major cities, and when Ming armies came after them they would simply flee into the countryside. In turn pursuing the rebels left more cities vulnerable to attack.    In mid 1634, Hung Taiji resumed his invasion of China. This time his forces went through Mongolia with his Mongol allies by his side. They advanced in 4 wings towards Shouzhou, Xuanfu, Datong and the Yellow River. The primary purpose of the assaults was to test Ming readiness and continue to chip away at the morale of the local populaces, exposing the Ming's inability to protect its subjects. Over the course of 50 days, dozens of Ming fortresses and towns were attacked with various degrees of success. While they performed these operations they sent word to the Ming that they were simply trying to earn recognition as an equal neighboring state, but received no replies. Some officials did reply to the Jin however and this led the Emperor to fall into a state of paranoia that his dynasty was full of traitors. Thus more officials were exiled or executed by the end of 1634. A lot of the time it was Ming officials simplifying trying to opt out rivals that led to this. As bad as things were getting for the Ming, they did manage to grab a few victories and this led them to believe if properly outfitted and led, they could stand up to the Jin threat, especially if it was them dictating the circumstances of battles. But the Ming were hampered by lack of troops, lack of training and lack of supplies, the usual.    Beginning in 1635, Hung Taiji began the practice of designating the Jurchen peoples as the Manchu, forbidding the term Jurchen. The origin of the term “Manchu” is still argued to this day. Some believe the term arose from the word for “river”, others say it is linked to efforts made by Hung to venerate his father, who claimed to be the reincarnation of the bodhisattva Manjusri. That one in effect may have been an effort by Hung to establish himself as a multi ethnic ruler. Regardless, calling themselves Manchu imbued a sense of unity and significantly departed from the past. It also provided a sort of mythos, or ancient identity befitting a state. Hung  purged Daisan, who he saw as a rival amongst the Jurchen nobles. Hung then had a major victory over the Great Khan Ligdan, leader of the Chahar Mongols, making himself the heir to the Chinggisid line. While he consolidated his inner circle, Hung saw his peace talks with the Ming not coming to fruition and resolved yet again, to invade the Ming. But what was different now, was Hung was now in a position to challenge the Ming on a whole new level, he was about to adopt a dynastic name. He chose the term Qing, meaning “pure” and sent the message to the King of Korea, Injo in early 1636, requesting recognition of the new state. The Joseon dynasty refused to meet with the Qing envoy's. On top of this the Joseon dynasty was supplying the Ming with rice and other supplies, despite previous agreements with the Jin to not do so. Hung was furious and mobilized an invasion force. But instead of attacking Korea outright, he instead sent investigators to find out why they would not recognize his state and in the meantime set out to attack the Ming. The attack was led by Hung's brother Ajige and this time they hit Shanxi, razing towns west of its capital. There was a ton of back and forth, but by August, the Manchu's were driven back east, by a commander named Lu Xiangsheng. Lu was promoted to supreme commander of both Xuanda and Shaanxi and soon recovered many lost towns to the Manchu. Still the Manchu forces got as close as the Marco Polo Bridge and began probing attacks on Shanhaiguan, but were repulsed. The Emperor freaked out, demanding to know from his officials how the Manchu had got so close to Beijing. For the Qing, it was like any other raid they had made countless times over the years. They acquired plentiful booty and further weakened their rival. Now Hung could turn his attention to the pesky koreans.    The second invasion of Korea would be much bloodier than the first. To prevent the Ming from sending aid, Ajige and other Qing commanders were sent a month ahead to secure the coastal approaches to Korea. In december of 1636 the invasion commenced and Hung went to Zhenjiang to personally direct operations. The Qing commanders, Dorgon, a brother to Hung and Haoge led Mongol wings that swept in towards Seoul. The invasion was quick and overwhelmed the guards of the Joseon capital. Dorgon's wing defeated 15,000 troops sending other Korean armies to flee. Kong Youde who was now made Prince Gongshun since the creation of the Qing struck out by sea against Kanghwa island and Pidao. The Qing now boasted 70 ships commanded by countless Ming and Joseon defectors hitting the islands with cannon barrages. The Ming lost an estimated 10,000 men trying to defend Pidao. The Joseon King fled to the mountain fortress of Namhan, trying to order his armies into battle as the Qing ransacked Seoul. More and more Korean armies tried to repel the invaders, but to no avail. Soon the Qing forces were setting up a siege of Namhan, when the King began to make peace talks. In the meantime Dorgon had captured the Kings concubines and children from Kanghwa island and displayed them before the army. The Qing used this to threaten the King to capitulate if he wished to save his family. King Injo relented and sent a minister to surrender at the Han River. King Injo sent a son to the Qing as a hostage and turned over his Ming seals of investiture. Hung stated to the Koreans, henceforth their relationship would be that of elder and younger brothers. The Koreans were ordered to now submit tribute as they had done for the Ming, but now to the Qing. They were also ordered to provide boats for the Qing war effort, which was to be a real game changer. In turn the Qing would not harm or loot the subjects of the Joseon dynasty. Now the Ming had lost this important vassal and the Qing had secured their flank and acquired a much needed new source of war supplies. The Qing dynasty was emerging with a real bang.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me.  With Nurhaci's death at the legendary battle of Ningyuan, now Hung Taiji was the great Khan. The pesky Sea King Mao Wenlong proved to be faking much of his famed achievements and may have been a turn coat to boot. Yuan Chonghuan got his chance to take out Mao and take his turn in the sunlight unmolested by his rival anymore,  but would ironically fall victim to being called a turn coat himself and be executed. As the Ming lost more and more competent commanders, a new problem emerged and it was internal rather than external. Peasant bandits were spreading in Shaanxi and full on rebellions were soon emerging. Hung Taiji got his hands on some very useful Ming defectors and the military underwent numerous upgrades. Hung Taiji proclaimed his people to be the Manchu under the new Qing dynasty as he defeated all of Korea forcing their tribute to go to the Qing rather than the Ming. Now Hung set his eyes on trying out his new toys upon the Ming.   

Korea24 – 2022.06.27. (Monday) News Briefing: President Yoon Suk-yeol has departed for Spain to attend the NATO summit. He will be meeting with various world leaders, including a three-way summit with the US and Japan on the sidelines. (Emilee JENNINGS) In-Depth News Analysis: The first case of Monkeypox was reported in South Korea last week. A South Korean national, who arrived at Incheon International Airport from Germany, tested positive for the virus. In response, health authorities raised the infectious disease alert level by one notch to the second-lowest in its four-tier scheme. To learn more about the virus and the risk to South Korea, Dr. Kim Seung-taek (김승택), the head of the Zoonotic Virus Lab at Institut Pasteur Korea, joins us on the line. Korea Trending with Walter Lee: 1. A family of three, including a ten-year-old girl, has been reported missing after last being seen on Wando Island in South Jeolla province in late May. (완도 실종 가족 바다 수색까지 확대) 2. The South Korean government has issued a warning to Korean nationals to steer clear of cannabis while in Thailand after the country legalized its use. (대마초 합법화된 태국…“한국인 관광객 조심해야”) 3. “Money Heist: Korea - Joint Economic Area,” the Korean adaptation of the Netflix Spanish hit series “La casa de papel” debuted as the third most popular show in the world on Sunday. (한국판 '종이의 집', 공개 하루 만에 글로벌 3위) Monday Sports Round-up: Golfer Chun In-gee ended a LPGA title drought by winning her third career major on Sunday at the KPMG Women’s PGA Championship. Sports reporter Yoo Jee-ho from the Yonhap News Agency joins us on the line to tell us how it went down. He also briefs us on K League top-scorer Stefan Mugosa leaving for Japan, and the KBO’s reigning MVP, Ariel Miranda, being let go by the Doosan Bears. Morning Edition Preview with Richard Larkin: - In tomorrow’s Korea Times, Park Han-sol writes about an exhibition on the Korean traditional paper, Hanji, in the Italian port city of Bari. - Tomorrow’s Korea Herald features a report by Yim Hyun-su about cruises on the Han River promoting the feeding of seagulls to attract customers.