Podcasts about refugees

As President Trump intensifies his sweeping crackdown on immigration, more longtime residents, people who have lived in this country for years, are being caught up in the effort. Deportation flights to Laos have resumed for the first time in years. Stephanie Sy spoke with Alan Petsadakian. He arrived in the United States as a toddler and now he faces the threat of deportation. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

About this episode:  How do people in ICE custody, many of whom have chronic diseases or rely on daily medication, receive medical care? In this episode: Dr. Katherine Peeler, a medical adviser for Physicians for Human Rights, talks about the standards of care for detainees, challenges emerging at overcrowded detention centers, and high rates of burnout among providers. Guest: Dr. Katherine Peeler, MA, is a pediatric critical care physician and a medical adviser at Physicians for Human Rights. She leads the Peeler Immigration Lab where she researches the health and health rights of immigrants and, in particular, asylum seekers. Host: Dr. Josh Sharfstein is distinguished professor of the practice in Health Policy and Management, a pediatrician, and former secretary of Maryland's Health Department. Show links and related content: Medical Care Standards in Immigrant Detention Facilities—Congress.gov Consequences of Fear: How the Trump Administration's Immigration Policies and Rhetoric Block Access to Health Care—Physicians for Human Rights An ICE detention center wants a doctor who will follow orders. That's unethical.—Washington Post Transcript information: Looking for episode transcripts? Open our podcast on the Apple Podcasts app (desktop or mobile) or the Spotify mobile app to access an auto-generated transcript of any episode. Closed captioning is also available for every episode on our YouTube channel. Contact us: Have a question about something you heard? Looking for a transcript? Want to suggest a topic or guest? Contact us via email or visit our website. Follow us: @‌PublicHealthPod on Bluesky @‌JohnsHopkinsSPH on Instagram @‌JohnsHopkinsSPH on Facebook @‌PublicHealthOnCall on YouTube Here's our RSS feed Note: These podcasts are a conversation between the participants, and do not represent the position of Johns Hopkins University.

Morse code transcription: vvv vvv William may have been target of Mail publisher blagging, Harrys lawyer says Why the BBC went undercover in the Met Police to investigate claims of racism and misogyny Israeli naval ships tells Gaza flotilla to change course as activists say boats intercepted Met chief apologises for reprehensible behaviour of officers Conservationist Dame Jane Doodall dies aged 91 Secret BBC filming exposes hidden culture of racism and misogyny inside Met Police Refugees to face longer route to settlement rights Cooking oils Should I use olive oil for frying How to choose the right bottle French troops board oil tanker linked to Russian shadow fleet Hackers delete data stolen in nursery cyber attack after backlash

About this episode: How well do ICE detention centers provide mental health care? In this episode: We first hear from Dr. Solomiya Tsymbalyuk from the University of Maryland about an emergency department interaction that presented legal and ethical questions around treating individuals in ICE custody. Then, Dr. Katherine Peeler of Physicians for Human Rights offers a look at how mental health care should be offered in immigration detention centers and why those protocols are becoming more difficult to follow. Guest: Dr. Katherine Peeler, MA, is a pediatric critical care physician and a medical adviser at Physicians for Human Rights. She leads the Peeler Immigration Lab where she researches the health and health rights of immigrants and, in particular, asylum seekers. Dr. Solomiya Tsymbalyuk is a fourth-year psychiatric resident at the University of Maryland Medical Center. Host: Dr. Josh Sharfstein is distinguished professor of the practice in Health Policy and Management, a pediatrician, and former secretary of Maryland's Health Department. Show links and related content: Psychiatrists and Other Physicians Interfacing With ICE: Legal and Ethical Challenges—Psychiatric Services ‘People Are Losing Hope' Inside ICE Detention Centers—New York Times California sent investigators to ICE facilities. They found more detainees, and health care gaps—CalMatters Transcript information: Looking for episode transcripts? Open our podcast on the Apple Podcasts app (desktop or mobile) or the Spotify mobile app to access an auto-generated transcript of any episode. Closed captioning is also available for every episode on our YouTube channel. Contact us: Have a question about something you heard? Looking for a transcript? Want to suggest a topic or guest? Contact us via email or visit our website. Follow us: @‌PublicHealthPod on Bluesky @‌JohnsHopkinsSPH on Instagram @‌JohnsHopkinsSPH on Facebook @‌PublicHealthOnCall on YouTube Here's our RSS feed Note: These podcasts are a conversation between the participants, and do not represent the position of Johns Hopkins University.

On October 4 and 5, the Catholic Church will observe the 111th World Day of Migrants and Refugees. Today's guest, who recently stopped by our studio in Washington, DC, is a perfect guest for the occasion. His name is Michael Petro, SJ, and he's a Jesuit of the American East Coast province who is currently in the regency stage of his formation. Michael's regency has been quite far from the norm, though – he's working in Beirut, Lebanon with Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS). Michael has worn a lot of hats in his time in the country, including setting up and running an emergency shelter for men, women and children who were displaced by the war between Israel and Hezbollah. During a visit home to the U.S., Michael stopped by to share stories from his work in Beirut and to talk about his Jesuit vocation. It's safe to say he never imagined he would be running a temporary emergency shelter in Lebanon when he joined the Jesuits in New York not long after he graduated college. Host Mike Jordan Laskey loved hearing from Michael about the people he has met and why it's so important for the church to keep accompanying and serving migrants and refugees, even and especially when it's not politically popular to do so. We think you'll be moved by Michael's stories and inspired by his faith in action. Learn more about Michael: https://jesuitspro.com/6373/ https://jrs.net/en/story/amid-bombs-in-lebanon-a-church-opens-its-doors-to-hundreds-of-migrants/ https://www.jesuits.global/2025/08/18/arrupe-migrant-center-in-beirut-to-gather-to-pray-to-play/ JRS in the Middle East and North Africa: https://jrs.net/en/jrs_offices/jrs-middle-east/ AMDG is a production of the Jesuit Media Lab, which is a project of the Jesuit Conference of Canada and the United States. www.jesuits.org/ www.beajesuit.org/ twitter.com/jesuitnews facebook.com/Jesuits instagram.com/wearethejesuits youtube.com/societyofjesus www.jesuitmedialab.org/

Delighted to share this chat with Maryam Mehrtash, an entertainment executive specializing in global marketing and brand partnerships. Her journey embodies the American dream - from fleeing Iran as a refugee at age two to becoming a key player behind one of the most successful streaming platform launches in recent history. Maryam helped traditional media companies pivot from linear to digital during the early days when digital was still treated as a "stepchild." She was part of the team at CBS Interactive that had the first-mover advantage in streaming with CBS All Access, then led the go-to-market strategy for the rebrand to Paramount Plus - all while pregnant and during one of the most pivotal moments in our industry's history. She brings a unique perspective on everything from the economics of peak TV to what producers should know about brand integration in storytelling. She's also a part of the vibrant Iranian diaspora in Hollywood and is on the board of Waterwell, a non-profit co-founded by Award-winning actor Arian Moayed. Having lived through the streaming wars from the inside, Maryam offers a front-row perspective that's invaluable for understanding where our industry has been and where it's headed. Tune in as we explore her journey and new role leading marketing partnerships at Disney Marvel,  the complex world of brand partnerships, her Substack "This Is Not a Memo", and learn how her family's legacy drives her to greatness. Enjoy xx CG   AOP SUBSTACK

It's a pleasure to kick off Season 10 of Project Co with Episode 144 featuring Alejandra Alcalá, co-founder and creative director at Home Storytellers. We explore new narratives, bias, and mindful attention; her feature film “We Name Ourselves” set in the refugee camp Dzaleka; and how an impact campaign turns storytelling into real-world change.Stories that regenerateFind out more at https://efectocolibri.com/en/

Kerry Brodie is the founder and Executive Director of Emma's Torch, a non-profit social enterprise that provides refugees with culinary training and employability, equity and empowerment training. Kerry came up with the idea for  Emma's Torch while volunteering at a DC homeless shelter and made the connection between refugees looking for employment, and reports of understaffing in restaurants.  Since its founding in 2016, Emma's Torch has locations in New York City and recently opened in Washington D.C. and students of the culinary program have gone on to work all over in the restaurant industry.  Kerry and Jay talk about America's history as a nation of refugees and how the organization is managing the current backlash that refugees in America and other countries are facing. Today's episode was produced by Tani Levitt and Mijon Zulu. To check out more episodes or to learn more about the show, you can visit our website Allaboutchangepodcast.com. If you like our show, spread the word, tell a friend or family member, or leave us a review on your favorite podcasting app. We really appreciate it. All About Change is produced by the Ruderman Family Foundation. For video episodes, watch on⁠ ⁠⁠www.youtube.com/@therudermanfamilyfoundation⁠ Stay in touch: X:⁠ @JayRuderman⁠ |⁠ @RudermanFdn⁠ LinkedIn:⁠ Jay Ruderman⁠ |⁠ Ruderman Family Foundation⁠ Instagram:⁠ All About Change Podcast⁠ |⁠ Ruderman Family Foundation⁠ To learn more about the podcast, visit⁠ https://allaboutchangepodcast.com/⁠ Jay's brand new book, Find Your Fight, in which Jay teaches the next generation of activists and advocates how to step up and bring about lasting change. You can find Find Your Fight wherever you buy your books, and you can learn more about it at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠www.jayruderman.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

Here's the thing about leaving. Sometimes you plan it for years — a better job, an education, a shot at something bigger. Other times it happens overnight. Governments fall. Food disappears. You run. This episode of Dispatch from the Heartland is about human migration and displacement — one of the oldest patterns of our species. Moving for survival. Moving for hope. Moving because staying is no longer possible. It's trauma. It's hope. It's a blank page. In this episode, Tate Chamberlin sits down with Zohra Zori, Lucy Petroucheva, and Angela Eifert to talk about displacement, belonging, and the slow learning curve of new cultures. We'll look at the mistakes, the forgiveness, and the “othering” that happens when you're new. We'll talk about refugee camps that stretch on for years, the difference between sustainability and dependence, and the unspoken emotions you carry when you leave everything behind. This is a space for vulnerability. For beginning again. For understanding sovereignty even when choice has been stripped away. Because right now, families are uprooted. Cultures are colliding. Dreams are being carried across borders. And even in movement — even in loss — we hold on to the hope of a better life. This is Dispatch from the Heartland. Join us, won't you?

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, veteran journalist for The Economist, James Bennet joins Chuck to break down Donald Trump's scathing U.N. speech and what it reveals about his worldview: not isolationist, but relentlessly self-centered, with his personal interest framed as national interest. Bennet warns that Trump's grip on power is existential for him and his administration, and if institutions like the Supreme Court allow unchecked presidential firings, the rule of law itself could unravel. From the Cold War's stabilizing influence to the fractures of today's four-party system crammed into two, Bennet and Chuck explore whether America can navigate its political turmoil without mass violence, and how drone warfare, refugee flows, and the collapse of the international rules-based order are reshaping global politics.The conversation also turns inward, examining how journalism has struggled to adapt in the Trump era. Bennet reflects on writing for international audiences, the dangers of catering to niche media bubbles, and why legacy outlets must rediscover local reporting. He argues that deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake that accelerated the collapse of resistance, while public pressure against platforming controversial voices continues to erode open debate. From Biden's misunderstood mandate to the Senate's paralysis and the rise of cult-of-personality politics, this episode considers what reforms will be necessary both in government and in journalism.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 James Bennet joins the Chuck ToddCast01:30 Trump scolds other nations in scathing U.N. speech02:30 Trump behaved like Hugo Chavez in U.N. speech03:45 Trump is not an isolationist, but it's all centered around him04:30 Trump sees his interest as the national interest06:15 How alarmed should we be?07:15 Things have gotten pretty dark in the past two weeks08:00 Staying in power is existential for Trump & his administration09:30 If you lose the rule of law, you lose the country10:15 If SCOTUS allows fed firing, there's no going back11:00 John Roberts desperate to avoid constitutional showdown12:30 Government will require major reform after Trump15:00 The cold war was a stabilizing force in American politics17:00 America is a four party system crammed into two parties19:00 Public sentiment has been pessimistic the entire 21st century20:45 Can we get through this without mass violence?22:30 It's hard to imagine a productive modern constitutional convention24:00 The last “protectionist race” led to a world war25:15 We're no longer living in the international rules based order26:30 Drones are massively changing the dynamics of warfare28:00 Refugee flows are causing political instability worldwide28:30 Trump has no interest in leading internationally30:00 Trump is constantly campaigning and only for his base32:00 Did we export our politics to Israel, or the other way around?33:45 Only Obama had a majority of the vote in the 21st century34:45 Governors are the only politicians that campaign beyond their base37:00 Biden misunderstood his 2020 mandate and overreached38:30 Who is the Economist reader?40:30 Writing about American politics for an international audience42:30 If you had more resources, what would you focus on covering?43:30 Legacy media needs to give more attention beyond D.C. and NYC45:00 Need to find a new model in order to bring back local journalism47:45 There's too many journalists in D.C. and not enough in America49:30 Journalism now caters to niche audiences51:15 Deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake52:00 Once ABC caved in lawsuit, resistance to Trump collapsed54:00 Public pressures journalists to not platform people they disagree with55:00 Michael Bennet was consensus candidate to replace Schumer56:45 Nothing gets done in the senate, many senators leaving1:00:15 In the TV era, successful presidents have had cults of personality1:01:15 Newsom having success emulating Trump's style Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, Chuck looks at new polling showing just how unsettled Americans feel heading into yet another potential government shutdown. With 93% of the country agreeing that political violence is a problem and a majority believing we're in a full-blown political crisis, partisanship has hardened to the point where disagreement itself is seen as betrayal. Chuck traces how government shutdowns—once unheard of before 1980—became a recurring political weapon, thanks to Justice Department rulings, congressional maneuvering, and laws that reduced the political pain by exempting things like military pay and Social Security. The result: contractors left stranded, bipartisanship all but eliminated, and a system designed to fail.Then, veteran journalist for The Economist, James Bennet joins Chuck to break down Donald Trump's scathing U.N. speech and what it reveals about his worldview: not isolationist, but relentlessly self-centered, with his personal interest framed as national interest. Bennet warns that Trump's grip on power is existential for him and his administration, and if institutions like the Supreme Court allow unchecked presidential firings, the rule of law itself could unravel. From the Cold War's stabilizing influence to the fractures of today's four-party system crammed into two, Bennet and Chuck explore whether America can navigate its political turmoil without mass violence, and how drone warfare, refugee flows, and the collapse of the international rules-based order are reshaping global politics.The conversation also turns inward, examining how journalism has struggled to adapt in the Trump era. Bennet reflects on writing for international audiences, the dangers of catering to niche media bubbles, and why legacy outlets must rediscover local reporting. He argues that deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake that accelerated the collapse of resistance, while public pressure against platforming controversial voices continues to erode open debate. From Biden's misunderstood mandate to the Senate's paralysis and the rise of cult-of-personality politics, this episode considers what reforms will be necessary both in government and in journalism.Finally, Chuck takes a trip in the ToddCast Time Machine to 1974, when congress gave the Freedom of Information Act teeth, plus answers listeners' questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 Introduction 06:00 New polling out leading into potential government shutdown07:00 93% of the country believe political violence is a problem08:00 Majority of the country believes we're in a “political crisis”09:00 Democrats less likely to talk politics across the aisle10:30 Partisans believe you're on “the other side'' if you don't agree with them12:45 People need to feel secure in having political debate14:00 Independent voters are disenfranchised relative to D & R voters16:15 Before 1980 America never had a government shutdown17:30 Two Justice Department opinions created the legal basis for shutdowns20:00 Government shutdown threats are now an annual occurrence21:15 Two laws passed to make political cost of a shutdown less painful22:45 Exemptions for military pay and social security make shutdowns easier23:45 Proposals for automatic government funding haven't passed26:15 Government contractors can't work under shutdowns or CR's27:30 Politicians deliberately created the conditions that lead to shutdowns28:45 Congressional leadership wanted to create artificial leverage30:00 The incentive structures for bipartisan compromise are gone32:30 Congress had the power to deal with shutdowns and didn't35:00 James Bennet joins the Chuck ToddCast 36:30 Trump scolds other nations in scathing U.N. speech 37:30 Trump behaved like Hugo Chavez in U.N. speech 38:45 Trump is not an isolationist, but it's all centered around him 39:30 Trump sees his interest as the national interest 41:15 How alarmed should we be? 42:15 Things have gotten pretty dark in the past two weeks 43:00 Staying in power is existential for Trump & his administration 44:30 If you lose the rule of law, you lose the country 45:15 If SCOTUS allows fed firing, there's no going back 46:00 John Roberts desperate to avoid constitutional showdown 47:30 Government will require major reform after Trump 50:00 The cold war was a stabilizing force in American politics 52:00 America is a four party system crammed into two parties 54:00 Public sentiment has been pessimistic the entire 21st century 55:45 Can we get through this without mass violence? 57:30 It's hard to imagine a productive modern constitutional convention 59:00 The last "protectionist race" led to a world war 1:00:15 We're no longer living in the international rules based order 1:01:30 Drones are massively changing the dynamics of warfare 1:03:00 Refugee flows are causing political instability worldwide 1:03:30 Trump has no interest in leading internationally 1:05:00 Trump is constantly campaigning and only for his base 1:07:00 Did we export our politics to Israel, or the other way around? 1:08:45 Only Obama had a majority of the vote in the 21st century 1:09:45 Governors are the only politicians that campaign beyond their base 1:12:00 Biden misunderstood his 2020 mandate and overreached 1:13:30 Who is the Economist reader? 1:15:30 Writing about American politics for an international audience 1:17:30 If you had more resources, what would you focus on covering? 1:18:30 Legacy media needs to give more attention beyond D.C. and NYC 1:20:00 Need to find a new model in order to bring back local journalism 1:22:45 There's too many journalists in D.C. and not enough in America 1:24:30 Journalism now caters to niche audiences 1:26:15 Deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake 1:27:00 Once ABC caved in lawsuit, resistance to Trump collapsed 1:29:00 Public pressures journalists to not platform people they disagree with 1:30:00 Michael Bennet was consensus candidate to replace Schumer 1:31:45 Nothing gets done in the senate, many senators leaving 1:35:15 In the TV era, successful presidents have had cults of personality 1:36:15 Newsom having success emulating Trump's style1:39:00 The ToddCast Time Machine 1:39:30 October 5th, 1974 Congress put teeth in the Freedom of Information Act 1:41:00 Cheney and Rumsfeld argued transparency would hurt national security 1:41:30 Lawmakers overruled the presidential veto 1:43:30 Florida has some of the strongest government transparency laws 1:44:15 Multiple states created their own transparency laws after FOIA 1:45:30 Pentagon demanded restrictions on journalists, no outlets agree 1:47:30 We can't have a democracy without transparency 1:50:15 When your party is out of power you're more likely to believe nonsense 1:51:30 Ask Chuck 1:51:45 Parallels between LDS church in UT & OK nearly becoming a black state? 1:54:30 Chances the Republican gerrymanders backfire? 1:59:15 How can Americans abroad stay civically engaged and bring about change? 2:04:15 Where do you get your optimism from in this political climate? Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

 Tommy ROBINSON - Opportunist, Patriot or Ill-Informed? (Part 2)         The Black Spy Podcast 211, Season 22, Episode 0003 The 150,000-strong anti-immigration demonstration in central London, fronted by figures like Tommy Robinson, is a striking illustration of how immigration has become one of the most polarising issues in British politics. The march's overt targeting of Muslims and people of colour underscores the racialised framing of immigration, moving the debate far beyond policy detail and into the territory of national identity, culture, and belonging. The demonstration reflects a public mood that successive governments have helped to shape. For years, both Labour and the Conservatives have flirted with populist rhetoric on immigration. Labour, historically more cautious, now walks a tightrope between its traditional working-class base—some of whom are sceptical of immigration—and its progressive, urban supporters who view migration as essential to a modern Britain. This tension often leaves the party hesitant, reactive rather than proactive. The Conservatives, by contrast, have leaned heavily into the immigration debate, especially under recent leaderships. Their strategy has been to present themselves as the only party capable of “taking back control” of borders—first through Brexit, then through high-profile but controversial measures like the Rwanda deportation scheme. While such policies rarely deliver the promised results, they fuel a perception among parts of the electorate that the government is fighting a cultural battle against an “influx” of outsiders. In effect, the Conservatives have normalised elements of the very language and themes echoed by street movements like Robinson's. This creates a dangerous loop: populist protests pressure politicians, politicians adopt harsher rhetoric to shore up support, and protests grow bolder in turn. The London demonstration is therefore not just a one-off show of force but a symptom of how deeply immigration has become embedded in Britain's political fault lines—and how both major parties, albeit in different ways, are struggling to manage it. Rights of Asylum Seekers (while claim is pending) Employment: Not normally allowed to work.  May apply for permission to work only if their claim has been outstanding for over 12 months through no fault of their own.  If granted, work is restricted to jobs on the Shortage Occupation List. Financial Support: Eligible for Asylum Support (provided by the Home Office). Current rate: about £49.18 per person, per week (loaded onto an ASPEN debit card). Additional allowances may be given for pregnant women, babies, and young children. Housing: Provided with accommodation on a no-choice basis (can be shared housing or hostels, not chosen by the applicant). Must stay where the Home Office places them. Health Care: Entitled to use the NHS free of charge while their claim is being considered. Includes GP services, hospital care, and maternity care. Education: Children of asylum seekers have the right to attend state schools. Asylum seekers usually cannot access student loans for university. Rights of Recognised Refugees (once status is granted) ·    Employment: Full right to work in the UK. ·    Benefits: Full access to welfare benefits (e.g., Universal Credit, housing benefit, child benefit).  ·    Housing: Can apply for social housing and access homelessness assistance. ·    Health Care: Full NHS access on the same basis as UK citizens. ·    Education: Children can attend school; adults can access student finance for higher education. ·    Travel: May apply for a Refugee Travel Document to travel abroad (not valid for country of persecution). Hope you enjoy this week's episode and please don't forget to subscribe to the Black Spy Podcast for free, so you'll never miss another fascinating episode. To contact Firgas Esack of the DAPS Agency go to Linked In To contact Carlton King by utilising any of the following: To donate - Patreon.com/TheBlackSpyPodcast Email: carltonking2003@gmail.com Facebook: The Black Spy Podcast Facebook: Carlton King Author Twitter@Carlton_King Instagram@carltonkingauthor   To read Carlton's Autobiography: “Black Ops – The incredible true story of a (Black) British secret agent” Click the link below: https://amzn.eu/d/fmzzq9h

Data leak gives Guardian US investigations team an unprecedented look into Trump's deportation regime – and how people are seemingly being ‘disappeared'. Oliver Laughland and Maanvi Singh report. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/infocus

Naoise Ó Cearúil, Fianna Fáil TD for Kildare North; Matt Carthy, Sinn Féin TD for Cavan-Monaghan; Patricia Stephenson, Social Democrats Senator; Harry McGee, Political Correspondent with The Irish Times

Preview: Scott McGill and Susannah Wright detail Aeneas's journey from destroyed Troy to Italy in Virgil's Aeneid, a story of refugees, opposition by Juno, and the origins of Rome. 1614 FALL OF TROY

In a Colorado meatpacking town, refugees fleeing persecution find themselves in some of the most dangerous jobs in America.This episode was produced in partnership with the Food & Environment Reporting Network, an independent, nonprofit news organization.The New Jungle Subscribe to SiriusXM Podcasts+ to listen to new episodes of 99% Invisible ad-free and a whole week early. Start a free trial now on Apple Podcasts or by visiting siriusxm.com/podcastsplus. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

In this episode, we speak with Iker Suárez, who authored a searing piece in the Monthly Review titled "The Migrant Genocide: Toward a Third World Analysis of European Class Struggle." In it, he challenges the dominant humanitarian framing of migrant deaths at sea, arguing that it isn't a moral crisis but a structural necessity of late imperialism. What unfolds on Europe's shores, he contends, is but a violent expression of global capital's unraveling. Further, diving into the works of scholars like Ali Kadri and Samir Amin, we explore how unresolved agrarian contradictions in the Global South, the accumulation of waste, and the labor-capital contradiction are converging in the form of the systemic genocide of migrants. We unpack why immigration is not a peripheral issue, but the return of capital's deepest contradiction to the imperial core—and how this rupture shapes Europe's ideological terrain, from the failures of social democracy to the rise of fascism. Iker Suarez is an author and doctoral researcher. He studies neocolonialism in Europe and organizes in socialist, anti-racist and anti-imperialist movements in Madrid and New York. His work revolves around European borders, class struggle, and immigration politics from a political economy perspective grounded in the Third World. He co-authored a book on Spain's southern border enclave in northern Morocco (Melilla), focusing on the neocolonial dynamics that undergird European social democracies. His current research focuses on linking European state racism with a holistic understanding of imperialism to better think through strategy. You can follow his work at @ikersuarz. If you like what we do and want to support our ability to have more conversations like this. Please consider becoming a Patron. You can do so for as little as a 1 Dollar a month.  Related: “War Is the Basis of Accumulation” - Ali Kadri on Genocide, Waste, Imperialism, and the Commodification of Death Study Group Ali Kadri's Accumulation of Waste (only about 5 spots left)

With seven years experience as CEO of Rainbow Railroad, Global LGBTQI+ Human Rights Fellow at the Carr-Ryan Center at Harvard and Refugee Council USA board member Kamahli Powell is uniquely qualified to discuss the world's refugee crisis and specifically how LGBTQ people are disadvantaged in seeking help when their countries, communities and sometimes even their homes are unsafe (interviewed by David Hunt). Plus: gay novelist, screenwriter, playwright and actor Truman Capote (September 30,1924 - August 25, 1984) reads from “Breakfast at Tiffany's” (courtesy of Pacifica Radio Archives). And in NewsWrap: 61 members of Congress call on U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio to restore LGBTQ-specific data to the State Department's annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, U.S. Senators Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Aka.) lead a bipartisan effort to reinstate a specialized LGBTQ youth service for the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline, Pope Leo XIV clarifies that his stance on inclusion for LGBTQ people excludes same-gender marriage, the Trump administration appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court to enforce its denial of “X” gender passports, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stops medical care for transgender detainees at a facility in Aurora, Colorado, Ben & Jerry's co-founder Jerry Greenfield resigns because he says his progressive activism is being silenced by the ice cream company's Unilever multinational corporate owners, and more international LGBTQ+ news reported this week by Tanya Kane Parry and David Hunt (produced by Brian DeShazor). All this on the September 22, 2025 edition of This Way Out! Join our family of listener-donors today at http://thiswayout.org/donate/

We're joined by Trong Van Cao, talks about his journey to America and his faith journey with God in his book Of Good Courage: A Refugee's Journey from Despair to Triumph, Bobby Fredericksen, Catholic convert, talks about his article Influencers vs. Saints: Why Teaching the Faith Requires Character, Formation and Maturity and Sunnie Johnson-Lain, CEO of St. Vincent de Paul in Baton Rouge, joins us.

Last time we spoke about the battle of Nanjing. In December 1937, as the battle for Nanjing unfolded, terror inundated its residents, seeking safety amid the turmoil. General Tang Shengzhi rallied the Chinese forces, determined to defend against the advancing Japanese army. Fierce fighting erupted at the Gate of Enlightenment, where the determined Chinese soldiers resisted merciless assaults while tragedy loomed. By mid-December, the Japanese made substantial advances, employing relentless artillery fire to breach Nanjing's defenses. Leaders called for strategic retreats, yet amid chaos and despair, many young Chinese soldiers, driven by nationalism, continued to resist. By December 13, Nanjing succumbed to the invaders, marking a tragic chapter in history. As destruction enveloped the city, the resilience of its defenders became a poignant tale of courage amidst the horrors of war, forever marking Nanjing as a symbol of enduring hope in the face of despair.   #168 The Nanjing Massacre Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So obvious disclaimer, today we will be talking about, arguably one of if not the most horrific war atrocities ever committed. To be blunt, it may have been worse than some of the things we talked about back during the fall of the Ming Dynasty, when bandit armies raped and pillaged cities. The Nanjing Massacre as its become known is well documented by both Chinese and foreign sources. There is an abundance of primary sources, many well verified. Its going to be extremely graphic, I am going to try and tell it to the fullest. So if you got a weak stomach perhaps sit this one out, you have been warned. Chen Yiding began evacuating his troops from the area surrounding the Gate of Enlightenment before dawn on December 13. En route to Xiaguan, he took the time to visit a dozen of his soldiers housed in a makeshift hospital located in an old cemetery. These men were too severely injured to participate in the evacuation, and Chen had to leave them with only a few words of encouragement. Little did he know, within days, they would all perish in their beds, victims of the Japanese forces. Upon arriving in Xiaguan later that morning, Chen was met with grim news: his divisional commander had crossed the Yangtze River with his chief of staff the previous afternoon. Now, he was on his own. He didn't linger near the riverside chaos, quickly realizing there was nothing he could do there. Instead, he chose to move downstream, hoping to find a secure spot for himself and his soldiers to wait out the next few days before devising an escape from the war zone.  He was fortunate, for soon the Japanese would live up to their notorious reputation developed during their advance from Shanghai; they were not inclined to take prisoners. That afternoon, several hundred Chinese soldiers arrived at the northern end of the Safety Zone. The committee responsible for the area stated that they could offer no assistance. In a misguided attempt to boost morale, they suggested that if the soldiers surrendered and promised not to engage in combat, the Japanese would likely show them "merciful treatment." This optimism was woefully misplaced. Later that same day, Japanese troops entered the zone, dragging out 200 Chinese men, the majority of them soldiers, for execution just outside the city. On December 13, Japanese soldiers started patrolling the riverbank, shooting at anything and anyone floating downstream. Their comrades aboard naval vessels in the river cheered them on, applauding each time they struck another helpless victim in the water. Civilians were not spared either. While traveling through downtown Nanjing as the battle concluded, Rabe observed dead men and women every 100 to 200 yards, most of them shot in the back. A long line of Chinese men marched down the street, numbering in the hundreds, all destined for death. In a cruel twist, they were compelled to carry a large Japanese flag. They were herded into a vacant lot by a couple of Japanese soldiers and as recalled by American correspondent Archibald Steele "There, they were brutally shot dead in small groups. One Japanese soldier stood over the growing pile of corpses, firing into any bodies that showed movement." The killings commenced almost immediately after the fall of Nanjing. The victorious Japanese spread out into the city streets, seeking victims. Those unfortunate enough to be captured faced instant execution or were taken to larger killing fields to meet a grim fate alongside other Chinese prisoners. Initially, the Japanese targeted former soldiers, whether real or imagined, but within hours, the scope of victims expanded to include individuals of all age groups and genders. By the end of the first day of occupation, civilian bodies littered the streets of downtown Nanjing at a rate of roughly one per block. The defenseless and innocent were subjected to murder, torture, and humiliation in a relentless spree of violence that persisted for six harrowing weeks. At the time of the attack, Nanjing felt eerily abandoned, houses stood boarded up, vehicles lay toppled in the streets, and the once-ubiquitous rickshaws had vanished. However, hundreds of thousands remained hidden indoors, seeking refuge. The most visible sign of the city's new rulers was the display of the Japanese flag. On the morning of December 14, the Rising Sun flag was hoisted across the city, seen in front of private homes, businesses, and public buildings. Many of these flags were hastily made, often a simple white sheet with a red rag affixed, hoping to be spared. As the days progressed, horrifying accounts of violence began to emerge. A barber, the sole survivor among eight people in his shop when the Japanese arrived, was admitted to a hospital with a stab wound that had nearly severed his head from his body, damaging all muscles at the back of his neck down to his spinal canal. A woman suffered a brutal throat wound, while another pregnant woman was bayoneted in the abdomen, resulting in the death of her unborn child. A man witnessed his wife being stabbed through the heart and then saw his child hurled from a window to the street several floors below. These are but a few stories of individual atrocities committed. Alongside this there were mass executions, predominantly targeting young able-bodied men, in an effort to weaken Nanjing and deprive it of any potential resistance in the future. American professor, Lewis Smythe recalled “The disarmed soldier problem was our most serious one for the first three days, but it was soon resolved, as the Japanese shot all of them.” On the evening of December 15, the Japanese rounded up 1,300 former soldiers from the Safety Zone, binding them in groups of about 100 and marching them away in silence. A group of foreigners, permitted to leave Nanjing on a Japanese gunboat, accidentally became witnesses to the ensuing slaughter. While waiting for their vessel, they took a brief walk along the riverbank and stumbled upon a scene of mass execution, observing the Japanese shooting the men one by one in the back of the neck. “We observed about 100 such executions until the Japanese officer in charge noticed us and ordered us to leave immediately”. Not all killings were premeditated; many occurred impulsively. A common example was when Japanese soldiers led lines of Chinese POWs to holding points, tightly bound together with ropes. Every few yards, a Japanese soldier would stand guard with a fixed bayonet aimed at the prisoners as they trudged forward. Suddenly, one of the prisoners slipped, causing a domino effect as he fell, dragging down the men in front of and behind him. The entire group soon found themselves collapsed on the ground, struggling to stand. The Japanese guards lost their patience, jabbing their bayonets into the writhing bodies until none remained alive. In one of the largest massacres, Japanese troops from the Yamada Detachment, including the 65th Infantry Regiment, systematically executed between 17,000 and 20,000 Chinese prisoners from December 15 to 17. These prisoners were taken to the banks of the Yangtze River near Mufushan, where they were machine-gunned to death. The bodies were then disposed of by either burning or flushing them downstream. Recent research by Ono Kenji has revealed that these mass killings were premeditated and carried out systematically, in accordance with orders issued directly by Prince Asaka. A soldier from the IJA's 13th Division described killing wounded survivors of the Mufushan massacre in his diary “I figured that I'd never get another chance like this, so I stabbed thirty of the damned Chinks. Climbing atop the mountain of corpses, I felt like a real devil-slayer, stabbing again and again, with all my might. 'Ugh, ugh,' the Chinks groaned. There were old folks as well as kids, but we killed them lock, stock, and barrel. I also borrowed a buddy's sword and tried to decapitate some. I've never experienced anything so unusual”. Frequently, the Japanese just left their victims wherever they fell. Corpses began to accumulate in the streets, exposed to the elements and onlookers. Cars constantly were forced to run over corpses. Corpses were scavenged by stray dogs, which, in turn, were consumed by starving people. The water became toxic; workers in the Safety Zone discovered ponds clogged with human remains. In other instances, the Japanese gathered their machine-gunned or bayoneted victims into large heaps, doused them in kerosene, and set them ablaze. Archibald Steele wrote for the Chicago Daily News on December 17th “I saw a grisly scene at the north gate, where what was once a group of 200 men had become a smoldering mass of flesh and bones, so severely burned around the neck and head that it was difficult to believe he was still human.” During the chaos in the beginning, whereupon the Japanese had not yet fully conquered the city, its defenders scrambled desperately to escape before it was too late. Individually or in small groups, they sought vulnerabilities in the enemy lines, acutely aware that their survival hinged on their success. Months of conflict had trained them to expect no mercy if captured; previous experiences had instilled in them the belief that a swift death at the hands of the Japanese would be a fortunate outcome. On December 12, amid intense artillery fire and aerial bombardment, General Tang Sheng-chi issued the order for his troops to retreat. However, conflicting directives and a breakdown in discipline transformed the ensuing events into a disaster. While some Chinese units successfully crossed the river, a far greater number were ensnared in the widespread chaos that engulfed the city. In their desperation to evade capture, some Chinese soldiers resorted to stripping civilians of their clothing to disguise themselves, while many others were shot by their own supervisory units as they attempted to flee.Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of individual escape stories emerged from this period. In some rare instances, entire units, even up to divisional strength, successfully infiltrated Japanese lines to reach safety. For others, such as the 156th Division, there were detailed plans outlining escape routes from Nanjing. Several soldiers and officers adhered to this three-day trek, skillfully evading Japanese patrols until they reached Ningguo, located south of the capital. Nonetheless, these cases were exceptions. The vast majority of soldiers from China's defeated army faced significant risk and were more likely to be captured than to escape. Some of Chiang Kai-shek's most elite units suffered near total annihilation. Only about a thousand soldiers from the 88th Division managed to cross the Yangtze safely, as did another thousand from the Training Division, while a mere 300 from the 87th Division survived. Even for units like the 156th Division, the escape plans were only effective for those who learned of them. These plans were hurriedly disseminated through the ranks as defeat loomed, leaving mere chance to determine who received the information. Many stayed trapped in Nanjing, which had become a fatal snare. One day, Japanese soldiers visited schools within Nanjing's Safety Zone, aware that these locations sheltered many refugees. They called for all former soldiers to step forward, promising safety in exchange for labor. Many believed that the long days of hiding were finally coming to an end and complied with the request. However, they were led to an abandoned house, where they were stripped naked and bound together in groups of five. Outside, a large bonfire had been ignited. They were then bayoneted and, while still alive, thrown onto the flames. Only a few managed to escape and share the horrifying tale. The Japanese were of course well aware that numerous soldiers were hiding in Nanjing, disguised as locals, evidenced by the piles of military uniforms and equipment accumulating in the streets. Consequently, they initiated a systematic search for soldiers within hours of taking control. The Safety Zone was not spared, as the Japanese Army suspected that Chinese soldiers had sought refuge there. On December 16, they raided Ginling College, despite a policy prohibiting the admission of men, except for elderly residents in a designated dining room. The soldiers brought axes to force open doors that were not immediately complied with and positioned six machine guns on the campus, prepared to fire at anyone attempting to escape. Ultimately, they found nothing. In cases where they did encounter young men of military age, the soldiers lined them up, scrutinizing for distinct telltale features such as close-cropped hair, helmet marks, or shoulder blisters from carrying a rifle. Many men, who had never served in the military but bore callouses from hard manual labor, were captured based on the assumption that such marks indicated military experience. As noted by Goerge Fitch the head of Nanjing's YMCA “Rickshaw coolies, carpenters, and other laborers are frequently taken”. The Japanese employed additional, more cunning tactics to root out soldiers. During an inspection of a camp within the Safety Zone, they struggled to get the approximately 6,000 men and women to surrender. Before leaving, they resorted to one last trick. “Attention!” a voice commanded in flawless Chinese. Many young men, conditioned by months or years of military training, instinctively responded. Even though most realized their mistake almost immediately, it was too late; the Japanese herded them away. Given the scale of the slaughter, efforts were soon organized to facilitate the killing and disposal of as many individuals as possible in the shortest time. Rows of prisoners were mowed down by machine-gun fire, while those injured were finished off with single bullets or bayonets. Much of the mass murder occurred near the Yangtze River, where victims could be disposed of easily by being pushed into the water, hoping the current would carry them away.As the weeks progressed and the Japanese grew increasingly concerned about the possibility of former soldiers still at large, the dragnet tightened. Beginning in late December, Japanese authorities implemented a registration system for all residents of Nanjing. At Ginling College, this process lasted about a week and resulted in scenes of almost indescribable chaos, as the Japanese also decided to register residents from the surrounding areas on campus. First, the men were registered, followed by the women. Often, women attended the registration to help save their husbands and sons, who would otherwise have been taken as suspected former soldiers. Despite these efforts, a total of 28 men were ultimately seized during the registration process at Ginling College. Each individual who registered received a document from the authorities. However, it soon became clear that this paper provided little protection against the caprices of the Japanese military. That winter in Nanjing, everyone was a potential victim. While systematic mass killings primarily targeted young men of military age, every category of people faced death in the days and weeks following the Japanese conquest of Nanjing. Reports indicated that fifty police officers from the Safety Zone were executed for permitting Chinese soldiers to enter the area. The city's firefighters were taken away to meet an uncertain fate, and six street sweepers were killed inside their dwelling. Like an uncontrollable epidemic, the victors' bloodlust seemed to escalate continuously, seeking out new victims. When the Japanese ordered the Safety Zone committee to supply workers for the electricity plant in Xiaguan to restore its operations, they provided 54 individuals. Within days, 43 of them were dead. Although young men were especially targeted, the Japanese made no distinctions based on age or sex. American missionary John G. Magee documented numerous instances of indiscriminate killings, including the chilling account of two families nearly exterminated. Stabbings, shootings, and rapes marked the slaughter of three generations of innocents, including toddlers aged four and two; the older child was bayoneted, while the younger was struck in the head with a sword. The only survivors were a badly injured eight-year-old girl and her four-year-old sister, who spent the following fortnight beside their mother's decaying body. The violence was often accompanied by various forms of humiliation, as if to utterly break the spirit of the conquered people. One woman lost her parents and three children. When she purchased a coffin for her father, a Japanese soldier tore the lid off and discarded the old man's body in the street. Another soldier, in a drunken stupor, raped a Chinese woman and then vomited on her. In yet another incident, a soldier encountered a family of six huddled over a pot of thin rice soup; he stepped over them and urinated into their pot before continuing on his way, laughing heartlessly. The atrocities committed at Nanjing were not akin to something like the Holocaust. Within places like Auschwitz killings became industrialized and often took on an impersonal, unemotional character. The murders in Nanjing had an almost intimate quality, with each individual perpetrator bearing the blood of their victims on their hands, sometimes literally. In this sense, the Nanjing atrocities resemble the early Holocaust killings executed by German Einsatzgruppen in Eastern Europe, prior to the implementation of gas chambers. How many died during the Nanjing Massacre? Eyewitnesses at the time recognized that the Japanese behavior had few immediate precedents. Missionary John Magee compared the situation to the Turkish genocide of the Armenians during World War I, which was still fresh in memory. Despite this, no consensus emerged regarding the exact number of fatalities, a state of affairs that would persist for nearly eight decades. In his first comprehensive account of the atrocities following the conquest of the capital, New York Times correspondent Tillman Durdin reported that 33,000 Chinese soldiers lost their lives in Nanjing, including 20,000 who were executed. Foreign correspondent Frank Oliver claimed in a 1939 publication that 24,000 men, women, and children were put to death during the first month of the city's occupation. As time progressed, much larger figures began to circulate. After returning to Germany in 1938, John Rabe held a lecture where he cited European estimates that between 50,000 and 60,000 people had died. In February 1942, Chiang Kai-shek stated that 200,000 were slaughtered within one week. The Nanjing tribunal established by Chiang's government to try Japanese war criminals in 1946 and 1947 reported that more than 300,000 lives had been lost following the city's fall. The highest estimate recorded comes from a Chinese military expert, who put the death toll at 430,000. Currently, the figure most commonly accepted in official Chinese media is 300,000, a number also cited by various authors sympathetic to China's contemporary regime. The debate over the Nanjing death toll has been a complex and extensive discussion, likely to remain unresolved to everyone's satisfaction. As missionary and Nanjing University teacher Miner Searle Bates remarked when he testified before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in July 1946, “The scope of this killing was so extensive that no one can provide a complete picture of it.” On December 16, American missionary Minnie Vautrin witnessed a truck passing by Ginling College, loaded with eight to ten girls. When they saw the Western woman, they cried out, "Jiu ming! Jiu ming!" which means “Help! Help!” Vautrin felt powerless, fully aware of the fate that awaited them. As early as Tuesday of that week, she had documented rumors of girls being raped. The following night, women were taken in large numbers from their homes. Another missionary, John Magee wrote to his wife “The most horrible thing now is the raping of the women, which has been going on in the most shameless way I have ever known”. A tentative list compiled by Lewis Smythe detailed instances of rape occurring soon after the Japanese Army entered Nanjing: four girls at noon on December 14; four more women that evening; three female refugees on December 15; and a young wife around the same time. The accounts revealed chilling individual horrors. A 15-year-old girl was taken to a barracks housing 200 to 300 Japanese soldiers and locked in a room, where she was raped multiple times daily. Victims ranged from as young as 11 to over 80. American correspondent Edgar Snow recalled “Discards were often bayoneted by drunken soldiers,. Frequently, mothers had to witness their babies being beheaded, only to then be raped themselves.” Y.M.C.A. head George Fitch reported the case of a woman whose five-month-old infant was deliberately smothered by a soldier to silence its cries while he raped her. Such acts were a gruesome form of humiliation, designed to demonstrate that the vanquished were powerless to protect their own families. Japanese soldier Takokoro Kozo recalled “Women suffered most. No matter how young or old, they all could not escape the fate of being raped. We sent out coal trucks to the city streets and villages to seize a lot of women. And then each of them was allocated to fifteen to twenty soldiers for sexual intercourse and abuse. After raping we would also kill them”. Women were frequently killed immediately after being raped, often through horrific mutilations, such as being penetrated with bayonets, long bamboo sticks, or other objects. For instance, one six-months-pregnant woman was stabbed sixteen times in the face and body, with one stab penetrating her abdomen and killing her unborn child. In another case, a young woman had a beer bottle forcibly inserted into her vagina after being raped, and was subsequently shot.  On December 19, 1937, the Reverend James M. McCallum wrote in his diary “I know not where to end. Never I have heard or read such brutality. Rape! Rape! Rape! We estimate at least 1,000 cases a night and many by day. In case of resistance or anything that seems like disapproval, there is a bayonet stab or a bullet... People are hysterical... Women are being carried off every morning, afternoon and evening. The whole Japanese army seems to be free to go and come as it pleases, and to do whatever it pleases”.  Rabe wrote in his diary dated December 17 “wo Japanese soldiers have climbed over the garden wall and are about to break into our house. When I appear they give the excuse that they saw two Chinese soldiers climb over the wall. When I show them my party badge, they return the same way. In one of the houses in the narrow street behind my garden wall, a woman was raped, and then wounded in the neck with a bayonet. I managed to get an ambulance so we can take her to Kulou Hospital... Last night up to 1,000 women and girls are said to have been raped, about 100 girls at Ginling College...alone. You hear nothing but rape. If husbands or brothers intervene, they're shot. What you hear and see on all sides is the brutality and bestiality of the Japanese soldiers”. In a documentary film about the Nanjing Massacre, In the Name of the Emperor, a former Japanese soldier named Shiro Azuma spoke candidly about the process of rape and murder in Nanjing. “At first we used some kinky words like Pikankan. Pi means "hip", kankan means "look". Pikankan means, "Let's see a woman open up her legs." Chinese women didn't wear under-pants. Instead, they wore trousers tied with a string. There was no belt. As we pulled the string, the buttocks were exposed. We "pikankan". We looked. After a while we would say something like, "It's my day to take a bath," and we took turns raping them. It would be all right if we only raped them. I shouldn't say all right. But we always stabbed and killed them. Because dead bodies don't talk”. Without anyone to defend them, the women of Nanjing resorted to desperate measures for their safety. The young and attractive cut their hair and smeared soot on their faces to diminish their allure. Others donned boys' clothes or the garments of elderly women. However, the Japanese were well aware of these tactics and were not easily deceived. As American correspondent Snow described, it was an orgy of unprecedented debauchery, involving not only the lower ranks of the Japanese military but also officers who turned their quarters into harems, bedding a new captive each night. Open-air sexual assaults were common. During the first ten days of occupation, groups of Japanese soldiers entered the Ginling campus ten to twenty times daily, brandishing fixed bayonets stained with fresh blood. So overwhelmed, Vautrin decided to prioritize saving lives over salvaging possessions, spending those early days frantically moving across campus to prevent marauding soldiers from taking away women. A particularly tense situation unfolded on the evening of December 17, when Vautrin and other staff members at Ginling College were called to the front of the campus to confront a group of Japanese soldiers. Earlier, Vautrin had received documentation from another officer affirming that the area was a legitimate refugee camp. The soldiers torn up the document in front of her. For hours, with armed Japanese soldiers encircling them, Vautrin and her colleagues were left standing or kneeling, uncertain of what awaited them. Gradually, it became clear that they had been lured to the front gate so that other soldiers could enter through a side entrance and abduct twelve women. As Vautrin recalled “Never shall I forget the scene. The dried leaves rattling, the moaning of the wind, the cries of women being led away.” The staff remained at the entrance until 11:00 pm, fearing that hiding soldiers might fire on them if they moved. This was the only time that Vautrin was unable to prevent rape, a failure that would haunt her for the rest of her life. Some Japanese soldiers, seeking young girls, ordered a middle-aged Chinese woman to assist them in finding targets. When she either could not or would not comply, they shot a rifle across her abdomen, narrowly missing and taking away “three handbreadths of flesh.” When the Japanese Army entered Nanjing, little damage had been inflicted on the buildings, as noted by U.S. missionary James McCallum at the end of December. On the first day of their occupation, Japanese soldiers immediately dispersed into Nanjing in small groups, breaking shop windows and looting the goods within. They carried away their spoils in crates and stolen rickshaws. Initially, the looting was partly a makeshift response to the poor logistics of the Japanese Army. Combat soldiers had arrived well ahead of their supply lines and faced severe food shortages until the roads reopened and the Yangtze River became navigable.  Every building in Nanjing was looted and turned upside down. Everything not nailed down was stolen: doors and window frames were removed, safes opened with rifle shots or grenades. Japanese soldiers often pillaged property while the owners were present, threatening them with bayonets. Abandoned cars littered the streets, typically overturned and stripped of useful items, including batteries. Like Russian soldiers in Berlin seven and a half years later, the rank-and-file soldiers displayed a particular interest in watches. As the scale of plunder grew, transportation became scarce. By the end of December, looting was being conducted using trucks. When vehicles were unavailable, Japanese soldiers resorted to wheelbarrows and even children's prams. Mules, donkeys, and people were also commandeered. Just as during their advance from Shanghai to Nanjing, the Chinese were forced to assist in looting their own homes. A common sight was a Japanese soldier leading a group of Chinese down the street, laden with stolen goods. While Chinese soldiers had also engaged in some looting during their evacuation of Nanjing, it was nothing compared to the scale of the Japanese victors' plunder. The Chinese forces had deliberately avoided breaking into foreign buildings, a distinction that the Japanese disregarded. The American, British, and German embassies, along with the ambassadors' residences, were ransacked, stripped of everything from bedding and money to watches, rugs, and artwork. The American School was looted, and its wall breached to remove the piano. As the Japanese stripped the city, they also began to burn it. While the winter sky could have been sparkling, it was instead filled with smoke from thousands of fires across the city. Some fires resulted from carelessness, such as when soldiers cooked meat from a stolen cow over a bonfire, accidentally igniting an ancient building. Others were acts of mindless vandalism. The Nanking Music Shop saw all its instruments and sheets piled in the street and set ablaze. The extent of the massacre can, to some degree, be linked to a breakdown in discipline among Japanese soldiers. Released from weeks or months of hardship on the battlefield, many soldiers experienced an intoxicating sense of freedom, resembling misbehaving boys. The deterioration of order among Japanese soldiers astonished those familiar with the stories of the stringent discipline within Japan's armed forces. Observers commented on soldiers laughing at proclamations from their own officers or tearing up orders and tossing them to the ground. Some foreign witnesses speculated that this lack of discipline was exacerbated by the absence of visible individual numbers on soldiers, making it challenging to identify wrongdoers. The issue also stemmed from the quality of the Japanese officer corps and their ability to manage a large army of young men, many of whom were experiencing freedom from societal constraints for the first time. Not all officers rose to the occasion; Vautrin witnessed an officer almost fail to prevent a soldier from raping a girl. Even worse, some officers transitioned from passive bystanders, guilty by inaction, to active participants in prolonged rape sessions. While a few attempted to instill discipline among their troops, their efforts often fell short. A Japanese colonel, for instance, slapped a soldier attempting to rape a Chinese woman. Another general was seen striking a private who had bayoneted a Chinese man and threatened two Germans, raising questions about how much of this discipline was merely performative for the benefit of foreign observers. Ultimately, disciplinary measures had little impact. As Rabe noted in his diary dated December 18th “The soldiers have almost no regard for their officers”. The absence of effective higher leadership during this critical period likely exacerbated the problem. General Matsui had been suffering from malaria since November 3, which left him largely incapacitated from December 5 to 15. A subordinate later testified that he had been informed of "incidents of stealing, killing, assault, and rape and had become quite enraged.” Although Matsui may have been displeased by the unruly behavior of his soldiers, it is conceivable that his inaction led to even greater levels of atrocity than might have occurred otherwise. He insisted on holding a victory parade on December 17, immediately after recovering from his illness, which likely triggered a security frenzy among Japanese officers concerned about the safety of Prince Asaka, uncle to Emperor Hirohito. This reaction likely prompted a surge in searches for, and executions of, suspected former Chinese soldiers. The Japanese high command in Tokyo was also aware of the unraveling discipline. On January 4, 1938, Army Headquarters sent Matsui an unusually direct message ordering him to restore control among his troops: Our old friend Ishiwara Kanji bitterly criticized the situation and placed the blame on Matsui “We earnestly request enhancement of military discipline and public morals. The morale of the Japanese had never been at a lower level.” A detachment of military police eventually arrived in Nanjing, leading to some improvements, though their presence was mixed. Some officers stationed outside the Safety Zone ignored atrocities occurring before them and, in some cases, participated directly. At Ginling College, the experience with military police was decidedly uneven. The first group of about 25 men tasked with guarding the college ended up committing rape themselves.  Despite frequent visits from Japanese soldiers in search of loot and victims to assault, the Safety Zone was perceived as successful. Many believed that both the zone and the work of its managing committee were responsible for saving countless lives. W. Plumer Mills, vice chairman of the committee, noted that the zone “did give some protection during the fighting…but the chief usefulness of the Zone has been the measure of protection it has afforded to the people since the occupation.” Shortly after the Japanese conquest, the population of the Safety Zone swelled to a quarter million people. Around 70,000 of these were organized into 25 pre-arranged camps, while the majority sought accommodation wherever possible. Makeshift “mat-shed villages” sprang up in vacant areas throughout the zone. Nanjing quickly became informally divided into two distinct cities. Outside the Safety Zone, the atmosphere was ghostly, with a population dwindling to around 10,000, while within the zone, bustling activity thrived. Shanghai Road, which ran through the center of the zone and had once been a wide boulevard, transformed into a hub of barter and trade, resembling a festive market during Chinese New Year, overflowing with makeshift stalls, tea shops, and restaurants, making it nearly impossible to traverse by vehicle. The Japanese held a degree of respect for Westerners, although this sentiment was not universal and did not always offer protection. Many foreigners tried to safeguard their homes by displaying their national flags outside, but they often found that Japanese soldiers would break in regardless. To protect Ginling College, American flags were displayed at eight locations around the compound, and a large 30-foot American flag was spread out in the center. However, this proved to be “of absolutely no use” in preventing Japanese soldiers from entering the area. Despite this, there was some limited outright hostility towards Americans. Stronger negative sentiments were directed towards the Russians and the British, who were viewed as representatives of nations with competing interests against the Japanese Empire. The Japanese displayed particular reverence for one nationality, the Germans. Rabe would shout “Deutsch” or “Hitler” to command respect from unruly Japanese soldiers or show them his swastika armband, indicating his allegiance to the Nazi Party. Germany was seen as a rising power and rapidly becoming one of Japan's closest allies, a fellow outcast in global politics. However, as time passed, the limits of this respect became evident; individual soldiers began searching for women within the German embassy compound, and eventually, nearly all German buildings were broken into. Despite all the challenges, there was no doubting that foreigners offered a form of protection unavailable elsewhere. Within days of the Japanese conquest, women and children began appearing in large numbers outside Rabe's home, kneeling and knocking their heads on the ground as they begged to be let into his already overcrowded garden.  At 1:00 pm on January 1, the Chinese were proclaimed rulers of their own city, or at least this is what Japanese propaganda sought to convey. On the first day of the new year, a puppet government was established in a ceremony held just north of the Safety Zone. A new five-bar flag, the one associated with the early Chinese republic was raised, signaling a patriotic spirit in a gesture that felt unconvincing. As the new leaders took office, vowing to resurrect their city, buildings burned all around them. The ceremony marked the culmination of two weeks of preparatory work. As early as December 15, General Matsui met with a local Chinese leader, referred to in the Japanese commander's diary only as Chen, who had been selected to assist in forming this new puppet government. Chen had been present in the northern port city of Tianjin two years earlier when Matsui helped establish the Chinese chapter of the Greater Asia Association. He subscribed to Matsui's concepts of “Asia for Asians,” but cautioned that Chinese fears of the Japanese would complicate the governance of the conquered territories.   The new government aligned with the Japanese army to implement a system of indoctrination centered on conservatism, primarily targeting the youth, who were perceived as most likely to resist. The indoctrination included messages like, “You must follow the old custom in marriage, letting your parents make arrangements for you. You must not go to theaters or study English, etc. China and Japan must become one, and then the nation will be strong.” Few were deceived by these attempts to win hearts and minds. The government-sanctioned newspaper, the Xinshengbao, or New Life Journal, was immediately dismissed as a crude vehicle for propaganda. Additionally, the government made minimal progress in more urgent tasks, such as restoring peacetime conditions and revitalizing Nanjing's economy, a challenge made formidable by Japanese brutality. Given the fate of the first group of volunteers at the electricity plant after the conquest, no one could be found to fill the needed 40 to 45 worker slots. The same was true for firefighters. The predictable outcomes followed. Water and limited power were restored to parts of the city by January 2, but within two days, the city was plunged back into darkness. By January 13, the waterworks were still non-operational, and the power supply remained intermittent while fires continued to blaze well into January. The government was not taken seriously, struggling even with the Japanese. It quickly built a reputation for being venal and corrupt. One of its names was the Nanjing Autonomous Government, which a clever member of the foreign community humorously rebranded as the “Automatic Government,” reflecting its actual role as a puppet regime devoid of autonomy.  While Nanjing endured its own nightmarish reality, the city's inhabitants had little understanding of the events transpiring beyond its walls. The first radio news that reached foreign residents came on January 7, reporting Japanese air raids on Wuhan. There were also unconfirmed rumors suggesting that Hangzhou was experiencing similar horrors to those in Nanjing, but details were scarce. It was perhaps expected that reports from afar would be limited in wartime, yet information about situations closer to Nanjing was similarly scarce, and the horrific truth gradually dawned on the city's populace. A Westerner who managed to escape east from Nanjing in early January reported that all villages within a 20-mile radius had been burned to the ground. Outside the city, Japanese soldiers were randomly shooting civilians, including children. A German who drove an hour from Nanjing encountered no living souls. After the conquest, Chinese who managed to leave Nanjing reported that every pond between the city and Juyong was filled with the decaying corpses of people and animals. Many of the atrocities committed during this time appeared to stem from boredom and a search for cheap thrills. American missionary Magee witnessed a young farmer who had sustained severe burns on his upper body. After the soldiers demanded money from him and he failed to comply, they doused him in kerosene and set him ablaze. Similarly, a young boy suffered horrific burns after he failed to lead a group of soldiers to his “mama.” People in the rural areas surrounding Nanjing faced danger from numerous directions. Not only were they potential targets for marauding Japanese soldiers, but they were also at risk from bands of Chinese outlaws, who preyed on the large influx of refugees on the roads and the few souls who remained at home despite the fierce conflict raging nearby. Magee encountered a 49-year-old woman whose home was invaded by bandits looking for money. “When she and her husband said they had none they battered her head and breast with a stool and burned her feet until she revealed their savings of between four and five dollars.” In the absence of a formal government, informal authority was often wielded by secret societies. For instance, the “Big Sword Society” reportedly offered protection not only against Japanese soldiers and local bandits but also against small groups of Chinese troops seeking to escape back to their lines and resorting to theft for survival. What a blast from the past eh?   Rumors began to circulate in early January 1938 that the Chinese Army was preparing to retake Nanjing and that Chiang Kai-shek's soldiers had already been spotted inside the city walls. Many of the small makeshift Japanese flags that had appeared outside private homes in mid-December suddenly vanished, and some Chinese residents who had been wearing Japanese armbands hastily removed them. There was even talk of launching an attack on the Japanese embassy. Word spread that the Japanese were becoming frightened and were searching for Chinese clothing to disguise themselves as civilians in the event of a retreat. In reality, none of this was true. The Chinese Army was still reorganizing after the costly campaign that had forced it from Shanghai to Nanjing and then further into the interior. However, this did not imply that the Japanese had achieved complete control over the city. After six weeks of terror, Nanjing began to reassert itself. Japanese soldiers faced fatalities and injuries in skirmishes with members of secret organizations like the “Yellow Spears” and the “Big Sword Society.”  After the New Year, the population within the Safety Zone began to dwindle. A week into 1938, the number of refugees at Ginling College, which had peaked at more than 10,000, fell to around 5,000. Less than a month after the conquest, many former residents started returning to their homes during the day and then coming back to the college at night. Still, the city was far from safe, and even for those whose homes were located within the Safety Zone, Vautrin believed it was unwise to stray too far from her refugee camp. One month after Japanese forces had surged through its gates, Nanjing was a thoroughly devastated city, with fires still being set every day and night. By mid-January, estimates suggested that more than half the city had been burned down, with the main shopping district completely gone, as well as the entertainment area surrounding the Confucius Temple. Nevertheless, slowly but surely, the shell-shocked city began to pull itself together and started the long process of renewal. Vautrin considered opening an industrial school offering four-month courses for women to help compensate for the loss of labor resulting from the indiscriminate killing of men. Chinese New Year fell on January 31, 1938. Celebrated throughout Asia, it was also recognized by the Japanese. It was a “dismal, muddy” day, and as many feared, soldiers who appeared “too happy” from excessive drinking attempted to enter the Safety Zone in search of women but were stopped. The sound of thousands of firecrackers filled the air, fulfilling the age-old purpose of scaring away evil spirits. Refugees in Rabe's compound presented him with a large red silk banner adorned with a gold Chinese inscription. His Chinese friends translated the message for him “You are the living Buddha For a hundred thousand people”. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In December 1937, the battle for Nanjing left its residents in terror as the Japanese army advanced. Following the invasion, a horrific massacre began, with thousands targeted in brutal killings, torture, and humiliation. Civilians and soldiers alike were indiscriminately slain, and the Japanese military showed no mercy. To this day the Nanjing Massacre stands as a testament to the unbelievable evil man holds within him.

“The Real Mr. Big” is a high-speed train trip through the modern cocaine trade and is ultimately the story of redemption in a man who discovers that money and power fades in comparison to the importance of family and love.” --Gerald Posner, Pulitzer Prize finalist and Author of Pharma: Greed, Lies and the Poisoning of AmericaBorn in 1960, Jesus Ruiz Henao grew up poor, but wanted to be rich like the drug dealers he saw growing up in the cocaine-producing region of Colombia's Valle of the Cauca. To realize his ambition, Ruiz Henao moved to London, United Kingdom, in 1985. There he and his wife settled in the quiet suburb of Hendon, where he held down mundane but respectable cleaning and bus driving jobs. At least to outward appearances ...BookBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

Welcome to Season 5, Episode 38! How time flies! Its been almost two years since we last spoke to this episode's guest, author Jamie Jo Hoang (S04E05). She's back to talk about her latest book, My Mother, the Mermaid Chaser, which releases on 23 September 2025 (so either pre-order it if you're listening to this episode right when it comes out or order it if you waited a few days).  In a follow-up to her amazing novel My Father, the Panda Killer… My Mother, the Mermaid Chaser is told through the eyes of Jane's younger brother Paul and their mother Ngọc Lan. Much like her previous novel, this one is a lyrical story that explores the ripples of war, intergenerational trauma, and discovering a fractured past. In this dual timeline story, Jamie wields her signature style of balancing heartbreaking moments and humor as we get a fuller picture of the central family. That said, although we recommend reading My Father, the Panda Killer, you don't have to. My Mother, the Mermaid Chaser is a self-contained novel.  Jamie grew up in Orange County, California, and is also the author of the novel Blue Sun, Yellow Sky. As the daughter of Vietnamese refugees, she feels that it's important to highlight the diverse perspectives and experiences of BIPOC authors and BIPOC books, and we couldn't agree more. My Mother, the Mermaid Chaser is another story of the American experience, and we hope you enjoy it as much as we do. To find more of Jamie's work, visit her website http://heyjamie.com, her instagram @heyjamiereads, and go out and support her work and other diverse stories. If you like what we do, please share, follow, and like us in your podcast directory of choice or on Instagram @AAHistory101. For previous episodes and resources, please visit our site at https://asianamericanhistory101.libsyn.com or our links at http://castpie.com/AAHistory101. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, email us at info@aahistory101.com.

With the Aer Lingus College Football Classic last month and Ireland's first NFL game at the end of this one, Neale Richmond kicks off the episode with a timely gridiron tale.“I'm not just a very old and average rugby player, but I'm the only member of the Irish Parliament who's played American football. I was a defensive tackle for the Dublin Rebels and proud holder of a Shamrock Bull medal from 2016,” says the Fine Gael TD for the Dublin Rathdown constituency and Ireland's Minister of State for International Development and Diaspora.The sport-mad Minister shares examples of the ways these imported American events boost Ireland's economy and provide an ideal platform to advance his ministerial goals of fostering stronger international relations, diaspora engagement, and economic growth.He tells of growing up in a Protestant family with Ulster-Scots roots, right down to his Orange Order grandfather, which hasn't blunted his fatherly pride in his son's embrace of Gaelic Football and the Irish language or his own commitment to a united Ireland.“I'm a passionate United Irelander. I want our country to be united as an independent republic, as part of the European Union. I think that it's in the interest of the over 7.2 million people of all backgrounds that live on this island,” he says, adding, “but one thing I'm really very clear about is that United Ireland will be different. It'll be a new Ireland; it won't be like the republic that I proudly live in today.”He highlights the significance of Ireland's international aid programs particularly in Africa, the evolution of Ireland's diaspora, and the necessity of supporting Irish citizens abroad, including the extension of voting rights for the diaspora in presidential elections.He wraps with an unorthodox “Seamus Plug” for the United Nations, saying that despite its problems, the UN provides a critical forum for international dialogue and that the work of its agencies for Human Rights, Refugees, Family Planning for Women, and its World Food Program all remain vital.Join us!Links:Fine Gael WebpageInstagramFacebookX LinkedInEpisode Details: Season 7, Episode 27; Total Episode Count: 130

Today is Monday, September 22. Here are some of the latest headlines from the Fargo, North Dakota area. InForum Minute is produced by Forum Communications and brought to you by reporters from The Forum of Fargo-Moorhead and WDAY TV. For more news from throughout the day, visit InForum.com.

Capital Notes discusses how Wisconsin's approach to COVID vaccines differs from the federal government. The history of Hmong refugees settling in Wisconsin. The art of cheesemaking. A new Milwaukee Music Roundup.

Tommy ROBINSON -  Opportunist, Patriot or Ill-Informed? (Part 1) The Black Spy Podcast 211, Season 22, Episode 0002 The 150,000-strong anti-immigration demonstration in central London, fronted by figures like Tommy Robinson, is a striking illustration of how immigration has become one of the most polarising issues in British politics. The march's overt targeting of Muslims and people of colour underscores the racialised framing of immigration, moving the debate far beyond policy detail and into the territory of national identity, culture, and belonging. The demonstration reflects a public mood that successive governments have helped to shape. For years, both Labour and the Conservatives have flirted with populist rhetoric on immigration. Labour, historically more cautious, now walks a tightrope between its traditional working-class base—some of whom are sceptical of immigration—and its progressive, urban supporters who view migration as essential to a modern Britain. This tension often leaves the party hesitant, reactive rather than proactive. The Conservatives, by contrast, have leaned heavily into the immigration debate, especially under recent leaderships. Their strategy has been to present themselves as the only party capable of “taking back control” of borders—first through Brexit, then through high-profile but controversial measures like the Rwanda deportation scheme. While such policies rarely deliver the promised results, they fuel a perception among parts of the electorate that the government is fighting a cultural battle against an “influx” of outsiders. In effect, the Conservatives have normalised elements of the very language and themes echoed by street movements like Robinson's. This creates a dangerous loop: populist protests pressure politicians, politicians adopt harsher rhetoric to shore up support, and protests grow bolder in turn. The London demonstration is therefore not just a one-off show of force but a symptom of how deeply immigration has become embedded in Britain's political fault lines—and how both major parties, albeit in different ways, are struggling to manage it. Rights of Asylum Seekers (while claim is pending) Employment: Not normally allowed to work.  May apply for permission to work only if their claim has been outstanding for over 12 months through no fault of their own.  If granted, work is restricted to jobs on the Shortage Occupation List. Financial Support: Eligible for Asylum Support (provided by the Home Office). Current rate: about £49.18 per person, per week (loaded onto an ASPEN debit card). Additional allowances may be given for pregnant women, babies, and young children. Housing: Provided with accommodation on a no-choice basis (can be shared housing or hostels, not chosen by the applicant). Must stay where the Home Office places them. Health Care: Entitled to use the NHS free of charge while their claim is being considered. Includes GP services, hospital care, and maternity care. Education: Children of asylum seekers have the right to attend state schools. Asylum seekers usually cannot access student loans for university. Rights of Recognised Refugees (once status is granted) ·    Employment: Full right to work in the UK. ·    Benefits: Full access to welfare benefits (e.g., Universal Credit, housing benefit, child benefit).  ·    Housing: Can apply for social housing and access homelessness assistance. ·    Health Care: Full NHS access on the same basis as UK citizens. ·    Education: Children can attend school; adults can access student finance for higher education. ·    Travel: May apply for a Refugee Travel Document to travel abroad (not valid for country of persecution). Please don't forget to subscribe to the Black Spy Podcast for free, so you'll never miss another fascinating episode. To contact Firgas Esack of the DAPS Agency go to Linked In To contact Carlton King by utilising any of the following: To donate - Patreon.com/TheBlackSpyPodcast Email: carltonking2003@gmail.com Facebook: The Black Spy Podcast Facebook: Carlton King Author Twitter@Carlton_King Instagram@carltonkingauthor   To read Carlton's Autobiography: “Black Ops – The incredible true story of a (Black) British secret agent” Click the link below: https://amzn.eu/d/fmzzq9h

“The Real Mr. Big” is a high-speed train trip through the modern cocaine trade and is ultimately the story of redemption in a man who discovers that money and power fades in comparison to the importance of family and love.” --Gerald Posner, Pulitzer Prize finalist and Author of Pharma: Greed, Lies and the Poisoning of AmericaBorn in 1960, Jesus Ruiz Henao grew up poor, but wanted to be rich like the drug dealers he saw growing up in the cocaine-producing region of Colombia's Valle of the Cauca. To realize his ambition, Ruiz Henao moved to London, United Kingdom, in 1985. There he and his wife settled in the quiet suburb of Hendon, where he held down mundane but respectable cleaning and bus driving jobs. At least to outward appearances ...BookBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

The global humanitarian protection system is at a critical juncture. It is under major strain as record numbers of people have been forced out of their homes by a complex array of factors and protracted crises. Yet at the same time, a system created in the wake of World War II no longer meets today's challenges and is increasingly coming under political pressures, with some countries chafing at protection obligations. In this episode of the World of Migration podcast, one of the leading voices in the humanitarian protection world, Vincent Cochetel, discusses the future of refugee protection and the evolution of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) with Meghan Benton, MPI's director of global programs.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Rohingya refugees in Malaysia faced a surge of hostility. Online campaigns portrayed them as disease carriers, social burdens, and even threats to national security. This backlash didn't just stop at refugees themselves—it expanded to target the organisations, institutions, and humanitarian norms that supported them. Guest: Ruji Auethavornpipat (Politics and International Relations, La Trobe University) Auethavornpipat R. Radical contestation: Emotional backlash and the dismantling of refugee protection. Review of International Studies. Published online 2025:1-22 Recorded 27th August, 2025.

Birthright citizenship is a fundamental right that has been enshrined in the Constitution for over 150 years. In the wake of the federal government's assault on this core principle, Assemblymember Alex Lee authored legislation affirming the California Legislature's commitment to birthright citizenship. Assembly Joint Resolution (AJR) 5 passed the Senate Floor on September 2, and heads to the Assembly Floor for a final vote. On his first day in office, Trump issued an executive order to deny citizenship for children of non-citizen parents. The order, which remains blocked by legal challenges, would strip an entire class of people of the right to vote, work lawfully, access federal benefits, and many other basic rights. It is estimated that 153,000 children nationwide, including 24,500 in California, would see their right to citizenship eliminated if the federal government implemented the executive order. “Birthright citizenship is a bedrock of the American Dream,” said Assemblymember Lee. “We cannot let one President and his cronies abuse their federal powers, undo our long-standing civil rights laws, and redefine who becomes a citizen. AJR 5 shows the nation that the California State Legislature is committed to defending birthright citizenship, and the deep-rooted legal precedent set by the landmark Supreme Court case of Wong Kim Ark.” Birthright citizenship is guaranteed by the 14th Amendment, which was ratified in 1868 following the Civil War. It ensured those who were formerly enslaved the right to citizenship and states: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” Decades later, the Supreme Court Case of U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark in 1898 affirmed birthright citizenship to all those born in the U.S. During a period of anti-Asian racism, San Francisco-born Wong Kim Ark was prohibited from reentering the United States after traveling to China to visit family. Customs agents claimed he was not a citizen because his parents were unable to naturalize and ordered him to be deported. With legal support from the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association of San Francisco, he took his case to the Supreme Court and won. In commemoration of the 127th anniversary of the case, AJR 5 honors Wong Kim Ark's fight for the fundamental right of birthright citizenship, and the legacy that he leaves behind. The bill is sponsored by Chinese for Affirmative Action.  

In this special episode, contemporary artists Hoa Dung Clerget and Duong Thuy Nguyen, and gallerist Sarah Le Quang Sang, join EMPIRE LINES live, exploring the legacies of French and British colonialism in East Asia, fifty years since the end of the Vietnam War, through the series, If They Survive, They are Refugees (2024).Marking 50 years since the end of the Vietnam War, Only Your Name (2025) is a group exhibition featuring works by artists of Vietnamese descent: Hoa Dung Clerget, Vicky Đỗ, and Duong Thuy Nguyen. The exhibition follows the journey of Vietnamese people migrating to the UK from 1975 onwards, preserving history through a Vietnamese lens and reflecting on the contemporary diaspora.In this special episode, recorded live at SLQS Gallery in London, gallerist Sarah Le Quang Song discusses the particular location of the exhibition, close to Hackney's Kingsland Road, also known as the ‘Pho Mile', where many Vietnamese families settled from the late 1970s. We discuss the title, which draws from On Earth We're Briefly Gorgeous (2019), a novel by Ocean Vuong, written in the form of a letter from a Vietnamese American son to his illiterate mother.Duong Thuy Nguyen describes the process of making their embossed aluminium and wax sculptures, which reinterpret Joan Wakelin's photographs of Vietnamese refugees held in Hong Kong detention centres and refugee camps, now held in the collections of the V&A in London. Hoa Dung Clerget presents installations and sculptural works that consider the labour and lives of immigrant women through Nail Art subculture, distorting stereotypical and fetishised portrayals of Asian women. Drawing on their work, Chinoiserie (2025), Hoa shares examples of orientalism in East Asian art and education systems. Plus, we discuss Vicky Đỗ's documentary films, revisiting the history of Vietnamese refugees arriving in Hong Kong.This episode was recorded live as part of the public programme for Only Your Name, an exhibition at SLQS Gallery in London, in July 2025.For more information, visit: instagram.com/p/DLhGFqCIhNA/Womb of Fire 2025, curated by Tuong Linh, opens in Hanoi in October 2025, and tours to Ho Chi Minh City until January 2026.Interspecies Entanglements, curated by Florence Fitzgerald-Allsopp, is at the SLQS Screening Room online until February 2026. Damaris Athene is at SLQS Gallery in London from 10 October 2025.PRODUCER: Jelena Sofronijevic.Follow EMPIRE LINES on Instagram: instagram.com/empirelinespodcastSupport EMPIRE LINES on Patreon: patreon.com/empirelines

Public trust in migration systems—and in democracy more broadly—is eroding. As rapid demographic shifts fuel anxieties in many communities, governments are feeling the pressure and responding with increasingly restrictive policies—scaling back immigration, imposing stricter integration requirements, and narrowing pathways to long-term residency and citizenship.  Will these sweeping, highly visible policies designed to signal control meaningfully address the real pressures communities face and restore trust in the democratic institutions charged with governing migration? This discussion, held in Berlin in collaboration with the Robert Bosch Stiftung, examines the relationship between migration policy, integration approaches, public trust, and democratic resilience in Europe and beyond. Looking at new research on public attitudes toward immigration and institutional trust, speakers explore how migration policy decisions—not just political narratives—shape public opinion and societal well-being.   Speakers: Meghan Benton, Director of Global Programs, Migration Policy Institute (MPI)  Ben Mason-Sucher, Program Lead,Migration, More in Common Germany Frank Sharry, Consultant, British Future; an advisor to the Kamala Harris campaign; former head of U.S. immigrant-rights organizations  Ulrich Weinbrenner, Former Director General for Migration, Refugees, and Return Policy, German Federal Ministry of the Interior and Community 

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Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics (Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2025) by Dr. Dominic Davies & Dr. Candida Rifkind is the first in-depth study of comics about refugees, asylum seekers, migrants, and detainees by artists from the Global North and South. Co-written by two leading scholars of nonfiction comics, the book explores graphic narratives about a range of refugee experiences, from war, displacement, and perilous sea crossings to detention camps, resettlement schemes, and second-generation diasporas. Through close readings of work by diverse artists including Joe Sacco, Sarah Glidden, Don Brown, Olivier Kugler, Jasper Rietman, Hamid Sulaiman, Leila Abdelrazzaq, Thi Bui, and Matt Huynh, Graphic Refuge shows how comics challenge dominant representations of the displaced to bring a radical politics of refugee agency and refusal into view. Beyond simply affirming the “humanity” of the refugee, these comics demand that we apprehend the historical construction of categories such as “citizen” and “refugee” through systems of empire, settler colonialism, and racial capitalism. The comics medium allows readers not only to visualize the lives of refugees but also refocuses the lens on citizen non-refugees—“we who can sleep under warm cover at night”, as Vinh Nguyen writes in his foreword—and interrogates their perceptions, aspirations, and beliefs. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics (Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2025) by Dr. Dominic Davies & Dr. Candida Rifkind is the first in-depth study of comics about refugees, asylum seekers, migrants, and detainees by artists from the Global North and South. Co-written by two leading scholars of nonfiction comics, the book explores graphic narratives about a range of refugee experiences, from war, displacement, and perilous sea crossings to detention camps, resettlement schemes, and second-generation diasporas. Through close readings of work by diverse artists including Joe Sacco, Sarah Glidden, Don Brown, Olivier Kugler, Jasper Rietman, Hamid Sulaiman, Leila Abdelrazzaq, Thi Bui, and Matt Huynh, Graphic Refuge shows how comics challenge dominant representations of the displaced to bring a radical politics of refugee agency and refusal into view. Beyond simply affirming the “humanity” of the refugee, these comics demand that we apprehend the historical construction of categories such as “citizen” and “refugee” through systems of empire, settler colonialism, and racial capitalism. The comics medium allows readers not only to visualize the lives of refugees but also refocuses the lens on citizen non-refugees—“we who can sleep under warm cover at night”, as Vinh Nguyen writes in his foreword—and interrogates their perceptions, aspirations, and beliefs. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

Comprehensive coverage of the day's news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice. Photo: Raed Mansour Senate Finance Committee introduces “Billionaire Sales Tax” in response to weak economy, Trump policies; Fired CDC chief Monarez tells senators public health headed to “dangerous place” under Health Secretary Kennedy; Governor Newsom touts Prop 50 redistricting plan as polls show growing support; Parents of children who harmed themselves warn of dangers of AI Chatbots; California considering AI bills to protect children from AI threats; California, Oregon, Washington issue joint vaccine recommendations in lieu of politicized CDC; UN warns governments undermining Global Convention on Refugees and Asylum-seekers The post Senate Finance Committee introduces “Billionaire Sales Tax”; Fired CDC chief says public health headed to “dangerous place” under Health Secretary Kennedy – September 17, 2025 appeared first on KPFA.

Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics (Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2025) by Dr. Dominic Davies & Dr. Candida Rifkind is the first in-depth study of comics about refugees, asylum seekers, migrants, and detainees by artists from the Global North and South. Co-written by two leading scholars of nonfiction comics, the book explores graphic narratives about a range of refugee experiences, from war, displacement, and perilous sea crossings to detention camps, resettlement schemes, and second-generation diasporas. Through close readings of work by diverse artists including Joe Sacco, Sarah Glidden, Don Brown, Olivier Kugler, Jasper Rietman, Hamid Sulaiman, Leila Abdelrazzaq, Thi Bui, and Matt Huynh, Graphic Refuge shows how comics challenge dominant representations of the displaced to bring a radical politics of refugee agency and refusal into view. Beyond simply affirming the “humanity” of the refugee, these comics demand that we apprehend the historical construction of categories such as “citizen” and “refugee” through systems of empire, settler colonialism, and racial capitalism. The comics medium allows readers not only to visualize the lives of refugees but also refocuses the lens on citizen non-refugees—“we who can sleep under warm cover at night”, as Vinh Nguyen writes in his foreword—and interrogates their perceptions, aspirations, and beliefs. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

Graphic Refuge: Visuality and Mobility in Refugee Comics (Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2025) by Dr. Dominic Davies & Dr. Candida Rifkind is the first in-depth study of comics about refugees, asylum seekers, migrants, and detainees by artists from the Global North and South. Co-written by two leading scholars of nonfiction comics, the book explores graphic narratives about a range of refugee experiences, from war, displacement, and perilous sea crossings to detention camps, resettlement schemes, and second-generation diasporas. Through close readings of work by diverse artists including Joe Sacco, Sarah Glidden, Don Brown, Olivier Kugler, Jasper Rietman, Hamid Sulaiman, Leila Abdelrazzaq, Thi Bui, and Matt Huynh, Graphic Refuge shows how comics challenge dominant representations of the displaced to bring a radical politics of refugee agency and refusal into view. Beyond simply affirming the “humanity” of the refugee, these comics demand that we apprehend the historical construction of categories such as “citizen” and “refugee” through systems of empire, settler colonialism, and racial capitalism. The comics medium allows readers not only to visualize the lives of refugees but also refocuses the lens on citizen non-refugees—“we who can sleep under warm cover at night”, as Vinh Nguyen writes in his foreword—and interrogates their perceptions, aspirations, and beliefs. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda's interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/genocide-studies

Today I have the pleasure of speaking with cultural anthropologist Greta YOU-LING about her new book, Decolonizing Ukraine: The Indigenous People of Crimea and Pathways to Freedom, a fascinating story about an indigenous group in Crimea fighting for its rights.  Uehling tells us of the complex history of the Crimean Tatars, a Sunni Muslim group who were driven off their land in 1944 by the Soviet Union. This group now finds itself caught in the Russia-Ukraine war. It has rebuffed attempts by Putin and yet also has insisted on maintaining and defending its indigenous identity and rights with regard to Ukraine. We talk about the importance of both cultural memory and political struggle in the present, and hear of Greta's time at the barricade which Tatars set up to stem the flow of materials across their land.Greta Uehling is a cultural anthropologist who works at the intersection of Indigenous and Eastern European Studies. She is a Teaching Professor at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, where she is in the Program in International and Comparative Studies and is Associate Faculty of the Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies. Uehling is the author of three books: Beyond Memory: The Deportation and Return of the Crimean Tatars (Palgrave 2004), Everyday War: The Conflict over Donbas, Ukraine (Cornell University Press 2023), and Decolonizing Ukraine: The Indigenous People of Crimea and Pathways to Freedom (Rowman & Littlefield 2025). Throughout her career, Uehling has served as a consultant to organizations working in the fields of international migration, human rights, and human trafficking, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

CPSolvers: Anti-Racism in Medicine Series Episode 25 – Immigrant and Refugee Health: Live from SGIM 2025: Best of Antiracism Research at the Society of General Internal Medicine's Annual Meeting Show Notes by Alec J. Calac September 15, 2025 Summary: This episode highlights a selection of antiracism research presentations at a live recording of the podcast… Read More »Episode 420: Antiracism in Medicine – Episode 28 – SGIM 2025: Immigrant and Refugee Health

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the battle of Nanjing. As the relentless tide of war approached Nanjing in December 1937, fear gripped its residents. As atrocities unfolded in the countryside, civilians flocked toward safety zones, desperate for refuge. Under the command of General Tang Shengzhi, the Chinese forces prepared for a fierce defense, determined to hold their ground against the technologically superior invaders. Despite heavy losses and internal strife, hopes flickered among the defenders, fueled by the valor of their troops. Key positions like Old Tiger's Cave became battlegrounds, exemplifying the fierce resistance against the Japanese advance. On December 9, as artillery fire enveloped the city, a battle for the Gate of Enlightenment commenced. Both sides suffered grievously, with the Chinese soldiers fighting to the last, unwilling to yield an inch of their soil. Each assault from Japan met with relentless counterattacks, turning Nanjing into a symbol of perseverance amidst impending doom, as the siege marked a critical chapter in the conflict, foreshadowing the brutal events that would follow.   #167 The Battle of Nanjing Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By mid-December, the landscape surrounding Nanjing was eerily quiet. The Japanese Army marched through what seemed to be desolate fields and mountains, but they were not truly empty. Civilians were scarce, with most having fled, but a few remained in their homes, hiding in cellars and barns, clinging to the hope that the war would bypass them. Meanwhile, thousands of Chinese soldiers, left behind and unable to keep pace with their units, still posed a significant danger to the Japanese forces. The Japanese Army had not truly conquered the territory east and south of Nanjing; they had merely passed through. Mopping-up operations became a top priority. Soldiers from the 16th Infantry Division, stationed near Purple Mountain, spent early December conducting these missions far from the city's walls. “Chinese stragglers may be hiding in this area, and they must be flushed out. Any small structure of no strategic value to the Japanese Army must be burned!” This command rang out to the division's soldiers as they spread across the countryside around Unicorn Gate. Soon, isolated fires began to illuminate the horizon, one for each home. Soldiers from the 9th Infantry Division, who were not directly engaged in combat south of the Gate of Enlightenment, were also conducting similar mopping-up operations. On December 11 at noon, one squad received orders to investigate a suspicious farm building. Although it had been searched previously, movement inside prompted renewed caution. The Japanese entered carefully, moving from room to room. In the basement, they discovered eight Chinese soldiers who offered no resistance, immediately raising their hands in surrender. Bound together, they were brought outside. Using a few Chinese words supplemented by sign language, the Japanese gathered that the Chinese had been in the vicinity where one of their comrades had been killed days earlier. Unanimously, they decided the prisoners should be executed in front of their comrade's grave. Some of the older soldiers hesitated, reluctant to partake in the killings, leaving it to the younger ones to carry out the order. Soon, eight headless bodies lay sprawled before a solitary Japanese grave.  On the morning of December 11, the first soldiers of the 6th Japanese Infantry Division finally spotted the distant city wall of Nanjing. They had been engaged in fierce combat for nearly two days, attempting to dislodge the tenacious defenders of the Yuhuatai plateau, the elite soldiers of the 88th Division. In a desperate bid to maintain their foothold on Yuhuatai, the 88th Division deployed its reserved 528th Regiment along with a battalion of engineers. Despite their efforts, the regiment's ranks had been depleted, filled with inexperienced recruits, and their leadership nearly obliterated, limiting their effectiveness. Under the relentless assaults from the Japanese forces, their defenses began to falter almost immediately. Faced with the stiff resistance at the Gate of Enlightenment, the Japanese shifted their focus to the Chinese Gate on December 11. Japanese aircraft were summoned for tactical air support, forcing the 88th Division's defenders to retreat behind the wall. This withdrawal occurred swiftly and somewhat chaotically, allowing the Japanese to pursue closely. Before the Chinese could regroup, 300 Japanese soldiers had breached the wall. Only the mobilization of all available forces enabled the Chinese to push the attackers back outside. Meanwhile, the left flank of the 88th Division, stationed east of Chinese Gate, remained outside the wall. Here, they clashed with elements of the 9th Japanese Division but faced intense pressure and were compelled to fall back. By the end of the day, the Chinese division had shortened its defensive line, regrouping in front of the city wall. Plans for a nighttime counterattack were ultimately abandoned, as it became clear that the division's soldiers were too fatigued to mount an effective offensive. Overall, it proved to be a successful day for the Japanese 10th Army. Further south, the Kunisaki Detachment successfully crossed the Yangtze River at Cihu village, beginning their advance toward Pukou. Its special amphibious training made the detachment ideally suited for the operation, but its limited numbers, essentially a reinforced infantry regiment, raised concerns at field headquarters about whether it could accomplish the task alone. Prince Asaka proposed transporting part of the 13th Division across the Yangtze further north to sever the railway connecting Tianjin to Pukou, cutting off a potential retreat route for Chinese forces that had escaped Nanjing.  On December 11, Japanese artillery shells rained down relentlessly, targeting both the interior and exterior of Nanjing's city walls. Administrators of the Safety Zone were alarmed to witness several shells landing perilously close to its southern edge. In a bid to provide some semblance of security, American and foreign flags were raised around the zone's perimeter, though their protective influence against artillery fire from miles away was negligible. The leaders of the Safety Zone faced an unexpected dilemma: how to handle lawbreakers with the city courts now out of operation. That day, they encountered a thief caught in the act. As Rabe noted in his diary “We sentence the thief to death, then pardon him and reduce his punishment to 24 hours in jail, and ultimately, due to the absence of a jail, we simply let him go”. Refugees continued to pour in, with a total of 850 having found shelter at Ginling College. Vautrin and her colleagues began to feel that their initial estimate of 2,700 women and children seeking refuge on the campus was overly optimistic. They were soon proven wrong. On the banks of the Yangtze River, hundreds of injured soldiers and civilians were lining up to be ferried across to Pukou, where trains awaited to transport them further inland and away from danger. Many had been waiting for days without food. While ferries made continuous trips across the river to rescue as many as possible, the process was painfully slow. As of late December 10, approximately 1,500 wounded civilians remained stranded on the south bank of the Yangtze. The Japanese forces were confronted by a fiercely determined enemy composed largely of young soldiers from the Training Division. These soldiers had the advantage of having been stationed near Purple Mountain for several years, making them familiar with the terrain. Additionally, they were part of an elite unit, groomed not just in equipment and training but also instilled with a sense of nationalism rooted in Chiang Kai-shek's ideology. Li Xikai, the commander of the division's 3rd Regiment, had set up his command post directly in the path of the primary Japanese advance, yet his regiment continued to resist. Despite the fierce resistance, the Japanese gradually gained control over the Purple Mountain area. General Nakajima Kesago, commander of the 16th Division, visited an artillery observation post early in the day and was pleased to receive reports that his troops had captured two peaks of Purple Mountain and were poised to take the main peak.  Yet there loomed a problem on Nakajima's right flank. A widening gap was emerging between the 16th Division and the 13th Division, which had advanced along the southern bank of the Yangtze. There was a risk that Chinese forces could escape through this lightly guarded area. The 13th Division was stationed in the strategically important river port city of Zhenjiang, preparing to cross the Yangtze. The Central China Area Army ordered the 13th Division to mobilize three infantry battalions and one artillery battalion. This new formation, known as the Yamada Detachment after its commander, Yamada Senji, was tasked with remaining on the Yangtze's south bank and advancing westward to capture two Chinese fortresses on the river: Mt. Wulong and Mt. Mufu. This redeployment alleviated concerns about the gap, allowing the 16th Division to focus on the city wall. As the sun dipped towards the horizon, one Captain Akao Junzo prepared for what he believed would be his final assault. He had been ordered to seize a hill northeast of Sun Yat-sen Gate that overlooked the city entrance. His commander told him “The attack on Nanjing will likely be the last battle of this war, and I hope your company can be at the front when the enemy's lines are breached”. The hill was fortified with numerous machine gun positions, reinforced with mud, bricks, and tiles, and connected by an intricate network of trenches. Dense rows of barbed wire lay before the positions, designed to halt attackers and expose them to machine-gun fire. Additionally, the area was likely heavily mined, and Chinese soldiers maintained a high level of alertness. Akao knew this all too well; when he crawled forward and slightly lifted his head to survey the landscape, he triggered a hail of bullets, one of which grazed his helmet. Around late afternoon, four mountain guns from the regimental artillery began firing on the Chinese positions, sustaining the bombardment for over an hour. By 5:00 pm, as the winter sky darkened, Akao decided it was time to launch the attack. Expecting close-quarters combat, he instructed his men to carry only their rifles and small entrenchment tools. With the entire company poised to move, he dispatched a small group of soldiers ahead to cut openings in the barbed wire while receiving covering fire from the mountain guns and the rifles and machine guns of their comrades. The remainder of the company advanced with swords raised and bayonets fixed. As they approached within about 700 feet of the enemy positions, the artillery bombardment ceased as planned. The enemy, still reeling from the ferocity of the earlier assault, scrambled in a panic from their trenches, retreating in disarray. Akao and his fellow soldiers pressed forward, cutting down any opposition in their path. Seizing the momentum, Akao charged to occupy the hill that had been his target. He found it deserted upon his arrival and sent a triumphant message back to command, reporting that the objective had been achieved. However, the reply he received left him baffled: he was ordered to withdraw with his company and return to their lines. Apparently, the regimental command deemed the position too precarious. Sensing that a precious advantage was being squandered, Akao disregarded the order. Before his company could establish a defensive position on the hill, the Chinese launched a counterattack. Lying down, the Japanese soldiers returned fire while frantically digging into the earth to fortify their position. Gradually, they began to form a rudimentary perimeter at the summit. The fighting continued into the night. Exhausted from days without sleep, many soldiers rotated between guard duty and rest, dozing off intermittently in their shallow trenches, reassuring one another that everything would be alright before drifting back to sleep. They successfully repelled all attempts by the Chinese to reclaim the hill and were eventually relieved. On December 11, after leaving his capital, Chiang Kai-shek took time to reflect on everything that had happened in his diary. He reassured himself that his nationalist revolution would persist, regardless of whether he held Nanjing, “Temporary defeat can be turned into eventual victory.” Yet he did not fear so much the Japanese invasion itself, but rather how the weakening of his nationalist government might allow the Communists to rise. He wrote about how his nation was on the brink of becoming a second Spain. While foreign invasions were undoubtedly disastrous, they could eventually be overcome, if not immediately, then over years or decades. Sometimes, this could be achieved merely by absorbing the outmatched invader and assimilating them into Chinese society. In contrast, internal unrest posed a far more fundamental threat to the survival of any regime. As we have seen in this series, going back to the mid 19th century, was it the foreign empires of Britain, France and Russia that threatened to destroy the Qing dynasty, or was it the internal civil war brought on by the Taiping? As Chiang famously put it “the Japanese were a treatable disease of the skin. Communism however was a disease of the heart”. Chiang could accept a humiliating but rapid retreat from Nanjing. In his view, it would be far more difficult to recover from a bloody yet futile struggle for the city that might cost him what remained of his best troops. A prolonged defensive battle, he reasoned, would be a tragic waste and could shift the balance of power decisively in favor of the Communists. This new mindset was reflected in a telegram he sent late on December 11 to Tang Shengzhi: “If the situation becomes untenable, it is permissible to find the opportune moment to retreat to regroup in the rear in anticipation of future counterattacks.” On December 12, tankettes cautiously plunged into the Yuhuatai plateau. Unexpectedly the Chinese defenders abandoned their positions and rushed down the hillside toward Nanjing's walls. Upon discovering this, the Japanese tankettes opened fire on the retreating Chinese, cutting swathes through the masses and sending bodies tumbling down the slope. Some Japanese infantry caught up, joining in the slaughter and laughing boisterously as they reveled in the chaos. A tankette column escorted a group of engineers to the Nanjing wall and then drove east along the moat until they reached a large gate, flanked by two smaller openings, all securely shut. A chilling message, painted in blue, adorned the gate's surface. Written in Chinese characters, it conveyed a stark warning: “We Swear Revenge on the Enemy.” The wall itself loomed three stories high, but Japanese artillery was already targeting it, this was known as the Chinese Gate. Now that Yuhuatai was virtually in Japanese hands, capturing the gate had become the primary objective. At this location, the wall stood 70 feet tall, protected by a 100-foot moat to the outside. All bridges spanning the moat had been destroyed. The area around the gate was heavily defended, with approximately one machine gun positioned every 50 yards atop the wall. Inside, the gate was reinforced with a formidable barrier of sandbags. Chinese infantry armed with mortars and small arms could fire down on the Japanese attackers while others had established isolated positions in nearby buildings that had survived the “scorched earth” policy. Taking the gate and the heavily fortified southwestern corner of the wall was the responsibility of the 6th Division. The division was deploying its regiments: the 13th, the 47th, and the 23rd from east to west. The 45th Regiment, the final unit of the division, was tasked with skirting the western side of the wall and advancing northward, aiming for the Yangtze docks at Xiaguan. The soldiers of the division had already formed a rough understanding of the formidable defenses they were facing. During the night between December 11 and 12, they had advanced nearly to the wall, gathering intelligence to prepare for an assault at dawn. As planned, the assault commenced. Field artillery fired round after round at the gate, but the wall sustained minimal damage. A Japanese tank rolled up, firing point-blank at the gate but producing no visible effect. Next, it was the engineers' turn. A “dare-to-die” squad, equipped with long ladders, crept as close to the wall as possible without exposing themselves and then sprinted the final distance. The moment they broke into the open, a Chinese machine gun opened fire, cutting them down to the last man. At noon, three Japanese planes soared overhead, dropping bombs near a Chinese-held building outside the gate. The smoke from the resulting fire briefly obscured the area. Seizing the opportunity presented by the reduced visibility, a large group of Chinese soldiers holed up inside attempted to dash back to the wall. The Japanese spotted their movement instantly, and every soldier in the line opened fire. The fleeing Chinese were mowed down like ripe grass, collapsing in heaps.  Meanwhile the battle for the Gate of Enlightenment was drawing to a close. On the Chinese side of the wall, confusion reigned regarding the overall situation on December 12. Chen Yiding, brigade commander of the 87th Division, had been warned that heads would roll if the Gate of Enlightenment fell to the Japanese. Hearing the sounds of fierce fighting on the edges of Yuhuatai and seeing the smoke rise from numerous fires on Purple Mountain, he was left in the dark about their implications, surrounded by the fog of war. Chen's troops had finally managed to establish a telephone link to the rear, but by mid-afternoon, it was cut off, likely due to a stray artillery shell. After dark, Chen sent an officer to his left flank to make contact with the Chinese forces there. The report that followed was far from reassuring. A unit from Guangdong Province was abandoning its positions and retreating north, attempting to exit the capital through one of the gates in the city wall. The officer had attempted to inquire about their destination, but the retreating soldiers ignored him. With neighboring units evacuating autonomously, a significant gap was opening in the Chinese line atop the wall between the Gate of Enlightenment and Sun Yat-sen Gate. A frightening possibility emerged: the Japanese could walk right in across the undefended southeastern corner of the city wall and surround Chen Yiding's troops before they had a chance to withdraw. The situation was becoming untenable, a fact underscored by the artillery fire raining down on Chen's position. Despite this, retreat was not a simple decision for Chen and the other commanders of the 87th Division. They had been garrisoned in Nanjing before the war, and the city had become home to many of the soldiers. Shortly after midnight, Chen called a meeting with his senior officers. After considerable discussion, they concluded that they had no choice but to withdraw. Nonetheless, Chen insisted that everyone sign a document confirming their support for this decision, recognizing the potential danger of taking such a significant step without consensus. After all, his own life had been threatened if the situation deteriorated further. Soon after, the Chinese began to move out of their positions. The Japanese were initially unaware of the retreat; all they noticed during the night between December 12 and 13 was that the Chinese artillery fire began to grow increasingly distant. By 4:00 am it had stopped completely. The few remaining Chinese were quickly overwhelmed and killed. In the end, the gate, which had cost so many lives during the seemingly endless battle, was taken almost effortlessly by the Japanese. Soldiers of the 9th Division, stationed outside the wall, scrambled up the slope created by the previous days' shelling. Once at the top, they thrust their hands into the air, shouting “Banzai!” so loudly that they believed their families back home in Japan might hear them. Tears streamed down their faces as soldiers embraced and shook hands, reflecting on the friends they had lost throughout the months of fighting, from Shanghai to their current position. They reassured each other that their sacrifices had been worth it for this very moment. On December 12,  the slopes of Purple Mountain  were ablaze. Zhou Zhenqiang, commander of the Training Division's 1st Brigade, led his men in a desperate struggle to maintain control of the mountain's forested peaks. However, they were being overwhelmed by the better-equipped Japanese troops, and Zhou knew it was only a matter of time before he would have to relinquish his position. Zhou found himself unable to obtain any information from his superiors about the overall situation, despite repeated attempts to contact the Training Division's headquarters. He dispatched a runner, who returned a few hours later with disheartening news: the divisional commander had left late in the afternoon. Other reports indicated a general breakdown in command. The elite 88th Division was in disarray, and an entire division of Guangdong troops, that being the same force that had abandoned the wall near the Gate of Enlightenment, had been spotted marching out of the Gate of Great Peace, seemingly intent on returning home. With indications of collapse all around him, Zhou decided to execute an orderly withdrawal from Purple Mountain, leaving a small contingent behind to cover the retreat. His troops entered through the city wall at Sun Yat-sen Gate and marched in disciplined columns through the streets of Nanjing, where signs of imminent anarchy were evident. Chinese soldiers were scattered everywhere, speaking a cacophony of dialects, yet they appeared to lack any coherent command. Tang Shengzhi's grip on the situation was weakening. Meanwhile Japan's 13th Air Group had been busy with the final stages of the battle for Nanjing.  In the morning of December 12, after raiding Chinese positions at Sun Yat-sen Gate, they  received new orders. Intelligence indicated that Chinese ships, laden with troops, were moving up the Yangtze from Nanjing. Japanese infantry on the ground could only watch as this prize slipped through their fingers, and the army requested air support. All available planes at Changzhou, a mix of A4N fighters and Yokosuka B4Y bombers, totaling 24 aircraft, were assembled for the crucial mission. The day was clear, providing excellent visibility as the pilots headed toward the section of the Yangtze where they believed the vessels would be, based on reasonable assumptions about their speed. At 1:30 p.m., 28 nautical miles upriver from Nanjing, the pilots sighted four ships. Trusting their military intelligence, they saw no need for further identification. Initially, the B4Ys bombed the vessels from a considerable height. One bomb struck the lead ship, a military vessel, disabling its forward gun and snapping the foremast. Then, a first wave of six A4Ns dove down over the line of ships, attacking individually. In total, they dropped about 20 bombs. Several exploded close enough to the lead vessel to damage its hull and injure crew members on deck. A 30-caliber machine gun on board was manned, with gunners stripped to the waist firing at the Japanese planes but failing to score a hit. Several of the A4Ns strafed the ship with machine-gun fire. After 20 minutes of sustained bombing and strafing, the result was utter devastation. The lead vessel was stuck in mid-river, riddled with bullets, aflame, and listing to starboard. Two other ships were beached on the right bank, while another sat stranded on the left. Satisfied with their mission, the Japanese aviators broke off and returned to their temporary base. Upon their landing in Changzhou, instead of receiving accolades, the pilots were met with reprimands. Why hadn't they sunk all the vessels? They were ordered to return immediately to finish the job. Though they didn't find the original targets, they stumbled upon four other vessels closer to Nanjing. One aircraft dove toward the ships, releasing a 60-kilogram bomb that struck one vessel. As the pilot pulled up, he caught sight of the Union Jack on the hull and realized his mistake; he had inadvertently targeted neutral ships. The other pilots recognized the significance of the markings as well and withheld their bombs. The vessel was identified as the SS Wantung. Soon after, the Japanese pilots understood that the ships they had attacked earlier upriver from Nanjing were also Western; three of them were Standard Oil tankers. The last vessel, which had sustained the most damage, was the USS Panay, a lightly armed flat-bottomed gunboat,  tasked with protecting American lives and property along China's longest river. The Panay had been instrumental in evacuating American citizens from the war zone in November and December. On the day it was attacked, the Panay was carrying four American embassy personnel and ten American and foreign journalists to safety. The ship's doctor converted the engine room into a makeshift sick bay, treating a steady stream of injured personnel. By the end, he was tending to 45 patients. The soldiers and passengers were evacuated in two small boats to a nearby marshy island covered in reeds, where they hid, fearful of further strafing. From their hiding place, they watched as a Japanese powerboat filled with soldiers approached the Panay. After firing more volleys at the vessel, the soldiers boarded it, remaining for only five minutes before departing. The American flag still flew from the bow at that time. At 3:54 pm, the Panay rolled over to starboard and sank in seven to ten fathoms of water. Cold and frightened, the survivors waded through knee-deep mud to a nearby village, assisting those too severely wounded to walk.  Meanwhile back at Chinese Gate, the mutual slaughter continued into the afternoon of December 12. The Japanese made no significant progress, although their failure was not for lack of trying. The commanders of the 6th Division had strategically placed the boundary between the 13th and 47th Regiments exactly at the gate, encouraging both units to compete to be the first to seize the position. Yet, despite their efforts, it became clear that willpower alone was not enough to breach the Chinese defenses at Chinese Gate. In peacetime, Nanjing's city gates served as entry points into a bustling capital, but in wartime, they transformed into heavily fortified and nearly impregnable strongholds. Any Japanese officer hoping for a swift victory would soon be disappointed; by early afternoon, the situation at the gate had devolved into a stalemate. The section of the wall manned by the 47th Infantry Regiment, located east of the gate, also saw little meaningful movement as the day wore on. Japanese soldiers, pinned down by Chinese fire from atop the wall, could do little more than take pride in a symbolic triumph. A small group of soldiers had managed to reach the wall and place a ladder against it, but it fell nearly ten feet short of the top. One soldier skillfully scaled the last portion, gripping protruding bricks and crevices of the nearly vertical surface. The entire Japanese front watched him with bated breath. He reached the top and unfurled a Japanese flag, but it immediately drew intense Chinese fire, forcing him to duck for cover. Soon, he vanished from sight, raising concerns among his compatriots about his fate. Later, it was revealed that he had taken refuge in a depression in the wall, waiting out the battle. The real breakthrough of the day would occur west of the gate. The 23rd Regiment was deployed there with orders to capture sections of the wall near the southwestern corner. It became evident that the wall could not be scaled without first bringing up artillery to create gaps in its solid masonry. A significant portion of the divisional fire support, 36 small-caliber mountain guns, four 100mm howitzers, and four 150mm howitzers, was assigned to this section. Artillery observers were also sent to the 23rd Regiment's forward command post to coordinate with the infantry and assess the effects of the shelling. By mid-afternoon, the artillery bombardment had created a ravine-like hole in the wall large enough for an assault. The 23rd Regiment positioned its 2nd and 3rd Battalions at the front, with the 1st Battalion held in reserve. First, the engineers undertook the challenging task. As the assault commenced, the rest of the regiment provided covering fire to force the Chinese defenders to seek shelter while the engineers charged into the 70-foot-wide moat. Once a human chain formed, they held up ladders as a makeshift bridge, allowing a company from the 3rd Battalion to rush across and into the gap in the wall. As the batteries switched to close infantry support, they laid down a barrage around the breach to prevent Chinese interference as the attack entered its decisive phase. The Japanese soldiers scrambled up the rubble, created by the artillery fire, which rose several dozen feet high. Shortly before 5:00 p.m., the Japanese seized control of the southwestern segment of the wall. The Chinese launched several counterattacks to reclaim the position, but none were successful. This action ultimately sealed Nanjing's fate; beyond the wall, there was nothing left to save the ancient city and its inhabitants. As defeat appeared imminent, more and more civilians sought safety in foreign-controlled areas, though danger still loomed large. Bits of shrapnel narrowly missed Dr. Robert Wilson while he operated in the Safety Zone. Every square foot of John Rabe's property became filled with families, many camping in the open with their own blankets. Some sought refuge under his large swastika flag, believing that this would make the area especially “bomb-proof” given the growing friendship between Tokyo and Berlin; they assumed Japanese aviators would think twice before targeting a region seemingly under German protection. With just hours left before the Japanese Army was expected to gain control, the residents of Nanjing made their last preparations, prioritizing personal survival. The brutal behavior of Japanese troops in conquered territories fueled intense concern over the possible fate of injured soldiers who might fall into enemy hands. As Nanjing's last hours as a free city unfolded, it became imperative for local hospitals to evacuate as many wounded soldiers as possible across the Yangtze. On December 12, doctors found a motorboat stranded on the riverbank, having apparently broken down. They managed to repair it and ferried several hundred patients to safety throughout the day. Throughout December 12, the citizens of Nanjing were subjected to the unsettling cacophony of heavy shelling, mixed with the roar of bombers overhead. By evening, the entire horizon south of the city glowed with flames. The sound of fighting emanated from all directions, continuing long after sunset. However, in the middle of the night, activity began to wan. Every few minutes, the muffled thuds of shells could still be heard, though their origin was unclear. For the most part, an eerie silence prevailed, as if the city was holding its breath in anticipation of the final onslaught. Chiang Kai-shek had indicated he would understand if Tang chose to abandon the capital. However, on December 12, he reversed his stance, sending a telegram to Tang expressing optimism that the Nanjing garrison could hold out significantly longer. In his words “If you do not shy away from sacrifices, you will be able to hold high the banner of our nation and our army, and this could transform defeat into victory. If you can hold out one more day, you will add to the pride of the Chinese nation. If you can hold out for half a month or more, the domestic and international situation could see a substantial change.” Tang adopted a hardline approach toward any signs of defeatism among his troops. When he learned that General Sun Yuanliang, commander of the formerly elite 88th Division, was leading approximately 2,000 men from the Gate of Enlightenment to the dock area, Tang acted swiftly. He dispatched Song Xilian, the commanding general of the 36th Division, to halt the retreat. When the two units met, a fratricidal clash nearly occurred. Fortunately, the 88th Division agreed to return to the gate and continue fighting. Whatever Tang's plans, they were rendered irrelevant at 3:00 pm,  when he received another telegram from Chiang, this time ordering a full retreat. Rumors that the Chinese Army had started evacuating Nanjing triggerec panic among many units. Thousands abandoned their positions and joined the throngs of soldiers and civilians moving slowly down the city's main avenues. The crowd seemed to have collectively decided that getting a boat out of Nanjing was the best option, and by late afternoon, a solid mass of humanity stretched for miles through the city toward the dock areas at Xiaguan. To reach Xiaguan, everyone had to pass through Yijiang Gate. This relatively modern structure had served as the main entry point for visitors arriving in Nanjing by boat in recent decades and now only half of the main entrance was open. A crowd of that size trying to get through such a narrow bottleneck was a recipe for disaster. Those unfortunate enough to be right at the front felt the crushing pressure of tens of thousands of individuals pushing from behind. In that densely packed throng, stumbling and falling to the ground was akin to a death sentence; anyone who went down was inevitably crushed by the oncoming waves of terrified civilians and soldiers. As chaos erupted, discipline evaporated entirely. Officers lost control over their men, leading to infighting among the soldiers. Pushing and shoving escalated into fistfights, and trucks drove directly into the mass of people to force their way through. Tanks, emitting sounds akin to prehistoric beasts, rolled through the mob, crushing many under their weight. Amid the madness, some soldiers, driven by frustration over the lack of movement, began shooting into the crowd at random. To relieve the pressure at Yijiang Gate, some units were ordered to exit Nanjing via the Gate of Great Peace at the northeastern corner of the city wall. Upon arrival, they found the entrance nearly sealed shut. Thick walls of sandbags had been erected around it, leaving only a narrow opening through which one person could pass at a time. Massive crowds fought among themselves to get through; even under perfect order and discipline, it would have taken the entire night and most of the following day for everyone to pass. In the midst of the frantic chaos, it could take a week or more. During the night of the 12th, a select group of Japanese soldiers, chosen for the offensive, stripped their equipment down to the bare essentials: rifles, bayonets, and helmets. They avoided any gear that could produce a metallic noise, alerting the Chinese defenders to their approach. Stealthily, they moved up to the wall, carrying bamboo ladders tied together in threes for added height. Ascending the rungs, they ensured not to make a sound that could betray their position to an alert Chinese sentry. Everything hinged on remaining undetected; even a couple of hand grenades tossed down the wall could halt the attack in its tracks. Reaching the top without being noticed, the soldiers quickly fanned out. Chinese soldiers stationed on the wall saw the swift dark figures and opened fire, but it was too late to thwart the assault. A brief fight ensued; most Japanese soldiers were too close to use their rifles and immediately resorted to their bayonets. The stunned defenders were pushed back, and the successful assault team established a perimeter, awaiting reinforcements from outside the wall. They didn't have to wait long. A massive assault along the length of the 6th Division's front line commenced at dawn on December 13. Japanese artillery concentrated its fire on a narrow section of the city wall, progressively working its way from the bottom up. Gradually, the shells formed a slope of debris that soldiers could use to scale the wall. A short air raid was executed, and after the planes had weakened the remaining resistance, a group of soldiers rushed up the slope. While their comrades provided covering fire, they climbed the last stretch, rolling down a rope ladder. Within minutes, 40 other Japanese soldiers had joined them. By 10:30 am, the Rising Sun flag was flying over the wall. The Japanese invaders were met with a horrific sight at the top of the wall. Beyond lay the grim aftermath of days of shelling. Some houses were leveled, while others burned. The ground was littered with bodies, some decapitated or disemboweled, and pools of blood surrounded them. As Chiang Kai-shek's order to abandon the city gradually filtered down to the troops manning the wall around Nanjing, things began to move rapidly.  By late morning on December 13, all the major entry points into the city had fallen to the Japanese. These included Chinese Gate in the southwest, the Gate of Enlightenment in the south, and Sun Yat-sen Gate in the east. The first thing that struck the Japanese soldiers upon ascending the wall was how starkly different it was from their expectations. They had anticipated a bustling city teeming with people, but instead, the area adjacent to the wall was characterized by farm plots, resembling countryside more than an urban center. The second notable observation was the complete absence of inhabitants. Cautiously, the Japanese soldiers entered the city they had just conquered, their bayonets fixed and rifles at the ready. Yet, surprisingly, very few shots were fired. After weeks of fearing death and injury, once the immediate danger receded, a certain stupor settled in. For most civilians in Nanjing, their initial encounter with the city's new rulers was uneventful. It took several hours for the Japanese to move from the wall into the urban parts of the capital. It was not until around noon that residents noticed the first groups of Japanese soldiers marching down the streets in clusters of six to twelve men. Initially, many met the conquerors with relief, hoping they would be treated fairly. Their optimism was bolstered by Japanese planes dropping leaflets over the city, reassuring residents of humane treatment. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On December 9, fierce battles erupted, especially at the Gate of Enlightenment. Despite heavy fighting, the Chinese showed remarkable resilience, turning Nanjing into a symbol of determination. However, the tide shifted as overwhelming Japanese artillery and tactics began to breach defenses. By December 13, as chaos engulfed the city, the invaders claimed victory, but not without significant loss. Civilians, caught amid the destruction, clung to hope amid despair.

As a refugee from Ukraine, Katerina Schneider arrived in the U.S. with nothing but $50 and a suitcase. Now, she's the founder and CEO of Ritual, a multi-million dollar wellness brand reshaping the supplement industry. This week on SUPERWOMEN, Katerina shares what it took to start Ritual with no roadmap. What began as a search for a better prenatal became a mission to raise the bar in wellness. Tune in to hear how she built a business from the ground up, what she's learned about leading while raising three kids, and why being “selfish” made her success possible. Episode Guide: (00:00) Meet Katerina Schneider, CEO of Ritual (02:26) A childhood that built grit and perspective (04:00) Building a business while pregnant with no blueprint (05:21) The impact of her experience in different industries (07:44) Why she decided to quit her job to start Ritual (09:04) Learning to surround herself with great leadership (12:18) Why women still trust bad advice (13:33) Creating a product that met a real need (15:55) How to tell if your supplements are actually safe (18:13) Balancing work and life with three kids (22:41) How to simplify wellness when overwhelmed by trends Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, Erika and Josh discuss the recent tragedy in Charlotte, NC, and ask the question: How do we raise our kids to be Good Samaritans? The annual jobs report receives yet another revision – did Joe Biden really make new jobs? A British street artist takes a stand, and a Church is named after Carlo Acutis. Finally, will there be Gen-Z babies? All this and more on the LOOPcast!The professionals at Ave Maria Mutual Funds have a morally responsible investment philosophy that's aligned with Catholic teaching. Start your morally responsible investment journey today by calling 1-866-AVE-MARIA or by visiting here: https://avemariafunds.com/LoopcastProtect your equity with Home Title Lock's exclusive Million Dollar Triple Lock Protection, now for just $1 for 60 days when you use promocode LOOP60! Click here: https://www.hometitlelock.com/looper to learn more!EMAIL US: loopcast@catholicvote.org SUPPORT LOOPCAST: www.loopcast.orgApple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-loopcast/id1643967065 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/08jykZi86H7jKNFLbSesjk?si=ztBTHenFR-6VuegOlklE_w&nd=1&dlsi=bddf79da68c34744FOLLOW LOOPCast: https://x.com/the_LOOPcast Tom: https://x.com/TPogasicErika: https://x.com/ErikaAhern2 Josh: https://x.com/joshuamercerAll opinions expressed on LOOPcast by the participants are their own and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of CatholicVote.00:00 – Welcome back to the LOOPcast!01:15 – Ave Maria Mutual Funds03:48 – Charlotte Stabbing Recap23:32 – Home Title Lock25:25 – Josh final thoughts on Charlotte/ RANT38:00 – Good News41:27 – Twilight Zone55:24 – Closing Prayer

Trump unloads on Tim Kaine, brings a 12-year-old supporter to the stage, and shares a lighthearted moment with Ben Carson. Meanwhile, Politico reports on Scott Bessent's temper, Charlie Kirk slams the media over a brutal NC refugee murder, and Axios blames “surveillance” while judges escape accountability.From Epstein's bizarre birthday notes to an NC judge's money scandal, terrorist attacks abroad, and a Hamas leader's son exposing the truth — this episode dives into the stories the mainstream media won't touch. Plus, Tucker Carlson gets called out by Palantir's co-founder!SUPPORT OUR SPONSORS TO SUPPORT OUR SHOW!Try Beam's best-selling Creatine and get up to 30% off at https://ShopBeam.com/CHICKS with code CHICKS—limited time only!Live a better digital life with WebRoot. Get 50% off WebRoot Total Protection at https://WebRoot.com/ChicksScore 15% off with code CHICKS and give yourself that glow-up with the BON CHARGE Red Light Face Mask at https://BonCharge.com (It's self-care that literally lights up your face!)Hear directly from Zach Abraham in the free “Back To Basics” webinar, October 2nd at 3:30 Pacific. Register now at https://KnowYourRiskPodcast.com and get back to the basics of your retirement portfolio today!

Konstantin and Francis discuss Graham Linehan's arrest, Angela Rayner's resignation, the Ukrainian refugee who was murdered in America and more. Triggernometry is proudly independent. Thanks to the sponsors below for making that possible: - Protect your wealth with The Pure Gold Company. Get your free investor guide at https://pure-gold.co/trigger - Evening Being by Verso. Get 15% with code TRIGGER at http://evening.ver.so/trigger Join our exclusive TRIGGERnometry community on Substack! https://triggernometry.substack.com/ OR Support TRIGGERnometry Here: Bitcoin: bc1qm6vvhduc6s3rvy8u76sllmrfpynfv94qw8p8d5 Shop Merch here - https://www.triggerpod.co.uk/shop/ Advertise on TRIGGERnometry: marketing@triggerpod.co.uk Find TRIGGERnometry on Social Media: https://twitter.com/triggerpod https://www.facebook.com/triggerpod/ https://www.instagram.com/triggerpod/ About TRIGGERnometry: Stand-up comedians Konstantin Kisin (@konstantinkisin) and Francis Foster (@francisjfoster) make sense of politics, economics, free speech, AI, drug policy and WW3 with the help of presidential advisors, renowned economists, award-winning journalists, controversial writers, leading scientists and notorious comedians. 00:00 Introduction 01:55 Graham Linehan's Arrest 14:38 Angela Rayner's Resignation And Government Reshuffle 25:12 David Lammy's Comments About Donald Trump 34:25 The Attack On Private Schools 41:36 Violent Crime And The Murder Of Ukrainian Refugee In America Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A brutal murder in Charlotte, North Carolina, claimed the life of a young Ukrainian refugee and has become a rallying cry for Republicans who want to paint Democrats as soft on crime. William Brangham discussed the case and reaction with Alisa Roth, author of "Insane: America's Criminal Treatment of Mental Illness." PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

Welcome Chris Cuomo to the year 2025, where he realizes what we've known for years: he is wrong. In a video recorded in his car, Cuomo admitted that he has been wrong before. Well, not specifically. But, generally. And you're wrong, too. Enjoy the word salad. JD Vance is dropping literal bombs on terrorists and figurative bombs on Leftist influencers. After telling Brian Krassenstein to kick sand, Rand Paul came back with a book recommendation for Harper Lee. We'll try to connect these dots in real time. This weekend, footage was released of a career criminal stabbing a Ukrainian refugee to death on a train at the end of August. Why is this the first we're hearing about it? You might already know the answer…GUEST: Josh FirestineLink to today's sources: https://www.louderwithcrowder.com/sources-september-8-2025Buy the OG Mug Club Mug on Crowder Shop now! https://crowdershop.com/products/og-mug-club-mugDOWNLOAD THE RUMBLE APP TODAY: https://rumble.com/our-appsJoin Rumble Premium to watch this show every day! http://louderwithcrowder.com/PremiumGet your favorite LWC gear: https://crowdershop.com/Bite-Sized Content: https://rumble.com/c/CrowderBitsSubscribe to my podcast: https://rss.com/podcasts/louder-with-crowder/FOLLOW ME: Website: https://louderwithcrowder.com/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/scrowder Instagram: http://www.instagram.com/louderwithcrowder Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/stevencrowderofficialMusic by @Pogo

Glenn reacts to Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) saying that he finds it "troubling" that Americans believe our rights come from God and not the government. Glenn lays out how this belief is no different than sharia law and urges Sen. Kaine to learn the history of the Constitution. Does anybody on the Left care about the truth of America's history and values? The tragic murder of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a train in Charlotte is the story the media wants you to ignore. Glenn lays out why we cannot let this story go unreported. The Dearborn Heights, Michigan, police department released an official police patch featuring Arabic text. Our Republic co-founder Justin Haskins joins to discuss the shocking number of Americans who want a socialist president in 2028. Glenn and Justin break down the real reason why the idea of a socialist president is gaining popularity. Glenn admits that both sides are correct when it comes to the current generation struggling to fulfill the American dream. Glenn discusses the inauthenticity of Las Vegas during a recent trip. When did Las Vegas get to be so expensive? Glenn and Jason discuss the worsening crime rates coming from people on the Left.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A 23-year-old Ukrainian refugee, Iryna Zarutska, was randomly attacked by an alleged homeless ex-con with over a dozen arrests on a transit train in Charlotte, North Carolina. Shocking video released a month after the murder shows Decarlos Brown, sitting behind Zarutska, pull out a pocket knife and begin stabbing without any provocation. Now, questions are being asked why this murder did not get more attention by the media and local officials. FOX's Eben Brown speaks with David Spunt, a Washington D.C. based correspondent for FOX News Channel (FNC), who shares what he knows about the horrific murder. Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices