Podcasts about Alexis de Tocqueville

On Wednesday's Mark Levin Show, the difference between the Democratic Party and the Democratic Socialists of America is not significant—the DSA is the logical extension of the Democrat Party, which has birthed it and remains sympathetic to its core aims; most Democrats are comfortable with DSA figures in Congress, state legislatures, and governorships. This agenda of fundamentally altering constitutional structure and the economic system has defined the party since Woodrow Wilson, even if Democrats refuse the labels communist or Marxist and prefer softer rhetoric. Later, more billionaires would benefit the country because they create and spread enormous wealth rather than hoarding it, with capitalism redistributing prosperity through markets and supply-demand rather than failed top-down control driven by non-economic motives. More billionaires mean more capital, investment, jobs, incomes, pensions, medical care, and tax revenue; this is why Gov Ron DeSantis invites them to Florida to fuel construction, load banks with cash that is then lent out, and circulate money through the economy. Critics fail to grasp this due to jealousy, fearmongering, and preference for centralized power, yet the more billionaires exist, the more wealth and jobs are generated for more people, as even non-business wealth gets invested in banks, stocks, loans, and enterprises that support small businesses and employment. Afterward, ignoring Hayek, Friedman, Sowell, free-market economics, and individual liberty amounts to becoming Democrat Party light. True common good rests solely on the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the Enlightenment, with no connection to economic intervention; the intellectual foundation remains figures like Buckley, de Tocqueville, Adam Smith, Burke, and Locke, not online or TikTok content. Finally, the federal budget deficit is on track to surpass $2 trillion this fiscal year as spending outpaces revenue. Tax revenues increase by $139 billion, but spending increased by $308 billion. Increased spending driven by entitlement programs: Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, in addition to servicing the national debt. Even with a 5-8% increase in revenue, the government can't stop spending money. And Democrats complain we're not spending enough! Democrats would destroy private health insurance and Medicare would collapse. The worry: economic turmoil leads to social turmoil. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Nous sommes le 15 décembre 1850. Dans une lettre qu'il adresse à son ami Louis de Kergorlay, Alexis de Tocqueville écrit : « Je n'ai pas de traditions, je n'ai point de parti, je n'ai point de cause, si ce n'est celle de la liberté et de la dignité humaine ; de cela, je suis sûr. » Plus tard, dans le livre III de son ouvrage « L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution », il écrit encore : « Qui cherche dans la liberté autre chose qu'elle-même est fait pour servir. Que manque-t-il à ceux-là pour rester libres ? Quoi ? Le goût sublime de l'être » Philosophe, politique, historien, précurseur de la sociologie, Alexis de Tocqueville à penser la naissance des démocraties modernes et aussi les dangers qui les menacent. Avec Valérie André, professeur à l'ULB. Sujets traités : Alexis de Tocqueville, libéral démocrate, philosophe, politique, historien, sociologie, Merci pour votre écoute Un Jour dans l'Histoire, c'est également en direct tous les jours de la semaine de 13h15 à 14h30 sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes d'Un Jour dans l'Histoire sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/5936 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : L'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwL'heure H : https://audmns.com/YagLLiKEt sa version à écouter en famille : La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiKAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Em julho de 1969, dois homens caminharam sobre a Lua e provaram que aquilo que parecia impossível podia se tornar realidade. Mas a pergunta que conduz este episódio não é como eles chegaram até lá. É por que conseguiram. A partir da corrida espacial, Luciano Pires investiga o papel da vontade na construção das grandes realizações humanas, mostrando que tecnologia, dinheiro e conhecimento raramente vêm antes do propósito. Passando por Aristóteles, Nietzsche, Viktor Frankl, Tocqueville, Peter Thiel e Elon Musk, o episódio revela como indivíduos, empresas e sociedades inteiras podem perder — ou recuperar — a capacidade de sonhar grande e transformar esse sonho em ação. Host: Luciano Pires - @lucianopires – lucianopires.com.br Takeaways Grandes realizações humanas começam com um propósito capaz de mobilizar pessoas, e não apenas com recursos ou tecnologia. A liderança mais transformadora não distribui tarefas; ela oferece significado e cria um horizonte que justifica o esforço. Civilizações, empresas e famílias prosperam quando preservam a vontade de construir o futuro, em vez de apenas administrar o presente. Capítulos O homem chegou à Lua. E depois? Quando a vontade vem antes da tecnologia O sentido como combustível da ação Por que o Ocidente deixou de sonhar grande? Narrativas moldam o futuro O trabalho invisível da liderança Toda grande realização nasce primeiro na imaginação Links relevantes Mundo Café Brasil: https://mundocafebrasil.com Livraria Café Brasil: https://livrariacafebrasil.com.br See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger lazen vijf zeer interessante boeken en bekeken een magnifieke film. De zomerboeken zitten vol ideeëngeschiedenis en politieke conflicten gedurende vele eeuwen. Met persoonlijke verhalen, portretten, onthullingen en worstelingen met democratie, dictatuur, geloof en tolerantie. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! De film De Gaulle: Résistance draait vanaf 6 augustus 2026 in de bioscoop Steun Greenpeace in de strijd tegen onherstelbare schade door diepzeemijnbouw. Teken de brief aan het kabinet-Jetten Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** 1) Willem van Oranje, Apologie – Vertaald en ingeleid door René van Stipriaan (Querido Facto) Prachtig bezorgd boek door René van Stipriaan neemt de lezer mee op reis door het leven, werken en denken van 'de Zwijger' in de jaren tussen1540 en 1580. Geen andere leider in onze streken publiceerde ooit zo'n persoonlijke verantwoording van zijn politiek, filosofie, strategische en spirituele keuzen. Vanaf zijn tienertijd speelt hij een prominente rol in de aristocratie van Europa, opgevoed en als prins gevormd door de absolute elite van de machtigste familie, de Habsburgers. Keizer Karel en diens zus Maria van Hongarije blijven zijn rolmodellen. Juist daarom keert hij zich af van ‘de tirannie die mij mijn hart doorwondt'. Oranje kiest tegen bruut geweld en onderdrukking en voor de vrijheden van de Nederlanden. Apologie is een uitdagend en gedurfd boek. Hij richt zich tot de Staten-Generaal, de bevolking in den brede en heel de Europese elite. Hij bepleit vreedzame matiging en beginselvastheid, ook tegen al te felle calvinisten en allereerst tegen het Spaans bewind, dat het beleid van zijn rolmodellen had verraden. De toon, ironie, felheid en scherpte van zijn redeneringen laten ons merken waarom hij destijds zo bekend was als briljant redenaar. Oranje is in dit boek zijn eigen memoires-auteur, politiek spindoctor, spiritueel filosoof en vurig bepleiter van de vrijheid van geweten, burgerrechten en tolerantie van verschillen tussen overtuigingen en beginselen. 2) Peter Longerich – Onwillige Volksgenoten (Hollands Diep) De propaganda en de decoratie van het Nazibewind kennen we. Maar wat dachten de mensen die in de bioscoop de Wochenschau zagen en Leni Riefenstahls films eigenlijk zelf? Longerich dook in diepe, uitvoerige bronnen en schetst de 'Stimmunggeschichte' van het Duitse volk in de Nazitijd. Een tijdsbeeld als zelden vertoond met feiten en analyses van de 'stemming onder de mensen' van Beieren tot Bremen. Boeren blijken ontgoocheld door het opgelegde productiebeleid en zien hun dagloners en masse wegvluchten. Arbeiders zien de armoede van de crisis welbewust voortduren. Massaal klagen burgers over partijmanifestaties en 'vrijwillige’ donaties. Al heel vroeg - rond 1935 - is oorlogsangst dominant. Met heftige conflicten tussen het regime en gelovigen. Kerken werden verzetshaarden, Hitler durfde nooit hard door te pakken. Propaganda-triomfen als de Olympiade konden angst en wegkijken niet verdrijven. Het boek biedt bovendien een verfijnd stuk 'bureaucratie-geschiedenis'. Want het was niet vanzelfsprekend om die 'stemmingen en indrukken' in een dictatuur zonder meer door te spelen naar boven. Hoe de Duitse ambtenaren hun rol als rapporteurs inkleedden, hoe zij boodschappen verpakten, de feiten niet konden verhullen, dus dan maar in balans brachten laat Longerich ook zien. Heel herkenbaar, zeker als je zulke patronen ook nu aanschouwt in Poetins Rusland of Trumps MAGA-sfeer. 3) Auke Kok – Mussert (Hollands Diep) Auke Koks biografie is rijk en onthullend. Hij slaagt erin een politiek onbenul, een onaantrekkelijke hoofdpersoon toch heel boeiend te maken. Mussert was een antiparlementair en autoritair techneut. Collega's brachten hem Mussolini's fascisme bij, ook een regime dat verzot was op moderne techniek en autoritair optreden. En Indische kringen zorgden voor een racistisch superioriteitsaffect. Dat werd de politieke brug naar de nazi-ideologie. Nederlanders verdienden in het Germaanse wereldrijk een eigen, machtige plaats naast Hitlers ariërs, meende hij. De NSDAP-leiding zag dat toch wat anders en Arthur Seyss Inquart noteerde dat Mussert geen sieraad was voor het naziregime. Integendeel. Hij was koppig, had geen mensenkennis, werd door de bevolking geen leidersfiguur maar een landverrader gevonden en Mussert voerde een beroddelde levenswandel. Tot in zijn proces na de bevrijding klopte hij zich op de borst voor zijn moed tegenover de Duitsers. Hij had immers Neerlands lot van annexatie zoals Oostenrijk of Sudetenland verhinderd, daar zou hij uiteindelijk een standbeeld voor krijgen, dacht hij. 4) Willem de Bruin – Ontspoord (Atlas Contact) Hoe ondergaat een samenleving en haar politiek bestel een overweldigende technologisch revolutie? Ontspoord gaat over de komst en dominantie van de allernieuwste industriële mobiliteit - de spoorwegen - maar heel dat verhaal over de 19e eeuw gaat over deze tijd. De opmars van het internet en de actuele AI-revolutie komen steeds in je hoofd op bij het lezen van het fascinerende tijdsbeeld van het destijds arme en achterop lopende Nederland na 1830. Ideologische principes over de publieke zaak en particuliere taken domineerden het debat. Maar dat spoorwegen een heel eigen organisatie van technologische finesse, lange termijn investeringen en sociale sturing vereisten zagen velen pas laat. De liberaal Thorbecke maakte een zwenking naar overheidssturing. Abraham Kuyper zag de geheel nieuwe infrastructuur als een staatstaak die God had opgedragen. Bismarck vond het een strategisch netwerk van zo'n geopolitieke betekenis, dat het nimmer aan ondernemers overgelaten kon worden. De Eerste Wereldoorlog bewees zijn gelijk, ook in ons land. In 1937 waren de NS een feit, uiteindelijk. De discussie - zelfs de 19e-eeuwse - stond nadien niet stil. Paars overwoog heel even de NS naar de Beurs te brengen. De actuele dreiging in Europa en de NAVO-planning bewijzen nogmaals Bismarcks profetische blik. 5] Bastiaan Rijpkema & Bart Schreuders (red.) – Tolerantiedenkers (Prometheus) Is er een actueler, indringender thema dan de verhouding tussen democratie en tolerantie en de vele misverstanden over wat tolerantie eigenlijk is? Dit boek biedt twintig portretten van onmisbare denkers - vooral een soort ideeënschets - van Plato tot Chantal Mouffe en Barbara Skarga. Bekende namen komen langs, waarbij hun soms verrassende gedachten over ruimdenkendheid en geslotenheid centraal staan. Tocqueville natuurlijk, Spinoza, Machiavelli, Popper, Camus en Erasmus uiteraard. Het boek is niet te missen doordat er mensen aan het woord komen die niet elke dag over de tong gaan, maar bijzonder inspirerend zijn. Nicolaus Cusanus (1401 – 1464) uit een wijndorp aan de Moezel bijvoorbeeld. In de 15e eeuw een essentieel diplomaat en geleerde die door heel Europa reisde. Hij betoogde dat als God oneindig is en één, dan de mens dit nooit zal bevatten. Mensen zullen een eigen, onvolmaakt idee van die 'Heilige Wijsheid' - inderdaad, Hagia Sophia - ontwikkelen, beseffend dat zij 'wetende onwetenden' zijn. Alle reden dus tot intensieve, tolerante dialoog om zo dichterbij dat mysterie te komen. Hij zocht daarom nadrukkelijk zelf zo'n dialoog met de Islam op. En ervoer dat tolerantie dan, ook, schuurt en afstand meebrengt. En nooit passief kan zijn, maar dwingt tot actieve dialoog. De Franse denker Claude Lefort (1924 – 2010) - inspirator van Paul Frissen – was als jong trotskist afkerig van het Stalinisme en zo ook van Sartre. Hij zag dat democratie tolerantie vereist, omdat de plaats van de macht per definitie leeg is, alleen tijdelijk vervuld op zijn best. En hij definieerde dat er 'le politique' is - het democratisch bestel van instituties en regels - en 'la politique' - de geesteshouding die daarbij past, zoals het voorkomen van 'permanente vijandschap' en zondebokken. Bestel en ethos. Verwar die vooral niet. *** Verder luisteren 580 - Lenteboekenspecial 555 – Winterboeken: dominanten en dissonanten in een veranderende wereld 527 - Politici en hun boek 522 - Zeven zomerboeken 472 - Winterboekeneditie - Premiers, Leiderschap, Macht 441 - Extra zomeraflevering: boekenspecial! 395 - Vijf boeken en een afscheidsbrief 363 - Extra zomeraflevering: PG tipt boeken! 286 - Extra zomeraflevering: PG tipt boeken! 269 - Vijf boeken die je moet lezen om Europa beter te begrijpen 259 - De omgevallen boekenkast: leestips van PG! 133 - Amerikaanse presidenten: boeken die je volgens PG móet lezen! 99 - Tips voor thuis: de omgevallen boekenkast van PG! 35 - Charles de Gaulle *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:29:06 - Deel 2 00:55:35 - Deel 3 01:15:05 - Deel 4 01:59:59 - Einde See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Rediffusion En juin 1994, Émilie Tanay, 9 ans, est déposée par sa mère chez la famille de Jérôme Tocqueville, un camarade de classe. Ils vont assister ensemble à la kermesse de fin d'année. La petite Émilie est souffrante. La maman confie aux parents Tocqueville les médicaments qu'elle doit prendre : des sachets d'Exomuc et un flacon de Josacine. Brutalement, elle s'effondre et perd connaissance… Que s'est-il passé ? Dans cette affaire que Caroline Nogueras va vous raconter, il y a de l'injustice, des tromperies, et des  approximations de procédure... Un podcast Bababam Originals Ecriture : Tiphaine Pioger Voix : Caroline Nogueras Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A história dos presidentes da Igreja Adventista não é assunto de organograma: é teologia visível. Esta aula abre o Módulo 5 de A Ordem e monta o método com que vamos atravessar 162 anos de presidências. Toda estrutura eclesiástica encarna uma doutrina de Deus. Um governo que concentra autoridade numa pessoa diz uma coisa sobre como Deus lidera; um governo que a distribui por um corpo diz outra. Nesta abertura eu apresento o aparato completo do módulo: nove pensadores (de Aristóteles a Voegelin) e o que cada um enxerga que os outros não enxergam; os dois modelos neotestamentários de liderança, o petrino e o paulino; a leitura APEST de Efésios 4 e a tese central desta série — o cargo executivo seleciona estruturalmente para pastor e mestre, e filtra para fora o profeta e o apóstolo, com patologias previsíveis; a distinção entre micromanagement paternalista e macromanagement equipador; e as quatro lentes (governo, eclesiologia, escatologia, missiologia) que vão governar os dezoito episódios biográficos. Também declaro o padrão de fontes do módulo: citação com obra, data e página; e o compromisso de dizer quando não consegui verificar. Numa denominação que argumenta por citação, verificar é ato de fidelidade. E adianto cinco padrões que a pesquisa revelou e que eu não esperava encontrar — inclusive o custo físico da liderança, que nenhuma tipologia registra. FONTES E REFERÊNCIAS CITADAS - WHITE, James. "Gospel Order" (série em quatro partes). Advent Review and Sabbath Herald, 6, 13, 20 e 27 de dezembro de 1853. - General Conference Bulletin, 1901 — atas da Sessão que criou as Uniões. documents.adventistarchives.org - WHITE, Ellen G. Testimonies to Ministers and Gospel Workers. Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1923. - Bíblia: Efésios 4:11-13; Apocalipse 18:1-4; Mateus 4:1-11 - ARISTÓTELES, Ética a Nicômaco, livro VI | HOBBES, Leviatã (1651) | LOCKE, Segundo Tratado (1689) | MONTESQUIEU, O Espírito das Leis (1748) | BURKE, Reflexões sobre a Revolução em França (1790) | TOCQUEVILLE, A Democracia na América (1835-1840) | MARX, Manuscritos econômico-filosóficos (1844) | WEBER, Economia e Sociedade (1922) | VOEGELIN, A Nova Ciência da Política (1952) - HIRSCH, Alan; CATCHIM, Tim. The Permanent Revolution. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2012. - FERGUSON, Dave; HIRSCH, Alan. On the Verge. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2011. - MUSTARD, Andrew G. James White and SDA Organization, 1844-1881. Andrews University Press, 1987. - KNIGHT, George R. Organizing for Mission and Growth. Review and Herald, 2006. - Enciclopédia dos Adventistas do Sétimo Dia (ESDA) — encyclopedia.adventist.org #AOrdem #IgrejaAdventista #LiderançaCristã Links Instagram http://instagram.com/alexpalmeira7 Podcast Catalisadores http://open.spotify.com/show/6zJyD0vW8MnyRKPYZtk3B5?si=065e95b72bca4b13 X http://x.com/alexpalmeira9 Facebook http://facebook.com/profile.php?id=100069360678042

Today on the Christian History Almanac, we remember Alexis de Tocqueville and his particular thoughts on religion and politics in America. GTI Zoom Info Meeting on August 11th at 7 pm Eastern/4 pm Pacific: https://us06web.zoom.us/j/89787313197 Show Notes: Support the work at 1517 1517 on YouTube 1517 Podcast Network on Apple Podcasts 1517 Events Schedule 1517 Academy - Free Theological Education Germany / Switzerland - Study Tour What's New from 1517: The Turk at the Door by Adam Francisco Luther and the Lion: A Narnian Catechism by Samuel Schuldheisz By Water and the Word by Brian Thomas Being Family by Dr. Scott Keith More from the hosts: Dan van Voorhis Follow 1517:  Instagram X/Twitter Facebook SHOW TRANSCRIPTS are available: https://www.1517.org/podcasts/the-christian-history-almanac CONTACT: CHA@1517.org Facebook Twitter Audio production by Christopher Gillespie (outerrimterritories.com)

With the release of Christopher Nolan's adaptation of the Odyssey, it seems like everyone's been talking about a 3,000-year-old epic again. But my guest thinks this ancient tale offers a framework for understanding our modern lives that you probably haven't heard before.Patrick Deneen is a professor of political science and the author of American Odyssey. Today on the show, Patrick argues that Odysseus embodies a tension that has defined the human experience, and especially the American experience: we're both home-seeking and exploring, rooted and restless. We long to settle down somewhere, yet we're equally driven to push beyond the horizon in search of something new. Patrick shares how Alexis de Tocqueville made this observation about our country two centuries ago, how Odysseus navigates the temptation to become both more than human and less than human, and the surprising act Patrick thinks is the most heroic thing Odysseus does. We end our conversation with the idea that having a home can give us the confidence to explore, or as David Brooks put it, "All of life is a series of daring explorations from a secure base."Resources Related to the PodcastAoM Article: 3 Lessons From Homer's OdysseyAoM Podcast #337: What Homer's Odyssey Can Teach Us TodayDemocracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville"Ulysses" by Alfred, Lord TennysonConnect With Patrick DeneenPatrick's faculty pagePatrick's websiteAmerican Odyssey's page on Creed and Culture's website0:00 Intro & sponsor plugs0:41 Patrick Deneen's American Odyssey & Nolan's film2:28 Nolan's changes to Odysseus's character4:56 Dante's Odysseus in hell7:33 Why Odyssey keeps drawing Patrick back13:02 The most American text: home-seeking vs exploring17:15 Tocqueville's restless Americans20:03 Restlessness as source of American unhappiness21:03 Odysseus vs the temptation to be more/less than human26:14 That temptation in modern American life31:26 Odysseus's underworld talk with Achilles39:41 What today's Americans can take from that41:24 Does Odysseus stay home? The "sequels" to The Odyssey45:49 Home as the foundation for risk-taking and adventure51:14 Where to find the bookSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

As America celebrates its 250th anniversary, are we preserving the principles that made the United States exceptional—or watching them slowly disappear? In this episode of The Tudor Dixon Podcast, Tudor sits down with Ned Ryun, CEO of American Majority and creator of the new documentary Thread of Liberty, for a deep conversation about the American Founding, the Constitution, the rise of the administrative state, and why the next generation must understand the true story of America's experiment in self-government. They discuss the Founding Fathers' vision for a constitutional republic, the realities of slavery and the Civil War, Alexis de Tocqueville's observations about American exceptionalism, the dangers of centralized government, and why preserving liberty requires an informed and engaged citizenry. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On entend souvent qu'il faut s'aimer pour être heureux dans la vie, et nous sentons tous comme le fait de nous en vouloir d'être comme nous sommes nous fait souffrir. Mais comment faire ? Comment s'aimer justement ? J'en parle avec Bruno Viard, qui m'a beaucoup appris sur ces questions.Le livre de Bruno : https://www.editionsbdl.com/produit/amour-propre-des-choses-connues-depuis-le-commencement-du-monde/Mon site : https://www.fabricemidal.comReso, mon école de méditation : https://www.reso.coRéalisation, montage, image et son : Alexandre AgostiniMots clé : Déménagement dans l'inconscient ! Bruno Viard propose d'y placer les blessures de l'amour-propre en lieu et place du sexe et de l'Œdipe. Il en appelle pour cela aux traditions les mieux établies de l'humanité : le tao, le Mahabharata, l'Iliade, l'Évangile, Montaigne, les psychanalystes du xviie siècle, Rousseau, Tocqueville et le grand méconnu de la psychologie moderne : Paul Diel. Où l'on voit que les blessures d'amour-propre commandent les vicissitudes de la sexualité.L'amour-propre surdéterminant largement l'appétit des biens matériels autant qu'il surdétermine le désir sexuel, la psychanalyse se trouve décloisonnée et peut enfin communiquer avec la sociologie. Aussi Marcel Mauss occupe-t-il la meilleure position pour servir de pont entre ces disciplines puisqu'une psychologie de la reconnaissance (amour-propre) est sous-jacente à la sociologie du don.On aboutit ainsi à une anthropologie synthétique de forme triangulaire qui récuse l'hégémonie sexualiste freudienne comme l'hégémonie matérialiste marxiste, mais aussi l'hégémonie du seul amour-propre selon René Girard. Bruno VIARD, spécialiste de la littérature romantique et des idées sociales au xixe siècle, est Professeur de littérature française à l'université d'Aix-Marseille. Il collabore à la revue Psychologie de la motivation et à la Revue du MAUSS. Il a publié notamment : À la source perdue du socialisme français, Desclée de Brouwer ; Les trois neveux ou l'altruisme et l'égoïsme réconciliés (Pierre Leroux, Marcel Mauss, Paul Diel), PUF ; Anthologie de Pierre Leroux. Inventeur du socialisme, Le Bord de L'eau.

What has made this moment feel different is not the anxiety about incivility, which has always been there, but rather the performance of it. It's relentless.” — Molly Brady on incivility in the age of the smartphone Whatever happened to the American front porch? Builders killed it to save money, says the Harvard law professor Molly Brady — and with this death went one of the key stages on which Americans have practiced the art of being neighbors over the last 250 years. Brady is a contributor to America Unfinished: 250 Years of Law and Governance, a new volume of 62 essays from the Harvard Law School faculty edited by Alexandra Natapoff. Brady's subject is the land, real-estate and local government law determining neighborliness. Thus her interest in front porches. Brady grew up in Utica, New York — on the old Erie Canal — a Rust Belt town whose fracking fights, abandoned housing, and urban renewal steered her toward property law. Utica is also, despite its red politics, a place well versed in the art of neighborliness — with the town warmly welcoming recent Bosnian and Iraqi refugees. Incivility isn't new, Brady says. What's changed, she argues, is its performative virality. With a phone in every pocket, we can now watch our fellow “citizens” behaving badly. Meanwhile the physical infrastructure of community — the front porches and corner stores — has been zoned, sprawled, and value-engineered away. Analogue porches have been replaced by digital chatrooms. Brady's remedy is unfashionably local. On Zoom or in person, she advises, show up at your local planning meetings. Brady even requires her Harvard students to attend at least one local meeting so as to demystify the real work of governance. The republic, as Ben Franklin so famously warned, is ours if we can keep it. Keeping it, Molly Brady suggests, may require in-person attendance on a Wednesday night at your local planning commission. And it might also require hanging out on your porch. If the builders ever give them back to us. Five Takeaways •       The Performance of Incivility. Americans have always fretted about incivility — the republic itself was born out of Europe's religious civil wars. What has changed, Brady argues, is technology. When difference was mediated through traditional publishers, you had to grapple with the people in your physical world: the workplace, the water cooler, the town meeting. Now everyone carries a phone on which fellow citizens can be found behaving horribly at any given moment. It is not the presence of incivility that makes this moment feel different — it is the relentless performance of it.•       The Death of the Porch. Brady writes in the tradition of Robert Putnam's Bowling Alone, updated for the post-smartphone age: suburbanization, the loss of third places, remote work — and a thousand micro-choices in property law that removed the physical alternatives to online life. Builders dropped the front porch to save money; developers in the South and West build almost nothing outside homeowners associations, so there is no meaningful market choice. People are human — they yearn for connection — but in the absence of physical competition, technological community wins by default.•       Tocqueville's Scalability Problem. What Tocqueville admired in New England — every citizen (nominally) arguing policy with neighbors at the town meeting — may never have been scalable to a continental republic, a question America has been grappling with since the Louisiana Purchase. But the local still scrambles our politics in useful ways: party preference, as the scholar David Schleicher observes, tells you nothing about road paving. The darker local truth is Bill Fischel's homevoter hypothesis — homeowners dominate participation and vote to maximize home values, which has helped produce the national affordability crisis.•       Glimmers: Zoom, Newton, and Showing Up. The shift to Zoom planning meetings completely changed the demographics of who participates in land use decisions — young parents cannot spend Wednesday from seven to midnight debating a corner store. Newton has produced genuinely pro-housing policies; Cambridge ran a charter commission that drew in residents of every kind; groups like Abundant Homes Massachusetts organize contingents to make sure meetings are not left to the usual voices. Brady requires her students to attend at least one local meeting. The lesson: do not think this is for someone else.•       2076: Best Case, Worst Case. Asked to imagine America's 300th birthday, Brady hopes for less polarization and demonization, and for a real confrontation of the housing and environmental crises — collective work that might itself rebuild the habit of cooperation. The worst case runs through Margaret Atwood and civil war scenarios to environmental degradation and lives lost to our incapacity to work together. The warning signs are already banal: middle-aged men now pay consultants to teach them how to make friends. The skills have atrophied — and local participation, Brady suggests, is the gym where a republic gets them back. About the Guest Molly Brady is a professor of law at Harvard Law School, where she teaches property, land use, and local government law. Raised in Utica, New York, she is a graduate of Harvard College and Yale Law School, and her scholarship on the history of American property law has won wide recognition, as has her teaching. She lives in Belmont, Massachusetts, and is a contributor to America Unfinished: 250 Years of Law and Governance, edited by Alexandra Natapoff and Guy-Uriel E. Charles (MIT Press, July 2026). References: •       America Unfinished: 250 Years of Law and Governance, edited by Alexandra Natapoff and Guy-Uriel E. Charles (MIT Press, July 2026). Bryan Stevenson: “A valuable contribution to understanding America at a critical moment.”•       Bowling Alone by Robert Putnam — the 2000 classic on America's vanishing social capital, written, Brady notes, before the smartphone made things worse. Putnam is an old friend of this show.•       Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville — the towering account of New England civic virtue that frames the episode's scalability question.•       Shade by Sam Bloch — the new book on the politics of shade that taught Brady about the money-saving death of the American front porch.•       Bill Fischel's “homevoter hypothesis” — the Dartmouth economist's account of why homeowner-dominated local politics maximizes home values and starves housing supply.•       Alexandra Natapoff — the volume's co-editor, whose own Keen On America conver...

For the last decade, computer science was considered the undisputed king of college majors. But in the age of AI, that script is rapidly being flipped. Now that AI can write code in seconds, the ability to think deeply and critically has become more important than ever. In this episode, Mackenzie is joined by Alpha graduate Maddie Price, who recently traveled to France for an exclusive philosophy conference at Alexis de Tocqueville's historical chateau. Together, they break down the growing national reading crisis, the fear of "soft despotism" (and a WALL-E-style future), and why the humanities are emerging as the most crucial toolset for the next generation of leaders.

What are our shared values? | Rachael Kohn From de Tocqueville to Lord Acton and beyond, the idea of Democracy has developed, not always ideally, and signs of its demise are evident in Australia, making its defence a priority. Rachael Kohn AO FRSN is an author, commentator, and award-winning producer and broadcaster, best known for her long tenure at the ABC. She has written three books, edited a fourth, and holds a PhD in religious studies from a Canadian university.

The growing power of the centralized state loomed as the central problem for liberalism in the early nineteenth century, and the works of these three writers are a response to it.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/constant-tocqueville-and-acton-enlightenment-liberalism-and-religion

The growing power of the centralized state loomed as the central problem for liberalism in the early nineteenth century, and the works of these three writers are a response to it.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/constant-tocqueville-and-acton-enlightenment-liberalism-and-religion

En este episodio analizamos cómo se está construyendo una infraestructura de vigilancia sin precedentes en Europa, utilizando excusas como la seguridad de los menores, la seguridad vial y la modernización financiera. Exploramos mecanismos como el chat control, la identidad digital y el euro digital, herramientas que, bajo una apariencia de protección, erosionan nuestra privacidad y libertad individual. •Ricardo Silva reflexiona sobre la autocensura crónica y la monitorización constante a la que estamos sometidos a través de nuestros dispositivos. Acompáñanos en este análisis sobre cómo la servidumbre voluntaria y la burocracia digital están transformando nuestra sociedad, recordándonos la advertencia de Alexis de Tocqueville sobre el poder tutelar que debilita a las naciones.

Welcome to Impact Theory. In today's episode, we dive into the rising power of the Democratic Socialists of America and the candidate who has become the movement's most polarizing new face. As DSA-aligned nominees sweep primaries across New York State, we unpack what these wins actually mean and why the gap between what these candidates say and what they plan to do should concern every American.At the center of the conversation is Darializa Avila Chevalier, the Democratic nominee for Congress in New York's 13th district. We examine her deleted social media history, including past calls to fully abolish the police, opposition to all deportations even for criminals, and posts advocating the seizure of private property, the nationalization of hospitals and pharmaceutical companies, and the freezing of rents. We break down how a clearly intelligent and disciplined politician has learned to dodge the hard questions, deliver eloquent non-answers, and avoid handing anyone a usable soundbite.From the philosophy of socialism and the historical record of where these ideologies lead, to the de Tocqueville concept of the overproduction of elites, to the real economic forces driving young voters left, this conversation pulls no punches. We also dig into identity politics, the difference between diagnosing a problem and prescribing the wrong cure, and why getting the solution wrong can be even more dangerous than ignoring the problem entirely.Whether you are here to understand the future of the American left or to see how today's choices will define tomorrow, this episode offers a sharp and unflinching look at the ideas now competing for power.Quince: Free shipping and 365-day returns at https://quince.com/impactpodWhatnot: Download the Whatnot app today and get free shipping on your first order.ATT Business: Switch to AT&T Business at business.att.comKetone IQ: Visit https://ketone.com/IMPACT for 30% OFF your subscription orderShopify: Sign up for your one-dollar-per-month trial period at https://shopify.com/impactTruemed: Check your eligibility and start saving at https://truemed.com/impactEthos: Get a free quote at https://ethos.com/impactIncogni: Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code IMPACT at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/impact What's up, everybody? It's Tom Bilyeu here:If you want my help...STARTING a business: join me here at ZERO TO FOUNDER: https://tombilyeu.com/zero-to-founder?utm_campaign=Podcast%20Offer&utm_source=podca[%E2%80%A6]d%20end%20of%20show&utm_content=podcast%20ad%20end%20of%20showSCALING a business: see if you qualify here.: https://tombilyeu.com/callGet my battle-tested strategies and insights delivered weekly to your inbox: sign up here.:https://tombilyeu.com/**********************************************************************If you're serious about leveling up your life, I urge you to check out my new podcast, Tom Bilyeu's Mindset Playbook —a goldmine of my most impactful episodes on mindset, business, and health. Trust me, your future self will thank you.**********************************************************************FOLLOW TOM:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tombilyeu/Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@tombilyeu?lang=enTwitter: https://twitter.com/tombilyeuYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TomBilyeuSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Hour 1 for 7/10/26 Drew begins the hour with a news roundup and then discusses trade between the USA, Canada and Mexico with E.J. Antoni (13:54). Later on Sarah Gustafson shares the significance and influence of Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville in American History (32:06) Links: The Man Who Understood Democracy: The Life of Alexis de Tocqueville: https://www.amazon.com/Man-Who-Understood-Democracy-Tocqueville/dp/0691173974 C-Span Series on Alexis de Tocqueville: https://www.c-span.org/program/c-span-specials/tocqueville-in-france/137531

FAN MAIL--We would love YOUR feedback--Send us a Text MessageWhere do your rights come from, and what happens to a country when it gets that answer wrong? We tackle the most radical political claim baked into the American founding: unalienable rights don't come from the state, they come from God, and government exists to protect what you already have. That single idea flips the usual power equation and draws a hard line around conscience, belief, and the limits of political authority.We lean on Michael Medved's book The American Miracle to explore why the founders talked about Providence and why Medved insists key moments in the Revolutionary era feel like more than coincidence. From fog and storms to the timing of alliances, we weigh “luck” against “Providence” and land on a surprising takeaway: taking American exceptionalism seriously should produce humility and gratitude, not swagger or xenophobia.Then we connect the dots to religious liberty and why it functions as the engine of every other freedom. We talk through the First Amendment tradition, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom, and the core principle that God created the mind free, so no ruler has rightful authority to coerce belief or punish dissent. We also look at how free conscience fuels reform movements, from abolition to civil rights, and why Tocqueville thought America's blend of Christianity and liberty helped explain why the system worked.Key Points from the Episode:• the core question of rights and their source  • the founders' radical claim that government protects rights rather than grants them  • Michael Medved's The American Miracle and the case for Providence over luck  • why acknowledging providence points to humility and gratitude rather than arrogance  • religious liberty as the driver of abolition and civil rights reform  • Tocqueville on Christianity and liberty in the American mind  • the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom and the First Amendment limits on government coercion  • why state power over conscience corrupts faith and breeds hypocrisy  Be sure to check out our show page at teammojoacademy.com, where we have everything we discussed in this podcast as well as other great resources.  if you like books

Jeremiah 29:4-14 Build Your Lives (vv. 4-6) Home Hearth Pursue Peace (v. 7) Personal peace Public peace Ignore Falsehood (vv. 8-9) False prophets Fake pundits Faulty philosophies Trust the Lord (vv. 10-14) Trust His plan Seek His presence Wait on His promises More to Consider French writer Alexis de Tocqueville, after visiting America in 1831, said, "I sought for the greatness of the United States in her commodious harbors, her ample rivers, her fertile fields, and boundless forests--and it was not there. I sought for it in her rich mines, her vast world commerce, her public school system, and in her institutions of higher learning--and it was not there. I looked for it in her democratic Congress and her matchless Constitution--and it was not there. Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits flame with righteousness did I understand the secret of her genius and power. America is great because America is good, and if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great!" Alexis de Tocqueville Patriotism means to stand by the country. It does not mean to stand by the president or any other public official, save exactly to the degree in which he himself stands by the country. It is patriotic to support him insofar as he efficiently serves the country. It is unpatriotic not to oppose him to the exact extent that by inefficiency or otherwise he fails in his duty to stand by the country. In either event, it is unpatriotic not to tell the truth, whether about the president or anyone else. Theodore Roosevelt The world needs to see Christians burning, not with self-righteous fury at the sliding morals in our country, but with passion for God. Kevin DeYoung

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

-250 years of God-given liberty — and why, for the believer, our greatest chapter is still ahead.NOTE: The audio might not sound too good because this was a pop-up live I did at around 11:00pm on July 3rd. Kind of sounds like an old radio show! Blessings!Two hundred and fifty years ago, fifty-six men pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor on a firm reliance on divine Providence. This nation was built on the conviction that our rights come from God — not from kings, not from congresses, not from majorities. That foundation is worth honoring, and on this Fourth of July, we do. But honoring the past is not the same as living in it. In this broadcast, we trace the Judeo-Christian bedrock of the American founding, hear what Adams and Tocqueville understood about liberty that we've grown soft on, and name a quiet danger that has crept into the believing church: nostalgia.Because here's the truth — as much as I love this country, America was never our hope. Nations rise and nations fall, but the Kingdom that has no end belongs to Jesus Christ. When we spend all our energy staring into the rearview mirror, longing for a golden age, we do the very thing Scripture warns against. Lot's wife looked back. Israel looked back. We are called to look forward — to the blessed hope, the return of our King, and a future so glorious that our best chapter hasn't even been written yet. So light the fireworks. Thank God for 250 years. But don't you dare get stuck looking back. Stand firm, and stay salty.Grateful you're here.— Pablo------------------------------------------Subscribe to receive future broadcasts and articles at:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.serpentsndoves.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠-------------------------------------------Share.Forward this post, repost it, or pass it along to someone who might need it.Support.This broadcast is listener-supported. If you're in a position to help sustain it, you can do so here:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Buy Me a Coffee⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ (one-time or monthly)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠PayPal⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ (direct donation)

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

A imprensa, historicamente cunhada como o Quarto Poder pelo filósofo político Edmund Burke no final do século XVIII, consolidou-se como uma força capaz de rivalizar com governos e parlamentos. Este documentário da Brasil Paralelo explora as origens e a evolução da comunicação de massa, demonstrando como a capacidade de relatar fatos com independência tornou-se vital para a manutenção das democracias ocidentais. Acompanhe a análise das observações de Alexis de Tocqueville, que identificou os jornais locais como o elo estrutural da sociedade civil americana no século XIX, garantindo a resistência contra o autoritarismo. Em contrapartida, o século XX revelou a dupla finalidade da comunicação com a ascensão do rádio: enquanto líderes como Franklin Roosevelt uniam sua nação durante crises econômicas, regimes totalitários na Europa manipulavam as transmissões para fins de propaganda ideológica e coerção em massa.

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Did America abandon God's blueprint for government? And if so... are we witnessing the consequences today?In this episode of The Zach Drew Show, we explore this question: was the United States originally founded on the same model of self-government that God established for Israel in the Old Testament—and have we slowly traded that system for centralized power?From the Founding Fathers and the Constitution to the biblical account of Israel demanding a king, we examine the striking parallels between America's founding and Scripture. We also explore why America's moral and spiritual foundation may be far more important to preserving our republic than most people realize.If America's founders believed that liberty could only survive among a moral and religious people... what happens when Christianity is removed from the center of our culture?In this episode, we discuss:• The surprising biblical pattern of government established in ancient Israel.• Why the Founding Fathers believed self-government required virtue and faith.• Benjamin Franklin's famous warning: "A republic... if you can keep it."• The Christian convictions that shaped America's founding documents.• The true meaning of "separation of church and state"—and how many believe it has been misunderstood.• Supreme Court decisions that transformed the role of Christianity in public life.• Alexis de Tocqueville's observations on America's greatness and why he believed religion was essential to preserving freedom.• The parallel between Israel demanding a king and America's growing centralized federal government.• Why the decline of biblical Christianity may pose a greater threat to the republic than politics alone.Whether you agree or disagree, this conversation is designed to challenge assumptions, encourage deeper study, and point believers back to Scripture as the ultimate authority.Be sure to subscribe, share this episode, and join us as we examine today's headlines through a biblical worldview.#ZachDrewShow #Christianity #Constitution #BiblicalWorldview #FaithAndFreedomFollow the Zach Drew show at ZachDrewShow.comPlease consider partnering with us! Visit www.zachdrewshow.com/donate/You can also write to us atIGBYPO box 797Decatur IL 62525

Welcome to Day Two of American Ground Radio's 10th Annual Fourth of July Special — What Makes America Great — with Stephen Parr and Louis R. Avallone. We're continuing our celebration of America's 250th birthday with some of the most compelling voices in the country. We open with Kirk Cameron, who escaped California for Tennessee and is spending the Fourth leading See You at the Library events in all 50 states — reading books of virtue to children as an answer to the drag queen storytime movement that swept public libraries during COVID. Kirk shares the Alexis de Tocqueville quote that he says captures everything: I searched America's harbors and rivers and farmlands and halls of Congress for the secret to her genius and power, and it wasn't until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness that I found it. America is great because she is good. And if she ever ceases to be good, she will cease to be great. He also tells us about the National Monument to the Forefathers in Plymouth, Massachusetts — hidden in a residential neighborhood, unknown to most Americans — and the documentary he made about it called Monumental. House Majority Leader Steve Scalise joins us from Louisiana — and when we ask him when he first realized this country was exceptional, he tells us about lying in a hospital bed for three and a half months after being shot on a baseball field by a man who came to kill every Republican present. He talks about receiving calls from Benjamin Netanyahu and the King of Jordan — not because he was the president, but because they understood that an assassination attempt on a member of Congress was a threat to democracy itself. And he talks about returning to the House floor to a standing ovation from both sides of the aisle — and what that moment told him about what this country still is. Navy SEAL and New York Times number one bestselling author Jack Carr — creator of The Terminal List, now in its seventh book with Red Sky Morning — talks about winning the lottery the moment you're born in this country, about taking his daughter to Normandy to sit across the table from D-Day veterans before it's too late, and about why the main difference between his generation and today's is a small device in a pocket that creates addiction with very few benefits. His prescription: read books, get outside, talk to people, and do exactly what he did in fifth grade when his parents took him to Revolutionary War battlefields. Tommy Lahren of Fox News and OutKick tells us she was in fourth grade in South Dakota on September 11th — New York City felt like another world — and it was watching the country come together in the aftermath that first showed her there was something genuinely exceptional about being an American. She says September 12th, as horrible as its predecessor was, was one of the most beautiful days in American history. She also makes the case she's dedicated her career to — free speech absolutism — arguing that if you need to cancel someone else's voice to win the argument, your argument probably isn't very good. Eric Metaxas joins us with his brand new book Revolution: The Birth of the Greatest Nation in the History of the World — and delivers what may be the most historically grounded answer we've ever gotten on this show. He takes us back to Samuel Adams addressing Congress on August 1st, 1776 — the day before they signed the official copy of the Declaration — saying, we have this day restored the Sovereign. Capital S. Not King George III. The actual King. God. Metaxas explains that what the founders were doing was unprecedented in all of world history — reaching back to the Sinai covenant where the Israelites said they could govern themselves without a king — and that this is why America succeeded where the French Revolution collapsed into terror and dictatorship. His mother grew up in Nazi Germany. His father grew up in Greece. He was raised knowing this country is not normal. Senator Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee — now running for governor — shares the lesson that stuck with her from selling books door to door for 80 hours a week on straight commission in college: the harder and smarter you work, the more successful you will be. She connects faith directly to the founding documents — the Declaration's reference to a Creator as the source of unalienable rights is not incidental, she says. It is the whole point. And for the first time in the history of this special, we welcome a former member of the British Parliament — Douglas Carswell, now president of the Mississippi Center for Public Policy — who moved from Britain to Mississippi in his late 40s and felt, in his words, like he was coming home for the first time in his life. He describes attending his first Friday Night Lights game in a small Mississippi town and watching every kid in school — athletes and non-athletes alike — playing some role in the evening, and seeing in that moment exactly what de Tocqueville saw: a society of many parts coming together to solve problems without direction from government. His answer to what makes America great — you look to each other to fix your problems. Not to government. That's why Elon Musk could only have happened here. We close by reflecting on the two days of conversations, the idea of America as a nation founded not just on laws but on self-evident truths, and the core principle that runs through every interview in this special — America doesn't promise equal outcomes. It promises equal dignity, the freedom to pursue your own dreams, and the chance for ordinary people to discover the extraordinary greatness that God placed inside them. The greatness of America comes from the greatness within you. May your pursuit of happiness bring you joy. Listen now wherever you get your podcasts, visit AmericanGroundRadio.com, and join the conversation at 866-AGR-1776!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, it's worth asking: What was the American Revolution actually about? We all remember the broad strokes we learned in school: Independence from the British crown. Taxes on tea. Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. But on a deeper level, the American Revolution was—and is—a revolution in political theory, reimagining what a legitimate government is and what its relationship to its citizens should be. Washington's troops won the ground war 245 years ago at Yorktown, but the ideological battle continues against forces on both the left and the right who are pursuing a ruthless assault on America's core values. The American Revolution isn't over. Inscribed inside the dome of the Jefferson Memorial are the words: "I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." Thomas Jefferson wrote that in an 1800 letter, but that feeling of hostility toward the tyranny of a distant monarch is what drove him and his fellow revolutionaries in 1776. Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch summarized the Declaration's core ideas in an interview with Reason: "The Declaration of Independence had three great ideas in it. That all of us are equal. That each of us has inalienable rights given to us by God, not government. And that we have the right to rule ourselves." That's why Jefferson declared that a legitimate government requires the "consent of the governed." Thomas Paine put it more scathingly in his 1776 pamphlet Common Sense, writing that "government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens." Monarchy was the Devil's most effective and enduring form of "idolatry." We don't fret over tyrannical kings in today's America. Only ceremonial vestiges of hereditary monarchy remain in the modern world. The Revolution achieved a complete victory in that sense. Yet a counterrevolution is underway, one that views the American Revolution and the republic it birthed as a failed liberal regime that has outlived its usefulness. And these counterrevolutionaries sit remarkably close to the levers of power. Self-Rule Under Threat Three years before he became vice president, J.D. Vance told podcaster Jack Murphy that America had reached a point of no return. "We are in the late republican period," he said. "If we're going to push back against it we have to get pretty wild and pretty far out there and go in directions that a lot of conservatives right now are uncomfortable with. Indeed, among some of my circle the phrase 'extra-constitutional' has come up quite a bit." Vance regularly cites and associates with a group of so-called "postliberals." He appeared on a panel with one of this movement's leading intellectuals, Patrick Deneen, a Notre Dame political science professor and the author of Regime Change: Toward a Postliberal Future, in 2023. Deneen believes there is an unbridgeable divide between the "elite" and "ordinary" people. "What is needed," he writes in the book, "in short, is regime change—the peaceful but vigorous overthrow of a corrupt and corrupting liberal ruling class," which will be replaced by a more virtuous one. He envisions the kind of aristocratic government favored by the ancients like Plato and Aristotle, endorsing "aristopopulism," where an elite class works to further the interests of the masses. "The replacement of the current elites in our society ought to be more closely aligned to the interests of ordinary people," Deneen said at the panel. He invokes a "premodern conception of liberty—expressed in the pages of Plato, Aristotle, the Bible," where institutions like the family, the church, and the state worked together to impose "guardrails" protecting individuals from becoming "slaves" to their own desires. My colleague Stephanie Slade writes about the postliberal right for Reason magazine. "He says people like [himself] should just be in charge of our government. That's what he means by regime change," Slade says. "[That] we should replace the current elites." She notes that postliberals are willing to frame the entire American Founding as a mistake: "They might say, yeah, America did have a liberal founding and that's why it was a mistake. Actually, this whole experiment was a mistake, and it maybe took a couple hundred years for that mistake to play out….We now can see that it doesn't lead to good conservative outcomes." In his book Common Good Constitutionalism, Adrian Vermeule, a postliberal Harvard Law professor and appointee to President Donald Trump's Council of the Administrative Conference of the United States, wrote that "the central aim of the constitutional order is to promote good rule, not to 'protect liberty' as an end in itself." That's a rejection of the spirit of 1776. Paine saw the existence of government as a necessary evil because of "the inability of moral virtue to govern the world." A minimal state, in his view, should be restricted to supplying "freedom and security." As Gorsuch put it in the same Reason interview: "If you think of the Declaration as kind of our mission statement, our ideals, and the Constitution is the how-to manual—well, the Constitution is all about dividing power. Madison realized men are not angels and that their aspirations for power need to be checked and checked and checked again." The "regime change" Deneen and Vermeule call for isn't explicitly violent. Deneen describes "Machiavellian means to achieve Aristotelian ends." The strategy manifests as a steady expansion of presidential authority, as we've seen under Donald Trump's second term: the 143 executive orders he signed in just his first 100 days, more than any other president in history; his decision to send troops to American cities without permission from local authorities; his declaring of 21 national emergencies while in office; and his decision to send illegal immigrants to overseas prisons in defiance of the judicial branch. Incidentally, one of the grievances listed in the Declaration of Independence was King George III's penchant for shipping the accused "beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses." Before he became vice president, Vance encouraged Trump to emulate Andrew Jackson and dare the Supreme Court to try enforcing its rulings against him. "If I was giving him one piece of advice," Vance said, "fire every single mid-level bureaucrat, every civil servant in the administrative state, replace them with our people, and when the courts—because you will get taken to court—and when the courts stop you, stand before the country like Andrew Jackson did and say, 'The chief justice has made his ruling, now let him enforce it.'" "That's a really dangerous idea to be even casually trotting out there, let alone for somebody who is now the sitting vice president to be on the record," Slade says. "He said it a number of years ago when he was just a candidate for office, but I've never seen anything from him since he's been in office that makes me think that he doesn't ultimately believe in that sort of approach to politics." Some postliberals call for measures far more dramatic than the steady erosion of constitutional restraints currently underway. Michael Anton, who worked in Trump's State Department over two terms, wrote in his book The Stakes about the prospect of a "Red Caesar"—a right-wing dictator who would rise from the ashes of the fallen republic. "Caesar's word replaces constitutionalism and even, in the final analysis, law," he wrote. In a podcast conversation with pro-monarchist blogger Curtis Yarvin, Anton discussed what that might look like. "Caesarism is a form of monarchy, but that follows a nonfunctioning republic, a republic that doesn't work anymore," Anton said. Yarvin proposed that the path to power would begin with declaring a state of emergency in an inaugural address, "taking direct control over all law enforcement authorities….Basically like Caesar, you're using all of the force available to you."  "There is just clearly much more of a sense that government power is meant to be used to advance our side in the face of our enemies," Slade says. "And the enemies are the left, the political left, and anyone on the right who isn't going to line up with [them]. [They believe] political power should be used to reward our friends and punish our enemies, and that to me is a clear violation of one of the core principles of rule of law, which is equal treatment for everyone under law." In the COVID era, President Joe Biden imposed national mandates by executive fiat, and his administration tried to suppress dissent by pressuring tech companies to censor critics. The Democratic Party has also flirted with the idea of packing the Supreme Court to get its way, which is not a new impulse for the party. When President Franklin Delano Roosevelt tried to pack the Court in 1937, it cost him the support of progressives who had previously backed the New Deal. FDR is revered by progressives and cited by Yarvin as a prototype for an American Caesar. "Was FDR a dictator? What does it mean to be a dictator? What does this pejorative word mean?" Yarvin asks. "A dictator is somebody who rules alone. And that, I think, is a beautiful thing." The Revolution was, first and foremost, about self-rule: We would no longer abide by a diktat from an overseas king. From the very beginning of the republic, power-seeking men have tried to undermine that vision. In its earliest days, there was a plot to install a Prussian prince as king of a new American monarchy. Jefferson accused John Adams and Alexander Hamilton of being monarchists, recounting in horror a dinner conversation in which Hamilton told him "the greatest man…that ever lived was Julius Caesar." But monarchy is seductive because strongmen promise order in chaotic times. In the wake of Shays' Rebellion, a post-Revolution farmer's uprising, Jefferson worried the Constitution's drafters were overreacting by creating a powerful presidency that would devolve into a monarchy. "What country can preserve its liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance?" he wrote. And then, famously: "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure." Hopefully, patriots won't be shedding blood anytime soon. But Jefferson's point stands: Preserving the promises of the Revolution will always be an ongoing battle. Self-rule was one of those promises. Another was self-ownership, which includes the right to do what you want with your own property. The Rise of 'Right-Wing Progressivism' The Declaration accused the king of "cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world." The American colonies experienced unprecedented economic growth, a topic of keen interest to the laissez faire economist Adam Smith, whose book The Wealth of Nations also turns 250 this year. Smith was fascinated by the American colonies, observing that their "progress has been more rapid than that of the English in North America. Plenty of good land, and liberty to manage their own affairs their own way, seem to be the two great causes of the prosperity." Other imperial powers, such as the Spanish and Portuguese, mandated that their colonists trade only through state-created monopolies. Smith pointed out that because American colonists could export lumber to the wider European market, they were incentivized to clear and improve land. Low taxes enabled them to reinvest their profits. Smith criticized England's Navigation Acts for prohibiting colonists from buying from other countries and for discouraging manufacturing to protect domestic competitors. Although England's "mercantile spirit" hampered the economy, Smith believed that in virtually every other respect the liberty of the English colonists "to manage their own affairs their own way is complete," concluding that both England and the colonies would be better off with an independent America that traded freely with England. Like the American revolutionaries, Smith described economic freedom as not just smart policy, but as a natural right. "To prohibit a great people…from making all that they can of every part of their own produce," he wrote, "is a manifest violation of the most sacred rights of mankind." That revolutionary understanding is still under attack today from both the left and the right. Socialists like Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani talk about individual profits as if they are the property of the collective. And Trump has the same mercantilist instincts toward trade that Smith argued against 250 years ago. "I love tariffs. Most beautiful word," Trump said in September 2025. "I said my favorite word in the English dictionary is the word tariff."  The postliberal right argues that laissez faire economics has undermined the working class. "Conservatives have outsourced our economic and domestic policy thinking to libertarians," Vance said at a 2019 National Conservatism Conference. "Do we serve pure unfettered commercial freedom, do we serve commerce at the expense of the public good, or do we serve something higher? And are we willing to use political power to actually accomplish those things?" "It is really important to recognize that what the postliberal right is pushing in terms of economics is progressivism," Slade says. "It's not conservatism." Tucker Carlson made the point in 2019 when he praised Elizabeth Warren's "economic patriotism" platform, noting it "sounds like Donald Trump at his best." What the so-called "economic patriots" of the left and right are converging on is a rejection of the spirit of 1776 and an embrace of monarchy. In the 18th century, many colonists could trade only through state-licensed monopolies. Warren has proposed remarrying corporations and the state through "stakeholder capitalism," in which political appointees sit on corporate boards to steer them in the right direction. Trump took a major step toward the corporatist approach in 2025 when directing the federal government to take a 10 percent stake in Intel. Before him, President Barack Obama took stakes in GM and Chrysler as part of a bailout package. "I don't think it's really a sustainable political equilibrium to have two parties that are both economically leftist," Slade says. "The American people are not on board with that. That is the horseshoe in action. And it's part of why I think there is an opportunity for old-school Reagan-style free-market conservatism to make a comeback." The slow abandonment of the revolutionary ideas of self-rule and private property that American patriots fought for in the late 18th century is downstream of a third, fundamental aspect of the American Revolution that is also under attack: freedom of conscience. Remarrying Church and State The postliberal right wants to tear down the wall between church and state. "They want to integrate church and state instead of separating them," Slade says. In some cases, it's Catholic integralists like Harvard's Vermeule, who has described a strategy of turning the government Catholic by "strategically locat[ing]" integralists "within liberal institutions…to undo the liberalism of the state from within." Deneen has suggested passing "blue laws" that would ban pornography, online gambling, and operating businesses on Sundays. A Protestant variety of Christian nationalism is embodied by pastor Doug Wilson—a spiritual mentor to Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, who invited Wilson to lead a prayer at the Pentagon. In a recent interview, Wilson said the "governing authorities should recognize formally that Jesus rose from the dead" and that "the basis of law would have to be Christian, and I would want it to be Protestant." Most of the revolutionaries were Christian Protestants, but they insisted on separating church and state to avoid the horrific religious wars that had ravaged Europe. "Torrents of blood have been spilt in the old world" to end religious discord by establishing state churches, wrote James Madison in opposition to taxes that would have funded an official church of Virginia. An even deeper problem for these devout believers in divine providence was that marrying religion to the state removed the very freedom to choose faith that God desires. In his opposition to the Virginia law, Jefferson wrote that "Almighty God hath created the mind free" and that "all attempts" to force religious belief "are a departure from the plan of the holy author of our religion." Madison argued historically that Christianity reached its "greatest lustre" in the times before it incorporated with the state, and that religious laws would counterproductively discourage nonbelievers from entering a region he hoped would become a beacon of Christianity. "Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man." Slade draws on her own Catholic faith in making the case. "I am a libertarian because I'm a Catholic, because I believe that every person was created in the image of God," she says. "I just think it's morally wrong from a Catholic or Christian perspective to try to use the coercive, violent power of the state to make people live a certain way. Even if the way that these guys would like to make people live—going to church on Sunday, praying, investing in your community and your family, self-sacrifice—all these good Christian values. They're good Christian values, but they can't be coerced or imposed from the top down. It's wrong and morally offensive from a Christian perspective." Slade says she understands the despair postliberals feel about the collapse of faith and virtue in contemporary America and that they have a point about the progressive capture of institutions. "What they're channeling is a really influential belief, which isn't totally wrong, that the left made a very concerted effort to make what is often referred to as a 'long march through the institutions' and to capture so many of our elite institutions—both at the governmental level but also at the cultural level: higher education, Hollywood, the mainstream media." Critics of the progressive agenda—or "wokeness"—often describe it as its own kind of religion. Linguist and social critic John McWhorter has argued that it has "slowly transmogrified into a kind of replacement for Protestant Christianity" among its adherents. Whether religious or not, progressives have imposed their social values on Americans through public school curricula, federal policy, and civil rights law. They have violated the freedom of conscience that Jefferson and Madison wrote about in a way very similar to how mandating religion would. Postliberalism is part of the political backlash. A poll conducted in early 2021 of people who voted for Trump in 2020 didn't find agreement on nationalist economic policies—tariffs, industrial policy, any of that—but found near-universal agreement on a sense of cultural siege. About 90 percent agreed with statements like "the mainstream media has become just an arm of the Democratic Party" or "Christianity is under attack today." "This sense that the culture has been captured by people who are hostile to people like me and who hate me and want to drive me out of the public square has created so much resentment and so much of a backlash that's driving this postliberal right-wing politics," Slade says. "I don't think it's possible to understand what's going on on the right without looking at what's been going on on the left, definitely ramping up during the period referred to as the great awakening." Slade's new book argues that the remedy to this postliberal moment is a rediscovery of "fusionism"—the reintegration of liberty and virtue. "A good society needs to be both free and virtuous. And the Founders certainly believed this," she says. John Adams wrote just 13 days before the signing of the Declaration that "the only foundation of a free Constitution is pure Virtue, and if this cannot be inspired into our People…they will not obtain a lasting Liberty." "What he's saying is, we can have a limited government in a free society, but if the people aren't naturally virtuous, if they don't trust each other, if they aren't good to each other—that [the Republic] is going to end up succumbing to tyranny and to a strongman government," Slade says. His fellow revolutionary and intellectual adversary Jefferson flipped the equation by writing that liberty "is the great parent…of virtue." Balancing liberty and virtue means reconstructing some of the civic "guardrails" that Deneen laments having lost in modernity—but not handing the power to regulate our conscience to the government. "What we're seeing a lot is people who are focused either on liberty but don't spend a lot of time thinking about how do we cultivate virtue, or who say, forget your liberty, we want virtue at the point of a gun," Slade says. "Government's job is to protect our basic rights and liberties. It should be prioritizing the protection of liberty." "That doesn't mean that virtue isn't important. In fact, it's the highest, most important thing in life—to pursue a virtuous life," Slade continues. "But it's not OK to expect government to do that for us. Government protects our freedom and we use that freedom to pursue virtue." The solution, Slade argues, has to be ground-up. She invokes Alexis de Tocqueville, who observed when he came to America in the 1830s that Americans excel at coming together and creating voluntary community solutions to social problems. "We should have some muscle memory here. We should be able to get back to that idea of thinking of ourselves as being on the front lines of solving problems, building new civil society institutions, nongovernmental institutions that can try to solve the problems we see in our society," Slade says. "Good policy can make this easier. And bad policy can crowd it out and make it a lot harder." The Declaration of Independence is 250 years old, but the Revolution it started is as vital as ever. During the final days of the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin was famously asked what kind of government they were in the process of designing. "A Republic," he said, "if you can keep it." Photo Credits: Horst Galuschka/dpa/picture-alliance/Newscom/ Dennis Flaherty / Jaynes Gallery / DanitaDelimont.com / Danita Delimont/ Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom/ TIA DUFOUR/UPI/Newscom/Antonio Perez/TNS/Newscom/ Aaron Schwartz - Pool via CNP/picture alliance / Consolidated News Photos/Newscom/ Ron Adar / SOPA/ Images/Sipa USA/Newscom/ JT Vintage/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom/ AdMedia/SIPA/Newscom/ Hugh Rooney / Eye Ubiquitous/Newscom/ Bonnie Cash - Pool via CNP/CNP / Polaris/Newscom/AdMedia/Newscom/ Graeme Sloan/Sipa USA/Newscom/ Polaris/Newscom; Eric Lee - Pool via CNP/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom; Department of Defense The post The American Revolution Isn't Over appeared first on Reason.com.

„Nie je tu ľahké obmedziť niekoho na jednoduchú materiálnu starosť o živobytie; i ten najobyčajnejší remeselník tu občas vrhá chtivé a kradmé pohľady do vyššieho sveta inteligencie. Nečíta sa tu v rovnakom duchu a rovnakým spôsobom ako v aristokratických spoločnostiach, ale okruh čitateľov sa neustále rozširuje a nakoniec zahŕňa všetkých občanov. (...) Počet tých, ktorí pestujú vedu, literatúru a umenie, nadobúda obrovský rozsah. Vo svete inteligencie vzniká zázračná aktivita; každý sa usiluje preraziť si sem cestu a snaží sa tiež upútať pozornosť publika. (...) diela sú tu často nedokonalé, ale nespočetné. A hoci je výsledok individuálneho úsilia často veľmi malý, celkový výsledok je vždy mimoriadne veľký.“ Takto francúzsky politický filozof Alexis de Tocqueville pred takmer dvoma storočiami charakterizoval americký postoj ku kultúre a umeniu. Postoj, ktorý by sme mohli azda aj hyperbolizovať do onej okrídlenej vety, ktorú všetci dobre poznáme: „No, i skladník ve šroubárně si může přečíst Vergilia v originále“. Skrátka, právo na svoj hoc i nepatrný podiel a prístup ku kultúre ma každý, bez rozdielu pôvodu a postavenia. Inými slovami, demokratizmus dorazil aj sem. Aktuálne sa blížiace 250. výročie vzniku Spojených štátov amerických je aj príležitosťou na bilancovanie – bilancovanie príbehu superveľmoci. Okrem ekonomického potenciálu, vojenskej sily a politického vplyvu je tu ešte niečo iné, možno menej do očí bijúce, ale o to prítomnejšie po celom svete. Politológovia by azda vytiahli termín „soft power“, ale my sa držme známeho slovného spojenia – americká popkultúra. A priraďme k nej hneď niekoľko otázok. V čom je výnimočná? Prečo sa niektorí Európania stále na ňu dívajú s istou dávkou dešpektu, hoci jej podiel na celkovej kultúrnej spotrebe je globálny a výrazne dominantný? A aké boli vlastne míľniky na ceste k jej úspechu? Jaro Valent sa v podcaste Dejiny rozpráva s Jurajom Malíčkom. Tento podcast vzniká vďaka podpore JUDr. Daga Vaškora, zberateľa, fanúšika histórie, fanúšika nášho podcastu. Ďakujeme za podporu. Na výrobe tejto relácie spolupracovali Tomáš Rybár a Michal Jurík. – Ak máte pre nás spätnú väzbu, odkaz alebo nápad, napíšte nám na ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠jaroslav.valent@petitpress.sk⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ – Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠sme.sk/podcasty⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here: https://econ.st/4esGGXw Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show on The Economist app | On Spotify | On other appsOn Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/be/podcast/tocqueville-road-trip-from-the-economist/id1896918330 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On this episode of the Hayek Program Podcast, Bobbi Herzberg delivers a keynote lecture at the 2025 Markets & Society conference on Vincent Ostrom's understanding of democracy and self-governance. Reflecting on Ostrom's life, scholarship, and enduring influence, Herzberg explores four central themes in his work: the emergence of social order through shared beliefs and norms, the capacity of individuals to govern themselves, the importance of polycentric systems of governance, and the fragility of democratic institutions. Drawing on Ostrom's collaborations with his wife, Elinor Ostrom, and his engagement with the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville, Herzberg argues that democracy is not a mechanism imposed from above but an ongoing practice of cooperation, deliberation, and mutual responsibility. She concludes by emphasizing Ostrom's vision of democracy as a living experiment in self-government that must be renewed and sustained by each generation. Dr. Roberta Herzberg is a Distinguished Senior Fellow and a Senior Research Fellow with the F.A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University and a Senior Fellow at the Fraser Institute.**This episode was recorded on October 17, 2025**If you like the show, please subscribe, leave a 5-star review, and tell others about the show! We're available on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, and wherever you get your podcasts.Check out our other podcast from the Hayek Program! Virtual Sentiments is a podcast in which political theorist Kristen Collins interviews scholars and practitioners grappling with pressing problems in political economy with an eye to the past. Subscribe today!Follow the Hayek Program on Twitter: @HayekProgramFollow the Mercatus Center on Twitter: @mercatusCC Music: Twisterium

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here: https://econ.st/4esGGXw Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

No slides, no homework, just a party. Host Matt Trump declares his Juneteenth independence from slide preparation and delivers a warm, wide-ranging World Cup Friday night hangout. The big story? Europeans arriving for the FIFA World Cup and discovering that America is nothing like what their media told them. Buc-ee's, Waffle House, giant grocery stores, air conditioning, window screens, and the sheer size of the country are blowing Western Europeans' minds on YouTube, and Matt has the receipts. He connects this wave of foreign appreciation to Alexis de Tocqueville, the Frenchman who came to America in 1831 and never got over it, and then throws in a wild counterexample: Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood founder who visited Greeley, Colorado in the late 1940s and had the exact opposite reaction. Meanwhile, the US team is winning, Scotland drank Boston dry, and America is having its 250th birthday whether the media likes it or not.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+.If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nearly two centuries ago, a French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville went on a trip around America and wrote up his findings in a book called Democracy in America. Many people still think it's the most insightful thing ever written about the country. John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, is one of them. Tocqueville found Americans' faith in freedom and self-improvement exhilariting—he was the first foreigner to foresee how this new society would change the world. On America's 250th birthday, John Prideaux sets out on a road trip of his own, following Tocqueville's footsteps from New York to Michigan to Washington, to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville endures in Trump's America.Launching in June Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In a culture shaped by distraction, anxiety, and constant noise, how do we focus on what matters most?In this special episode, we're sharing a conversation from a recent Trinity Forum event featuring Ben Sasse—former U.S. Senator, university president, husband, and father. Following a terminal cancer diagnosis, Ben has embraced a new vocation: helping us think more clearly about the questions that matter most, and the things that endure. In this conversation with Cherie Harder, our Trinity Forum president who's known him since their undergrad days at Harvard, Ben joins a room full of family, friends, and colleagues to reflect on mortality, friendship, family, faith, and the kind of attention required for a flourishing life.What follows is a lightly edited version of that conversation. If you'd like to watch the full video of the interview, you can find a link to the YouTube livestream here.Recommended Trinity Forum ReadingsDemocracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville (with an introduction by Ben Sasse)Brave New World by Aldous Huxley The Federalist PapersThe Origins of Totalitarianism by Hannah ArendtHere are Cherie and Ben from the live recording at National Community Church in Washington, DC: