Podcasts about schulenburg

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Weltwoche daily ohne externe Video-Werbung geniessen? Werden Sie Abonnent! Nur EUR 5.- im ersten Monat. https://weltwoche.de/abonnemente/Aktuelle Ausgabe von Weltwoche Deutschland: https://weltwoche.de/aktuelle-ausgabe/KOSTENLOS: Täglicher Newsletter https://weltwoche.de/newsletter/App Weltwoche Deutschland http://tosto.re/weltwochedeutschlandDie Weltwoche: Das ist die andere Sicht! Unabhängig, kritisch, gut gelaunt. «Putin ist sehr an Frieden interessiert»: Uno-Spitzendiplomat Michael Schulenburg über vier Jahre Krieg in der UkraineDie Weltwoche auf Social Media:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weltwoche/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/Weltwoche TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@weltwoche Telegram: https://t.me/Die_Weltwoche Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/weltwoche Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Die Welt erlebt derzeit einen der tiefgreifendsten geopolitischen Umbrüche seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs – einen Umbruch, in dem die Europäische Union kaum noch als gestaltende Kraft wahrgenommen wird. Damit riskiert sie, zum großen Verlierer dieser globalen Neuordnung zu werden. Von Harald Kujat und Michael von der Schulenburg. Dieser Beitrag ist auch alsWeiterlesen

This is the eighth episode in a series of ten short interviews recorded at the Wikimedia Futures Lab in Frankfurt. In this episode, recorded on day three, we meet the Executive Director of the Wiki Education Foundation, Frank Schulenburg. All episodes in English (podcast feed) Credits The music and sound clips are from Surf Shimmy by Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com) [CC BY 3.0], via Wikimedia Commons. Image: WFL Header Icons (cropped and repeated) by Matthias Wörle CC BY 4.0 Discuss the episode on the project’s talk page. The episode is also available on Wikimedia Commons.

Gustav Schulenburg, portfolio manager at Old Mutual Investment Group joins Stephen Grootes to analyse the biggest stories on the markets. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Robert Meier präsentiert ausgewählte Beiträge aus „Kontrafunk aktuell“ im Wochenrückblick. In dieser Woche sprachen wir mit dem Sprachschulleiter Walter Denz über Sprachenunterricht in russlandfeindlicher Umgebung, mit Dr. Thomas Brändlein, dem Landesvorsitzenden des Bayerischen Wohnungs- und Grundeigentümerverbands, über die deutsche „Wärmewende“ und mit dem Journalisten Thomas Fasbender über den Ukraine-Gipfel in Berlin. Außerdem zu Gast waren Dominik Feusi, stellvertretender Chefredakteur des Schweizer Magazins „Nebelspalter“, der stellvertretende Bundesvorsitzende des Bündnisses Sahra Wagenknecht, Michael Lüders, der BSW-Europaabgeordnete Michael von der Schulenburg, Historiker Peter Hoeres, Islamwissenschaftler Alfred Schlicht, Landwirt Anthony Lee und der Mitherausgeber der „Achse des Guten“ Dirk Maxeiner.

In dieser Sendung geht es um aktuelle politische Entscheidungen und ihre Folgen. Im Mittelpunkt steht ein neuer EU-Sanktionsbeschluss, der erstmals einen europäischen Einzelbürger betrifft: Jacques Baud, ehemaliger Oberst des Schweizer Nachrichtendienstes und militärischer Analyst. Wegen seiner öffentlichen Einordnungen zum Ukrainekrieg wurde er mit Reiseverboten und Vermögenssperren belegt. Kritik daran kommt unter anderem von Michael von der Schulenburg, Europaabgeordneter des Bündnis Sarah Wagenknecht. Er warnt vor rechtlichen und demokratischen Risiken und ordnet den Fall politisch ein. Was ist Konservativ? Zumindest dieses Wort ist heute umkämpft wie kaum ein anderes: Für die einen liegt auf der Staub auf dem Konservativem – für andere ist Konservativ sein ein wichtiges Element in der Gesellschaft. Heute starten wir eine kleine Sendereihe in der Weihnachtszeit. Und Darüber sprechen wir heute mit dem Würzburger Geschichtsprofessor Peter Hoeres. Wir blicken nach Frankreich: Die Absage eines Silvesterkonzerts auf den Champs-Élysées wirft Fragen zur Sicherheitslage auf. Dazu ist der französische Journalist und Politikbeobachter Robert Kopp zu Gast. Abschließend kommentiert Martina Binnig die aktuellen Vorhaben der WHO.

Gustav Schulenburg, portfolio manager at Old Mutual Investment Group joins Stephen Grootes to analyse the biggest stories on the markets. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Werden Sie JETZT Abonnent unserer Digitalzeitung Weltwoche Deutschland. Nur EUR 5.- im ersten Monat. https://weltwoche.de/abonnemente/Aktuelle Ausgabe von Weltwoche Deutschland: https://weltwoche.de/aktuelle-ausgabe/KOSTENLOS:Täglicher Newsletter https://weltwoche.de/newsletter/App Weltwoche Deutschland http://tosto.re/weltwochedeutschlandDie Weltwoche: Das ist die andere Sicht! Unabhängig, kritisch, gut gelaunt.«Selenskyj muss nachgeben»: Uno-Spitzendiplomat Michael Schulenburg über die FriedensverhandlungenDie Weltwoche auf Social Media:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weltwoche/Twitter: https://twitter.com/WeltwocheTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@weltwocheTelegram: https://t.me/Die_WeltwocheFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/weltwoche Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Gustav Schulenburg, portfolio manager at Old Mutual Investment Group joins Stephen Grootes to analyse the biggest stories on the markets. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

„Wir, die Völker der Vereinten Nationen (sind) fest entschlossen, künftige Geschlechter vor der Geißel des Krieges zu bewahren, die zweimal zu unseren Lebzeiten unsagbares Leid über die Menschheit gebracht hat, unseren Glauben an die Grundrechte des Menschen, an Würde und Wert der menschlichen Persönlichkeit, an die Gleichberechtigung von Mann und Frau sowie von allen Nationen, ob groß oder klein, erneut zu bekräftigen, …“ So beginnt die Charta der Vereinten Nationen, unterzeichnet am 26. Juni 1945 in San Francisco von 50 Mitgliedsstaaten. Heute, 80 Jahre später, reibt man sich verwundert die Augen: Was ist nur geworden aus diesem Menschheitstraum, geboren aus den Ruinen des Zweiten Weltkriegs? Wohin man auch schaut, überall wuchern Krisen, Spannungen oder Kriege. Die Tatsachen sind ernüchternd. Die Welt hat nie wirklich aufgehört, Kriege zu führen – trotz aller Bekenntnisse. Der ehemalige UN-Diplomat und Europaabgeordnete für das BSW, Michael von der Schulenburg erinnert in seiner äußerst lesenswerten Denkschrift „Nie wieder Krieg – die Charta der Vereinten Nationen“, was aus unserer Welt hätte werden können, anhand aktueller Beispiele warum es nicht so kam und warum wir uns heute mehr denn je an die Charta erinnern sollten. Unser Autor Jonny Rieder hat den Text gelesen und seine Gedanken dazu notiert. Unter folgendem Link können Sie das Pdf zu diesem Büchlein kostenlos aufrufen und herunterladen: https://bsw-ep.eu/wp-content/uploads/DIGITAL_Nie-wieder-Krieg-Die-Charta-der-Vereinten-Nationen.pdf Sprecherin: Sabrina Khalil Foto: Hazzy – Skulptur: „Non-Violence“ von Carl Fredrik Reuterswärd (1934-2016) Radio München www.radiomuenchen.net/​ @radiomuenchen www.facebook.com/radiomuenchen www.instagram.com/radio_muenchen/ twitter.com/RadioMuenchen https://odysee.com/@RadioMuenchen.net:9 https://rumble.com/user/RadioMunchen Radio München ist eine gemeinnützige Unternehmung. Wir freuen uns, wenn Sie unsere Arbeit unterstützen. GLS-Bank IBAN: DE65 4306 0967 8217 9867 00 BIC: GENODEM1GLS Bitcoin (BTC): bc1qqkrzed5vuvl82dggsyjgcjteylq5l58sz4s927 Ethereum (ETH): 0xB9a49A0bda5FAc3F084D5257424E3e6fdD303482

Gustav Schulenburg, portfolio manager at Old Mutual Investment Group joins Stephen Grootes to analyse the biggest stories on the markets. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Poth Pirettes are all smiles after battling their way to a 6-2 record Aug. 21- 23, at the Schulenburg tournament. Stat leaders were (aces) Laila Enriquez 15, Rylee Lyssy 12; (kills) Sidney Ortiz 41, Berklie Urbanczyk 34, Kalli Yanta 34; (assists) Rylee Lyssy 80, Laila Enriquez 79; (blocks) Katelyn Dugi 10, and Andi Hembi 9. The Pirettes hosted Navarro Aug. 26 and will compete in the Kerrville tournament Aug. 28-30.Article Link

US-Präsident Trump hat ein Dreier-Gespräch mit seinen beiden Amtskollegen Selenskyj und Putin in Aussicht gestellt. Welche Rolle spielt Europa dabei? Der BSW-Europaabgeordnete Michael von der Schulenburg im Interview.

Silke Schröder im Gespräch mit Dr. Ulrich Vosgerau, Michael von der Schulenburg und Volker Birk. Joachim Paul, designierter AFD Kandidat für die Oberbürgermeisterwahl in Ludwigshafen am Rhein darf gemäß Gerichtsbeschluss auf seinen Eilantrag nicht zur Wahl antreten. Welche rechtlichen Chancen bleiben ihm noch? Dazu gibt der Staatsrechtler und Rechtsanwalt Dr. Ulrich Vosgerau seine Einschätzung. Europa möchte mit über den Frieden in der Ukraine verhandeln und sitzt doch am Katzentisch, so die Einschätzung des früheren Diplomaten und heutigen BSW Abgeordneten im EU Parlament, Michael von der Schulenburg. Deutschland und seine europäischen Mitstreiter unterliegen Donald Trump in den Bemühungen, mit Diplomatie den seit dreieinhalb Jahren währenden Krieg in der Ukraine zu beenden, so seine Einschätzung. Warum hinter der vermeintlichen Sorge um Kinder- und Jugenschutz im Netz, den die EU mit einer neuen Altersverifikation vorantreiben möchte, vielleicht ein Einfallstor in den elektronische Speicherung persönlicher Daten für alle Bürger Europas steht, erklärt der Softwarearchitekt, Volker Birk. Frauengefängnis oder Männerknast? Markus Vahlefelds Kommentar schlägt den Bogen zu den Auswüchsen des Selbstbestimmungsgesetztes, in der neu erschaffenen Persona Marla-Svenja Liebich.

Werden Sie JETZT Abonnent unserer Digitalzeitung Weltwoche Deutschland. Nur EUR 5.- im ersten Monat. https://weltwoche.de/abonnemente/Aktuelle Ausgabe von Weltwoche Deutschland: https://weltwoche.de/aktuelle-ausgabe/KOSTENLOS:Täglicher Newsletter https://weltwoche.de/newsletter/App Weltwoche Deutschland http://tosto.re/weltwochedeutschlandDie Weltwoche: Das ist die andere Sicht! Unabhängig, kritisch, gut gelaunt.«Russland gewinnt diesen Krieg»: Uno-Spitzendiplomat Michael Schulenburg über das Trump-Putin-TreffenDie Weltwoche auf Social Media:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weltwoche/Twitter: https://twitter.com/WeltwocheTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@weltwocheTelegram: https://t.me/Die_WeltwocheFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/welt Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Joining the episode this week is Aaron Schulenburg, Executive Director of the Society of Collision Repair Specialists, or SCRS. Aaron is a tireless advocate for collision repairers and a trusted voice on the biggest topics shaping our industry. In this episode, we dive into some of the hot-button issues in the industry right now — including Right to Repair — as well as talk about what to expect at upcoming CIC meetings, SEMA, and what SCRS has planned in the months ahead. We hope you enjoy!   This episode is sponsored by: Hunter Engineering Considering getting into the ADAS calibrations business? Then consider visiting Hunter Engineering's centralized ADAS Information Hub learning resource and take advantage of a large library of easy-to-digest videos, insightful articles, interactive training modules, educational tools and much more, covering all aspects of the business of calibration. The ADAS calibrations market is large and getting larger.  When you're ready to get going, your road to ADAS success begins at https://www.hunter.com/media-center/adas-hub/?utm_source=autobody_news&utm_medium=podcast1068&utm_campaign=adas.

Der Schauspieler Dieter Hallervorden hat gemeinsam mit dem früheren Koordinator im Bundeskanzleramt, Albrecht Müller, dem langjährigen UN-Diplomaten Michael von der Schulenburg sowie weiteren Künstlern, Journalisten und Politikern Strafanzeige beim Generalbundesanwalt gegen Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz eingereicht. Der Vorwurf lautet unter Verweis auf § 80a StGB, der Kanzler hätte mit seiner Aussage, Israel würde mit seinem völkerrechtswidrigen Angriff gegen denWeiterlesen

Facial recognition has become common for personal mobile devices, relying on our unique biological features for security and access control. However, the technology is still somewhat controversial in the broader business world. Terry Schulenburg with CyberLink, makers of FaceMe, will help us understand the technology, how the controversy is mainly manufactured by film/TV, and the opportunity for solution providers. What industries are embracing it? What is the liability for those who sell it?    Learn More about FaceMe during Terry's appearance on ISVs on Tap!   Around the Nation: Register for TSC's RFID Encoding Webinar   #VARValue - How does facial recognition technology fit alongside the solutions VARs are already selling? When should they engage the CyberLink team, and how will they help you win opportunities?   On Our Radar Terry - AI in Hollywood Dean - Bluetooth security issues John - Who is your doctor taking money from?   Keep in Touch! Email – nation@bluestarinc.com LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/company/blue-star Subscribe to the BlueStar Nation Newsletter - https://nation.bluestarinc.com/#subscribe    Sponsored by: Elo Outdoor Kiosk Solutions

Robert Meier präsentiert ausgewählte Beiträge aus „Kontrafunk aktuell“. In dieser Woche sprachen wir mit dem ehemaligen Uno-Spitzendiplomaten Michael von der Schulenburg über die EU-Ukraine-Strategie nach Trumps Amtsantritt, mit Journalist und Produzent Tom-Oliver Regenauer über den Einfluss der großen Tech-Konzerne und mit dem Historiker Dr. Jörg Friedrich über die Dresdner Bombennächte vor achtzig Jahren. Außerdem zu Gast waren der NZZ-Redakteur Malte Fischer, Rechtsanwalt Dirk Schmitz, Neuropsychologe Prof. Wolfgang Meins, der Geologe Steffen Loos, der Geschäftsführer des „Freilich“-Magazins, Heinrich Sickl, der Kommunikationswissenschaftler Michael Meyen und der Leiter der MCC-Medienschule in Budapest, Boris Kálnoky.

Alarmiert durch den Kurswechsel der USA unter Donald Trump, muss die Europäische Union eine neue Ukraine-Strategie finden. Der ehemalige UNO-Spitzendiplomat Michael von der Schulenburg, heute Europaabgeordneter für das BSW, berichtet, welche Möglichkeiten Brüssel hat. Auch die amerikanische Zollpolitik verunsichert die EU. Ob und wie sich das Staatenbündnis darauf vorbereitet, erläutert NZZ-Redakteur Malte Fischer. Wie umfangreich ist der Einfluss der großen Tech-Konzerne auf unseren Alltag heute? Journalist und Produzent Tom-Oliver Regenauer erklärt den aktuellen Stand. Und Frank Wahlig kommentiert das Zerbröseln der deutschen Parteienlandschaft kurz vor den Bundestagswahlen.

Robert Meier präsentiert den Wochenrückblick mit ausgewählten Beiträgen aus „Kontrafunk aktuell“. In dieser Woche sprachen wir mit dem Unternehmer und Politblogger Gerald Markel über Österreichs Angst vor dem Energiemangel, mit dem Journalisten Ramon Schack über die Wahlen in Rumänien und mit dem Rechtsanwalt René Boyke über seine Aufarbeitungs-Website www.covid-justiz.de. Außerdem zu Gast waren der Finanzanalyst Hans Kaufmann, der EU-Abgeordnete Michael von der Schulenburg, Rechtsanwalt Tobias Ulbrich, der frühere Topdiplomat Alfred Schlicht und Medienkolumnist Kurt W. Zimmermann.

Das EU-Parlament hat einen Aufruf zur Unterstützung der Ukraine verabschiedet. Michael von der Schulenburg, ehemaliger UN-Diplomat und heute EU-Abgeordneter für das Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht, ordnet die provokante Resolution ein. Bei den Präsidentschafts- und Parlamentswahlen in Rumänien hat es einen deutlichen Rechtsruck gegeben. Näheres berichtet der Journalist Ramon Schack. Rechtsanwalt Tobias Ulbrich spricht mit uns über seine Entdeckungen von besonders tödlichen Chargen des mRNA-Präparats und eine mögliche Vertuschung seitens der Behörden. Und Frank Wahlig beschäftigt sich in seinem Kommentar mit Krieg und Frieden im Wahlkampf und Schützenhilfe aus öffentlich-rechtlichen Hauptstadtstudios.

Schulenburg Press Conference 112524 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. Schulenberg Shorthorns Post-Season Interview I. Playoff Game Recap  Coach Hobbs provides a detailed account of the playoff game against Marlin, highlighting key moments and turning points that led to their 35-14 […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 111924 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. In this interview, Coach Luke Hobbs of the Schulenburg Shorthorns talks about their recent playoff victory against Three Rivers, highlighting key moments and standout player performances. He discusses the team's offensive […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 111224 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 110524 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 102924 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct […]

Interview recorded - 18th of October, 2024On this episode of the WTFinance podcast I had the pleasure of welcoming Michael von der Schulenberg. Michael has had a very interesting life, working for the United Nations and OSCE, including as UN assistant Secretary-General, in many of the world's trouble spots, such as in Haiti, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, the Balkan, Somalia, Sierra Leone and the Sahel. Michael is now a member of the European Parliament.During our conversation we spoke about the current geopolitical turmoil, rejected Ukraine peace treaty, possibility of a ceasefire, NATO expansion towards Russia, EU regulation, the UN and how it hasn't lost its relevance. I hope you enjoy!0:00 - Introduction2:31 - Current view of geopolitics4:11 - Peace treaty on the table7:37 - Ceasefire8:37 - NATO expansion influenced Russia?10:09 - Biden impact wars12:43 - BRICS pushing together14:23 - EU isolating foreign policy16:30 - EU risk of being isolated?18:27 - EU government similar to China?20:55 - EU regulation?23:30 - Perfect European Union29:50 - UN charter avoided war?34:20 - UN lost its relevance?40:35 - One message to takeaway from conversation?Michael von der Schulenburg, former UN Assistant Secretary-General, escaped East Germany in 1969, studied in Berlin, London and Paris and worked for over 34 years for the United Nations, and shortly the OSCE, in many countries in war or internal armed conflicts often involving fragile governments and armed non-state actors.These included long-term assignments in Haiti, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Sierra Leone and shorter assignments in Syria, the Balkan, Somalia, the Balkan, the Sahel, and Central Asia.In 2017, he published the book On Building Peace – rescuing the Nation-State and saving the United Nations, AUP.Michael von der Schulenberg -Website - https://michael-von-der-schulenburg.com/WTFinance -Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/wtfinancee/Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/67rpmjG92PNBW0doLyPvfniTunes - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/wtfinance/id1554934665?uo=4Twitter - https://twitter.com/AnthonyFatseas

Schulenburg, Jonathan www.deutschlandfunk.de, @mediasres

Schulenburg Press Conference 102224 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 101524 brought to you by and Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 100824 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 100124 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 092424 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 091724 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 091024 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

European irrationality in Ukraine - Michael von der Schulenburg, Alexander Mercouris & Glenn Diesen

Schulenburg Press Conference 090324 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

Schulenburg Press Conference 082724 brought to you by Chris Doelle sits down to discuss the Schulenburg Shorthorns with their head coach, Luke Hobbs. SPONSORSHIP: If you'd like to find out how to sponsor an upcoming episode, contact us and we get you out there!      Call the fan feedback line 713-568-6361 and let us hear what you have to say! Direct download […]

In dieser Woche sprachen wir mit Hans-Georg Maaßen über das „Compact“-Verbot, mit Philippe Debionne über die ungeschwärzten RKI-Files und mit Dietrich Murswiek über die geplante Änderung des Grundgesetzes hinsichtlich der „festeren Verankerung“ des Bundesverfassungsgerichtes. Außerdem zu Gast waren Michael von der Schulenburg, Christian Klar, Susanne Heger, Volker Birk, Hans Ludwig Neuhoff, Alexander Peske und Bernd Duschner.

In dieser Ausgabe sprechen wir mit dem ehemaligen Uno-Diplomaten Michael von der Schulenburg, jetzt BSW-Abgeordneter im EU-Parlament, über Chancen zur Lösung des Ukraine-Kriegs. Um die aktuellen Kämpfe junger Migranten auf den Straßen Wiens geht es im Gespräch mit Christian Klar, Direktor der Mittelschule Franz-Jonas-Europaschule. Außerdem schauen wir nach Italien: Der Kunsthistoriker Eike Schmidt war Museumsdirektor der Uffizien in Florenz und fordert eine bessere Steuerung des Massentourismus in dem Land. Und in einem Kommentar von Daniel Matissek geht es um die jüngsten Rufe nach erneuten Corona-Maßnahmen.

Diese Woche legen wir den Fokus größtenteils auf die Äußerungen zur EU-Wahl. Zu Wort kommen unter anderem Alice Weidel, Beatrix von Storch, Christine Anderson, Peter Hahne, Hans-Georg Maaßen, Gerald Markel, Werner Patzelt und Michael von der Schulenburg. Außerdem sprechen wir mit Paolo Bavastro über Organspende in Deutschland, mit Margret Diwell über die Personalsituation des Verfassungsgerichtshofs in Berlin und mit Werner Salzmann über die Verteidigungsausgaben der Schweiz.

Ein ungewöhnliches Stück Radiogeschichte: "Radio Las Vegas" war eine performative Sendereihe der Künstlerin Mariola Brillowska und des Musikers Günter Reznicek aka Nova Huta, die in den Jahren 1998-2000 auf der Frequenz des unabhängigen Stadtradios "Freies Sender Kombinat" in Hamburg ausgestrahlt wurde. // Mit Mariola Brillowska, Günter Reznicek, Gloria Brillowska, Jürgen Hall, Jan Holtmann, Günter Kordas, Felix Kubin, Jan Möller, Cecile Noldus, Jacques Palminger, Michael Röhrenbach, Anka Lea Sarstedt, Luca Scardovelli, Simone Scardovelli, Richard von der Schulenburg, Gert Stein, Gavin Weiss / Komposition: Günter Reznicek / Realisation: Mariola Brillowska, Günter Reznicek / BR 2015

As Jacqueline Medina leaves for work, she wakes her daughter. She has plans tat day too.  Her cheerleading squad is meeting at Edna High School for practice, ahead of the Christmas parade planned for the afternoon.  Jacqueline Medina arrives at the parade, excited to see her daughter perform, but Lizbeth is not with the rest of the cheerleaders in the parade. Friends confirm they hadn't seen Lizbeth in the parade either.  In fact,  no-one had heard from Lizbeth  Worried, Jacqueline starts calling her daughter's cell phone. The calls go straight to voicemail.  Jacqueline Medina heads home, to the apartment the two of them share.  When Medina get home, the door is unlocked. Inside.. nothing seems out of place. When Jacqueline goes in the bathroom,  she pulls back the shower curtain, finding Lizbeth Medina, unconscious. The search for a suspect begins.  The day after Lizbeth Medina's murder, Edna police release surveillance photos of a person and a vehicle of interest. The bearded male in the photo is wearing a black Volcom hooded sweatshirt and he is seen driving a silver Ford Taurus.  Two days after the murder of Lizbeth Medina, Edna Police announced an arrest.  The suspect is a 23 year old  "undocumented" migrant, thought to have been living in the USA for the last 5 years. His name is Rafael Govea Romero. He was captured about 75 miles north of Edna in Schulenburg, Texas, where he reportedly has family.   Romero is jailed on suspicion of capital murder. KPRC reports his bond is set at $2 million.   Edna Police Chief Rick Boone says items missing from Lizbeth Medina's apartment were found in Romero's possession.   Police say Romero confessed to the murder.     Joining Nancy Grace Today: Nicole Deborde Hochglaube - Criminal Defense Lawyer (Houston TX), Former Prosecutor, Twitter: @debordelaw, HoustonCriminalDefense.com Caryn L. Stark -  Psychologist, renowned TV and Radio trauma expert and consultant, www.carynstark.com, Instagram: carynpsych, FB: Caryn Stark Private Practice   Chris McDonough - Director At the Cold Case Foundation, Former Homicide Detective, Host of YouTube channel- ‘The Interview Room', ColdCaseFoundation.org  Dr. Todd M. Barr - Board-Certified Anatomic/Clinical/Forensic Pathologist, Featured in "Thin Places: Essays From In Between" by Jordan Kisner Elaine Aradillas -  Senior Crime Reporter at the Messenger, Twitter: @elaineja, Instagram: @the_elaineja, themessenger.com  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dieser Artikel basiert auf einer Rede, gehalten auf der Kundgebung „Nie wieder Krieg – die Waffen nieder“ vor dem Brandenburger Tor am 25. November 2023. Von Michael von der Schulenburg. Dieser Beitrag ist auch als Audio-Podcast verfügbar. Wir leben in einer Welt, die zunehmend in den Würgegriff von Gewalt und Kriegen geratenWeiterlesen

In “Czech Out Texas Kolaches,” Gravy producer Evan Stern invites listeners to join him on a return trip to his native Texas to explore the history, origins, and evolutions of kolaches through the voices of bakers of varying backgrounds and perspectives. This episode complements the oral history project Stern created for SFA, The Keepers of Kolaches: The Evolutions of Texas-Czech Baking. Few pastries are more intertwined with the fabric of Central Texas than kolaches. With roots in the Czech Nation and owed to 19th Century Moravian immigrants, these soft, pillowy confections of yeasty dough with open centers of fruit, poppyseed or sweet cheese fillings have long provided humble links to the old country in small Texas towns like Halletsville, La Grange, West, and Schulenburg. Yet kolaches have also weathered many transformations under the Lone Star flag and have developed an identity that continues to change—and is, at times, challenging to define. Historian and blogger Dawn Orsak explains how meat filled “klobasnikys” emerged and eventually came to become interchangeable with kolaches in the eyes of the broader public. She argues that Texas-Czech baking should be afforded the same respect as its European ancestors. “Fifty or sixty years after people started immigrating to Texas, what does traditional mean?” she asks. Acclaimed ninety-year-old baker Lydia Mae Faust also speaks to these traditions. She grew up preparing kolaches on her family farm with hand churned cottage cheese, and continues to share and teach her recipes to ensure their preservation. Meanwhile, there's Laos-born, Houston-based Vatsana Souvannavong. The owner of the bakery Koala Kolache, she's on a mission to make kolaches nationally known, and has found in them a vessel for flavors as bulgogi and kimchi, chicken marsala, and Thai chicken and basil. While these bakers' cultural backgrounds vary, their stories ultimately reveal kolaches as emblematic of a changing, increasingly diverse Texas, South, and nation. The group is united in their enthusiasm and hopes for this doughy indulgence's continuity. Acknowledgments Thanks to Vatsana Souvannavong, Dawn Orsak, Lydia Mae Faust, Denise Mazal, and Jerry Haisler For Lydia Faust's kolache recipe, click here. Gravy is proud to be a part of APT Podcast Studios Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

You've probably heard about "Right to Repair" in industry news of late, and you may or may not have dug into this battle waging in the background of the collision repair industry. Today, we'll speak with two of the foremost experts on the topic to update us where we are today and how the conversations surrounding "right to repair" will continue to shape our industry. Aaron Shulenburg is the Executive Director for the Society of Collision Repair Specialists (SCRS) and Wayne Weikel is the Vice President of State Government Affairs at Alliance For Automotive Innovation. In today's conversation, Aaron, Wayne and host Cole Strandberg will dive into all the latest in the Right to Repair conversation and how it impacts you. Enjoy the show!

Another episode that takes us down the rabbit hole of learning more about the collision repair industry as a whole. What it takes to be come a legitimate collision repair facility. Yes, most of us are performing paintless dent repair and not replacing and repainting parts, but we are a part of the collision repair industry. SCRS has helped make some major changes in the collision repair industry and there's a way that we can be involved as well! They also have a group health insurance plan and retirement program. check it out https://dentprosacramento.com/ https://www.dentprousa.com/