Podcasts about soviet state

Maria Kossecka - newly appointed Deputy Head of Mission in a former Soviet State - arrives in the country on the eve of a contentious presidential election that seems likely to install a pro-Western candidate. However, after spending an evening where she and her new boss, Ambassador James Reid, entertain this new man of the hour, Maria wakes to find he has been killed - his plane brought down in what looks like a targeted attack. As the British are unexpectedly tasked with overseeing the investigation into the crash by the incumbent president, Maria is forced to manage a complicated tangle of evidence, conspiracy, and competing interests inside and outside the country. Will she manage to find out the truth before civil unrest in the country threatens to escalate out of control? And what will this mean for British interests in the region?Written by Chris Brandon and Davy Banks, Discretion is a reminder of the necessity of diplomacy on a global stage. The Executive Producer is Jed Mercurio.Starring Sinead Keenan and Kevin McNally.Discretion is a Hat Trick Production for BBC Radio 4.

In this episode we sit down with Mārtiņš Martinson, pastor at Pārdaugava Reformed Church in Riga, Latvia. We spoke to Mārtiņš about his story of coming to know Jesus in Soviet country, and how he now seeks to hold out the Gospel to those around him in Riga.  More details on Mārtiņš's work can be found here. The Bible Matters Podcast is funded entirely by the generous donations of its listeners. If you would like to become a financial partner with us on this journey, you can give to the project here.   The music for today's episode was written and produced by Leo Elbourne and Josh Stidwill. Listen to more of Josh's work here.      To contact us, email office@biblematters.org    

Guest: Sara Brinegar on her book The Power and Politics of Oil in the Soviet South Caucasus: Periphery Unbound, 1920-29 published by Bloomsbury. The post Baku Oil and the Soviet State appeared first on The Eurasian Knot.

GUEST OVERVIEW: Julie Behling, author of Beneath Sheep's Clothing: The Communist Takeover of Culture in the USSR and Parallels in Today's America and the writer/director of Beneath Sheep's Clothing: The Documentary, was a missionary in Russia in the late 90's. Julie attended graduate school at Florida State University from 2000-2004 pursuing a dual master's degree in Russian Languages & Literature (Slavic) and Russian & East European Studies. She taught beginning and intermediate Russian for three of those years and wrote her master's thesis on underground Christian movements in the Soviet Union, their survival tactics, and the tactics of the Soviet State to stamp them out. Since completing graduate school, Julie has worked as a reflexologist and holistic healer, health preparedness blogger, vlogger, and podcaster, health freedom advocate, Young Living Essential Oils Brand Partner, and homeschool mom.

Author and Director, Julie Behling, joins the program to discuss the history of death and genocide in the wake of communism. She shares how various groups of people were persecuted, especially Christians, during the Russian revolution and during Soviet Russia's communist reign of terror. Behling has been studying the dark side of communism for decades and her work has been made into a book and a new documentary film, "Beneath Sheeps Clothing". You can see the trailer and purchase the book at https://www.beneathsheepsclothing.movie/ Links mentioned in the show: Learn more how you can convert your IRA or buy precious metals by emailing info@MilesFranklin.com - tell them ‘Sarah sent me” and get the best service and prices in the country. Help fight human trafficking while boosting your kids immune system with Z-stack Kids – learn more at https://zstacklife.com/products/z-stack-kids?ref=Sarah&variant=41579270897830 Help rebuild America and your independence - learn more at https://FreedomBuyingClub.com Consider subscribing: Follow on Twitter @Sarah_Westall Follow on my Substack at SarahWestall.Substack.com See Important Proven Solutions to Keep Your from getting sick even if you had the mRNA Shot - Dr. Nieusma MUSIC CREDITS: “In Epic World” by Valentina Gribanova, licensed for broad internet media use, including video and audio       See on Bastyon | Bitchute | Odysee | Rumble | Youtube | Freedom.Social     Biography Julie Behling Julie Behling is the author of Beneath Sheep's Clothing: The Communist Takeover of Culture in the USSR and Parallels in Today's America and the writer/director of Beneath Sheep's Clothing: The Documentary. Behling was also a missionary in Russia in the late 90's. Julie attended graduate school at Florida State University from 2000-2004 pursuing a dual master's degree in Russian Languages & Literature (Slavic) and Russian & East European Studies.  She taught beginning and intermediate Russian for three of those years and wrote her master's thesis on underground Christian movements in the Soviet Union, their survival tactics, and the tactics of the Soviet State to stamp them out. Since completing graduate school, Julie has worked as a reflexologist and holistic healer, health preparedness blogger, vlogger, and podcaster, health freedom advocate, Young Living Essential Oils Brand Partner, and homeschool mom. FIND HER WEBSITE HERE: FIND HER ON TWITTER HERE: FIND HER ON FACEBOOK HERE: FIND HER ON INSTAGRAM HERE:  

Julie was a missionary in Russia in the late 90's and attended graduate school at Florida State University from 2000-2004 receiving a dual master's degree in Russian Languages & Literature (Slavic) and Russian & East European Studies. She wrote her master's thesis on underground Christian movements in the Soviet Union, their survival tactics, and the tactics of the Soviet State to stamp them out. Julie published her book "Beneath Sheep's Clothing - The Communist Takeover of Culture in the USSR & Parallels in Today's America" in 2022, and today she is working on “Beneath Sheep's Clothing”, the documentary. Her goal is to help Christians and everyday Americans, including parents, understand the ways in which key institutions in America - such as education, the churches, entertainment and media, and the family - have been compromised by communist-friendly ideologies, so that together we can work to save freedom in America!TO WATCH ALL FLYOVER CONTENT: www.theflyoverapp.comTO WATCH ALL FULL INTERVIEWS -https://subsplash.com/flyoverconservatives/media/ms/+g6yhgjx Julie BehlingMOVIE: www.beneathsheepsclothing.movieSPONSORS FOR TODAY'S VIDEO► ReAwaken America- text the word EVENTS to 40509(Message and data rates may apply. Terms/privacy: 40509-info.com)► Kirk Elliott PHD - http://FlyoverGold.com ► My Pillow - https://MyPillow.com/Flyover► Z-Stack - https://flyoverhealth.com ► Dr. Jason Dean (BraveTV) - https://parakiller.com ► Patriot Mobile - www.patriotmobile.com/flyoverWant to help spread the Wake Up • Speak Up • Show Up -https://shop.flyoverconservatives.com/-------------------------------------------Follow our Social Media so we can be best friends

Photo: No known restrictions on publication. @Batchelorshow #Uzbekistan:  The shadow of Soviet State Security. Gregory Copley, Defense & Foreign Affairs https://thediplomat.com/2023/05/a-closer-look-at-the-growing-chinese-presence-in-uzbekistan/

In the winter of 1917, Lenin in the Bolsheviks set out on a bold project: the construction of the world's first socialist society.  Although much ink had been spilled on this topic over the previous century, the reality was that much work had to be done to transform these vague ideals and aspirations into lived reality.  In this episode, we examine the first steps taken by the new Soviet State in implementing Communism, highlighting in particular Lenin and the Bolsheviks' use of violence as a tool to achieve social harmony.  We also try to understand what life in the USSR was like in the early 1920s for ordinary people, answering why they found such a violent and dictatorial regime appealing.  Along the way we'll discuss things like the Checka, the New Economic Policy (NEP), Soviet policy towards farmers, the rise of the Red Army, and experimentation in the arts.

Episode 112:This week we're continuing Russia in Revolution An Empire in Crisis 1890 - 1928 by S. A. Smith[Part 1]Introduction[Part 2-5]1. Roots of Revolution, 1880s–1905[Part 6-8]2. From Reform to War, 1906-1917[Part 9-12]3. From February to October 1917[Part 13 - 17]4. Civil War and Bolshevik Power[Part 18 - 22]5. War Communism[Part 23]6. The New Economic Policy: Politics and the EconomyNew Economic Policy and Agriculture[Part 24 - This Week]6. The New Economic Policy: Politics and the EconomyNew Economic Policy and Industry - 0:31New Economic Policy and Labour - 15:14[Part 25 - 26?]6. The New Economic Policy: Politics and the Economy[Part 27 - 30?]7. The New Economic Policy: Society and Culture[Part 31?]ConclusionFootnotes:22) 3:30R. W. Davies, ‘Introduction', in Davies (ed.), From Tsarism, 13.23) 4:09Davies, ‘Introduction', in Davies (ed.), From Tsarism, 5.24) 4:45M. M. Gorinov, ‘Sovetskaia istoriia 1920–30-kh godov: ot mifov k real'nosti', in Istoricheskie issledovaniia v Rossii: Tendentsii poslednikh let (Moscow: AIRO-XX, 1996).25) 5:09Mark Harrison, ‘National Income', in and Davies et al. (eds), Economic Transformation, 38–56, 42.26) 7:43Lewis Siegelbaum, Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918–29 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 110.27) 9:45Cited in Steve Smith, ‘Taylorism Rules OK? Bolshevism, Taylorism and the Technical Intelligentsia: The Soviet Union, 1917–41', Radical Science Journal, 13 (1983), 3–27; Mark R. Beissinger, Scientific Management, Socialist Discipline and Soviet Power (London: I. B. Tauris, 1988).28) 11:34Diane P. Koenker, ‘Factory Tales: Narratives of Industrial Relations in the Transition to NEP', Russian Review, 55:3 (1996), 384–411 (386).29) 12:16Golos naroda, 214.30) 13:07Olga Velikanova, Popular Perceptions of Soviet Politics in the 1920s (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2013), 13.31) 13:59Chris Ward, Russia's Cotton Workers and the New Economic Policy: Shop-Floor Culture and State Policy, 1921–29 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).32) 14:50Davies (ed.), From Tsarism, 186.33) 15:11Siegelbaum, Soviet State, 204.34) 15:47L. S. Gaponenko, Vedushchaia rol' rabochego klassa v rekonstruktsii promyshlennosti SSSR (Moscow: Akademiia obshchestvennykh nauk, 1973), 88.35) 16:00J. D. Barber and R. W. Davies, ‘Employment and Industrial Labour', in Davies et al. (eds), Economic Transformation, 81–105 (84).36) 16:16Daniel Orlovsky, ‘The Hidden Class: White-Collar Workers in the Soviet 1920s', in Lewis H. Siegelbaum and Ronald G. Suny (eds), Making Workers Soviet: Power, Class and Identity (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 220–52 (228).37) 16:49Shkaratan, Problemy, 269.38) 17:53Siegelbaum, Soviet State, 136.39) 18:29Wendy Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 12.40) 20:19Barber and Davies, ‘Employment', in Davies et al. (eds), Economic Transformation, 84.41) 20:38Siegelbaum, Soviet State, 205.42) 21:56Diane P. Koenker, ‘Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace', American Historical Review, 100:5 (1995), 1438–64 (1458).43) 22:44Rebecca Spagnolo, ‘Serving the Household, Asserting the Self: Urban Domestic Servant Activism, 1900–1917', in Christine D. Worobec (ed.), The Human Tradition in Imperial Russia (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009), 141–54 (143).44) 23:33Rebecca Spagnolo, ‘Service, Space and the Urban Domestic in 1920s Russia', in Christina Kiaer and Eric Naiman (eds), Everyday Life in Early Soviet Russia: Taking the Revolution Inside (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 230–55.45) 24:29Liutov, Obrechennaia reforma, 106.46) 24:51Siegelbaum, Soviet State, 203.47) 26:10Andrew Pospielovsky, ‘Strikes during the NEP', Revolutionary Russia, 10:1 (1997), 1–34 (16).48) 26:49Kir'ianov, Rosenberg, and Sakharov (eds), Trudovye konflikty, 23.49) 28:03Liutov, Obrechennaia reforma, 124.50) 30:02A. Iu. Livshin, Obshchestvennye nastroeniia v Sovetskoi Rossii, 1917–1929gg. (Moscow: Universitetskii gumanitarnyi litsei, 2004); L. N. Liutov, ‘Nastroeniia rabochikh provintsii v gody nepa', Rossiiskaia istoriia, 4 (2007), 65–74.51) 30:55Vladimir Brovkin, Russia after Lenin: Politics, Culture and Society (London: Routledge, 1998), 186.52) 31:26Gimpel'son, Formirovanie, 168.53) 32:24Liutov, Obrechennaia reforma, 133.

Donald, Christian, and Connor return to the subject of Stalin and Stalinism. Picking up from the Great Purge, the episode covers the Second World War through the death of Stalin, or the High Stalinist period. Among other things they take up the questions of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the Gulag system, and the rise of technocracy in the postwar years. The episode ends by exploring the lessons to be learned from studying Stalin and Soviet history, and what a lot of the Left gets wrong in their orientation toward the past. References: M. J. Carley - 1939: The Alliance That Never Was and the Coming of World War II S. Davies, J. Harris - Stalin's World: Dictating the Soviet Order M. Djilas - Conversations with Stalin J. E. Duskin - Stalinist Reconstruction and the Confirmation of the New Elite, 1945-1953 D. Filtzer - Soviet Workers and Late Stalinism: Labor and the Restoration of the Stalinist System after World War II B. Kagarlitsky - The Thinking Reed: Intellectuals and the Soviet State from 1917 to the Present N. Khrushchev - Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev: Volume 2 M. P. Leffler- A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War M. Lewin - The Soviet Century N. Naimark - Stalin and the Fate of Europe: The Postwar Struggle for Sovereignty R. C. Raack - Stalin's Drive to the West: 1938-1945 The Origins of the Cold War G. Roberts - Stalin's Wars: From World War to Cold 1939-1953 A. Weiner - Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution

Yuri Maltsev of Mises says Gorbachev inadvertently brought the Soviet Union down by taking the fear out of socialism. Gorbachev did not reform socialism. Millions died under Stalin. The Soviet Union should be a stern warning against socialism. People should look to Austrian economics not Marx for answers.

In 1993, the world watched as two bitter rivals shook hands on the South Lawn of the White House, presenting the best hope for peace in the Middle East seen in centuries of bloodshed. Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chair Yasser Arafat's signing of the Oslo Accords—and the handshake that followed, cajoled by U.S. President Bill Clinton—comprised an iconic snapshot in history. In the moment, the world was awash in optimism, and Jewish Americans in particular were riveted by what was happening in the Middle East. But in Eastern Europe, Jewish people living in former Soviet states faced a growing threat of persecution, and the problems went largely unreported. And Operation Exodus, an effort by the United Jewish Appeal to repatriate one million Jewish refugees from failing states like Uzbekistan to Israel, would need a brilliant publicity campaign to motivate donors to support its ambitious goals. So the UJA hired Dick Grove, the founder of Ink PR, for the job. And, together with a handpicked team of PR professionals and documentarians, he traveled into the Lion's Den itself, documenting destitution firsthand in a failed Soviet State and building a massive fundraising publicity campaign for UJA. In this episode, he's joined by Operation Exodus director Ron Friedman to rehash the tale of this extraordinary undertaking. Visit our website for pictures from Dick's trip to Uzbekistan. While you're here, Sign up for the Podcamp Media e-newsletter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The world of the Soviet peasantry was complex and seemingly contradictory, and did not easily fall into the class stratification that the new Soviet regime believed could define all social categories. The lower to middle peasants, the Serednyaks, who would both work for others and sometimes hire labour themselves presented the regime with a conundrum - were they workers or were they exploiters? The outcome of these questions would determine how this group would be treated by the regime, a fact that would have dire consequences during the era of collectivisation. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory.

Episode 99:This week we're continuing Russia in Revolution An Empire in Crisis 1890 - 1928 by S. A. Smith[Part 1]Introduction[Part 2-5]1. Roots of Revolution, 1880s–1905[Part 6-8]2. From Reform to War, 1906-1917[Part 9-10]3. From February to October 1917Dual PowerLenin and the BolsheviksThe Aspirations of Soldiers and WorkersThe Provisional Government in Crisis[Part 11 - This Week]Revolution in the Village - 0:25The Nationalist Challenge - 10:43Class, Nation and Gender - 26:04[Part 12]3. From February to October 1917[Part 13 - 16?]4. Civil War and Bolshevik Power[Part 17 - 19?]5. War Communism[Part 20 - 22?]6. The New Economic Policy: Politics and the Economy[Part 23 - 26?]7. The New Economic Policy: Society and Culture[Part 27?]ConclusionFootnotes:55) 0:32Orlando Figes, Peasant Russia, Civil War: The Volga Countryside in Revolution, 1917–1921 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989); John Channon, ‘The Peasantry in the Revolutions of 1917', in E. R. Frankel et al. (eds), Revolution in Russia: Reassessments of 1917 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 105–30.56) 2:41Graeme J. Gill, Peasants and Government in the Russian Revolution (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1979), 46–63, 75–88.57) 3:29J. L. H. Keep, The Russian Revolution: A Study in Mass Mobilization (New York: Norton, 1976), 179.58) 5:35Keep, Russian Revolution, 160.59) 7:52Channon, ‘The Landowners', in Service (ed.), Society and Politics in the Russian Revolution, 120–46.60) 8:47Aaron B. Retish, Russia's Peasants in Revolution and Civil War: Citizenship, Identity, and the Creation of the Soviet State, 1914–1922 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); John Channon, ‘The Bolsheviks and the Peasantry: The Land Question during the First Eight Months of Soviet Rule', Slavonic and East European Review, 66:4 (1988), 593–624.61) 10:20V. V. Kabanov, Krest'ianskaia obshchina i kooperatsiia Rossii XX veka (Moscow: RAN, 1997), 81.62) 10:59Ronald G. Suny, ‘Nationalism and Class in the Russian Revolution: A Comparative Discussion', in Frankel et al. (eds), Revolution in Russia, 219–46; Ronald G. Suny, The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution and the Collapse of the Soviet Union (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993), ch. 2.63) 11:21Mark von Hagen, ‘The Great War and the Mobilization of Ethnicity in the Russian Empire', in B. R. Rubin and Jack Snyder (eds), Post-Soviet Political Order: Conflict and State Building (London: Routledge, 1998), 34–57.64) 12:58John Reshetar, The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917–1920 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1952); Bohdan Krawchenko, Social Change and National Consciousness in Twentieth-Century Ukraine (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), ch. 1.65) 15:35Steven L. Guthier, ‘The Popular Base of Ukrainian Nationalism in 1917', Slavic Review, 38:1 (1979).66) 16:11David G. Kirby, Finland in the Twentieth Century (London: Hurst, 1979), 46; Anthony F. Upton, The Finnish Revolution, 1917–1918 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), ch. 6.67) 22:57Ronald G. Suny, The Making of the Georgian Nation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), ch. 9.68) 24:06Tadeusz Świętochowski, Russian Azerbaijan, 1905–1920: The Shaping of National Identity in a Muslim Community (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), ch. 4.69) 29:23Boris I. Kolonitskii, ‘Antibourgeois Propaganda and Anti-“Burzhui” Consciousness in 1917', Russian Review, 53 (1994), 183–96 (187–8).70) 29:44Donald J. Raleigh, Revolution on the Volga: 1917 in Saratov (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986).71) 30:20T. A. Abrosimova, ‘Sotsialisticheskaia ideeia v massovom soznanii 1917g.', in Anatomiia revoliutsii. 1917 god v Rossii: massy, partii, vlast' (St Petersburg: Glagol', 1994), 176–87 (177).72) 30:46Steinberg, Voices, 17.73) 31:22Michael C. Hickey, ‘The Rise and Fall of Smolensk's Moderate Socialists: The Politics of Class and the Rhetoric of Crisis in 1917', in Donald J. Raleigh (ed.), Provincial Landscapes: Local Dimensions of Soviet Power, 1917–53 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001), 14–35.74) 32:57Kolonitskii, ‘Antibourgeois Propaganda', 190, 191.75) 32:49Kolonitskii, ‘Antibourgeois Propaganda', 189.76) 33:00Figes and Kolonitskii, Interpreting, 154.77) 34:00A. Ia. Livshin and I. B. Orlov, ‘Revolutsiia i spravedlivost': posleoktiabr'skie “pis'ma vo vlast' ”, in 1917 god v sud'bakh Rossii i mira: Oktiabr'skaia revoliutsiia (Moscow: RAN, 1998), 254, 255, 259.78) 34:12Howard White, ‘The Urban Middle Classes', in Service (ed.), Society and Politics in the Russian Revolution, 64–85.79) 34:35Bor'ba za massy v trekh revoliutsiiakh v Rossii: proletariat i srednie gorodskie sloi (Moscow: Mysl', 1981), 19.80) 35:18O. N. Znamenskii, Intelligentsiia nakanune velikogo oktiabria (fevral'-oktiabr' 1917g.) (Leningrad: Nauka, 1988), 8–9.81) 35:53Bor'ba za massy, 169.82) 36:45Michael C. Hickey, Competing Voices from the Russian Revolution (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011), 387.83) 38:05Michael Hickey, ‘Discourses of Public Identity and Liberalism in the February Revolution: Smolensk, Spring 1917', Russian Review, 55:4 (1996), 615–37 (620); V. V. Kanishchev, ‘ “Melkoburzhuaznaia kontrrevoliutsiia”: soprotivlenie gorodskikh srednikh sloev stanovleniiu “diktatury proletariata” (oktiab'r 1917–avgust 1918g.)', in 1917 god v sud'bakh Rossii i mira, 174–87.84) 39:14Stockdale, Paul Miliukov, 258.85) 40:53Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie v avguste 1917g. (razgrom Kornilovskogo miatezha) (Moscow: Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1959), 407.86) 41:58V. F. Shishkin, Velikii oktiabr' i proletarskii moral' (Moscow: Mysl', 1976), 57.87) 42:18Steinberg, Voices, 113.88) 44:32O. Ryvkin, ‘ “Detskie gody” Komsomola', Molodaia gvardiia, 7–8 (1923), 239–53 (244); Krupskaya, ‘Reminiscences of Lenin'.89) 45:58Ruthchild, Equality and Revolution, 227.90) 46:36Engel, Women in Russiā, 135; Ruthchild, Equality, 231.91) 47:49Jane McDermid and Anna Hillyard, Women and Work in Russia, 1880–1930 (Harlow: Longman, 1998), 167.92) 48:31Engel, Women in Russia, 141.93) 49:01Sarah Badcock, ‘Women, Protest, and Revolution: Soldiers' Wives in Russia during 1917', International Review of Social History, 49 (2004), 47–70.94) 49:19Steinberg, Voices, 98.95) 50:03D. P. Koenker and W. G. Rosenberg, Strikes and Revolution in Russia, 1917 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 314.96) 50:21Smith, Red Petrograd, 193.97) 51:37Z. Lilina, Soldaty tyla: zhenskii trud vo vremia i posle voiny (Perm': Izd-vo Petrogradskogo Soveta, 1918), 8.98) 51:59L. G. Protasov, Vserossiiskoe uchreditel'noe sobranie: istoriia rozhdeniia i gibeli (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1997), 233.99) 52:31Beate Fieseler, ‘The Making of Russian Female Social Democrats, 1890–1917', International Review of Social History, 34 (1989), 193–226.

In the decade after the October Revolution the relations between the Soviet government and the peasantry declined as Stalin, Lenin and Trotsky all percieved that a new 'capitalist' peasantry was emerging in the guise of the Kulak class. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory.

From 1917 to 1922, the Cheka terrorized the Russian people into dedicating their lives to the Soviet State. Old institutions were destroyed, people were targeted on the basis of their socio-economic status, and farmers were forced into collectives. Those who disobeyed were likely shot, the most unfortunate were subjected to sadistic torture not seen since the time of Ivan the Terrible.  Under the leadership of Vladimir Ilych Lenin, the Bolsheviks seemed at first to bring real, much needed change to Russia. But it didn't take long for Lenin's true intentions to become clear: a dictatorship of the proletariat with himself at the helm.  Lenin was a man with many similarities to those he later deemed political enemies. He was unwavering in his faith in Marxism, but tweaked Marx' original writings into Leninism both in theory and in practice because, when it came to governing, Leninism was only achievable through the Red Terror unleashed by the Cheka. Sources: The Russian Secret Police. Ronald Hingley. 1970. Stalin: Paradoxes of Power. Stephen Kotkin. 2014. The Russian Civil War. Evan Mawdsley. 2005. The Life of Lenin. Louis Fischer. 1964. Vladimir Lenin: The Founder of the Soviet Union. Biographics. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wSWT8oPb1mM Holidays in Russia https://russiatrek.org/about-russian-holidays Felix Dzerzhinsky https://alphahistory.com/russianrevolution/felix-dzerzhinsky/ Princess Stories: The Secret of Anastasia https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2e7t_jUt8sY&list=PLVtoTh3hF-hwvWhPtFZp9XVByI0uRvvLI&index=2 Thanks to @regina_imperatrix for the Anastasia film Music: Scorching Action by Jon Presstone Tension in the Dark by Jon Presstone Gnosienne by Eric Satie performed by Neil Cross and Raighes Factory Mystery Warrior by LIVINGFORCE Cinematic Ambient Orchestral Drama Trailer by MEDIA MUSIC GROUP Final Speech by Humans Win (formerly Lance Conrad) Big Epic Drums by Psystein Ammil by The Tides https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nlHZd94pdhQ

The Hamilton Today Podcast with Scott Thompson Awnish Srivastava of Unique Restaurant Group joins us to talk about the new spot opening in Hamilton. Let's head on down to the track and find out what is happening at the Flamboro Speedway! Two cases of monkeypox have been confirmed in Canada and there are other suspected cases. What is the political fallout of the decision to ban Huawei's 5G tech from Canada's infrastructure? Anger over inflation makes sense, but what can the Bank of Canada do about it? What does Renault's parting deal with the Russian government indicate about the cultural shift in the increasingly isolated superpower nation? Will COVID-19 impact the Provincial election, did the debates matter much, are public appearances needed for the final stretch of the journey to the polls or… do the candidates just need a couple of good ads? What can we expect from China in the coming days, now that Huawei and ZTE have been banned? We send you off into the long weekend with a look at what to be mindful of on the roads, and how to have a good – and responsible – time! Guests: Awnish Srivastava, owner of Unique Restaurant Group Gary Culling, announcer with Flamboro Speedway. Dr. Timothy Sly, Epidemiologist and Professor Emeritus in the School of Population and Public Health with Toronto Metropolitan University. Abigail Bimman, Ottawa Correspondent for Global News. Eric Kam, Professor of macroeconomics, Monetary Economics, International Monetary Economics, Implications of Monetary Growth, with Toronto Metropolitan University.  Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Professor of History at Michigan State University; author of Soviet State and Society between Revolutions, 1918-1929, Cars and Comrades, and Life of the Soviet Automobile among many others. Henry Jacek. Professor of Political Science, McMaster University. Gordon Houlden, Director Emeritus of the China Institute and Professor of Political Science with the University of Alberta. Sergeant Kerry Schmidt, Media Relations, Highway Safety Division, Ontario Provincial Police. Host - Scott Thompson Content Producer – William Erskine Technical/Podcast Producer - Tom McKay Podcast Co-Producer - Ben Straughan News Anchors – Dave Woodard Want to keep up with what happened in Hamilton Today? Subscribe to the podcast! https://omny.fm/shows/scott-thompson-show See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

VCTM Henry AKA Ana returns to the show to chat with the lads about the situation in her family's homeland, ex-Soviet State, Bulgaria, and how the war in Russia is impacting them, and some hot takes on Soccer. The gang also get into US and NATO troops performing training exercises in active, real European villages and the hilarious resulting chaos, some thoughts on the fixation on endless war content in the West, how propaganda on every side has made it so much harder to know what's real, the weird topic of propaganda in general and how we encounter it in our daily lives, Putin's cult of personality and support even beyond Russia's borders, how the British have completely relinquished control of their country seemingly in favor of frivolity, the growing demand for artists and recognition of them in the gun industry, the link between productivity and passion for artists, the attitude needed to grow and succeed and Mitch and Ana get into it with Soccer coaching in the US, Mitch's hyper-competitive personality and not so peaceful sporting alter-ego, how he's been humbled over the years and much more! Links mentioned in this episode: Check out VCTM Henry on Instagram here! Check out our Patreon here to support what we do and get insider perks! Follow the lads on IG: https://www.instagram.com/cbrnart/?hl=en Follow the lads on Twitter: https://twitter.com/CBRNDad Check out our sponsors: Use code: ARTANDWAR10 for $10 off an SMU Belt at AWSin.com Use code: ARTANDWAR for 5% off at midwestgunworks.com Check out our link tree for the rest of our stuff!

Part 3: Was The Soviet Union "Socialist'? on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/OneDime Part 2 on the Marxist Project's Channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCNalGyK3DaK37GTLIHSwmyA/featured In this podcast I am joined by YouTuber, friend, and grad student The Marxist Project, who makes excellent videos on Marxist theory and Soviet history. In this in-depth podcast, we put into question various competing narratives that aim to rationalize the tragedy of the Soviet Union. We talk about some of the many problems in the Soviet Union and various historical narratives about what went wrong and what lead to it's demise. For this podcast, we try to avoid the hurdles of one dimensional narratives from various ideological tendencies (Marxism-Leninism, Trotskyism, Maoism, Left Communism, Orthodox Marxism, Anarchism, Liberalism, conservatism, etc..) and try to give a balanced analysis of the USSR and the problems it faced. Check out The Marxist Project's video on the Fall of the Soviet Union: https://youtu.be/N7Z-D4eybZI Timestamp: 0:00 Intro 6:10 The Collapse of the Soviet Union 16:28 The Civil War: Doomed From The Start? 27:58 Semi-Feudal Underdevelopment 41:33 Collectivization, WW2, and Industrialization 57:54 Famines, Incentives, and Lysenkoism 1:10:00 Repression and Civil Liberties 1:28:32 The Red Purges and Opportunism 1:48:32 Was the USSR Democratic? 2:13:10 Contrarianism and Denialism 2:20:41 Central Planning Book recommendations on Soviet History: The Soviet Century by Moshe Lewin A People's History of the Russian Revolution by Neil Faulkner October: The Story of the Russian Revolution by China Miéville The Thinking Reed: Intellectuals and the Soviet State by Boris Kagarlitsky Everyday Stalinism by Sheila Fitzpatrick Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation by Alexei Yurchak Revolution From Above: The Demise of the Soviet System by David Kotz This is part of a 3 part series on the political problems in the Soviet Union. Part 2 will be on the Marxist Project's channel and Part 3 will be a Patreon exclusive podcast only available to my lovely Patrons (: Support 1Dime on Patreon at patreon.com/OneDime

In this conversation with RevDem editor Ferenc Laczó, Mark R. Beissinger introduces his unique global dataset and probabilistic structural approach to revolution; analyzes the prevalent form of revolution in our age he calls “urban civic”; dissects how the consequences of revolution have shifted over time; and reflects on how revolution may be changing again today. Mark R. Beissinger is Henry W. Putnam Professor in the Department of Politics at Princeton. His main fields of interest are social movements, revolutions, nationalism, state-building, and imperialism, with special reference to the Soviet Union and the post-Soviet states. In addition to numerous articles and book chapters, Mark R. Beissinger is the author or editor of six books, which include Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State (from 2002) and the volume Historical Legacies of Communism in Russia and Eastern Europe (co-edited with Stephen Kotkin, from 2014). He has received several prestigious awards for his scholarship, and his research has been supported by numerous leading academic institutions. He has also acted as the President of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies and as Director of the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies, among others.

Mike Church Show Lagniappe-YOU Are The Most Unlikely Of Don Quixotes, King Arthurs, And Charlamagnes But YOU Must Accept The Mission. I'm All In, Are You? HEADLINE: Mary, the West, and Russia's Errors: A Defense of Archbishop Viganò by Barbara J Farrah  Why is the Catholic Church deferring to the state? She doesn't take orders from the state. FROM THE ARTICLE: The issue isn't Viganò being blind to the evils of the Russian government. It is the West that is blind to the evils that have permeated its own existence to its very core. It is the modernist Church that is blind to the evils of thinking it right to replace sacraments with social action, taking government money to feed bellies at the expense of feeding souls.  FROM THE ARTICLE: Viganò has not become absorbed with politics. He has become absorbed with the Eternal, with seeing the Eternal in the affairs of the day, including both those things God seems to be moving as well as those things Satan seems to be moving. We don't know if the Consecration occurred as Mary asked, but Viganò asks us to look at world events not just in terms of other world events, but in terms of spiritual events. What we do know is that the Soviet State collapsed in 1989. And we know that since that time, Russia has been undergoing a Re-Christianization while the entire Western world has been experiencing its De-Christianization.   Our Readers And Listeners Keep Us In Print & On The Air! Click here to subscribe to The CRUSADE Channel's Founders Pass Member Service & Gain 24/7 Access to Our Premium, New Talk Radio Service. www.crusadechannel.com/go What Is The Crusade Channel? The CRUSADE Channel, The Last LIVE! Radio Station Standing begins our LIVE programming day with our all original CRUSADE Channel News hosted by award winning,  25 year news veteran Janet Huxley. Followed by LIVE! From London, “The Early Show with Fiorella Nash & Friends. With the morning drive time beginning we bring out the heavy artillery The Mike Church Show! The longest running, continual, long form radio talk show in the world at the tender age of 30 years young! Our broadcast day progresses into lunch, hang out with The Barrett Brief Show hosted by Rick Barrett “giving you the news of the day and the narrative that will follow”. Then Kennedy Hall and The Kennedy Profession drives your afternoon by “applying Natural Law to an unnatural world”!    The CRUSADE Channel also features Reconquest with Brother André Marie, The Fiorella Files Book Review Show, The Frontlines With Joe & Joe and your favorite radio classics like Suspense! and CBS Radio Mystery Theater. We've interviewed hundreds of guests, seen Brother Andre Marie notch his 200th broadcast of Reconquest; The Mike Church Show over 1500 episodes; launched an original LIVE! News Service; written and produced 4 Feature Length original dramas including The Last Confession of Sherlock Holmes and set sail on the coolest radio product ever, the 5 Minute Mysteries series! Combined with our best in the business LIVE! Coverage of every major political/cultural event of the last 6 years including Brexit, Trump's Election, Administration events, shampeachment, the CoronaDoom™, the 2020 Election and resulting Biden Regime's Coup d;'tat, January 6th Psy-op and now the attempt to make Russia and Vladimir Putin out as the new Hitler and his Germany. "When News Breaks Out, We Break In!" because we truly are:   The Last, Live, Radio Station, Standing.

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life.

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/central-asian-studies

Over 75 years have passed since the end of World War II, but the collective memory of the conflict remains potently present for the people of the Russian Federation. Professor David Hoffman, editor of a new collection of essays about war memory in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia” suggests that this is no accident. Together with an impressive, interdisciplinary roster of academic contributors, Hoffman examines how the current leadership of Russia has put war memory at the heart of national identity, and used it as a powerful unifying force. Professor Hoffman and his fellow contributors were inspired by the memory studies of Pierre Nora, and in the fifteen well-crafted essays that make up The Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia (Routledge, 2021) they examine a wide range of what Nora called the “lieux de mémoire” or sites of memory, which includes textbooks, memorials, monuments, archives, and films. Hoffman's choice of this international group of scholars, working in Russia, Ukraine, Britain, France, Norway, Austria, Germany and the United States across a range of academic disciplines, from film to sociology ensures that the essays offer a wide range of viewpoints and subjects, moving in a deft chronological sweep from just after the war to the present day. World War II, known in Russia today as The Great Patriotic War, was a defining moment for the twenty-four-year-old Soviet State. If the Revolutions of 1917 created the USSR, it was the hard-won victory over the Nazis in The Great Patriotic War that turned it into a Great Power. The cost of that victory remains breath-taking today: 27 million men and women lost their lives, major cities were destroyed, and millions were left displaced. No family escaped the collective trauma, which is still felt today. In examining the sites of memory, the essays in “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” offer a comprehensive look at the developing deployment of war memory, particularly by the current Russian leadership. Although Vladimir Putin was not alive during World War II, he has sought to weave his own personal narrative into that of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. Putin revived and expanded the countrywide commemorations of May 9 or Victory Day, which provided the vivid backdrop to his first inauguration ceremony in 2000. As president and prime minister, Putin spearheaded a renewed respect for the dwindling cadre of World War II veterans, and by creating state-of-the-art historical museums dedicated to the war, he ensured that war memory is kept alive for a new generation of Russians. “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” also explores the changing narratives around Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, the Holocaust, Lend-Lease, local media, and other key aspects of the collective memory of World War II in Russia. While the collection is a valuable contribution to the emerging scholarship on World War II memory begun by Nina Tumarkin and others, I suspect that “Memory of the Second World War in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia” will ultimately enjoy a much wider audience: the essays offer rich insight into the mindset of Russia's leaders and people, at a moment of heightened tensions between Russia and the West. Professor David Hoffman is Ohio State's College of Arts and Sciences Distinguished Professor.  Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate writer who writes about travel, culture, cuisine and culinary history, Russian history, and Royal History, with bylines in Reuters, Fodor's, USTOA, LitHub, The Moscow Times, and Russian Life. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

For decades it was illegal to teach the Bible in the Soviet Union. Violators risked being subjected to “re-education.” If Soviet children were taught to revere anything, it was the Soviet State and its leaders. But things have changed, as you know, in the former “Evil Empire.” Thousands of Bibles have been distributed in Moscow's Gorky Park, in prisons, and in schools. School children were given Bibles in St. Petersburg. “I remember we had the Bibles in the classroom for only one month,” expressed the mayor, “and saw a profound change among the children.” The children given the Bible to...Article Link

We know Belarus as the home of Europe's last dictator, 'weaponising' of migrants, suppression of dissidents, but how much do we understand of the wider context? Dr Donatas Kupciunas joins Ali and Suzanne to explore the background to Belarus/Lithuania/Poland/Russia tensions and what the future might hold. --- The hosts: Suzanne Raine is an Affiliate Lecturer at the Centre for Geopolitics at Cambridge University. She served for 24 years in the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office on foreign policy and national security issues, including postings in Poland, Iraq and Pakistan. She specialised in counter-terrorism and was a senior member of the UK government assessment community. She is also a member of the Board of Trustees of the Imperial War Museum and the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI). Ali Ansari is professor of Iranian History and Founding Director of the Institute for Iranian Studies at the University of St Andrews in the UK. He is also Senior Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute.

Frank brings on econ-smartypants Nathan Goodman to talk about the latent class theory present in Public Choice Theory and how it explains not just capitalism and why leftists have failed to overcome capitalism but also why leftists have failed to realize how to overcome and understand capitalism. Mentioned: Public Choice Theory Introduction to the Three Volumes of Marx's Capital, Michael Heinrich Politics Without Romance, James Buchanan Political Capitalism (book), Randall Holcomb Triumph of Conservtism, Gabriel Kolko The Problem of Social Costs, Ronald Coase Nature of the Firm, Ronald Coase Seeing Like a State, James C. Scott Rent Extract and Rent Creation in the Economic Theory of Regulation, Fred McChesney https://www.jstor.org/stable/724475 The God that Failed, Richard Crossman ed https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_God_that_Failed Calculation and Coordination, Peter Boettke Soviet Venality: A Rent Seeking Model of the Soviet State, Peter Boettke The Road to Crony Capitalism, Michael Munger and Mario Villarreal-Diaz https://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/10161/18113/Munger%20and%20Villareal%20Published%20version%202019.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y The Rise and Decline of Nations, Mancur Olson Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement, Dennis Chong Freedom in Contention: Social Movements and Liberal Political Economy, Mikalya Novak Evasive entrepreneurship, Niklas Elert and Mangus Henrekson https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11187-016-9725-x Approaching the Singularity Behind the Veil of incomputability: on Algorithmic governance, the economist-as-expert, and the piecemeal circumnavigation of the Administrative State, Abigail Devereaux https://cosmosandtaxis.files.wordpress.com/2019/08/devereaux_ct_vol_7_iss_1_2_rev.pdf Transitional Gains Trap, Gordon Tullock https://www.jstor.org/stable/3003249 Calculus of Consent, James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock Democracy in Chains, Nancy MacLean Effective Altruism https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Effective_altruism Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, David Graeber https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/david-graeber-fragments-of-an-anarchist-anthropology Political Capitalism (paper), Randall Holcomb https://www.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/cato-journal/2015/2/cj-v35n1-2.pdf The Coase Theorem, Applied to Markets and Government, Randall Holcomb https://www.independent.org/publications/tir/article.asp?id=1325

It's here. The Soviet State, American Style! (americaoutloud.com)

We've been talking about why a real brand can't be invented out of thin air or tailored specifically to meet a certain market demand. Remarkable brands are built from the inside out. If you find this article helpful be sure to catch our first article here and our second here.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HJ4tXHUqxmI Taking shortcuts and sidestepping integrity can only take you so far. Whether it's creating an online presence for your B2B, fine-tuning a management philosophy, or even sticking to a diet and workout routine, going against reality is not a good long term strategy for success. In the TV miniseries ‘Chernobyl,' a lone scientist named Valery Legasov fights to understand why and how an RBMK nuclear reactor, a design deemed indestructible by the Soviet Union, exploded like an atomic bomb. Finding himself testifying before a grand central committee and all his colleagues, Legasov does the unthinkable—he tells the truth of how the Soviet State hid a known design flaw in the reactor. Knowing he's a dead man, Legasov goes further. He calls out the whole social and political culture of his country, a system built mostly on lies, shortcuts, bribery, and nepotism. Before he's taken away, he takes a parting shot: "What is the cost of lies? It's not that we'll mistake them for the truth. The real danger is that if we hear enough lies, then we no longer recognize the truth at all." It's a sound warning—and one that B2B services should take to heart.   Avoiding the pitfalls While short-circuiting your brand identity probably won't (in most cases), cause a nuclear meltdown, there are real, long-term consequences to plowing ahead without knowing what you're really about. In previous articles, we've covered the signs, science, and pitfalls of arbitrary branding. Arbitrary branding—a brand identity, presence, and expression that's outdated, neglected, picked at random, invented ad hoc, or outright copied—means selling yourself and your clients short. Ultimately, it's making promises you won't be able to keep; it's presenting an image that doesn't reflect your core identity, and it's offering what you're not able to deliver. In the end (and even in the short term) arbitrary branding makes impressions that no B2B wants to make. It runs the risk of making others think you are being: -Pretentious -Random -Deceptive -False Of course, many companies that fall into artificial branding don't fall into these categories on purpose. Time shortages, competition, and other conflicts can force companies to put something together at the drop of a hat, or to stick with something simply because some forgotten individual made the decision eons ago. We grant that poor, rushed branding decisions can be driven by doubt, skepticism, or frustration with the creative process. But whatever the reason, artificial branding means doing yourself a huge disservice. The hard, messy work of discovery and of telling the truth is what wins out—and pays off—in the end. “It is always simple to fall; there are an infinity of angles at which one falls, only one at which one stands.”  - G.K. Chesterton   Going with truthfulness As G.K. Chesterton points out, there's only one way of doing things right. Truthfulness is at the heart of authentic, effective, and winsome branding. While getting there can be tough, going with truth from the very start means you'll be able to communicate it downstream, in all the avenues where your organization presents itself. As we've discussed, an organization can't spontaneously invent its core purpose as a company, make random choices about how it expresses itself as a brand, or create relationships with its customers out of nothing. While improvisation can be a great tool for discovering a brand's story, improvisation is not a good navigator for trying to reach the destination of genuine branding. A real brand's story can never simply be dreamt up.

Darrell Castle talks about how the country has changed fundamentally over the last 60 years to the point where it seems obsessed by race and racial politics. Transcription / Notes RACIAL OBSESSION Hello this is Darrell Castle with today's Castle report. Today is Friday the 4th day of December in the year 2020 and on this report I will be talking about how the country has changed fundamentally over the last 60 years to the point where it seems obsessed by race and racial politics. Before I start, I will tell you that the Castle family had a wonderful Thanksgiving considering we were separated by thousands of miles because of the virus. Joan and I had a zoom dinner with the family daughter from her home in Los Angeles. First, I want to apologize and retract something I said the week before Thanksgiving. I said that the social credit system in the United States is in many ways worse than the one in Communist China. Bothered by that statement, I spent much of Thanksgiving weekend researching social credit in China particularly as applied to the Uyghur people in the extreme western province. The Uyghur lands border India to the south and Pakistan to the west with the other Stans surrounding them. When the Soviet Union broke apart independence was granted to the various Stans that were under the Soviet State. Since they gained independence from the Soviet Union, the Uyghurs started demanding an independent state of East Turkistan from Communist China. The difference of course is that China is not destitute and is perfectly capable of retaining its distant territories. I don't want to belabor Uyghur history, but these people are held in virtual bondage and social credit is the Communist method of control. The Uyghurs are mostly Muslims of Turkic origin. They speak the language of the Turks and the Kazaks as well as Mandarin Chinese. They are lower than 2nd class to the Han Chinese rulers of Communist China. The Hans of mainland China are alright socially if they behave themselves but not the Uyghurs. The social credit system labels people as either trustworthy meaning you can travel and have a phone, etc. or untrustworthy where you can't have those things. No Uyghur can obtain a rating higher than untrustworthy. If you see a non-Uyghur on the street in Uyghur territory you can bet, he is a State official sent to watch them. People are routinely taken from their homes to reeducation camps often leaving orphans behind. To escape is equivalent to escaping from prison, but freedom burns in the human heart despite all this. There is a strong separatist movement among the Uyghurs thus that concept is one of thee three great evils according to Communist Chinese officials. Those are separatism, terrorism, and religious fanaticism. Most of the Uyghurs are Muslim, which is somewhat tolerated, but not Christianity. Now that I have relieved my conscious regarding the Uyghur people, let me return to the United States for the rest of this report. First, the fundamental change that President Obama promised to bring about began long before he took office. There have been two great philosophical and political movements in the United States since the Declaration of Independence in 1776. For the first 187 or so years the emphasis was always patriotism. Everything taught in school was deigned to bring out the emotions associated with patriotism meaning love of country and its way of life. When the country was threatened or perceived to be threatened, men lined up around the block to fill the ranks. America was perceived as so good that it was willing to send its sons, the pride of the nation as FDR put it, to die for people they did not know and had never met. From elementary school to about midpoint of college I remember the emphasis on patriotism was basically unchallenged. That started to change early in my college years and had changed substantially by graduation. To illustrate my point when I started college two years of ROTC training was mandat...

Democracy is often imagined at its purest at a micro level. Town hall meetings are sometimes imagined as a simpler form of democratic governance, so international relations can feel as though it is miles away from democracy. Andy yet, it is the international liberal order which has brought about the vast proliferation of democracy around the world. My guest, John Ikenberry, notes “Liberal democracy was both a national and an international project… Its institutions and ideals were premised on an expanding world of trade, exchange, and community.” Scholars talk about liberal democracy. Sometimes it is not clear whether liberalism depends on democracy or democracy depends on liberalism. It’s easy to assume liberalism is necessary to limit the dangers of democracy, but one of my favorite scholars, Sheri Berman, explains, “Liberalism unchecked by democracy can easily deteriorate into oligarchy or technocracy.” The two are linked. G. John Ikenberry has written about liberal internationalism since the 1980s. He is a giant in the field of international relations. He is a Professor of Politics and International Relations at Princeton University and the author of the new book A World Safe for Democracy: Liberal Internationalism and the Crisis of Global Order. Our conversation explores political theory and international theory, but also American history and current events. This is the first of my three-part episode arc about the global ascendance of China called “Liberalism, Capitalism, Communism.” We do not discuss China until the end of the conversation. This is not by accident. The purpose of this episode is to offer context. It’s impossible to grasp the impact of China until we explain the liberal international order and its importance. My hope is you will have a stronger sense of what is at stake as we discuss China with two different scholars who have very different perspectives. This is a great conversation and a wonderful introduction for the next two weeks. Thanks to Apes of the State for permission to use their tracks "The Internet Song" and "Bill Collector's Theme Song." You can find their music on Spotify or their Bandcamp.Please visit my blog at www.democracyparadox.com. I have written 80 reviews of both classic and contemporary works of political science with an emphasis on democracy. This week I reviewed Mark Beissinger's Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State. Please visit the website and read my book reviews. And don't forget to subscribe to keep up with future episodes.

This episode will focus on the failed Army Group Centre's attack on Moscow during the winter of 1941 and its ramifications for those living in Stalingrad as Hitler began to focus his energies on the oil producing region of the Caucuses. The city of Stalingrad lay in the way, so too did the Crimea and Sebastopol. We'll hear how Hitler planned to take the region around Baku but then changed his mind and split his force. He decided he'd go for the two for one option. One army, two goals. That was to be his undoing as he achieved neither. For as long as wars have been fought, strategists have warned about fighting on two fronts. In Russia, Hitler was actually fighting on four. His northern army was being held up at Leningrad, his central army was stymied outside Moscow, then he split his southern army into two. The Russian capital faced a major assault and by mid-October 1941 rumours were swirling about the imminent arrival of the feared and hated Nazi forces. By October 13 the situation was critical. Numerous German troops held up by the Viazma encirclement were now redeployed to the Moscow front. Waiting for them was the Red Army led by the remarkable General Zhukov assisted by General Konev. This A-team of Russian generals included General Rokossovsky and Govorov, as well as Zakharkin. By Octover 12 the Russian State Defense Committee had decided to call upon the people of Moscow to build a defence line some distance outside Moscow, with a second along the city border and two supplementary defensive rings within Moscow itself. In describing the great October crisis in Moscow its important to distinguish between three factors. First, the Army which had fought desperately against the superior German Army and yielded ground very slowly the closer the Wehrmacht got to Moscow. The second was the Russian population who's motivation began to wilt. When the Germans eventually broke through capturing Kaluga in the south on the 12th October and Kalinin in the north on the 14th, reports began circulating that the Germans were actually inside Moscow. The civilians panicked, but the army fought on. Rokossovsky stopped the rot by throwing in his last reserves including scarcely trained opolchentsy civilians from the city and troops from Sibera literally as they disembarked from trains. This slowed the Nazi attack when they began another mass assault on the 15th October. The first snow had already fallen on 7th and the country was in for one of its coldest winters in living memory. The first snow thawed quickly, turning the roads into a quagmire. Both the Germans and Russians were affected by the mud yet the blitzkrieg machine found itself becalmed by deep sticky mud which could suck the tyres off vehicles. A number of conflicting issues buffeted both sides. Members of the Communist party Moscow Working class which had been touted by Stalin's spin doctors as the heroes of the struggle basically decided to leave town. Only 12000 had put their hands up when requested to defend the city, the others believed it was better to fight another day and headed off eastwards. Muscovites panicked on October 16 leading to the what was known as the Great Skedaddle. These included anybody from plain obyvateli to various party members and officials who were the cogs of the Soviet State machinery and were terrified the Germans would kill them out of hand. So they began loading their goods into wagons and left town. And it was now, on New Years Day 1942, that General Paulus who had never even commanded a division or corps, found himself catapulted up the army list to the rank of General of Panzer Troops. Five days later he became the new commander-in-chief of the 6th Army just as Timoshenko launched a major but ill-coordinated offensive towards Kursk.

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliott Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliot Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliot Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliot Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliot Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the arc of Soviet history, few government programs were as tenacious as the anti-religious campaign, which systematically set out to debunk organized religion as "the opium of the people." This political storm of heaven lasted from the earliest days of Bolshevik power up until the early eighties, when it simply ran out of steam, as did the Soviet State. But while it lasted, the anti-religious campaign was a sustained and virulent attack on the centuries-old bedrock of Russian culture and left a wave of violence and destruction in its wake. Faced with an almost feudal society and a population of predominantly illiterate peasants, the State cannily deployed one of its most potent propaganda weapons: the vibrant graphic art illustration in posters and atheist magazines that were distributed throughout the USSR. For a superstitious peasant, the images of an idealized Soviet worker smashing the idols of Orthodox Christianity must have been as horrific as they were ultimately compelling. The iconography of the anti-religious campaign is front and center of Godless Utopia: Soviet Anti-Religious Propaganda, a fascinating new book by Roland Elliot Brown, published by FUEL Media. In it, Brown examines the anti-religious campaign through a unique collection of illustrations, posters, and the cover art of two prominent atheist magazines gathered for the first time in an English-language publication with full translations of the illustrations, as well as a very cogent overview of the history of the anti-religious campaign. Brown begins with the violent beginning of Christianity in Russia, when Grand Prince Vladimir baptized Russia at the point of a sword, then ordered the pagan idols to be burnt in Kyiv. He traces the rise in significance of the Church during the crucial 250-year Tatar Mongol Yoke and its subsequent relegation by Tsar Peter the Great to the status of the Government Department until 1917. The decades just after the Russian Revolution were the most violent and active of the anti-religious campaign when the Government sanctioned the widespread destruction of church property, the imprisonment of priests and nuns, and the closure of all religious-affiliated schools and charities. World War II offers the Church a brief respite and the opportunity to show its loyalty to the Soviet State during the critical years 1941-1945. Many of the later illustrations highlight Soviet success in space exploration to underscore the tenants of atheism, but all too soon, the Soviet Union and the anti-religious campaign limp towards their own demise in the 1980s. Brown is a London-based journalist and arts writer. He has written articles for The Guardian, The Spectator, Foreign Policy and The Moscow Times. He has also worked as a regular contributor and editor for the London-based news site IranWire, where he wrote about politics and human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Follow Roland on Twitter (@rolandebrown) or visit the book’s Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/godlessutopia/ Jennifer Eremeeva is an American expatriate food, travel, and culture writer and photographer currently based in Riga, Latvia, and Massachusetts. Jennifer is the award-winning author of Lenin Lives Next Door: Marriage, Martinis, and Mayhem in Moscow and Have Personality Disorder, Will Rule Russia: A Concise History.  She contributes regular feature articles and photos to The Moscow Times, Fodor’s, Russian Life, and Reuters and is the in-house travel blogger for Alexander + Roberts, a leading American tour operator. Follow Jennifer on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or visit jennifereremeeva.com for more information.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Derick Varn returns this week in order to debate the question of whether the Soviet Union was or was not State Capitalism. Varn is, of course, the voice behind Symptomatic Redness, the poet behind the collection Apocalyptics, and my frequent interlocutor and critic. This week’s podcast is available in full for Patreon supporters. Our Patreon supporters get access to two podcasts every week: Symptomatic Redness and Zero Squared, but if you’re listening on our free feed you’ll always be able to access one or the other podcasts each week. Patrons also receive access to our new video series called The History of Communism every month.

Derick Varn returns this week in order to debate the question of whether the Soviet Union was or was not State Capitalism. Varn is, of course, the voice behind Symptomatic Redness, the poet behind the collection Apocalyptics, and my frequent interlocutor and critic. This week’s podcast is available in full for Patreon supporters. Our Patreon supporters get access to two podcasts every week: Symptomatic Redness and Zero Squared, but if you’re listening on our free feed you’ll always be able to access one or the other podcasts each week. Patrons also receive access to our new video series called The History of Communism every month.

1937 was a year of strife and blood-soaked paranoia. Agents of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs --The NKVD--hold almost total authority over the common folk acting as protectors and tools of Stalin's delusions. Welcome to Cold Harvest, a Call of Cthulhu scenario set during the Great Purges of the Soviet State. Join the group as they embark on a journey to discover what madness befell the small farming commune of Krasivyi Oktabyr-3. Cold Harvest is a Call of Cthulhu 7th Edition one shot. Call of Cthulhu is owned by Chaosium, Inc.If you would like to support the podcast stop by our Patreon https://www.patreon.com/TwinCitiesbyNight Come by and visit our Discord! https://discord.gg/T9zeN9p Check us out on iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/twin-cities-by-night/id1246523585?mt=2 Find us on Twitter! https://twitter.com/Twin_Cities_VtM Find us on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/TwinCitiesByNight/ Find us on YouTube https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBUyj7h-xIhwsM3kHK56SRA For more White Wolf RPGs game play and media please check out https://www.facebook.com/groups/862703457198327  

1937 was a year of strife and blood-soaked paranoia. Agents of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs --The NKVD--hold almost total authority over the common folk acting as protectors and tools of Stalin's delusions. Welcome to Cold Harvest, a Call of Cthulhu scenario set during the Great Purges of the Soviet State. Join the group as they embark on a journey to discover what madness befell the small farming commune of Krasivyi Oktabyr-3. Cold Harvest is a Call of Cthulhu 7th Edition one shot. Call of Cthulhu is owned by Chaosium, Inc.If you would like to support the podcast stop by our Patreon https://www.patreon.com/TwinCitiesbyNight Come by and visit our Discord! https://discord.gg/T9zeN9p Check us out on iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/twin-cities-by-night/id1246523585?mt=2 Find us on Twitter! https://twitter.com/Twin_Cities_VtM Find us on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/TwinCitiesByNight/ Find us on YouTube https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBUyj7h-xIhwsM3kHK56SRA For more White Wolf RPGs game play and media please check out https://www.facebook.com/groups/862703457198327  

1937 was a year of strife and blood-soaked paranoia. Agents of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs --The NKVD--hold almost total authority over the common folk acting as protectors and tools of Stalin's delusions. Welcome to Cold Harvest, a Call of Cthulhu scenario set during the Great Purges of the Soviet State. Join the group as they embark on a journey to discover what madness befell the small farming commune of Krasivyi Oktabyr-3. Cold Harvest is a Call of Cthulhu 7th Edition one shot. Call of Cthulhu is owned by Chaosium, Inc.If you would like to support the podcast stop by our Patreon https://www.patreon.com/TwinCitiesbyNight Come by and visit our Discord! https://discord.gg/T9zeN9p Check us out on iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/twin-cities-by-night/id1246523585?mt=2 Find us on Twitter! https://twitter.com/Twin_Cities_VtM Find us on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/TwinCitiesByNight/ Find us on YouTube https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBUyj7h-xIhwsM3kHK56SRA For more White Wolf RPGs game play and media please check out https://www.facebook.com/groups/862703457198327  

Last episode we ended with Lenin’s death. The roll out of Communism was well underway and it was time for new leadership. One his last policies before he died in 1924 was the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1922… A mixed economy put in to place in order to reintroduce a level of private ownership into the economy. Individuals could own small enterprises and some private property. Tax in the form of ‘Quotas’ were introduced with people getting to keep and trade what they produced over and above their quota. Lenin had a stroke not long after this, leaving him partially paralysed. This is when Stalin really stepped up being a regular visitor, and Lenin didn’t like Stalin – or his “Asiatic manner”. Stalin was Georgian and a bit of a racist. Lenin wrote to his sister that Stalin was ‘not intelligent’. Regardless, Stalin had support of a large chunk of the Bolsheviks. So…he was needed.   Joseph Stalin ruled from Lenin’s death in early 1924 to 1953 when he too died. What life was like under Stalin was brutal The movie The Death of Stalin is a black comedy about the power grab in the wake of Stalin’s death. The level of paranoia and fear seems a little hysterical (overacted) however it was pretty true for the time. There is a scene Stalin wanted the recording of musical group. It was a horrible event, but it makes light of the oppression people were under.   Between 1924 – 1927 Stalin spent most of his time killing off any challenges to power. Then by 1927, power was consolidated. He saw the solution for getting rid of the dissidents was to imprison them – in the Gulags. There were a few of these operational under Lenin. The number of concentration or forced labour camps grew from about 87 to over 350 Communist Party and The Soviet State considered repression to be a tool of control and enforcement. Securing the normal functioning of the Soviet state system (people toe the line) Preserving and strengthening their policies (redistribution) Keeping control of their social base - the working class (keep them in fear) The GULAG system was introduced in order to isolate and eliminate anyone not toeing the line Class-alien, socially dangerous, disruptive, suspicious, and other disloyal elements, whose deeds and thoughts were not contributing to the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Forced labour as a "method of re-education" was applied. This theory based on one of most famous Marxists in history – Leon Trotsky. Trotsky came up with the solution for dissidents. He was a Russian revolutionary, Marxist theorist, and Soviet politician – He was one of the ‘old Bolsheviks’ – and mates with Lenin. The Prison Camp idea was based on Trotsky's experiments with forced labour camps for Czech POWs from 1918 He wrote about "compulsory labour service" in his book - Terrorism and Communism   Why does all of this happen? Why am I talking about this part in a show about personal finance? These violent social policies have to go hand in hand with the economic policies of a Socialist or Communist society. It is about the collective and ‘Equality of Outcome’. With force being the only true way to guarantee the outcome. The economic policies of socialism have to be enforced by the State. Follow the logic – Say you don’t pay taxes, you would get notices from the ATO, eventually criminal charges and eventually you get taken away to jail Now imagine you went to the fields (which are meant to be the peoples’ anyway) and picked some left over grain for yourself. People were shot for doing this Or, you made a joke about Scott Morrison – That is 3 years in the Gulag! Any speech or action against the collective is a crime – and it has to be. No freedom can be present if equality of outcome is desired.   Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, “Gulag Archipelago”. A recount of stories from these camps from memory with first hand testimony from 227 fellow prisoners…it’s a looooooong book, around 70 hours of audio book.   What landed him in jail? He was fighting in WW2 and wrote a letter to his friend about conditions on the front – that was his crime. It wasn’t until 1973 when this was published that the world got to really learn about this. This caused the western world to start to wake up to the lies of communism. Before this, the Socialist plan was also lauded by some members of the Western media, and although much of his reporting was later disputed, New York Times reporter Walter Duranty received the 1932 Pulitzer Prize for Correspondence for his coverage of the first five-year plan.   Back to Stalin’s policies 1927 - 1931 Collectivization and industrialisation – The core of all Socialist policies The word ‘collectivisation’ sounds technical, a little dry, even boring. But, it’s the process of taking what people have, and spreading it around Human consequences were profound and dramatic. How does one achieve this? It is an impossible problem to solve to keep everyone equal at all times – So the only solution is to remove those who are on higher wealth positions on an ongoing basis, to keep redistributing that wealth until there is no wealth left to redistribute. It’s the perfect race to the bottom. The principle was simple. Richer, more successful peasants (Kulaks and Nepmen) had to be ‘liquidated’, by starvation, murder or exile. For equality – Those ‘with’ have to be taken from. But this requires dehumanisation. Sadly, the Soviet Union lagged behind the industrialisation of Western Countries during this period But Stalin argued that collectivisation was simply good Marxism. To build socialism on earth, he said, they needed to smash the peasants. Can’t have a truly socialist society if they still allowed people to farm for themselves and make money   What’s the reason they had lagged behind? Up to now the NEP was in place, but Stalin was not a fan Too free-market – Some people still could make money Kulaks (Rich peasants) and the Nepmen (small business owners) This goes against key socialist or communist policies and the belief in a controlled economy with no ‘evil profit’ 1928 - Stalin starting claiming that the Kulaks were hoarding their grain. The Kulaks were arrested and their grain confiscated, with Stalin bringing much of the area's grain back to Moscow with him in February 1928 - The first five-year plan was launched, its main focus on boosting heavy industry; Needed Labour to achieve this Prison Labour – The Gulags To meet the goals of the first five-year plan the Soviet Union began using the labour of its growing prisoner population 1929 – Stalin ordered the collectivisation of the agriculture countryside 1930 – Took measure to liquidate the existence of the kulaks as a class; accused kulaks were rounded up and exiled either elsewhere in their own regions, to other parts of the country, or to concentration camps. By July 1930, over 320,000 households had been affected by the de-kulakisation policy 1932 – About 62% of households involved in agriculture were part of collectives, and by 1936 this had risen to 90% Takes time to do it but once in place it’s hard to get out Productivity slumped, then famine broke out in many areas   Famines: Starvation in Ukraine – 1932 to 1933 1930 – Armed peasant uprisings against dekulakisation and collectivisation broke out in Ukraine, but they were crushed by Red Army – He wanted to truly crush them Stalin’s thugs roamed the fertile Ukrainian countryside, seizing grain that he could sell abroad — which would allow him to buy the industrial machinery he desperately wanted Around 3.3 to 7.5 million died in Ukraine – there are not many records 2 million Kazkhs population (40%) Remember – There were more people starved over one year than Jews who died in the Holocaust over 4 years   I will Skip over WW2 – Check out Ghosts of the Ostfront series by Dan Carlin who covers this well over a few hours WW2 had 70 million deaths in total (soldiers, civilians etc) – 30 million died in the conflict of Russia and Germany alone – Germany lost 5 million troops total in the whole war. 4million of these were on the Eastern front   I’ll also skip over the start of the Cold war – Remember too…governments do have the power to take whatever they want by force – if they write the law to allow it (South Africa and Constitution changes)   What Russia looked like when Stalin died Work-life was rough since unions were shut down as they are a competing power to the State. The irony is that a lot of unions are on the left No longer allowed to strike No concern for working conditions The collectivization created a large-scale famine - herded into vast state-run farms where they would toil ceaselessly for the greater Soviet good, instead of for private profit. Famine led many Russians to relocate to find food, jobs, and shelter outside of their small villages which caused many towns to become overpopulated. Millions dying because of starvation or even freezing waiting in line for rations People stopped having children - decreased the population. The imprisonment of others into labour camps – Not nice places – Especially from other inmates Dangerous prisoners were released and forced into labour camps People were forced to live in communal apartments Without work and the danger of being robbed for the possessions that they did manage to keep. With such living quarters people shared tight spaces with strangers accompanied by many other horrors such as theft, violence and stripped of privacy.   Socialism went on until 1922 – By 1991 more than 60 million had died… which is about a third of the Australian population every decade. These are pretty normal as far as socialist outcomes go.   Be careful what you wish for.

This episode examines the role of the "Red Guards" - early communist workers' militias in the creation of the Soviet Red Army.  The Guards' numbers, military experience, and ideological importance will be examined. Episode thumbnail courtesy of Viktor Bulla via Wikipedia.

Nobel prize winner Svetlana Alexeivich on the Soviet Woman's Stories of World War II and why they did not want them published; Stephen Kotkin with Volume II of his biograph of Joseph Stalin explores the bloody creation of a Soviet State capable of standing up to hostile global countries. Ran Mitter talks to them about their top down/bottom up histories of Soviet Culture and also hears from Juliane Fürst about Soviet hipsters and hippies who challenged the system in ways that required no words. Svetlana Alexeivich's books include The Unwomanly Face of War, Boys in Zinc and Chernobyl Prayer.Stalin, Vol 2: Waiting for Hitler, 1928-1941 by Steven Kotkin has just been published. Stalin, Vol 1: Paradoxes of Power 1878-1928 is now in paperback. Steven Kotkin is Professor of History and International Affairs at Princeton University. Juliane Fürst, Reader in Modern History at Bristol, is the co-producer of the documentary Soviet hippies (dir. Terje Toomistu) and the author of Stalin's Last Generation: Soviet Post-War Youth and the Emergence of Mature Socialism.Part of Radio 3's Breaking Free: A Century of Russian Culture

This podcast is the first of several that explore the inner workings of the Soviet State and the Communist Party under Stalin after 1928. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Professor Christina Lodder and writer and curator Konstantin Akinsha explore the complex relationship between the Soviet leadership and the avant-garde art movement in Russia between 1917-32, in a discussion chaired by art historian Theodora Clarke. Avant-garde artists were some of the first to embrace the Bolshevik cause, with a common interest in “a new art for a new society”. As Anatoly Lunacharsky, People’s Commissar of Enlightenment, declared in 1918 to composer Sergey Prokofiev, “You are revolutionary in music as we are revolutionary in life”. Members of the avant-garde took key posts in the new regime and benefited from state resources. However within a few years, the state began to withdraw its support, feeling that abstract art could not advance the communist cause if the masses could not understand it. A more persuasive and recognisable art best suited the party’s requirements. By 1932, the politicised figurative art of Socialist Realism became the dominant style and independent artistic movements vanished.

Basil Tarasko and Andrij Dobriansky join host Lincoln Mitchell for a discussion of the building Little League Baseball and a post-Soviet State in Ukraine as well as the additional problems cause by the Russian incursion into Ukraine. We also discuss how Ukrainian Americans are reacting to a new US administration that is not not committed to supporting ideas of Ukrainian sovereignty and independence and the diversity of opinion and experience amongst Ukrainian Americans.

Next Step #264: The Supreme Court ruling on same sex marriages - put into perspective, in the context of Orthodoxy and the Sacrament of Holy Matrimony. Definitions and laws in the Armodox tradition. In this episode, Fr. Vazken discusses issues of homosexual marriages, unions, family, and the horrifying realities experienced through Datev Outreach, namely domestic violence and "unwanted" children. Also - a look at Armenia - as a pilgrim travels on the CYMA program in contrast to a young seminarian in the Soviet State in 1977. Links...Suicide-Domestic Violence victim in Armenia Anush's Pomegranate Compass with Linda Zadoian Song: Mariam Matossian's "Hayastani Aghchigner" Produced by Suzie Shatarevyan for epostle.netLook for The Next Step on blubrry.comNow on Stitcher Radio! 

Death of an Empire is a 5 part radio series exploring twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union led by Seamus Martin, former Moscow correspondent of The Irish Times, and exploring what made the Soviet Union, what lead to its collapse and what its like inside modern Russia today. Produced by Helen Shaw. Episode 2 Gorbachev and Reform (1980s) Episode two examines Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachevs age of reform in the 1980s and the first cracks in the Soviet State as the Baltic States bid for independence. Former professor at Trinity College, Ron Hill followed Gorbachevs career and tells us why Gorbachev began his reforms of glasnost and perestroika. Seamus speaks to Cesolvas Stankecivius, the deputy speaker in the Lithuanian parliament, who was part of the struggle to re-gain Lithuanian independence. Actress Joan Sheehy vividly describes the historic tour by the Abbey Theatre while Sinead O Marcaigh, then a young student living in Moscow says daily supplies like food were always challenging to find.

One of the central questions in assessing Stalinism is whether or not the abuses of the latter were already present in the first years of the Russian Revolution. The archival evidence suggests that this is partly the case, and that even in its early stages Soviet Russia actively persecuted not just those who were believed to have profited unfairly, without laboring, but also non-Russian ethnic groups. Stalin, although not an ethnic Russian himself, was committed to the assimilation of national identity, and universal identification with the Soviet State. This commitment, coupled with his paranoia, lead to executions and deportations aimed at solidifying the state through exclusion of "undesirable" or politically suspect elements. Throughout years of economic hardship and violent purges, Soviet rhetoric consistently emphasized a glorious future in order to justify the miseries of the present. Such a future proved, in many ways, to be an illusion.

One of the central questions in assessing Stalinism is whether or not the abuses of the latter were already present in the first years of the Russian Revolution. The archival evidence suggests that this is partly the case, and that even in its early stages Soviet Russia actively persecuted not just those who were believed to have profited unfairly, without laboring, but also non-Russian ethnic groups. Stalin, although not an ethnic Russian himself, was committed to the assimilation of national identity, and universal identification with the Soviet State. This commitment, coupled with his paranoia, lead to executions and deportations aimed at solidifying the state through exclusion of "undesirable" or politically suspect elements. Throughout years of economic hardship and violent purges, Soviet rhetoric consistently emphasized a glorious future in order to justify the miseries of the present. Such a future proved, in many ways, to be an illusion.