Podcasts about Misrata

En Tunisie, la marche pour Gaza initiée par un collectif de Tunisiens depuis lundi 9 juin est bloquée en Libye suite à la décision des autorités libyennes de l'Est. Alors que beaucoup ne souhaitent pas faire marche arrière, cette initiative a montré la force d'une mobilisation maghrébine en faveur des Palestiniens. Retour sur cette odyssée avec notre correspondante à Tunis.   Samedi 14 juin, alors que la caravane Soumoud était encore bloquée à Syrte dans l'Est libyen, des centaines de Tunisiens se sont réunis au centre-ville de Tunis pour soutenir le convoi. Haykel Mahfoudhi, un journaliste indépendant, a fait la route avec la caravane jusqu'à Ras Jedir, le poste frontalier tuniso-libyen. « C'était vraiment incroyable le soutien que nous avons eu, la solidarité, tout au long des villes tunisiennes que nous avons parcourues. On sent que le mouvement de la marche pour Gaza a beaucoup fédéré. » Après les refoulements et expulsions au Caire de participants à la marche internationale, Raouf Farrah chercheur algérien basé en Tunisie, a dû renoncer à rejoindre la marche par voie aérienne. Présent lundi au lancement du convoi, il relève son importance sur le plan maghrébin, près de 700 Algériens se sont joints à l'initiative tunisienne : « Je pense qu'en tant que Maghrébin, nous sentons cette responsabilité à la fois morale et politique de dire "Assez au génocide, assez aux violences génocidaires contre les Palestiniens, au silence et à la complicité des autorités et des gouvernements, des institutions internationales face à un crime qui devrait être arrêté" ». À lire aussiLa caravane et la marche en solidarité avec Gaza stoppées en Libye et en Égypte Après avoir été accueilli à bras ouverts à Zawiya et Misrata en Libye, la caravane, dont la page Facebook cumule plus de 200 000 abonnés, s'est retrouvée bloquée à Syrte, côté Est libyen, depuis jeudi. Sans réseau et avec très peu de connexion, les participants n'ont pu poster que de rares informations et mises à jour sporadiques, disant être en négociations avec les autorités libyennes, selon Haykel Mahfoudhi : « On a eu vent de plusieurs personnes du convoi qui ont été arrêtées. On est encore en train de mettre à jour les informations que nous avons eues au fur et à mesure. C'est très difficile de joindre la caravane actuellement et on ne sait pas trop ce qu'ils vont pouvoir faire. » Dimanche 15 juin, les porte-paroles du convoi insistaient encore dans une vidéo pour rester en Libye et ne pas faire marche arrière. L'objectif final : passer en Égypte pour ensuite rejoindre la marche et aller à Rafah, mais avec les restrictions égyptiennes imposées aux autres participants, l'espoir d'arriver à bon port, reste fragile. À lire aussiMarche de solidarité avec Gaza: de nombreux militants pro-palestiniens interpellés au Caire en Égypte

En Libye, le gouvernement d'Abdelhamid Dbeibah fait face au mécontentement de nombreux habitants de Tripoli. Des centaines d'entre eux ont même manifesté vendredi dernier pour réclamer son départ. Pourtant, il y a deux semaines, après les combats à l'arme lourde en plein centre-ville, beaucoup pensaient que le Premier ministre Abdelhamid Dbeibah avait renforcé sa position dans la capitale libyenne. Les jours de ce gouvernement sont-ils comptés ? Et le maréchal Haftar pourrait-il en profiter ? Jalel Harchaoui est chercheur associé au Royal United Services Institute de Londres. Il répond aux questions de Christophe Boisbouvier. RFI : Après la mort le 12 mai du chef de la milice SSA, est-ce que le Premier ministre, Abdelhamid Dbeibah, sort renforcé sur la scène libyenne ? Jalel Harchaoui : S'il s'était arrêté là, oui, j'aurais répondu oui. C'est-à-dire que les opérations que vous décrivez, qui ont eu lieu le 12 mai, étaient des opérations violentes, mais qui étaient menées d'une manière chirurgicale et très bien exécutées. Si bien que, si tout le monde était allé se coucher le lundi 12 mai à minuit sur ces victoires tactiques, c'est-à-dire le fait de démanteler une brigade importante connue pour ses pratiques tortionnaires, pour sa corruption, et qui en plus tenait tête, pas d'une manière féroce, mais qui tenait tête quand même au Premier ministre… Et bien un certain nombre d'Etats étrangers auraient applaudi et le Premier ministre Dbeibah, reconnu par l'ONU, je vous rappelle, aurait pu se servir de cette opération réussie pour intimider les autres challengers qui existent à Tripoli. Ce n'est pas du tout ce qu'il a fait. Ce qu'il a fait, c'est qu'il s'est senti renforcé, il pensait avoir une espèce de baraka, il s'est dit « tout ce que je touche se transforme en or, donc je vais me lancer dans une nouvelle aventure contre une autre milice ». Or cette milice n'a strictement rien à voir avec celle que vous avez mentionnée… Je parle cette fois-ci de la Force de dissuasion Al Radaa qui tient le seul aéroport opérationnel de la capitale libyenne, Mitiga. Et cette seconde phase de cette aventure, c'est-à-dire mardi soir 13 mai, a donné lieu non pas à un succès comme lundi, mais ça a donné lieu à un fiasco.Le 13 mai, il s'est cassé les dents…Il s'est cassé les dents et ça s'est traduit par une très grande violence. Donc c'est un véritable massacre. Il y a eu quelque part entre 50 et 70 morts en 24h, dont des civils et en plein centre de Tripoli. Et ça, ça a été fortement rejeté par la population.Et d'autant que cette milice, Al Radaa, elle a des soutiens à l'extérieur de Tripoli, non ? Oui, depuis qu'il est clair qu'elle ne s'entend pas avec le Premier ministre, elle a restauré ses liens avec la famille Haftar à Benghazi. Donc c'est une milice qui, déjà avant la Grande Guerre de Tripoli en 2019, était connue pour maintenir une espèce de dialogue, même de lien, voire logistique et financier, avec la famille Haftar. Et bien tout cela est revenu ces dernières années. Aujourd'hui, pour moi, la force d'Al Radaa, qui contrôle Mitiga, est clairement liée dans une espèce d'alliance tactique avec la famille Haftar à Benghazi.Donc on a aujourd'hui un très fragile équilibre à l'intérieur de la capitale entre le Premier ministre Dbeibah et la Force Al Radaa ? Oui, et ce n'est pas le seul challenger. C'est ça qui rend la chose difficile, c'est que Tripoli, du fait d'une espèce de débâcle dans la nuit du mardi 13 au mercredi 14 mai… Aujourd'hui, Tripoli est poreuse. Qu'est-ce que ça veut dire ? Ça veut dire que les adversaires du Premier ministre Dbeibah à Zaouïa se manifestent. Zaouïa est une ville de 300 000 personnes, située à 45 kilomètres à l'ouest de Tripoli. Il y a des forces de Zaouïa, qui sont contre le Premier ministre, qui ont réussi à pénétrer le flanc ouest de la ville de Tripoli.Alors tout de même, Abdelhamid Dbeibah, le Premier ministre, il a un atout, c'est Misrata, la cité-État, qui est à l'est de Tripoli et qui exerce une sorte de tutelle stratégique sur tout l'ouest de la Libye depuis au moins cinq ans, non ? D'abord, vous avez raison de parler de Misrata, c'est extrêmement important. Mais je ne dirais pas les choses de cette façon-là. En ce qui concerne le dossier Dbeibah, c'est quand même un personnage qui n'a pas beaucoup aidé sa ville. Donc il s'est targué de venir de la ville de Misrata. Il a utilisé sa ville qui est une ville très importante sur le plan commercial, extrêmement dynamique, avec beaucoup d'hommes d'affaires qui ont réussi, etc. Mais ce n'est pas un bloc, Misrata. Il y a une partie, un réservoir de brigades que Dbeibah aimerait bien recevoir comme étant des alliés à l'intérieur de cette crise tripolitaine et qui ne bouge pas, qui ne lève pas le petit doigt actuellement, parce que cette partie des brigades ne l'aime pas. Et donc c'est vrai que par exemple, en 2019, la force principale qui avait permis à Tripoli de résister contre l'agression du Maréchal Haftar, c'étaient les forces de Misrata. Mais aujourd'hui, je ne dirais pas du tout que Misrata est entièrement mobilisée pour défendre un de ses enfants, c'est-à-dire le Premier ministre Dbeibah, pas du tout.Est-ce que, six ans après son échec devant Tripoli, le Maréchal Haftar peut prendre sa revanche ? Déjà, j'aurais tendance à dire que, aujourd'hui, la famille Haftar est beaucoup plus riche. Ses hommes sont mieux entraînés, il y a une présence russe qui est plus importante. Donc la famille Haftar est beaucoup plus puissante aujourd'hui qu'en 2019. Et donc elle est en train de ne pas juste regarder la crise à Tripoli. Il y a des acteurs aujourd'hui, des acteurs armés qui sont aujourd'hui à l'intérieur de Tripoli et qui sont, si vous voulez, des proxys de la famille Haftar. Donc ce ne sont pas des brigades de la famille Haftar, mais ce sont des alliés extrêmement étroits, extrêmement fiables du point de vue des Haftar. C'est-à-dire que maintenant que la situation de Tripoli a été clairement fragilisée, la famille Haftar se dit « bon, on est très confortable à l'est, on est très confortable à l'ouest, on voit que le Premier ministre à Tripoli a fait une bêtise. Et donc tout cela devient plus poreux. Donc on va essayer de tirer notre épingle du jeu ». Ça, c'est une certitude. Et ça, ce sont les ingrédients de la prochaine crise.

Canadian Navy ship patrolling the central Mediterranean under NATO's arms embargo operation tracks down and hails a suspicious vessel. The ship's boarding team find dozens of rebels transporting arms from Benghazi to Misrata. NATO's highest command decides to allow the vessel to procede, as the arms had not come from outside Libya and were intended to defend civilians in Misrata. The captain and crew are happy with the outcome as it proves the naval patrols are working. Also available in high definition. Produced by MIKE MÜHLBERGER.

Package about how as part of the NATO-led Operation Unified Protector, mine hunters are working near the port of Misrata to clear mines from the Libyan waters. They are protected by frigates during the operation. Produced by Laetitia Chadenat. Also available in High Definition. English Version.

Surrounded by the devastation that Qadhafi's troops caused, residents and fighters of the city of Misrata declare their own end to the revolution by celebrating with a victory parade. Available in high definition.

Throughout most of her life, Giulietta Boukhobza rarely talked about the life she left behind in Libya when she was 16. However, today, with antisemitism on the rise and Israel under constant threat, she shares her family's story of their harrowing escape from Libya as part of an effort to raise awareness for future generations. Joining Boukhobza is filmmaker Vivienne Roumani-Denn, the creator of “The Last Jews of Libya,” a documentary about how her family and others were forced out of their North African homeland, who provides the historical backdrop for Boukhobza's story, illustrating how life was never easy for Jews in Libya, but it was still home.  Boukhobza's story is also one of triumph. Together with her husband David Harris, the longtime CEO of American Jewish Committee, they demonstrate that speaking up and fighting for what you believe is the only option.  ___ Show notes: Sign up to receive podcast updates here. Learn more about the series here. Song credits:  "Enta Omri" (live) by Umm Kulthum Kamar Barik; Gushe Cheman; Rampi Rampi; Aksaray'in Taslari; all by Turku, Nomads of the Silk Road Pond5:  “Desert Caravans”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI), Composer: Tiemur Zarobov (BMI), IPI#1098108837 “Sentimental Oud Middle Eastern”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI), Composer: Sotirios Bakas (BMI), IPI#797324989. “Frontiers”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI); Composer: Pete Checkley (BMI), IPI#380407375 “Adventures in the East”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI) Composer: Petar Milinkovic (BMI), IPI#00738313833. “Middle Eastern Arabic Oud”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI); Composer: Sotirios Bakas (BMI), IPI#797324989 “A Middle East Lament”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Alpha (ASCAP); Composer: Dan Cullen (PRS), IPI#551977321 “Mystic Anatolia”: Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Alpha (ASCAP); Composer: Okan Akdeniz (MSG), IPI#37747892568 “Modern Middle Eastern Underscore”: Publisher: All Pro Audio LLC (611803484); Composer: Alan T Fagan (347654928) ___ Episode Transcript: GIULIETTA BOUKHOBZA: My family was in Libya for many, many years. You were a second-class citizen, but you didn't know better. You knew that if somebody hits you in the street, you don't go to the police, because the police will take the side of the Arab. They didn't care. You were just a Jew and a Zionist.  MANYA BRACHEAR PASHMAN: The world has overlooked an important episode in modern history: the 800,000 Jews who left or were driven from their homes in Arab nations and Iran in the mid-20th century. This series, brought to you by American Jewish Committee, explores that pivotal moment in Jewish history and the rich Jewish heritage of Iran and Arab nations as some begin to build relations with Israel.  I'm your host, Manya Brachear Pashman. Join us as we explore family histories and personal stories of courage, perseverance, and resilience.  This is The Forgotten Exodus.  Today's episode: Leaving Libya. GIULIETTA: We were all hiding in our houses, all the Jews. And there were news about buildings, that they were burned. We didn't know at the time that they had killed some families. And my particular family, we were able to leave, actually the famous Quatorze Juillet, the 14th of July, the Bastille Day. So it was freedom for us too, and we ended up, we went to Italy. MANYA: Until recently, Guilietta Boukhobza never talked about the life she left behind in Libya at the age of 16, and for many years her children rarely inquired. Only recently, her oldest son has started to ask his mother what happened to her family, their family, more than 50 years ago. What prompted her parents to leave everything behind, besides what each family member could fit inside a suitcase? GIULIETTA: One suitcase. So we were eight children, and a mother and a father. Each one got his suitcase. I don't even remember what we put in it. I have no memory. It's so funny. I don't remember making the bag. I vaguely remember getting into this kind of truck, arriving at the airport.  I remember arriving in Rome and starting to cry. Because I was saying, and it's true, we were very, very happy to get out of there, but still there is trauma. That you just leave there, you arrive to a train station and you start crying and you say ‘I want to go home.' What the hell is home? They'll kill you there. MANYA: Her father's favorite wool blanket. A handmade rug her mother treasured. The journals Giulietta had kept since the age of ten. Though she doesn't remember any of these items going into a suitcase, these are the mementos that over the years have reminded Giulietta of her childhood in Misrata and Tripoli. The contents of those suitcases mattered very little at the time.  GIULIETTA: In my family they came, they almost killed us. I mean, I still remember coming, and we're alive by a miracle so, we are grateful that we were not killed. MANYA: World events, ignorance about history, and the naïveté that often accompanies that ignorance also propel Giulietta to share her story. She is bewildered and alarmed by the rising tide of antisemitism and anger toward Israel. Israel is not perfect. Not by any stretch. But neither is America, the country that has given her freedoms and opportunities that she never knew existed for Jews growing up in Libya.   Giulietta has a unique vantage point. She is married to the longtime CEO of American Jewish Committee, David Harris, who has shown her that speaking up and fighting for what you believe is the only option.  In 2017, David wrote Letter from a Forgotten Jew, a column stylistically written from a first-person perspective based on the stories he had heard from Jews that fled Arab countries such as Iraq and Libya. In reality, it was an ode to his wife whose experience had been ignored for too long. Since then, Giulietta has shared pieces of her story and occasionally picks up her own pen to offer her perspective on world events.   GIULIETTA: Now, everything that happened to me I see in a different light. It's not any more about me. I was just, how do you say, I just happened to be at the wrong time at the wrong place. So, I don't want you to feel bad for me or feel sorry for me. I talk like almost as if it is not me. I'm talking about the third person. And, and I don't even have so much pity for this third person because this third person survived and thrived in a way.   When I look at my story now, I see it in relation to what I see around me – the growing antisemitism, the stupidity of the West, the ignorance towards history, the indifference and almost embarrassment of some Jews who should be proud of who they are and what they achieved. You almost envy these people who never had the trauma that you have. Now, I feel almost privileged that I had that because I can understand more and see the danger of what can happen when people don't know history or whatever. MANYA: The Libyan Jewish community goes back thousands of years, to the Third Century before the Common Era, even before Roman times. Of course, it wasn't called Libya at the time. Over millennia, Jews lived in Cyrenaica, the region next to Egypt, and Tripolitania, the region bordering Tunisia. They lived under Roman, Ottoman, Italian, Spanish, British and, eventually, Libyan rule.   Who was in charge at the time determined Jews' comfort, their livelihood, and oftentimes their survival. Under some regimes, Jews were treated as a protected minority who paid special taxes and faced certain restrictions.  Under some, they held government positions. And yet under others, they feared for their lives. In fact, after the 18th Century, Jews in Tripoli– when there were still Jews in Tripoli– celebrated two additional Purims to mark their deliverance from two separate attempts to annihilate them. VIVIENNE ROUMAINI-DENN: Even in the best of times, they lived uneasily. On an individual basis there was that full trust. But at the same time, when there were pogroms, you just never knew when somebody would save you, or kill you. And both happened. You found Arabs who really risked their life to save you and you found others who actually just killed you.  MANYA: That's filmmaker Vivienne Roumani-Denn, the creator of “The Last Jews of Libya,” a documentary about how her family was forced out of their North African homeland. The documentary was inspired by a manuscript her mother left behind, which Vivienne discovered only after her death.  A librarian by training, Vivienne began conducting oral histories, interviewing dozens of Jewish refugees who once called Libya home. She also created the first website to curate stories and conversations in the Libyan Jewish community.  In 1999, she became the founding director of the Sephardic Library and Archives of the American Sephardi Federation at the Center for Jewish History in New York. She later served as the federation's executive director.  Meanwhile, her older brother Maurice Roumani, a professor of politics and international relations, wrote the seminal scholarly work on Libya's modern Jewish history titled, “The Jews of Libya.”  VIVIENNE: At the end of the Ottoman period, there was a thriving Jewish school. Many Jewish children learned Hebrew so well that they would speak it in the street. It's a nice little glimpse of the Ottoman rule in Libya, which was before anybody is currently living. MANYA: Indeed, Jewish life flourished in Libya for centuries. Shabbat tables featured chraime, fish simmered in a spicy tomato sauce, and mafrum, vegetables stuffed with meat. In Tripoli, by the 1940s, men could walk to one of 44 synagogues every Saturday morning. The beat of the goblet drum, or darbouka, signaled the impending nuptials of a bride and groom. And when the bride emerged on her wedding day with her hands and head exquisitely painted with henna, she was a sight to behold.  In 1911, the Italians conquered the Ottoman rulers and at first, Jews fared well.  VIVIENNE: Life under Italian rule was calm, and even when fascism first came about, it was almost like just another form of government. But a major change happened when Mussolini aligned himself with Hitler. MANYA: Benito Mussolini instituted racial laws in 1938 that required Jews to open their stores on Shabbat or face severe punishment. Eventually, Jews were barred from holding government positions. A sfollamento, or process of removing Libya's Jews, commenced. In 1940, the African campaign of the Second World War was unfolding in the eastern Libyan desert, adjacent to Egypt. The British captured Benghazi twice.  The first time, Jews welcomed them. But Germany pushed the British out. Shortly after, anti-Jewish riots destroyed homes and businesses. When the British were pushed back a second time, many Jews with British passports fled with the British soldiers. Those who stayed were rounded up and sent to detention camps in Italy.  VIVIENNE: Some were later sent to Bergen-Belsen. They all survived. But this is a little-known part of the Holocaust history. In 1942, Mussolini ordered the expulsion of all Jews in Cyrenaica because of their interaction with the British. Those with French or French protectorate passports were sent to Tunisia and Algeria.  Those without foreign passports, and a small number with Italian passports were sent to an Italian-run detention camp in Giado, in the mountains of Tripolitania. The conditions there were very harsh. Families required to live in cramped quarters, separated only by a sheet. They had lice-borne typhus everywhere. Food was very scarce. The interviewees told me how they had to carve out all these lice from a teeny piece of dried bread. And about one-fourth perished.  MANYA: Giulietta's father was a young man then and later told stories of time spent in a concentration camp. She believes it was Giado.  The Jews of Giado were liberated after the British conquered Tripolitania in 1943. But two years later, in 1945, brutal pogroms unfolded across Tripoli and other cities across Tripolitania, sparked by soccer fans coming from a stadium about one kilometer from the city's Jewish quarter. The British did not intervene for three days. VIVIENNE: The spread throughout Tripolitania was too rapid to have been coincidental. 129 Jews were killed. Some of the descriptions of the atrocities that I recorded in the oral histories are horrifying. I'll never forget one interview, when she opened the door to greet me, in tears. She said, ‘I've waited 50 years for you.' I've never met that woman before. And she said . . . she just unburdened herself of the most horrific memories.  MANYA: Another pogrom in 1948, a month after Israel declared independence, took fewer Jewish lives because the community was more prepared to defend itself. But both the pogroms in '45 and '48 became rallying cries for Israel. Between 1949 and 1951, 95% of Libyan Jews left when aliyah became possible. For those who stayed, like Giulietta's family, the situation continued to deteriorate. GIULIETTA: My family was in Libya for many, many years. I don't know how many generations my family was there. But we were there many years. MANYA: Giulietta was born in 1951, the same year Libya gained its independence. By then, a fierce nationalism expressed through anti-Israeli and anti-Jewish policies had swept the region. At that time, her family lived in Misrata, a coastal city in northwestern Libya where mass riots took place on the day of Libya's first-ever election.  Giulietta recalls that they were the only Jewish family left in Misrata at that time. The others had gone to Tripoli. The family lived in an apartment at the center of town. The Libyans' distaste and distrust for Jews was especially evident when King Idris came to visit Misrata. GIULIETTA: When the king will come, we have all these policemen in our house. And then the shades will be down. And we as children weren't allowed to see. And I never understood, I never asked my parents, ‘Were they there because we were the only Jewish family, and they didn't trust us? Or were the police there because that was a very good location to see if there were snipers or something against the king?' If I had to guess, I think because we were Jewish. MANYA: At the age of eight, Giulietta's family moved to Tripoli where her father worked in human resources for the Volkswagen corporation. Most of the schools in Libya were still Italian Catholic. Giulietta knew all the prayers, all the sacraments. By then, there were unspoken rules about being Jewish. You kept it quiet, even though people still knew. GIULIETTA: First of all, you have to realize that when you don't know any different, your abnormal becomes normal. And so, if you ask me about growing up, we went to schools. We went to the beach. Some people were able to travel. The whole family couldn't leave. You always have to leave somebody there. This kind of blackmail, because they were afraid that you will escape and go to Israel. So basically life was, let's say normal for us, because we didn't know. For example, you knew you don't advertise the fact that you're Jewish even though we had synagogues.  As an example, even though we went to Italian school with Italian books. Sometimes the books about geography, they will come late because they will arrive from Italy. And why they will arrive late? Because they will have to remove the page if there was a picture of Israel. If in the thing you see in the Middle East there was Egypt, Jordan, etc, Libya, they had to remove it. MANYA: When a new law in 1961 required a special permit to prove Libyan citizenship, most Jews were denied. Jews could not open businesses unless they had an Arab partner who owned more than half. Jews could not vote. GIULIETTA: You were a second-class citizen, but you didn't know better. You just knew not to do things. You knew that if somebody hits you in the street, you don't go to the police, because the police will take the side of the Arab.  You thought things were relatively normal, and then they will turn on a dime on you. They didn't care. You were just a Jew and a Zionist. You went to the movie, and you see the newsreel,  and you see they were completely brainwashed by Egypt. And the famous phrase was ‘aleaduu alsuhyuniu' [in Arabic: العدو الصهيوني] -- the Zionist enemy, the Zionist enemy, the Zionist enemy. We were there generations before them. We never went to Israel, but it was always, this is how they brainwashed you. Then in ‘67, during the Six Day War, that is where everything exploded, and we had to leave. MANYA: Tension started to build days before Egypt, Jordan, and Syria began battling Israel. Giulietta remembers young men on the side of the street drawing their hands across their throats when she and her sister walked by. Her school closed and her father started staying home from work.  GIULIETTA: We were on the phone with other Jewish families, and we could hear that things were burning. They killed . . . We didn't know. That's what helped us to keep our sanity. When we left, we knew – that they also killed people. MANYA: Then one night, the mob arrived at her family's house. Remember, her father worked in human resources. That detail spared their lives. GIULIETTA: I remember this group of people coming toward us, we had a garden. They could have been 500. Or they could have been 1,000. Or they could have been just 70. But in my eyes, there were so, so many. And they wanted to burn us alive. My mother, she knew them. She knew the mentality. So, she pushed my father away, and she went there and basically, she started pleading with them saying ‘What did we do to you? And it happened that the guy that worked for my father, and he was supposed to be fired, my father decided not to fire him. And he turned to them, and he said to them and said, ‘These are good Jews. Let's don't kill them.' Sorry if I laugh. So they took the, how do you say, the match. They put it back and they left.  But we knew we were not safe. The Arabs, the Muslims, these were our enemies. We're in their country. We are the Jews. They wanted us dead. I never want to think of what would have happened if they got hold of us. MANYA: The government set a curfew to curb the violence. Still, afraid for their lives, Giulietta's mother reached out to a Muslim family with whom they were close and asked for help. They agreed to hide the whole family – Giulietta's mother, father, and eight children.   GIULIETTA: This wonderful man. He sent us his driver, with this big car. And I remember we all dressed as Arabs. I think maybe even my father, he covered himself. And he took us all to that house. And we stayed there for about two weeks. MANYA: Men occupied one corner of the house, watching television, and listening to BBC, which was reporting on Israel's victories over the Egyptian Air Force and its capture of the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip. The women lived in the other wing, listening to Arabic radio, which told a very different story. One day, Giulietta crossed over to the other side of the house to visit her father for a kosher lunch of boiled potatoes, eggs, and tuna, drizzled with olive oil.  GIULIETTA: I said to my father, ‘How are you doing on the other side?' I said, ‘We are OK. But mama is crying, crying, crying.' And he said, ‘Why? We are safe.' I said, ‘Because we're listening to the news, she had brothers in Israel, and the Arab news was saying that every Jew in Israel was killed. That they won the war, and everybody's dying. And he told me, ‘Go to your mother and whisper to her, that this is bullshit, that Israel was the biggest victor in the history, and the Egyptians are running in the desert without shoes.'  MANYA: But after two weeks, Giulietta's mother became suspicious of their hosts. She still trusted the adults in the family. But not necessarily their teenage sons.  Vivienne Roumani-Denn said older generations of Libyans tended to appreciate what Jews had contributed to society over the years and respect that. Younger Libyans were more easily swept up by the nationalistic and antisemitic fervor, regardless of the nation's Jewish heritage.  GIULIETTA: My mother told my father, ‘I feel it in my bones, his sons are going to sell us. So, let's go home. We'd rather die in our own home. It's also dangerous for them.' So, we went home. MANYA: Not long after, the King of Libya gave the Jews an impossible choice. They could go to an internment camp where they would supposedly be protected, or each person could pack a bag, take no more than 30 sterling, and abandon their homes, the lives that generations of their family had built in this country – forever.  There were too many tales of families and neighbors accepting so-called offers of protection from authorities, only to be led to their death. Giulietta's family and thousands of others packed their bags. An Italian airlift transported 6,000 Jews to safety. GIULIETTA: The reason why we went to Italy is because the Italian ambassador at that time in Libya decided that he had to help the Jews. And there was something for which we could all go to Italy. I just remember they took us in this kind of truck to the airport. And then from there, we went to Rome and the feeling of freedom when we arrived in Rome. But I heard stories of people who the police wouldn't take them, or they left them somewhere and they were saved by a miracle. So, you couldn't trust anybody. MANYA: The Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, or HIAS, encouraged them to go to the States. Her father wanted to go to Israel. Her mother wanted to stay in Italy. That's what they did.  GIULIETTA: Every country that took the Libyan Jews, and I can say that with a lot of pride, we just added to the country. We either opened businesses, or, you understand? We were never parasites. They accepted us, but we never relied on them. At the contrary, we added whatever it was to business to, to whatever. And we are always grateful. I mean, to me, Italy is one of my most favorite countries, I will always be grateful.  MANYA: With only a fourth-grade education, Giulietta's mother became an Arabic-Italian translator for hospitals and doctors across Rome. But her father struggled. Educated at Alliance Israel Francaise, French-run Jewish schools across the Middle East, he was erudite and ambitious.  GIULIETTA: My father basically, I never saw him as a worker. He was a man that was always reading and studying languages. He was a dreamer in a way.  When he got to Italy, he tried to find a job and he couldn't. It was terrible to see that. But it was not easy. My father was never able to become who he was basically. He always felt like a failure. He was an idealist. He loved, he wanted to go to Israel all his life. He always used to say ‘I'd rather die young in the land of Israel than old anywhere else' and he died old somewhere else. But you know, in life, you cannot always have what you … He's buried in Israel, yeah. MANYA: While her father dreamed of going to Israel, her mother dreamed of going back home to Libya. Even though she worked hard to settle the family and become part of the fabric of Italian society, Italy was only a temporary refuge.  In fact, Giulietta's parents did go back, in 1969, hoping to reclaim some of the possessions they had left behind. While they were there, King Idris was overthrown in a military coup led by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Giulietta's parents were prisoners in their former home for about a year before they could return to their new home in Rome. They recovered very little. Gaddafi confiscated all Jewish property. GIULIETTA: My mother thought eventually she'll go back to Libya. That was always her home. That was her country. That was her house.  Maybe in the last 10 years before she died, she realized there was no hope and she saw all the, forgive me, the bestiality, all the things of terrorism and she said ‘[I could] never go back there.' But she always dreamed of going back. MANYA: Instead, Libya has lived on in their everyday lives – their recipes, their superstitions, and their deepest memories. To this day, guests at Giulietta's Shabbat and holiday tables eat rice, couscous, chraime, mafrum, and a special dish of white beans called lubya. When Giulietta's sons or daughters-in-law send her photographs of grandchildren, she responds with the emojis of a fish and a hand, to ward off the evil eye. The hand, or hamsa, is a symbol originated by Muslims, but embraced and redefined by the Mizrahi Jews who once lived among them.  And when Giulietta's mother was in the final stage of Alzheimer's, that ruthless disease that strips one's memories, Giulietta would turn on Umm Kulthum, a popular Egyptian singer who, despite being a raging antisemite, was beloved by Arabs and Jews.  GIULIETTA: You will hardly meet any Arab, any Jew, from North Africa or the Middle East who doesn't know Umm Kulthum. The only thing that she would remember, and I would put on Umm Kulthum. And I will tell her, I pretend to say ‘Mama, I cannot understand Arabic. Can you translate it to me?' And she would translate the words, which were always: You are my life. You are my eyes, I love you. You know, the melodrama of songs. MANYA: Roumani-Denn said for Jews in Libya, the antisemitism, no matter how rabid, no matter how pervasive, did not steal the love and sense of belonging we all have, or long for in the place we call home.  VIVIENNE: You know, it's home. It's not home, you were never made to feel at home. But it was . . . there were some really good times. Every time I interviewed anybody, they said, ‘Life was good. They hated us.' And I said, ‘Isn't there a contradiction here?' And the thing is, you know, … life in Libya revolved around family and faith, and extended family and friends. So, there was all this warmth on the one hand. MANYA: Giulietta has no desire to return to the land she once called home. When she thinks about what she misses most, it's her childhood. She left that behind when she boarded the plane to Italy, and it would not be waiting for her if she went back. It's gone.  GIULIETTA: The country can go to hell. Sorry. I have no interest. No sympathy. Where can they give you back the money? The place is bankrupt. They don't even have . . . they're going to give it to the Jews? Some people are still fighting, ‘it's our money.' Some people left so much, so much. But that happened also to the Jews all over the world. MANYA: She also knows now what was missing from that childhood. Leaving Libya introduced her to liberties she never knew existed for Jews. And for women. She wouldn't want to return to a life without rights and freedom. Wherever they landed in Italy, the States, or Israel, she, her parents, and her seven siblings encountered new opportunities and seized them.  After two years of freedom in Rome, Giulietta's younger sister Liliana at the age of 16 moved to Israel to finish high school and become a lone soldier. A soldier in the Israel Defense Forces with no family in Israel to support them, only their comrades and their countrymen.  GIULIETTA: It was horrible to be kicked out, we lost all our money. And we all say it was the best thing that happened to us. It was the best thing that happened to us, being kicked out, because finally we have what we never had before.   MANYA: Landing in Italy when she did not only introduced her to unexpected freedoms. In 1975, her cousin introduced her to a co-worker at HIAS, an American son of Holocaust survivors who had landed in Rome after being expelled from the Soviet Union for helping persecuted Jews. He became Giulietta's husband and the CEO of AJC, David Harris. In 1979, they moved to the States where David became CEO 11 years later. In that role, he has expanded the organization's reach in the Arab world. Meanwhile, Giulietta taught Italian and raised their three sons in the kind of home she could not have growing up in Libya – one that was openly and proudly Jewish. Inspired by his wife's journey, David has sought justice for Jews around the world by urging nations to fight antisemitism with more than just words and ceremonies to remember the Holocaust. He has encouraged them to see the fuller picture of Jews after the Holocaust, including those forced from their homes in Arab nations and Iran, the crucial role Israel has played for thousands of refugees, and the hope it offers for millions of others, should the need ever arise. GUILIETTA: I feel blessed, because he understood. He understood. I mean, it's his job. He went to Russia. He went to Rome. He helped the Russian Jews to come. He studied our history.  And to be honest with you, a lot of American Jews, they live in a bubble. It's like if being born in freedom, and in a democracy, they cannot envision anything that is different than what they have. MANYA: They cannot envision a world where Jews had to celebrate life cycle events quietly, could not travel or pursue their dreams, or feared for their lives. They cannot envision a world without Israel, or worse, they can, and they believe the world would be better for it. They don't understand why Israel exists, what purpose it served for millions of Jews, thousands from across the Arab world, including Libya. But Giulietta knows why Israel exists.  GIULIETTA: When you come from this country, and things happen to you like [they] happened to me, to the Egyptian Jews, to the Iraqi Jews, even to the Russian Jews. We see something which is sad: that people who lived in freedom lost the ability to think rationally.  MANYA: There are no more Jews left in Libya. The Great Synagogue in Tripoli has been boarded up. When in 2011, a Libyan Jew returned from exile and broke through the boards to go inside, armed vigilantes surrounded the site. He was lucky to leave alive.  Giulietta remembers no matter how discreet Libyan Jews were about their Judaism, they never missed a High Holiday service at that synagogue and the men went there every Saturday morning. Bar mitzvahs were done quietly, unlike in the States where her three sons' bar mitzvahs weren't a concern. GIULIETTA: I see my oldest son, who is 42, who every now and then he says, ‘Mom, can you please tell me how it happened, what happened?' And it's funny they ask, because today, when I knew you were coming, I said, there are so many questions I didn't ask my parents. MANYA: I asked Giulietta why her family stayed in Libya after the pogroms of '45 and '48. Many of her aunts, uncles, cousins fled Tripoli for Israel before she was even born. Why did her parents move to Tripoli and try to stay?  GIULIETTA: I wouldn't know how to answer because you think they will always be alive, you think, and then they disappear, and you realize there are things you don't know. I never asked. I think, I think, they thought … I never asked. MANYA: Libyan Jews are just one of the many Jewish communities who in the last century left Arab countries to forge new lives for themselves and future generations. Join us next week as we share another untold story of The Forgotten Exodus. Many thanks to Giulietta for sharing her story. Does your family have roots in North Africa or the Middle East? One of the goals of this series is to make sure we gather these stories before they are lost. Too many times during my reporting, I encountered children and grandchildren who didn't have the answers to my questions because, like Giulietta, they never asked. That's why one of the goals of this project is to encourage you to find more of these stories.  Call The Forgotten Exodus hotline. Tell us where your family is from and something you'd like for our listeners to know such as how you've tried to keep the traditions alive and memories alive as well. Call 212.891-1336 and leave a message of 2 minutes or less. Be sure to leave your name and where you live now. You can also send an email to theforgottenexodus@ajc.org and we'll be in touch. Tune in every Friday for AJC's weekly podcast about global affairs through a Jewish lens, People of the Pod,brought to you by the same team behind The Forgotten Exodus.  Atara Lakritz is our producer, CucHuong Do is our production manager. T.K. Broderick is our sound engineer. Special thanks to Jon Schweitzer, Sean Savage, Ian Kaplan, and so many of our colleagues, too many to name really, for making this series possible. And extra special thanks to David Harris, who has been a constant champion for making sure these stories do not remain untold. You can follow The Forgotten Exodus on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, and you can sign up to receive updates at AJC.org/forgottenexodussignup. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC.  You can reach us at theforgottenexodus@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed the episode, please be sure to spread the word, and hop onto Apple Podcasts to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us.

Libya'nın başkenti Trablus'ta Ulusal Birlik Hükümeti'nin unsurları arasında can kaybına yol açan çatışmaların ülkedeki barış süreci açısından ne anlama geldiğini Anadolu Ajansı Kuzey Afrika Koordinatörü Aydoğan Kalabalık anlatıyor.

Le Président de la République, M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune a signé, à l'occasion du 60e anniversaire de la fête de l'Indépendance et de la Jeunesse, cinq décrets présidentiels portant mesures de grâce de prisonniers. L'opération navale européenne IRINI a révélé que la Turquie avait refusé d'inspecter ses navires à destination du port libyen de Misrata pour la huitième fois. La France a rapatrié 35 enfants et 16 mères de camps en Syrie où des membres de la famille de terroristes présumés du groupe Etat islamique ont été détenus.

Se cumplen 10 años de la muerte de Muamar el Gadafi, el dictador libio que sedujo a Occidente. Sus días acabaron el 20 de octubre de 2011 en una alcantarilla de la ciudad de Misrata en la que se escondía para escapar de los rebeldes que le cercaban. Dio con él Omran Shaban, un joven de 21 años. El fotoperiodista de El País, Cristobal Manuel, nos cuenta cómo fue su encuentro con él. Yilian Ayala recuerda los hitos en la trayectoria del dictador, incluídas las alabanzas que recibía de líderes occidentales en cuyos países llegó a instalar su jaima.Y describimos la Libia hoy. Un país sin ley, enfrentado entre decenas de facciones y escenario de las más cruentas violaciones de Derechos Humanos del planeta. Hablamos con Alfonso López, portavoz de Amnistía Internacional en España. 

Se cumplen 10 años de la muerte de Muamar el Gadafi, el dictador libio que sedujo a Occidente. Sus días acabaron el 20 de octubre de 2011 en una alcantarilla de la ciudad de Misrata en la que se escondía para escapar de los rebeldes que le cercaban. Dio con él Omran Shaban, un joven de 21 años. El fotoperiodista de El País, Cristobal Manuel, nos cuenta cómo fue su encuentro con él. Además, viajamos hasta Haití, a los problemas estructurales que lleva sufriendo desde la colonización se une ahora las consecuencias del último terremoto, el asesinato de su presidente de forma impune y el secuestro de un grupo de misioneros estadounidense que golpea el reparto de ayuda humanitaria en el país más pobre de América Latina. 

C'est un événement dont tout le monde se souvient... Il y a dix ans, jour pour jour, le colonel Kadhafi était lynché et tué par ses opposants armés, après 42 ans d'une dictature implacable. Où en est la Libye aujourd'hui ? Le clan Kadhafi peut-il revenir au pouvoir à l'occasion de la présidentielle prévue le 24 décembre prochain ? Le professeur Moncef Djaziri, qui enseigne à l'Institut d'études politiques internationales de Lausanne, en Suisse, est notre invité. RFI : Qui va gouverner la Libye après la présidentielle prévue en décembre ? Il y a un certain nombre de favoris, on parle notamment du Premier ministre actuel de Tripoli, Abdel Hamid Dbeibah… Moncef Djaziri : D'abord, on peut se poser la question vraiment, sincèrement, si l'échéance du 24 décembre prochain est une échéance réaliste. Vous savez, la loi électorale n'a pas été publiée encore de manière officielle, on ne sait pas les conditions dans lesquelles vont se dérouler ces élections, les candidats ne sont pas annoncés pour l'élection présidentielle, les listes des candidats pour les élections parlementaires ne sont pas connues… Donc, il y a des doutes concernant le déroulement de ces élections. Maintenant, concernant les chances du Premier ministre Dbeibah, d'abord vous savez qu'il s'était engagé à assurer la période de transition et en aucune manière à se présenter aux élections. Et d'autre part, il est très mal vu. Vous savez qu'il n'a plus de soutien au niveau du Parlement à Benghazi depuis déjà plusieurs semaines et donc, à mon avis, il a très peu de chances d'être élu. Autre candidat potentiel dans l'Ouest de la Libye, l'ancien ministre de l'Intérieur, Fathi Bachagha. On dit que c'est l'homme fort à Tripoli et d'ailleurs à Misrata. C'est surtout à Misrata. Vous savez, il est originaire de Misrata et donc il a, bien sûr, un soutien dans cette ville. Il a également le soutien d'une manière plus large des islamistes, surtout dans la partie Ouest, en Tripolitaine. Mais franchement, il aura très peu de soutien à l'Est, compte tenu de ses engagements passés et compte tenu de sa proximité avec les islamistes. Et dans la mesure où l'influence des tribus, à l'Est, est importante et leur capacité de mobilisation également, je pense que ses chances sont quand même très réduites, en tout cas pour ce qui concerne l'élection présidentielle. Du côté de l'Est, est-ce que le maréchal Khalifa Haftar pourra se présenter et si oui, a-t-il des chances ? D'abord, est-ce qu'il pourra se présenter ? La clause qui interdirait la candidature à un double national – vous savez qu'en l'occurrence Haftar a les nationalités américaine et libyenne – cette clause a disparu. Et donc, il pourrait, de ce point de vue, tout à fait légalement se présenter. Vous savez par ailleurs qu'il est maintenant en disponibilité, c'est-à-dire qu'il a cédé sa place de commandant en chef à un deuxième personnage important de l'armée, à l'Est, et donc il n'est formellement plus à la tête de l'armée libyenne, à l'Est. Et il se montre en civil… Et il se montre également en civil… Maintenant, l'objection principale, c'est que les islamistes ont porté plainte contre lui aux États-Unis pour crime de guerre, crime contre l'humanité. Le Premier ministre pousse la ministre libyenne des Affaires étrangères à déposer formellement une plainte contre lui. Donc la candidature de Haftar est incertaine, mais s'il pouvait se présenter, alors il aurait beaucoup de chances du côté de l'Est et au Sud du pays. À l'Ouest, c'est plus incertain. Donc dans la mesure où les tribus auraient une force de mobilisation importante, c'est peut-être celui qui aurait le plus de chances, en réalité, avec les incertitudes en Tripolitaine et les capacités de résistance des islamistes, qui sont fermement opposés à Haftar. Et toujours à l'Est du pays, quelles seraient les chances du président du Parlement de Tobrouk, Aguilla Saleh ? C'est difficile à dire, parce qu'en fait, c'est un personnage assez controversé, très habile quand même, très manœuvrier… Mais à mon avis, objectivement, il n'a pas énormément de chances. Dix ans après la mort du colonel Kadhafi, est-ce qu'un membre du clan Kadhafi pourrait revenir sur la scène politique ? Il y a des possibilités, pour Saïf al-Islam Kadhafi, de revenir sur la scène politique, mais avec beaucoup de réserves. C'est-à-dire qu'il y a quand même le veto des États-Unis, peut-être aussi de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne, il y a toujours la Cour pénale internationale, qui cherche à le juger… Donc c'est une situation un peu confuse, mais il y a quand même, pour Saïf al-Islam Kadhafi, un soutien de la part d'une grande partie des tribus libyennes – je pense que c'est un fait – et de la part d'une partie de la jeunesse. S'il se présentait à ces élections, il aurait quand même de fortes chances, dans la mesure où on ne peut pas exclure non plus une alliance entre lui et le maréchal Haftar, ça ce n'est pas impossible. Mais il y a le veto américain, il y a la Cour pénale internationale et les islamistes aussi, qui n'en veulent pas, en réalité. Et les milices libyennes dans tout cela ? Eh bien ces milices, une grande partie reste encore armée et constitue une menace, même encore aujourd'hui. Cela, c'est vraiment une des difficultés, parce qu'à supposer que les élections puissent avoir lieu, élections – comme vous savez – que les islamistes ne veulent pas organiser, on peut supposer qu'ils n'accepteraient pas les résultats et, dans cette perspective-là, les milices proches des islamistes pourraient reprendre leurs activités, en tout cas en Tripolitaine. ►À lire aussi : En Libye, une élection présidentielle aussi attendue que crainte

It's ten years since Libya's dictator Col Muammar Gaddafi was overthrown. But the country's still not a a democracy – or even a unified functioning state. The militias that brought down the dictatorship in 2011 never disbanded. They turned the country into a battleground, abducting and murdering countless citizens. Since last year, there's been a ceasefire in the long civil war. Elections are planned. But how powerful are the militias – even now? And how hopeful are Libyans about their future? Reporter Tim Whewell, who covered the uprising in 2011, returns to find out what happened to Libya's revolution. At spectacular horse-races in the city of Misrata, he meets Libyans who say they have more opportunities now than under Gaddafi. But many writers and activists have fled the country or gone silent, fearing they might disappear if they say anything that displeases armed groups. Some militias have officially been turned into security arms of the state. But that's given them access to valuable state resources - and militia commanders are accused of becoming mafia bosses. Tim meets possible future leader Fathi Bashagha, who vows to tame the armed groups. But would he prosecute their commanders for past crimes? And can the eastern and western sides of Libya, effectively still under separate authorities despite a unity government, be brought together? Many think war may break out again, and some young Libyans, despairing for their country's future, are even risking the dangerous passage across the Mediterranean, to emigrate. Producer: Bob Howard

A decade after the end of dictatorship, Libya is gearing up for planned elections at the end of this year that many hope will finally bring a peaceful and democratic future. The country is slightly more stable since the end of civil war two years ago. But despite a peace agreement, it is still effectively split in two, politically and militarily. Separate forces control the two halves of the country, backed by different foreign powers. And some think war will break out again. BBC reporter Tim Whewell, travels around Libya to find out what progress is being made towards building a state. He visits a spectacular horse-racing event - a sign of increasing prosperity. Travel around Libya is easier now. Some armed groups have been integrated into official police and army structures. Tim visits a new government checkpoint. But he discovers many people are still terrified of militias that appear to have been "regularised" in name only. Activists and journalists who voice opinions that armed groups dislike can be threatened, and even abducted - with courts often powerless to intervene. One radio station which sprang up as a lively forum for debate after the revolution no longer dares to broadcast talk shows. Tim talks to a former presenter who was jailed and tortured by a militia after taking part in a young people's protest against corruption. He also interviews former interior minister Fathi Bashagha, who hopes to lead Libya after the elections. What is his plan to achieve security and justice? And what can be done to stem the rising numbers of Libyans attempting the perilous crossing of the Mediterranean, seeking a new life in Europe? Presenter: Tim Whewell Producer: Bob Howard (Photo: Traditional Libyan horseman in Misrata, Libya Credit: BBC)

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Themen der Sendung: Scharfe EU-Kritik an ungarischem Gesetz, Die Meinung, Deutschland schießt sich ins Achtelfinale, Reportage über Misrata im Norden Libyens, Zweite Libyen-Konferenz berät über Stabilisierung des Landes, Abschlussbericht zum Maut-U-Ausschuss im Bundestag, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin: Das neue Leben der Landwirte in Brandenburg, Das Wetter

Brian McQuinn, Assistant Professor of International Studies at the University of Regina, Canada, and an expert on armed groups and peace building, joins Dr. Katharina Emschermann, Deputy Director at the Centre for International Security, to talk about Libya. They discuss: • the origins of the 2011 Libyan uprisings, • the “who's who” of the ensuing conflict, • his experience living among rebels in Misrata for ethnographic studies, and • the many “ifs” deciding the fate of the Libyan peace process.

On February 5, the Libya’s warring factions announced that a slate of candidates had been selected to lead the country until December when elections are expected to be held. Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, a Libyan businessman from the western city of Misrata, was named the interim prime minister. Alongside him as interim president will be Mohammad Younes Menfi, Libya’s former ambassador to Greece. An interim government is still in the process of taking shape, but already foreign powers like Turkey and Russia are waiting to determine their next move. Ivan Bocharov, a researcher at the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) in Moscow said that the crop of candidates selected are political unknowns which lends to a lot of uncertainty as to whether they can succeed in their roles. Bocharov is not optimistic about their ability to win the trust of Libyans . “I have a fear that the transitional government will not be respected among Libyans,” said Bocharov in a recent podcast with Turkey Abroad.

Abrimos esta revista com LE MONDE a titular como a geração Covid vive a crise. O vespertino partiu para uma série de encontros com os jovens confrontados com múltiplas consequências  da crise sanitária devido à Covid-19.   Em Paris e em todo o país, nos diferentes meios sociais, os jovens contam as suas dificuldades em projectar-se no futuro neste período de incertezas. Falam da entrada na Universidade, da procura do primeiro emprego, das etapas que marcam a iniciação na vida adulta sem problemas maiores. A situação é particularmente difícil de viver para os cerca de 2,7 milhões de estudantes cujas condições de vida se deterioraram nos últimos meses jovens. Contudo, segundo a socióloga, Anne Muxel, esta geração continua a ter confiança em si acreditando na sua capacidade de vencer, acrescenta, LE MONDE.  Por seu lado, LE FIGARO, titula, França, face ao flagelo da guerra de bandos. O escândalo Yuriy trouxe para a ribalta este fenómeno em plena expansão. Em 2020o número de confrontos aumentou 24%. As forças da ordem e a justiça estão a jizar a melhor resposta. A divulgação nas redes sociais de imagens do jovem Yuriy abandonado morto nas ruas de um bairro de Paris é apenas um episódio de numerosas guerras de bandos que estão de regresso ao país. Segundo um balanço da direcção geral da polícia nacional, França registou em 2020, 357 confrontos entre grupos de bairros  rivais, o que representa um aumento de 24% num ano, nota, LE FIGARO. No internacional, LA CROIX, titula, India, a grande potência da vacina. Lançou-se na produção em grande escala de vacinas contra a Covid-19 alargando a sua influência regional e internacional. Com a sua formidável capacidade de produção de vacinas e de medicamentos, a India exporta as suas primeiras vacinas, VaccineMaitri contra a Covid-19 para os países do Sul. Vladimir Putin desafia Europa e Estados Unidos Um gesto solidário e uma etapa histórica que consolida a sua influência à escala do planeta e paralelamente desde 16 de janeiro lançou uma gigantesca campanha de vacinação no país cobrindo 300 milhões de indianos para um período de seis meses, nota, LA CROIX. Por seu lado, LIBÉRATION, titula, Birmânia, o grito do povo. Apesar do Internet ter sido desligado, aumentaram os cortejos de manifestações no último fim-de-semana, uma semana depois do golpe de Estado militar que neutralizou Aung San Suu Kyi.  Crimes de guerra israelitas, o fim da impunidade, titula, L'HUMANITÉ. O Tribunal penal internacional vai poder investigar sobre as atrocidades cometidas nos territórios palestinianos ocupados. Na política diplomática, LE FIGARO destaca, Vladimir Putin, endurece o braço de ferro com os ocidentais. Aos americanos e aos europeus que pedem a libertação do opositor, Alexei Navalny, o poder de Cremlin, enche o peito preparando uma ratoeira diplomática ao representante da União europeia, Josep Borell, durante a sua visita na sexta-feira a Moscovo e denunciando a retórica agressiva e não construtiva de Joe Biden. Face a ameaças de novas sanções, Putin, exibe a sua impermeabilidade a qualquer tipo de pressão, acrescenta, LE FIGARO.   Em relação ao continente africano, LE MOLDE destaca Líbia, um acordo político à sombra do condomínio turco-russo. A personalidade do novo primeiro ministro, Abdel Hamid, suscita perplexidade e mesmo preocupação no ocidente. Os interesses dos negócios do novo primeiro ministro, tornam-no próximo da Turquia, pois, é representante das principais empresas do Estado turco interessadas no mercado líbio.  Esta proximidade com Ancara, explica-se provavelmente porque deu a sua primeira entrevista à imprensa estrangeira à agência noticiosa oficial turca, Anadolu. Para além disso é igualmente próximo de Moscovo, onde chefiou em abril de 2017 uma delegação de Misrata, tendo sido recebido pelo vice-ministro dos Negócios estrangeiros, Mikail Bogdanov, acrescenta, LE MONDE.

American photographer Michael Christopher Brown was raised in the Skagit Valley, a farming community in Washington. After moving to New York City in 2005, he joined the Italian photo agency Grazia Neri in 2006. He then moved to Beijing, China, in 2009 and over the next two years put together a series of works from road and train trips across the country.In 2010 Michael began taking pictures with an iPhone, driving around eastern China in his Jinbei van. Since then he has produced iPhone photographs in Libya, Egypt, Congo, Central African Republic, Cuba and Palestine. Michael's ability to capture critical moments with an iPhone has led to his involvement with Time, The New York Times Magazine, and National Geographic's Instagram platforms.In 2011, Michael spent seven months in Libya photographing the Libyan Revolution, exploring ethical distance and the iconography of warfare. He covered several battles along the coast, was ambushed several times in Eastern Libya and injured twice. In early March, on the frontline near the eastern town of Bin Jawad, he was shot in the leg during a Government offensive. Six weeks later, while covering the Siege of Misrata, he was injured by incoming mortar fire, losing nearly half the blood in his body and requiring two transfusions. His colleagues Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros were both killed in the same attack and Guy Martin was also badly injured. Michael returned to Libya twice in 2012 and was the subject of the Michael Mann directed HBO documentary series Witness: Libya.A contributing photographer at National Geographic since 2005, Michael is also a contributor to The New York Times Magazine and other publications. Since 2006 his photographs have been published in dozens of international publications. He joined Magnum Photos as a nominee in 2013 and was an associate from 2015 until leaving the agency in June 2017.Michael's book Libyan Sugar won the Paris Photo First Photobook Award and the International Center of Photography's 2017 Infinity Award for Artist's Book.In 2015 and 2016 Michael produced Paradiso, a multimedia project on the electronica music and youth scene in Havana, Cuba, part of which was exhibited in 2017 during the Cuba IS show at the Annenberg Space for Photography.In 2018 Michael released the book Yo Soy Fidel, which follows the cortège of Fidel Castro, former Cuban revolutionary and politician, over a period of several days in late 2016.Michael has also documented conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since 2012 and was based in Goma from late 2012 until early 2014. A three book series of images from that time, both his and those he collected from numerous Congolese photographers, is forthcoming, entitled Congo Sunrise. On episode 142, Michael discusses, among other things: His new podcast, The Searcher, and the reasons for starting it.The controversy surrounding his story on Skid Row in L.A. for National Geographic.The PTSD that took nearly six years to manifest itself and the efficacy of psychedelic drugs as a treatment.His thoughts on the inclusion of gory images of war in his book Libyan Sugar.His forthcoming book project, Congo Sunrise, featuring collected images from Congolese photographers.Reasons for shooting with the iPhone.Recent personal challenges, including his partner Lauren’s brain surgery.Being a ‘connector’. Referenced:Tim HetheringtonChris HondrosGuy MartinChristophe Bangert, War PornCongolese photographer Moyes KayumbaChuck CloseKira Pollack  Website | Instagram | Facebook“In an age of so much bullshit and so many lies, where we don’t know what’s real and what’s not, it’s just so important to show the way the world actually looks.”

MACRON : OU PASSE SON « NOUVEAU CHEMIN « ? Dans son allocution du dimanche 14 juin, le président de la République a donné pour cap au pays « L'indépendance de la France pour vivre heureux et vivre mieux. » A deux ans du terme de son mandat, le chef de l’État a ajouté que « les temps imposent de dessiner un nouveau chemin ».Emmanuel Macron n'entend pas pour autant se renier : « Je ne crois pas que surmonter les défis qui sont devant nous consiste à revenir en arrière. » Il rejette donc toute hausse d'impôts. Pour combler un endettement qui atteindra 121% du PIB, il faudra « travailler et produire davantage ». Le chef de l'État entend « tout faire pour éviter au maximum les licenciements », alors que son ministre de l’Économie, Bruno Le Maire, anticipe la suppression de 800 000 emplois dans les prochains mois. La « reconstruction » économique du pays - terme utilisé à six reprises - devra, dans l’esprit, du président être « écologique », et « solidaire ». Sur le premier point, en soutenant la rénovation thermique des bâtiments, « des transports moins polluants » et les « industries vertes ». Sur le second, en revalorisant les salaires des soignants - des discussions sont ouvertes à ce sujet dans le cadre du Ségur de la santé - et en travaillant sur la dépendance des personnes âgées - le principe de la création d'une branche spéciale au sein de la Sécurité sociale vient d'être mis sur les rails à l'Assemblée nationale. La reconstruction économique devra être également « forte » et « souveraine ». En pleine polémique sur les violences policières, Emmanuel Macron a aussi apporté un soutien sans faille aux forces de l'ordre et fustigé le « communautarisme », prévenant qu'aucune statue ne serait déboulonnée. Le chef de l'État a par ailleurs annoncé l'ouverture d'un nouveau chantier de réformes institutionnelles visant à amplifier la décentralisation. « Tout ne peut pas être décidé si souvent à Paris », a-t-il jugé, en manifestant sa volonté de « donner des libertés et des responsabilités inédites » aux élus locaux, aux hôpitaux ou aux entrepreneurs. Le président a donné rendez-vous au pays en juillet, pour « préciser ce nouveau chemin, lancer les premières actions ». D'ici là, les présidents de l'Assemblée nationale, du Sénat et du Conseil économique, social et environnemental doivent lui faire parvenir leurs contributions, tout comme les 150 membres de la convention citoyenne pour le climat, qui rend ses travaux ce dimanche [21 juin].***ERDOGAN S’INSTALLE EN LIBYE En Libye, la chute, le 5 juin, des dernières positions du maréchal Khalifa Haftar en Tripolitaine a marqué la fin de son offensive lancée le 4 avril 2019 pour en renverser le gouvernement libyen d'accord national (GAN) de Fayez al-Sarraj. Il s'en est fallu de peu qu'il y parvienne, avec ses troupes de l’autoproclamée Armée nationale libyenne (ANL) et avec l'aide des mercenaires russes, membres du fameux groupe Wagner, dont le nombre a pu dépasser le millier, ainsi qu’avec l’appui de l’Egypte, de la France et des Emirats arabes unis. Mais Faïez Sarraj s'est trouvé un allié plus puissant encore : Recep Tayyip Erdogan, auquel il a encore rendu visite à Ankara le 4 juin. C'est à la Turquie, à ses drones et aux quelques 7.000 hommes des milices syriennes qu'elle a fait venir d'Idlib que Sarraj doit son salut. Le 28 novembre 2019, Erdogan a conclu, à Istanbul, un accord de coopération militaire et sécuritaire avec Fayez al-Sarraj. Les deux hommes s’inscrivent dans la mouvance des Frères musulmans. Bien qu'étant le chef d’un gouvernement reconnu officiellement par l'ONU, Sarraj était à l'époque au plus mal, retranché à Tripoli, et attaqué par le maréchal Haftar, maître de la Cyrénaïque. En décembre 2019, le président turc a assorti son soutien armé d'un accord de démarcation maritime. Par le biais de ce pacte, la Turquie s'arroge des droits de forage d'hydrocarbures en Méditerranée orientale. Un projet que la Grèce, Chypre, l'Egypte, les Emirats arabes unis et la France ont condamné, le jugeant illégal. La Libye est le premier producteur d’hydrocarbure africain, devant le Nigeria et l'Algérie.Cet accord visait aussi, à moyen terme pour la Turquie, à se faire donner quatre bases stratégiques en territoire libyen : les aérodromes militaires de Watiya (proche de la frontière tunisienne) et de Joufra (charnière entre la Tripolitaine et le Fezzan), les ports de Misrata et de Syrte (afin de contrôler par le sud la Méditerranée centrale). Le 2 janvier 2020, Erdogan obtenait du Parlement d'Ankara l'autorisation d'envoyer en Libye des forces turques qui ont emmené comme supplétifs plusieurs milliers de djihadistes, devenus oisifs dans la poche d'Idlib (au nord-ouest de la Syrie, à la frontière de la Turquie). Sans attendre, elles s'y déployèrent, permettant aux milices du gouvernement libyen d’union nationale de chasser progressivement de Tripolitaine les forces du maréchal Haftar. Au milieu de la Méditerranée, à 400 kilomètres des côtes siciliennes, la Libye occupe une position stratégique, contrôlant à la fois son robinet énergétique et la filière des migrants subsahariens qui transitent par le corridor libyen.

En Libye, « il n'y aura peut-être pas de bataille de Syrte », déclare Smaïl Chergui, le commissaire Paix et sécurité de l'Union africaine (UA). Depuis leur contre-attaque victorieuse du mois dernier, les troupes du gouvernement de Tripoli campent aux portes de Syrte et préparent, avec l'aide de la Turquie, une grande offensive militaire contre les forces du maréchal Haftar, qui tiennent toujours la ville. Pour Smaïl Chergui, un accord est encore possible, dans les prochains jours, pour éviter cette bataille. En ligne d'Addis Abeba, le commissaire Paix et Sécurité de l'UA répond aux questions de Christophe Boisbouvier. RFI : Comment réagissez-vous à la contre-offensive victorieuse du camp du Premier ministre Fayez el-Sarraj en Libye ? Smaïl Chergui : Moi, je pense que c’est le fait que nous n’avons pas été écoutés dès le début quand nous avons dit que le choix de la solution militaire ne mènerait pas à une solution durable. Donc, c’est vraiment dommage qu’on ait perdu tous ces mois-ci. Donc, il y a un an, en avril 2019, le maréchal Haftar a eu tort de lancer cette offensive contre Tripoli ? On voit aujourd’hui que, finalement, cela n’a fait que rendre la situation beaucoup plus complexe. L’arrivée de mercenaires en grand nombre, l’arrivée d’armements en tonnes et en tonnes, et avec leurs conséquences au niveau du terrain libyen, mais aussi au niveau du Sahel. Donc, aujourd’hui, l’heure est à la contre-attaque et le camp Sarraj espère s’emparer de Syrte et des champs pétroliers au sud du golfe de Syrte… Il me semble qu’il y a actuellement des efforts pour qu’on n’arrive pas justement à un autre bain de sang à Syrte même. Déjà, il y a quelques jours, il a fallu vraiment une intervention vigoureuse des Nations unies et d’autres parties pour libérer un certain nombre de civils qui étaient bloqués dans la région. Donc, les efforts en cours et les échanges entre les capitales des principaux acteurs actuellement sur le terrain me font espérer que l’on puisse trouver une solution pacifique autour de la ville de Syrte. Des négociations sous l’égide des Nation unies ? Vous avez pu entendre les déclarations dans les grandes capitales, que ce soit Moscou, que ce soit Washington, que ce soit la Turquie ou ailleurs, il y a certainement des échanges actuellement qui font que peut-être la solution apaisée et privilégiée est qu’on puisse tous pousser les Libyens vers le dialogue et à la négociation. Les échanges actuels entre les acteurs, ce sont des échanges directs et très secrets entre Russes, Turcs et Libyens, ou bien ce sont des échanges sous l’égide des Nations unies et de vous-même, l’Union africaine ? Je pense que ce sont des échanges qui sont directs. Nous en sommes informés plus tard, mais pour nous, c’est positif. Donc j’espère que, dans les prochains jours, nous pourrons avoir de bonnes nouvelles. Mais pour éviter la bataille de Syrte, il faudra faire des concessions, surtout du côté de l’Est et du maréchal Haftar, non ? Je crois que c’est des deux côtés. Je crois qu’il y a des demandes précises de la part du gouvernement de Tripoli. Maintenant, les demandes sont beaucoup plus élevées que par le passé, c’est normal de la part de quelqu’un qui a réussi des avancées victorieuses sur le terrain. Mais il faut évidemment que les deux parties soient en position d’accepter des solutions médianes. Et surtout, une fois que nous aurons les parties autour de la table des négociations et que nous pourrons contribuer tous à trouver cette solution durable, inclusive, vous verrez que la question de telle ou telle ville -on parle de Syrte, on parle d’Al-Jofra, on parle d’autres villes-, deviendra secondaire. Vous voulez dire que les négociations actuelles vont au-delà d’un partage d’influence. Il pourrait y avoir un véritable accord politique qui réunifierait les deux camps ? Je l’espère. Oui, mais la Turquie est en train de faire de gros investissements à l’ouest de la Libye. Elle souhaite même installer deux bases militaires, à al-Watiya et Misrata. Comment réagissez-vous ? Je pense qu’il ne m’appartient pas de parler au nom des Libyens. Le gouvernement, qui est reconnu internationalement, a fait appel à la Turquie, comme d’autres puissances sont intervenues de l’autre côté. Donc, ce qui est important et c’est ça le sens de l’appel répété de l’Union africaine, c’est que cessent les interventions extérieures dans les affaires libyennes et qu’on puisse réellement permettre aux institutions légales de pouvoir gérer cette situation. Il me semble qu’il y a des efforts actuellement pour faire contribuer le Parlement d’Al-Bayda pour une solution immédiate aux problèmes. Donc, on voit qu’il y a encore des déplacements dans tous les pays de la région, aussi bien du Premier ministre [Fayez] el-Sarraj, que du président Aguila [Saleh] du Parlement d’Al-Bayda. Moi, je pense qu’il faudra que nous puissions consolider ce genre d’efforts qui pourraient peut-être nous permettre d’avoir une solution durable. Donc, vous êtes aussi préoccupés par l’intervention russe au côté du maréchal Haftar que par l’intervention turque au côté du Premier ministre Sarraj ? Dans ce conflit malheureusement, nous avons vu qu’aussi bien la France, la Russie, la Turquie, les Émirats arabes unis et d’autres pays étaient impliqués d’une manière ou d’une autre dans ce conflit. Vous dites qu’une solution pourrait passer par Aguila Saleh, qui préside le Parlement d’Al-Bayda à l’est de la Libye. Voulez-vous dire que le maréchal Khalifa Haftar devrait peut-être se mettre à l’écart ? Non. Je disais tout à l’heure que, désormais, c’est à l’approche politique de prévaloir sur toute approche militaire. Donc, il se trouve que le président Aguila Saleh a initié une initiative dans le cadre de cette chambre d’Al-Baiyda. Donc il faudra combiner cet effort politique pour remettre le dialogue et la concertation au centre de nos efforts à tous.

Halife Hafter, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri ve Mısır’ın verdiği destekle askeri sevkiyata hız veriyor ve Trablus ile Misrata çevresinde yığınak yapıyor. Nebahat Tanrıverdi Yaşar'ın değerlendirmesi.

In episode 57 UNP founder and curator Grant Scott is in his shed considering his recent week in Vancouver, Canada, and the relationship between photography and lens-based-media contemporary art practice. Plus this week photographer Guy Martin takes on the challenge of supplying Grant with an audio file no longer than 5 minutes in length in which he answer's the question ‘What Does Photography Mean to You?' Guy Martin was born in Cornwall, England and graduated from the Documentary Photography course at the University of Wales, Newport in 2006. He began pursuing long term personal documentary projects while studying at Newport, one of which, Trading Over the Borderline - a documentation of the border region between Turkey and Northern Iraq and its trade routes – won him The Guardian and Observer Hodge Award for young photographers. Inspired by regions that are in periods of transition, he went on to pursue a long term project on the re-birth of the Cossack movement and Russian nationalism in Southern Russia and the Caucasus from 2005 to 2007, which culminated in the documentation of the Russian/Georgia conflict in August 2008. From January 2011 he began to document the revolutions sweeping through the Middle East and North Africa, photographing the revolution in Egypt before documenting the civil war in Libya from the east to the besieged western city of Misrata. In 2012 Martin was left seriously injured with shrapnel lodged in his spleen after a rocket attack in Misrata, in which his fellow photographers Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros were killed. His work has appeared in The Guardian, The Observer, The Sunday Times, The Daily Telegraph, Der Spiegel, D Magazine, FADER, Monocle, Huck, The New Statesman, The Wall Street Journal and Time. In 2011 he became a member of the photographic agency Panos and in 2012 his work from Egypt and Libya formed the basis for joint exhibitions at the Spanish Cultural Centre in New York, at the HOST Gallery in London, the Third Floor Gallery in Cardiff and the SIDE Gallery in Newcastle. His first solo show Shifting Sands was held at the Poly Gallery in Falmouth, Cornwall. He now divides his time between Istanbul and London. https://guy-martin.co.uk You can also access and subscribe to these podcasts at SoundCloud https://soundcloud.com/unofphoto on iTunes https://itunes.apple.com/gb/podcast/a-photographic-life/id1380344701 on Player FM https://player.fm/series/a-photographic-life and Podbean www.podbean.com/podcast-detail/i6uqx-6d9ad/A-Photographic-Life-Podcast Grant Scott is the founder/curator of United Nations of Photography, a Senior Lecturer in Photography, a working photographer, and the author of Professional Photography: The New Global Landscape Explained (Focal Press 2014) and The Essential Student Guide to Professional Photography (Focal Press 2015). His next book New Ways of Seeing: The Democratic Language of Photography will be published by Bloomsbury Academic in 2019. He is currently work on his next documentary film project Woke Up This Morning: The Rock n' Roll Thunder of Ray Lowry. His documentary film, Do Not Bend: The Photographic Life of Bill Jay can now be seen at www.youtube.com/watch?v=wd47549knOU&t=3915s. © Grant Scott 2019

Today we're interviewing Sheikh Khaled Tantoush, one of Libya's most well-known Imams. Tantoush was released last month by militias in Misrata, following his 5 years and 3 months' imprisonment without trial. An outspoken leader against radical Islam, and for the Libyan people, Tantoush was tortured by the same foreign mercenaries that invaded and destroyed Libya under the support and guidance of Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and other Western and Gulf State leaders. His last act of service...

Today we're interviewing Sheikh Khaled Tantoush, one of Libya's most well-known Imams. Tantoush was released last month by militias in Misrata, following his 5 years and 3 months' imprisonment without trial. An outspoken leader against radical Islam, and for the Libyan people, Tantoush was tortured by the same foreign mercenaries that invaded and destroyed Libya under the support and guidance of Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and other Western and Gulf State leaders. His last act of service...

Today we're interviewing Sheikh Khaled Tantoush, one of Libya's most well-known Imams. Tantoush was released last month by militias in Misrata, following his 5 years and 3 months' imprisonment without trial. An outspoken leader against radical Islam, and for the Libyan people, Tantoush was tortured by the same foreign mercenaries that invaded and destroyed Libya under the support and guidance of Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and other Western and Gulf State leaders. His last act of service...

“Met het ene schitterende verhaal na het andere heeft zij een klotewereld dichterbij gebracht," schreef columnist Bert Wagendorp over Volkskrant-correspondent Ana van Es. Zij is één van de genomineerden voor de Journalist van het Jaar 2016-prijs, die morgen in Hilversum wordt uitgereikt. In haar eerste jaar als journalist in het Midden-Oosten reisde Ana van Es met de trein van Bagdad naar Basrah, vond ze het gouden pistool van Kadhafi in de Libische stad Misrata en nu is ze net terug van de frontlijn met IS, die de Iraakse stad Mosul doormidden splijt.

Amal Elderat was among those who celebrated in Libya after news of Moammar Gadhafi’s capture and death in October 2011. Photo by Marco Longari/AFP/Getty Images Imagine this horrifying scenario: Your father and brother get arrested by a foreign government. You believe they’re being tortured and forced to give false confessions. Soon, they’ll be facing a trial that could lead to a lifetime in prison, possibly even the death penalty. Amal Elderat, a 28-year-old Libyan-American is living this nightmare right now. LISTEN: The real story behind your cup of tea » Subscribe in iTunes » Subscribe using RSS Elderat grew up in California, but her family is from Misrata, Libya. Her father and brother are now on trial, possibly for life, in the United Arab Emirates, where they had been living and working. They are charged with aiding terrorists in Libya during Moammar Gadhafi’s regime. The family claims they were sending humanitarian aid to their hometown of Misrata during the uprising. They are being targeted, she says, because the UAE has backed fighters from a different part of Libya. On his Shortwave podcast this week, P.J. Tobia reports on the story of how this Libyan family suffered under Moammar Gadhafi’s regime, and how after he was captured and killed, things got much, much worse. Shortwave is a podcast that you listen to. With your ears. The post How sending aid landed one Libyan family in prison appeared first on PBS NewsHour.

Guy Martin’s career began almost exactly ten years ago when in 2006 he graduated from the legendary University of Wales BA course in documentary photography with a first class degree. Since then, he has establishing himself as a successful editorial photographer and his work has appeared in a wide selection of some of the world’s most high profile magazines. As well as editorial commissions, he has also worked consistently on long-term personal projects - which, as he explains, are hugely important to him - and his latest The City of Dreams, shot in Turkey where he is now based, has been extensively published and exhibited. It’s a clever juxtaposition of two disparate elements involving Turkish soap operas and work from various protests. You can see it on his website (link below) and that is the project he is referrring to in the latter half of the podcast. During 2011 guy covered the tumultous political upheaval in the middle east and North Africa, which we have subsequently come to refer to as the Arab Spring. He photographed the revolution in Egypt and then, in April of that year, the civil war in Libya. It was there in the besieged city of Misrata that tragedy struck and Guy came very close to losing his life. He and fellow photographers Chris Hondras and Tim Hetherington, two of the most experienced and respected photojournalists of their generation, were caught in heavy fighting and a motar exploded right next to them. Chris and Tim were both killed - a huge and shocking loss which I think is probably still being felt in the photographic community not to mention among those that knew and loved them - but Guy, who was badly injured, survived and got home to England to begin his rehabilitation, which he threw himself into with single-minded determination. In episode 008, Guy discusses: Relationship with Huck magazine; staying with it until it gets awkward; print being alive and well; the importance of personal projects; Turkey project - The City of Dreams; studying at Newport; tragedy in Misrata

Libya has had two rival governments since a militia group from the western city of Misrata seized the capital from the elected government in August, forcing it to relocate to the east of the country. Unless the two sides can resolve their differences, the country risks falling into the hands of pro-Isis forces. Fiona Symon spoke to Borzou Daragahi, Middle East correspondent, about the conflict in the oil rich north African state. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

The city of Misrata arguably suffered the most during the Libyan conflict as missiles rained on it for months on end. By the end of the revolution though, fighters from Misrata had exacted their revenge on neighbouring towns and had been responsible for the capture of Colonel Gaddafi, as well as Gaddafi strongholds. More recently Misratan fighters have been in action against the city of Bani Walid. Many residents of Bani Walid, accused of being Gaddafi supporters, have been expelled from their homes. Misrata has, effectively, set itself up as a city state, outside the control of Libya's new government. Writer and journalist Justin Marozzi, who has been visiting Libya over the last twenty years, including during the revolution, returns to examine if this fragmented country can rebuild itself and come together. Is reconciliation possible while different armed groups continue to fight each other? Producer: John Murphy.

Aleem Maqbool reports on Karachi, where inter-ethnic violence between Urdu speakers and Pashtuns has killed hundreds in the last few months; as Sonia Gandhi receives medical treatment in the US, Mark Tully explores her enduring political power in India, despite the fact that she holds no government office; Orla Guerin is in Misrata, in Libya, where rockets still threaten civilians and little appears to have changed for the better; Sudan is now officially divided into two and Sudanese pride, especially in the north, has taken a battering - James Copnall describes how national hopes lay with a horse called Diktator at the Sudanese Derby; and despite their economic woes, Jake Wallis Simons sees how the Portuguese still found a way to celebrate, with trays full of bread.

Could the Libyan rebels be poised to march on the capital Tripoli? Gabriel Gatehouse, who's been spending time with them near the coastal city of Misrata, doubts they have the capability for military victory; Andrew Hosken's just returned from Somalia where the rains have failed again, drought has taken hold and many people are in danger of starving to death; a battle between modernity and an older way of doing things is underway in the Indian state of Orissa and Justin Rowlatt's been finding out that in this case, the modern world might be about to lose out; Chris Simpson's in the Gambia where the president has made it clear that he has a low opinion of journalists -- the media people, on the other hand, complain of harrassment and worse. And from the Seychelles out in the Indian Ocean, a tale from Tim Ecott about the extraordinary coco de mer; a coconut tree with erotic connotations.

The Greek austerity bill may have been passed by the Athens parliament, but Justin Rowlatt's wondering if anyone expects it to be fully implemented. It may be one of the most polluted cities in the world but Delhi, as Anu Anand has been finding out, is home to an astonishing collection of bird life. The Libyan Mediterranean city of Misrata is still coming under rocket fire from troops loyal to Colonel Gaddafi, but Andrew Harding's been seeing that families still enjoy an afternoon at the beach there. Thaksin Shinawatra may be living in self-imposed exile in Dubai but Rachel Harvey, who's been there to meet the former Thai prime minister, says he's still dominating discussion about the upcoming Thai election. And is the Amazon a resource to be exploited or one simply to be protected - questions Robin Lustig's had in mind during his travels in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso.

Fin de Siecle Deauville hosts the G8 summit of world leaders where there have been clear signs of a different world order emerging -- Bridget Kendall's been taking note. Andrew Harding tells us what it's like in Misrata which endured a two month seige by Libyan forces loyal to Colonel Gaddafi; Conor Woodman is in a town in Laos which has been taken over by Chinese investment; there's a picnic under the palms in Algiers for Chloe Arnold as she charts the decline of the city's Russian community and Tim Ecott paints a portrait of the Faroe Islands out in the north Atlantic, a place where men are hardy, the sheep hardier and where there might just be puffin on the lunch menu!

John McCarthy talks to three writers who have reported as freelancers from conflict zones. Lucy Morgan Edwards worked in Afghanistan both during and after the Taliban regime as an aid worker, journalist and election observer. Despite the risks she grew to love the country and its people. Benjamin Hall's thirst for front line journalism took him to Misrata in Libya at the height of Gaddafi's attacks on the rebel city and Oliver Bullough wrote from Chechnya as it struggled against Russian domination. They tell John about the practical difficulties and excitement of travelling in such dangerous places without backup. Producer: Harry Parker.