Podcasts about national people

Journalists invited to cover the 2026 two sessionsChina is inviting journalists from home and abroad to cover the annual sessions of its national legislature and national political advisory body, as the media center for the two sessions is scheduled to open in Beijing on Feb 27, according to an official statement on Tuesday.中国政府周二发表声明称，将邀请国内外记者报道全国人大和全国政协年度会议。两会新闻中心定于2月27日在北京开放。The fourth session of the 14th National People's Congress is set to begin on March 5, while the fourth session of the 14th Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference National Committee is scheduled to kick off on March 4.第十四届全国人民代表大会第四次会议定于3月5日开幕，而第十四届中国人民政治协商会议全国委员会第四次会议则定于3月4日召开。News coverage of the two sessions can be conducted through various methods, with a strong emphasis on on-site reporting, the statement noted, which was jointly issued by the general offices of the National People's Congress Committee and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference National Committee.全国人大常委会办公厅和全国政协办公厅联合发布的声明指出，两会的新闻报道可通过多种方式进行，重点突出现场报道。Foreign journalists based in China who want to cover the sessions should submit their applications to the press center, while those overseas can apply through Chinese embassies or consulates in their respective countries, or via visa organizations authorized by China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, according to the statement.根据声明，常驻中国的外国记者如需报道会议，应向新闻中心提交申请；海外记者可通过所在国的中国使领馆或经中国外交部授权的签证机构申请。Journalists from Hong Kong and Macao must submit their applications to the central government's liaison offices in these special administrative regions, while reporters from Taiwan should apply to the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, the statement added.声明补充道，香港和澳门记者须向中央政府驻这两个特别行政区的联络办公室提交申请，而台湾记者则应向国务院台湾事务办公室申请。The application deadline is Feb 3, and additional information about the two sessions can be found at www.npc.gov.cn .申请截止日期为2026年2月3日，有关两个会议的更多信息可访问：www.npc.gov.cn和www.cppcc.gov.cn两个网站。The two sessions, as China's biggest annual political event, usually begins in early March in Beijing. National lawmakers and political advisers gather to review the work reports of governmental and judicial authorities, deliberate on crucial economic and social issues, and participate in formulating or amending laws related to people's interests and the nation's development.全国两会作为中国每年最重要的政治活动，通常于三月初在北京开幕。全国人大代表和政协委员齐聚一堂，审议政府和司法机关的工作报告，商讨关乎国民经济和社会发展的重大议题，并参与制定或修订涉及民生福祉和国家发展的法律法规。

Mike Schopp and The Bulldog talk about what the National media thinks about the Bills heading into the playoffs.

China criticized the latest United States National Defense Authorization Act on Thursday, saying it blatantly interferes in China's internal affairs and sends a seriously wrong signal to "Taiwan independence" separatist forces.中国周四批评美国最新通过的《国防授权法案》，称该法案公然干涉中国内政，并向“台独”分裂势力释放出严重错误的信号。Zhang Xiaogang, spokesman for China's Ministry of National Defense, made the remarks at a news conference in response to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2026, which was signed last week by US President Donald Trump.中国国防部新闻发言人张晓刚是在新闻发布会上就2026财年《国防授权法案》作出上述表态的。该法案已于上周由美国总统唐纳德·特朗普签署。The act includes multiple provisions related to China and allocates about $1 billion for the so-called "Taiwan Security Cooperation Initiative," aimed at enhancing arms sales to China's Taiwan region.该法案包含多项涉华条款，并拨款约10亿美元用于所谓的“台湾安全合作倡议”，旨在加强对中国台湾地区的武器出售。Zhang said the law constitutes blatant interference in China's internal affairs and gravely undermines peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.张晓刚表示，该法案公然干涉中国内政，严重破坏台海地区的和平与稳定。He accused the US of reneging on its commitments by intensifying arms sales to Taiwan, noting that such actions will only embolden "Taiwan independence" separatist forces and push the Taiwan Strait closer to danger and war.他指责美方不断加大对台军售，背弃自身承诺，指出此类行为只会助长“台独”分裂势力的嚣张气焰，将台海局势推向更加危险甚至战争的边缘。Zhang also criticized Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party authorities for "sacrificing the interests of the Taiwan people" and allowing the US to "drain Taiwan dry" in pursuit of its own strategic goals.张晓刚还批评台湾民进党当局“牺牲台湾民众的利益”，纵容美国为实现自身战略目标而“榨干台湾”。"Attempts to use Taiwan to contain China are doomed to fail, and seeking 'independence' through force will only lead to self-destruction," Zhang said.“企图以台制华注定失败，妄图以武谋独只会自取灭亡。”张晓刚说。He urged the US to fully recognize the extreme sensitivity of the Taiwan question, strictly abide by the one-China principle and the three China-US joint communiques, and handle Taiwan-related affairs "as cautiously as possible".他敦促美方充分认识台湾问题的高度敏感性，严格恪守一个中国原则和中美三个联合公报，以“极其谨慎的态度”处理涉台问题。The spokesman urged the US to stop arming Taiwan in any form and to safeguard overall China-US relations and bilateral military ties.这位发言人呼吁美方停止以任何形式武装台湾，切实维护中美关系大局和两国两军关系。Also on Thursday, Xu Dong, spokesperson for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislature, expressed strong dissatisfaction with and firm opposition to the newly signed act.同日，全国人大外事委员会发言人许东也对该法案的签署表示强烈不满和坚决反对。Xu said the act continued a long-standing tone of containing China, hyped the so-called "China threat", and constituted blatant interference in China's internal affairs, seriously undermining China's core interests.许东表示，该法案延续了遏制中国的一贯基调，渲染所谓“中国威胁论”，公然干涉中国内政，严重损害中国核心利益。"We hope the US side views China's development and China-US relations objectively and rationally, and works with China to implement the important consensus reached in the meeting between the two countries' heads of state in Busan," Xu said.“我们希望美方客观理性看待中国发展和中美关系，与中方一道落实两国元首在釜山会晤中达成的重要共识。”许东说。"We strongly urge the US to abandon its zero-sum mentality and ideological bias, and to refrain from implementing the China-related negative provisions in the bill," he added.“我们强烈敦促美方摒弃零和思维和意识形态偏见，停止落实法案中涉华的消极条款。”他补充道。He warned that if the US insists on going its own way, China will take resolute measures in accordance with the law to firmly safeguard its sovereignty, security and development interests.他警告称，如果美方一意孤行，中方将依法采取坚决措施，坚定维护国家主权、安全和发展利益。During the news conference, defense spokesman Zhang also slammed Taiwan's regional leader Lai Ching-te for what he described as "kowtowing to the US" and recklessly pursuing militarization, calling him "an instigator of war".在新闻发布会上，张晓刚还抨击台湾地区领导人赖清德“对美卑躬屈膝”，肆意推进军事化，称其为“战争的煽动者”。Lai recently told the media that Taiwan must pursue "peace through strength" and reaffirmed what he called a "rock-solid" relationship with the US, alongside plans to push forward a $40 billion arms procurement.赖清德近日对媒体表示，台湾必须追求“以实力谋和平”，并重申其所谓与美国“坚如磐石”的关系，同时计划推进一项400亿美元的军购计划。Zhang said Taiwan's DPP authorities are colluding with external forces in a bid to pursue "Taiwan independence", which he called the root cause of rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait.张晓刚表示，台湾民进党当局勾连外部势力，企图推动“台独”，这是当前台海紧张局势上升的根本原因。"Lai's unprincipled submission to the US and his reckless pursuit of militarization have turned him into nothing more than a pure destroyer of peace and an instigator of war," Zhang said.“赖清德毫无原则地向美国屈服、肆意推进军事化，使其沦为纯粹的和平破坏者和战争煽动者。”张晓刚说。"Lai now has the audacity to talk about 'peace' while arrogantly boasting about 'strength', a stance that is both delusional and self-deceiving," the spokesman added.这位发言人补充说：“赖清德一边狂妄鼓吹所谓‘实力'，一边却空谈‘和平'，这种立场既荒谬又自欺欺人。”"The trend toward national reunification is unstoppable," Zhang said. "Those who betray the nation and seek to split the country will ultimately be condemned by history."“国家统一的大势不可阻挡。”张晓刚说，“背叛民族、分裂国家的人终将被历史所唾弃。”blatantly interfere in/ˈbleɪtəntli ˌɪntəˈfɪə(r) ɪn/公然干涉reneg(e) on commitments/rɪˈnɪɡ ɒn kəˈmɪtmənts/背弃承诺arms sales/ɑːmz seɪlz/武器出售/军售three China-US joint communiques/θriː ˈdʒɔɪnt kəˈmjuːnɪkeɪz/中美三个联合公报zero-sum mentality/ˌzɪərəʊ sʌm menˈtæləti/零和思维militarization/ˌmɪlɪtəraɪˈzeɪʃn/军事化instigator of war/ˈɪnstɪɡeɪtə(r) əv wɔː/战争煽动者

The election of the eighth-term Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region on Sunday marks another important moment in the SAR's steady advance toward high-quality democracy under the guiding principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong".香港特别行政区第八届立法会选举于周日举行，标志着香港在”爱国者治港”的指导原则下，朝着高质量民主稳步前进的又一重要时刻。This is the second LegCo election since the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress amended Hong Kong's electoral system in March 2021 to ensure the full and faithful implementation of the principle of Hong Kong should be governed by Hong Kong people, with patriots as the main body.这是自2021年3月全国人民代表大会常务委员会修订香港选举制度以来举行的第二次立法会选举，旨在确保全面准确贯彻”港人治港、爱国者担任主体”的原则。The improved electoral system has enabled the formation of a legislature that is broadly representative, politically inclusive and balanced in participation—characteristics that align with Hong Kong's actual circumstances and governance needs. The current LegCo consists of 90 seats, with 40 returned by the Election Committee constituency, 30 by functional constituencies, and 20 by geographical constituencies through direct elections. This structure, which has functioned smoothly since the reform was implemented, enhances both representation and efficiency, reflecting the interests of all segments of Hong Kong society and the SAR as a whole.经改进的选举制度使立法机构能够广泛代表社会各界，在政治上具有包容性，并在参与方面保持平衡——这些特点符合香港的实际情况和治理需求。现行立法会由90个席位组成，其中40席由选举委员会界别选举产生，30席由功能界别选举产生，20席由地方选区通过直接选举产生。自改革实施以来，这一架构运行顺畅，既增强了代表性又提高了效率，充分反映了香港社会各阶层及整个特别行政区的利益。This year's LegCo election is competitive. A total of 161 candidates—including senior academics, Olympic champions, managers of small and medium-sized enterprises, cultural workers, community organizers and rising professionals from innovation and technology sectors—are vying for the 90 seats. According to the Electoral Affairs Commission of Hong Kong, 51 nominations were received for geographical constituencies, 60 for functional constituencies, and 50 for the Election Committee constituency. That means competition is particularly strong in geographical constituencies, where 51 candidates are contesting 20 seats, ensuring that no one can "win easily" and that the LegCo election returns to its essence: selecting the virtuous and capable based on political platform, professionalism and service commitment.今年的立法会选举竞争激烈。共有161名候选人，包括资深学者、奥运冠军、中小企业管理者、文化工作者、社区组织者以及创新科技领域的新锐专业人士等，角逐90个席位。据香港选举事务委员会统计，地方选区收到51份提名，功能界别60份，选举委员会界别50份。这意味着地方选区的竞争尤为激烈，51名候选人角逐20个席位，使得无人能“轻松获胜”，使立法会选举回归本质：依据政治纲领、专业素养及服务承诺选拔贤能之士。More than 600 polling stations, including newly added ones at the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macao Bridge checkpoint and Hong Kong International Airport, have made voting more convenient, further highlighting the people-oriented and pragmatic nature of Hong Kong's electoral arrangements.超过600个投票站，包括港珠澳大桥口岸和香港国际机场新增的投票站，使投票更加便捷，进一步彰显了香港选举安排以民为本、务实高效的特点。The broad diversity of candidates and political platforms—ranging from innovation and technology, finance, medical services and housing, to youth development, labor rights, district administration and integration into national strategies—demonstrates that the new electoral system not only upholds the principle of "patriots administering Hong Kong" but also provides a wider stage for patriots of different backgrounds to contribute fresh ideas and practical solutions. As LegCo President Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen noted, the candidates' varied expertise will inject new dynamism into the legislature and bring a renewed vitality to policymaking.候选人和政治纲领的广泛多样性，从创新科技、金融、医疗服务和住房，到青年发展、劳工权益、地区行政和融入国家战略都表明新选举制度不仅坚持了“爱国者治港”的原则，也为不同背景的爱国人士提供了更广阔的舞台，让他们贡献新思路和切实可行的解决方案。正如立法会主席梁君彦所言，候选人多元化的专业背景将为立法机构注入新活力，为政策制定带来新气象。The election carries special significance in light of the recent deadly fire in Tai Po. Voters in the district, including those directly affected, said that participating in the election is an active commitment to rebuilding their homes and strengthening Hong Kong's resilience.鉴于近期大埔发生的致命火灾，此次选举具有特殊意义。该区选民，包括直接受灾者，表示参与选举是重建家园、增强香港韧性的积极承诺。Eric Chan Kwok-ki, chief secretary for the Hong Kong SAR government, stressed that electing capable and aspirational LegCo members is essential for post-disaster reconstruction and to maintaining the continuity and effectiveness of governance. From Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu's repeated calls for civil servants to set an example, to large enterprises granting time off for employees to vote, and patriotic groups on the mainland organizing members to return to Hong Kong to cast their ballots, society's strong support has created an enthusiastic election atmosphere.香港特别行政区政府政务司司长陈国基强调，选举出有能力、有抱负的立法会议员，对灾后重建以及维持管治的连续性和有效性至关重要。从行政长官李家超多次呼吁公务员带头示范，到大型企业为员工安排投票假期，再到内地爱国团体组织成员返港投票，社会各界的鼎力支持营造出热烈的选举氛围。The four-year term of the eighth Legislative Council will largely overlap with the implementation of the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) of the country. As Hong Kong enters a new stage of transitioning from stability to prosperity, the new LegCo will shoulder heavy responsibilities: accelerating economic transformation, improving people's livelihoods, strengthening district governance, advancing integration into national development, and ensuring that "one country, two systems" is steadily practiced for the long term.第八届立法会的四年任期将与国家第十五个五年规划（2026-2030年）的实施期基本重合。随着香港进入从稳定走向繁荣的新阶段，新一届立法会肩负着重大责任：加速经济转型、改善民生、加强地区治理、推进融入国家发展，并确保“一国两制”长期稳定实施。The design and improvement of Hong Kong's electoral system are purely internal affairs of China, and no foreign country has the right to interfere in them. The Office for Safeguarding National Security of the Central People's Government in the HKSAR summoned representatives of some overseas media in Hong Kong regarding recent false information and malicious smear campaigns surrounding the Tai Po fire and the LegCo election. This is a timely reminder that some external parties are still looking for opportunities to make trouble in the SAR despite the implementation of the National Security Law of Hong Kong.香港选举制度的设计和完善纯属中国内政，任何外国都无权干涉。中央人民政府驻香港特别行政区维护国家安全办公室就近期围绕大埔火灾及立法会选举的虚假信息和恶意抹黑活动，约见部分驻港海外媒体代表。这及时提醒我们，尽管香港《国家安全法》已实施，某些外部势力仍在寻找机会在特区制造事端。A fair, honest, safe and orderly election environment is indispensable for safeguarding the dignity of the electoral system and the rights of all voters. The SAR government has made it clear that it will resolutely crack down on illegal acts aimed at disrupting the election.一个公平、公正、安全、有序的选举环境，对维护选举制度的尊严和全体选民的权利至关重要。特区政府已明确表示，将坚决打击旨在破坏选举的违法行为。

On a wet October afternoon in Beijing, a group of teenage students gathered around a mediation table to discuss a potential court case. Some scrutinized "evidence bags" and debated "property allocation", while others consulted the Civil Code to confirm the validity of "wills".在一个阴雨绵绵的十月午后，北京的几名青少年学生围坐在调解桌旁，讨论一起潜在的法庭案件。有人仔细检查“证据袋”，有人争论“财产分配”，还有人查阅《民法典》来确认“遗嘱”的有效性。This was not an actual trial but an immersive legal workshop where students took on the roles of plaintiffs, defendants and judges to navigate an inheritance dispute.这并非真实审判，而是一场沉浸式法律工作坊，学生们分别扮演原告、被告和法官的角色，共同处理一起遗产纠纷。The session, centered on wills and property division, was part of an innovative initiative by Haidian District People's Court to make the law more relatable and accessible to young people.本次以遗嘱与财产分割为主题的讲座，是海淀区人民法院推出的一项创新举措，旨在让法律更贴近年轻人生活，更易于理解。Under the guidance of Sun Jiayun, who assists judges in case handling at the court, the students from Beijing 101 High School completed the workshop within an hour, learning not only about the legal validity of wills, but also judicial procedures such as court investigation, evidence exchange and statements.在北京一中学生的参与下，在法院协助法官处理案件的孙佳韵指导下，学生们仅用一小时便完成了工作坊课程。他们不仅学习了遗嘱的法律效力，还了解了法庭调查、证据交换和陈述等司法程序。Legal education in China is undergoing a transformation, and it now offers customized courses for different participants, according to Sun.孙佳韵指出，中国的法律教育正在经历转型，如今为不同参与者提供定制化课程。This transformation is a result of the implementation of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, which emphasizes the need to focus on the effectiveness of legal education, particularly by strengthening law education for young people.这一转变源于习近平法治思想的贯彻实施，该思想强调必须注重法律教育的实效性，特别是加强青少年法律教育。On Monday and Tuesday, at a central conference on work related to overall law-based governance in Beijing, President Xi Jinping instructed that efforts should be intensified on advancing the rule of law across various sectors in the nation's modernization drive.周一和周二，在北京市召开的关于全面依法治国工作的中央会议上，习近平主席指示，要加大力度推进各领域依法治国工作，为国家现代化建设提供有力保障。Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, called for across-the-board efforts to ensure society-wide observance of the law.习近平同时担任中共中央总书记和中央军事委员会主席，他呼吁全社会共同努力，确保法律得到全面遵守。Zhao Leji, chairman of the National People's Congress Standing Committee, also underscored the priority of law-based governance, stressing the need to deepen the endeavor to build a law-abiding society.全国人大常委会委员长赵乐际也强调了依法治国的优先地位，指出必须深化依法治国、依法治党、依法治国、依法治民的实践。The meeting coincided with the fifth anniversary of the introduction of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, which requires upholding a people-centered approach in advancing the building of the rule of law, and continuously enhancing the legal awareness and literacy of the entire public.此次会议恰逢习近平法治思想提出五周年。习近平法治思想要求坚持以人民为中心推进法治建设，不断提高全社会的法律意识和法律素养。激发兴趣Sparking interestHan Chu, a sophomore from the high school, played the role of a "judge" that afternoon.该校高二学生韩储当天下午扮演了“评委”的角色。During the workshop, he listened carefully to the statements of classmates playing the plaintiff and defendant, verified the various items of evidence they provided, and frequently consulted the provisions related to wills in the Civil Code.在研讨课上，他认真聆听了扮演原告和被告的同学们的陈述，核实了他们提供的各类证据，并频繁查阅《民法典》中关于遗嘱的相关条款。The script, adapted from real cases, revolved around three siblings who brought their deceased parents' handwritten, printed and audio-recorded wills to court, with each claiming sole inheritance.该剧本改编自真实案例，围绕三兄妹展开——他们将父母生前手写、打印及录音遗嘱带至法庭，各自主张获得全部遗产继承权。Han, guided by Sun, concluded that all three wills had legal flaws in accordance with the code, ruling that the family's assets should be divided equally among the three children.韩储在孙佳韵的指导下认定，根据该法典，三份遗嘱均存在法律瑕疵，裁定该家族资产应由三名子女均分。"Not only was this activity incredibly interesting, but it truly helped me grasp legal concepts. I've gained a much deeper understanding of the law by taking part in the workshop," Han said.韩储说：“这项活动不仅极其有趣，更让我真正掌握了法律概念。通过参与研讨会，我对法律有了更深入的理解。”His classmate Hu Shihan said: "The activity felt much more real than just reading textbooks. By stepping into a character's shoes, I experienced the courtroom process firsthand, which let me understand what I learned in class."他的同学胡世涵（音译）说：“这次活动比单纯读教科书真实得多。通过扮演角色，我亲身体验了法庭流程，这让我真正理解了课堂上学到的知识。”Sun beamed with satisfaction at the students' engagement. "For young people, such an immersive method is key to providing legal education," she said. "Reading law books and observing trials used to feel distant. By becoming the judges and litigants involved, their engagement and understanding deepen."孙佳韵对学生们的投入感到十分满意。“对年轻人而言，这种沉浸式教学法是开展法律教育的关键，”她说道，“过去阅读法律书籍和旁听庭审总让人觉得遥不可及。而当他们亲身扮演法官和诉讼当事人时，参与度和理解力都会显著提升。”"Our primary goal was never just to teach them laws, but to ignite a genuine interest. After all, interest is the best teacher, and that's the most important foundation for any learning," Sun added.孙佳韵补充道：“我们的首要目标从来不只是传授法律知识，而是要点燃他们真正的兴趣。毕竟，兴趣是最好的老师，这也是任何学习最重要的基础。”简明语言Easy languageHowever, when educating the elderly, Sun uses a different set of materials — large fonts and case studies without legal jargon or complex provisions.然而，在为老年人提供教育时，孙佳韵采用了一套不同的材料——大字体和案例研究，避免使用法律术语或复杂条款。"The key of offering legal education to older people lies in plain language and everyday cases," she said after sharing the topics of a will and property allocation with seniors at Yanyuan community in Beijing's Haidian district.她在北京市海淀区燕园社区向长者讲解遗嘱与财产分配相关话题后如是说：“向老年人提供法律教育的关键在于使用通俗易懂的语言和日常案例。”Sun compared "making a will" to "cooking your own meal" in her course, explaining: "If you want to distribute your house and money according to your own ideas, you need to specify in the will who gets what and how much. It's like cooking for yourself — you decide what to eat and how much."孙佳韵在课程中将“立遗嘱”比作“自己做饭”，解释道：“若想按自己的想法分配房产和财产，就需要在遗嘱中明确指定谁获得什么以及多少份额。这就像自己做饭——你决定吃什么以及吃多少。”For statutory inheritance, she compared it to "ready-made meals", saying: "If you don't have specific ideas, the Civil Code will help you. It prepares 'meals' for you, which means your assets will be divided equally."对于法定继承，她将其比作“现成的套餐”，表示：“若无具体安排，民法典将为你提供指引。它为你准备了‘套餐'，意味着你的资产将被平均分配。”Zhang Dejun, 66, welcomed these comparisons. "They make it easier for me to understand the legal issues," she said. "At my age, it's natural to start thinking about making a will and distributing assets. The legal course is exactly what I need, and I've learned a lot."66岁的张德君（音译）对这些类比表示欢迎。“它们让我更容易理解法律问题，”她说，“到了我这个年纪，开始考虑立遗嘱和分配资产是很自然的。这门法律课程正是我需要的，我学到了很多。”Sun highlighted that when educating seniors, it is crucial to use language that they can easily understand. "They don't need the legal definition of a 'legacy support agreement', but they must understand the risks of not planning ahead."孙佳韵强调，在为老年人提供教育时，使用他们容易理解的语言至关重要。“他们不需要‘遗产支持协议'的法律定义，但必须明白不提前规划的风险。”定制化教育Tailored educationThanks to the tailored education, Qian Shuo, another judges' assistant from the Haidian court, said the public's overall legal awareness has been enhanced.海淀法院另一名法官助理钱硕表示，通过定制化教育培训，公众的整体法律意识得到了提升。"Many people coming to us are more knowledgeable. Instead of saying 'I don't know the law, but this is unfair', they can cite specific legal provisions and fight for their legitimate rights," she said.钱硕表示：“现在来找我们的人普遍更有法律知识。他们不再说‘我不懂法律，但这太不公平'，而是能援引具体法律条款来维护自身合法权益。”Official data shows that since 2021, the court's staff have visited more than 100 communities, schools and enterprises across the district, providing in-person legal education nearly 600 times.官方数据显示，自2021年以来，法院工作人员已走访全区100多个社区、学校和企业，开展现场法律宣讲近600次。The staff have stimulated the public's interest in the law through short videos, and helped build legal education centers in parks, libraries and technological compounds.工作人员通过短视频激发公众对法律的兴趣，并协助在公园、图书馆和科技园区建立法律教育中心。"Legal education is not a one-way street; it's a two-way interaction," said Fang Xu, who works for the court's litigation service center. "Through this process, I've learned to see things from the residents' perspectives and empathize with their conflicts, with deeper understanding about their legal demand."法院诉讼服务中心工作人员方旭（音译）表示：“法律教育不是单向灌输，而是双向互动。通过这个过程，我学会了站在居民角度看待问题，体察他们的矛盾冲突，对他们的法律诉求有了更深的理解。”In addition to face-to-face interactions, legal-based television dramas and films have also found audiences over the past few years, attracting millions of viewers and encouraging judicial workers to interpret legal issues on the screen.除面对面交流外，近年来以法律为主题的电视剧和电影也吸引了大量观众，数以百万计的观众通过荧幕了解法律问题，这促使司法工作者开始在影视作品中解读法律议题。Zhang Tongyu, from Beijing's Chaoyang District People's Court, has interpreted the laws involved in the relevant cases in No More Bets, a film about telecom fraud, providing an analysis of these related legal issues to the public.北京市朝阳区人民法院的张彤宇（音译）法官，就电信诈骗题材电影《别再赌了》中涉及的相关案件所适用的法律进行了阐释，向公众剖析了这些关联法律问题。According to a law on publicity and education regarding the rule of law, which took effect on Nov 1, legal education, as a lifelong education for citizens, should be incorporated into the national education system.根据11月1日生效的《法治宣传教育法》，法律教育作为公民的终身教育，应当纳入国家教育体系。The law stipulates that schools and internet platforms should provide stronger legal education for young people.法律规定，学校和互联网平台应加强对青少年的法律教育。Civil Code《民法典》judge and litigant法官和诉讼当事人legacy support agreement遗产支持协议

President Xi Jinping said on Wednesday that China is willing to work with Spain to forge a comprehensive strategic partnership with greater strategic determination, dynamism and global influence, as he met with King Felipe VI of Spain, the first Spanish monarch to make a state visit to China in 18 years.The four-day trip, which started on Monday, comes as the highlight of a series of high-level interactions between the two countries, following a visit in April by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, who made three visits to China in the past three years.Xi said that over the 50 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, China and Spain have always viewed and developed bilateral relations from a strategic height and long-term perspective, respected and supported each other, and contributed to each other's success.This has set a model of pursuing amicable ties and common development by countries with different histories, cultures and social systems, Xi said.The Chinese president stressed that the two countries have played an important role in promoting openness and cooperation in the world and in upholding international fairness and justice.Xi lauded the remarkable contributions made by the Spanish royal family in developing China-Spain relations, and emphasized that King Felipe VI's visit is of great significance to the further advancement of the friendship and cooperation between the two countries.Noting that China cherishes its traditional friendship with Spain and values Spain's unique role in international and regional affairs, Xi said both sides should further consolidate mutual support, maintain the momentum of high-level exchanges, strengthen strategic guidance, and ensure that bilateral relations always stay on the right track.On practical cooperation, Xi said China is willing to import more quality products from Spain, explore the potential of cooperation in emerging areas, expand mutual investment, and build more signature projects.Xi called on the two countries to leverage their complementary strengths and jointly explore third-party markets such as Latin America.Statistics showed that bilateral trade volume between China and Spain exceeded $50 billion last year, while two-way investment surpassed $11 billion. China is Spain's largest trading partner outside the European Union, while Spain is one of China's key trading partners within the EU.China and Spain should enhance exchanges in culture and education, and support each other in the operation of cultural and language institutions in each other's country, Xi said, adding that China will continue its visa-free policy for Spain to further facilitate people-to-people exchanges. Xi explained his vision on building a community with a shared future for humanity, saying he hopes that countries could rise above differences in social systems and ideologies, build consensus through dialogue and consultation, and work together to turn the aspirations of people around the world for a better life into reality.During the talks, the Spanish king expressed his pleasure in visiting China and praised the long-standing friendship and mutual trust between the two countries, as well as China's remarkable achievements in poverty alleviation and green development.He acknowledged the role of Chinese investment in fueling Spain's economic growth and green transition, and expressed Spain's willingness to strengthen its cooperation with China in the areas of economy, trade, technology and renewable energy.He said Spain and China share highly similar philosophies on many international affairs, and both support multilateralism and the settlement of disputes through dialogue and consultation.Spain highly appreciates the four major global initiatives put forward by Xi, and is going to work with China to respond to uncertainties in the international situation with a view to upholding international trade order and promoting the steady development of the global economy, he said.Following the talks, the two leaders witnessed the signing of 10 cooperation documents in areas including the economy and trade, science and technology, and education.Premier Li Qiang and Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress Zhao Leji also met separately with King Felipe VI on Wednesday.Before traveling to Beijing, King Felipe VI visited Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan province, where he attended a business forum on Tuesday.

People from both sides of the Taiwan Strait said that no separatist forces can erase the shared history and national identity that bind people across the Strait, as the 80th anniversary of Taiwan's restoration to China was commemorated in Beijing.在北京纪念台湾光复80周年之际，海峡两岸同胞表示，任何分裂势力都无法抹去联结两岸同胞的共同历史与民族认同。A grand gathering celebrating the anniversary was held in Beijing on Saturday. It marked the first Commemoration Day of Taiwan's Restoration, following an official designation on Friday by the Standing Committee of the 14th National People's Congress, China's top legislature.周六，北京举行纪念台湾光复80周年盛大集会。此前一日（周五），中国最高立法机关——第十四届全国人民代表大会常务委员会正式设立“台湾光复纪念日”，本次集会是该纪念日设立后的首次纪念活动。Wang Huning, chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, addressed the event, calling on compatriots on both sides of the Strait to work together to advance national reunification and to firmly oppose all forms of "Taiwan independence" separatist activities.全国政协主席王沪宁在集会上发表讲话，呼吁海峡两岸同胞共同努力推进祖国统一大业，坚决反对任何形式的“台独”分裂活动。Wang stressed that the establishment of the commemoration day demonstrated the unwavering commitment of all Chinese people to uphold the one-China principle and safeguard national sovereignty and territorial integrity.王沪宁强调，设立“台湾光复纪念日”，彰显了全体中国人民坚定维护一个中国原则、捍卫国家主权和领土完整的不变决心。After the event, several guests from Taiwan said the commemoration had strengthened their confidence in the nation's eventual reunification.集会结束后，多位台湾嘉宾表示，此次纪念活动增强了他们对祖国最终实现统一的信心。Justin Lin Yifu, a Taiwan-born economist and professor at Peking University, said that Taiwan's restoration to China and the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1931-45) should be remembered by all Chinese people.出生于台湾的经济学家、北京大学教授林毅夫指出，台湾光复回归中国与中国人民抗日战争（1931-1945年）的胜利，是全体中国人民应当铭记的历史。"The course of history will not be altered by the obstruction of a small handful of people," he said, adding that the commemoration day strengthens pride in being Chinese.“历史进程不会因少数人的阻挠而改变，”林毅夫表示，“设立这一纪念日，进一步增强了我们的民族自豪感。”WuRong-yuan, chairperson of Taiwan's Labor Party, said the establishment of the commemoration day demonstrated to the world that commemorating Taiwan's restoration is the heartfelt, shared wish of compatriots on both sides of the Strait.台湾劳动党主席吴荣元表示，“台湾光复纪念日”的设立向世界表明，纪念台湾光复是海峡两岸同胞共同的深切心愿。"Our shared bonds and memories cannot be severed by any external forces or separatists," he emphasized.“我们之间的血脉联结与共同记忆，任何外部势力和分裂分子都无法割裂。”他强调道。Wu added that the decision provided strong legal and political support for all patriotic forces committed to advancing the cause of national reunification.吴荣元补充称，这一决定为所有致力于推进祖国统一事业的爱国力量提供了坚实的法律与政治支撑。On Oct 25, 1945, the ceremony to accept Japan's surrender in the Taiwan province of the China war theater of the Allied powers was held in Taipei. From that moment, Taiwan and the Penghu Islands were restored to China's sovereign jurisdiction.1945年10月25日，同盟国中国战区台湾省受降仪式在台北举行。自那一刻起，台湾及澎湖列岛重新回归中国主权管辖之下。Shaw Kai-ping, honorary president of the association for relatives of patriots in Taiwan who fought against Japanese aggression, said it was a great honor for Oct 25 to be established as a national commemoration day. Shaw's father and grandfather both took part in the resistance against Japanese occupation.台湾抗日爱国志士亲属联谊会荣誉会长萧开平表示，将10月25日设立为国家级纪念日，是一件意义重大的事。萧开平的父亲与祖父均曾参与反抗日本殖民统治的斗争。"This decision shows that the motherland has not forgotten the people of Taiwan, and that reunification is destined to be achieved," Shaw said.“这一决定表明，祖国没有忘记台湾同胞，统一大业注定实现。”萧开平说。Chi Hsing, honorary chairman of the Reunification Alliance Party in Taiwan, said he had long awaited the establishment of the commemoration day. "As the historical truth comes to light, more and more people are gaining a clearer understanding of what really happened," Chi said.台湾统一联盟党荣誉主席纪欣表示，她一直期盼“台湾光复纪念日”的设立。“随着历史真相的不断揭示，越来越多的人开始清晰了解当年的真实情况。”纪欣说。The Taiwan Work Office of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council hosted a reception in Beijing on Saturday, attended by guests from both Taiwan and the mainland who had participated in the earlier gathering.中共中央台湾工作办公室、国务院台湾事务办公室于周六在北京举办招待会，出席此前纪念集会的两岸嘉宾受邀参加。Song Tao, head of both offices, said at the reception that establishing the commemoration day on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of Taiwan's restoration fully reflects the will of the people and the resolve of the nation.两办主任宋涛在招待会上表示，在台湾光复80周年之际设立这一纪念日，充分体现了人民的意愿与国家的决心。"We are confident in advancing the great cause of national reunification and enhancing the well-being of our Taiwan compatriots," Song said.“我们有信心推进祖国统一伟大事业，增进台湾同胞福祉。”宋涛说。Chi Hsing, publisher of The Observer magazine in Taiwan, said the decision reflects the shared aspirations of the vast majority of Taiwan compatriots.台湾《观察》杂志发行人纪欣表示，设立“台湾光复纪念日”的决定，反映了绝大多数台湾同胞的共同心声。"It will carry forward the patriotic tradition, reaffirm that both sides of the Strait belong to one China, and inspire pride in being Chinese," she said.“这将传承爱国传统，重申海峡两岸同属一个中国，激发民族自豪感。”她说。Ji Bin, vice-chairman of the All-China Federation of Taiwan Compatriots, said the restoration of Taiwan is solid evidence of the Chinese government's resumption of sovereignty over Taiwan and a crucial link in the historical and legal chain of Taiwan being part of China.中华全国台湾同胞联谊会副会长纪斌指出，台湾光复是中国政府恢复对台湾行使主权的铁证，也是台湾作为中国一部分的历史与法律链条中的关键一环。"No matter how the Democratic Progressive Party and its politicians distort the truth of the war of resistance against Japanese aggression, deny the achievements of the war victory, downplay or deny the historical significance of Taiwan's restoration, and collude with external forces to promote the fallacy of 'Taiwan's undetermined status', they cannot distort or undermine the historical and legal fact that Taiwan belongs to China," Ji said.“无论民进党及其政客如何歪曲抗日战争史实、否认抗战胜利成果、淡化甚至否定台湾光复的历史意义，勾结外部势力宣扬‘台湾地位未定论'谬论，都无法歪曲和改变台湾属于中国的历史与法律事实。”纪斌说。In Taipei, the memorial association of the Chinese war of resistance against Japanese aggression in Taiwan and the Chinese Kuomintang party jointly held a celebration on Saturday marking the anniversary of Taiwan's restoration.在台北，台湾抗日民族统一战线纪念会与中国国民党于周六联合举办台湾光复80周年纪念活动。Overseas Chinese from both sides of the Strait also celebrated the commemoration day in various forms. Chinese embassies in countries including the United States, Japan, Brazil and Indonesia held symposiums marking the 80th anniversary of Taiwan's restoration on the day of commemoration.海外两岸侨胞也以多种形式庆祝这一纪念日。中国驻美国、日本、巴西、印度尼西亚等国的大使馆，均在纪念日当天举办台湾光复80周年座谈会。In New York City, hundreds of Chinese compatriots from both sides of the Strait gathered in the Flushing neighborhood of Queens borough on Friday to celebrate the anniversary.在纽约，数百名两岸同胞于周五齐聚皇后区法拉盛社区，共同庆祝台湾光复80周年。separatist/ˈseprətɪst/adj.分裂主义的，分离主义的sovereignty /ˈsɒvrənti/n.主权；最高统治权jurisdiction/ˌdʒʊərɪsˈdɪkʃn/n.管辖权，司法权

Two years ago, Taiwan bartender Danny Hsu brought his 12 years of mixology experience from Taichung, a city in China's Taiwan region, and opened Stirred Bar in the Three Lanes and Seven Alleys, a historical architectural complex in downtown Fuzhou, the capital of Fujian province.两年前，中国台湾地区台中市的调酒师许丹尼（Danny Hsu）带着12年的调酒经验，在福建省会福州市中心的历史建筑群三坊七巷开设了“Stirred Bar”酒吧。Hsu enjoys experimentally incorporating fresh fruits, tea, coffee and even unexpected ingredients like vinegar and chili into his cocktails, conveying unique tastes and his understanding of life.许丹尼喜欢在调酒中尝试加入新鲜水果、茶、咖啡，甚至醋、辣椒等非常规原料，以此传递独特的口感和他对生活的理解。His latest creation is a cocktail symbolizing the fusion of cultures across the Taiwan Strait, blending full-bodied Kaoliang liquor, a specialty from Taiwan, with the gentle aroma of Fuzhou's jasmine tea.他最新创作的一款鸡尾酒象征着两岸文化融合，将台湾特产的醇厚高粱酒与福州茉莉花茶的淡雅香气相融合。"The fiery spirit meets the sweet jasmine flowers, just like the ongoing cross-Strait integration," he said.他表示：“浓烈的酒香邂逅清甜的茉莉，就像正在推进的两岸融合发展一样。”Oct 25 marks the 80th anniversary of Taiwan's retrocession. Since its return to the motherland in 1945, cross-Strait relations have experienced twists and turns, but integrated development has always been the main historical trend.10月25日是台湾光复80周年纪念日。自1945年回归祖国以来，两岸关系虽历经波折，但融合发展始终是历史主流。Fujian and Taiwan are connected by a single body of water, and share the same ancestry, culture and customs, with about 80 percent of Taiwan's population tracing its ancestry back to Fujian. Such closeness gives the coastal province an irreplaceable role in promoting peaceful cross-Strait development and reunification.福建与台湾隔海相望、同根同源、文化相通、习俗相近，约80%的台湾民众祖籍在福建。这种特殊的亲缘联系，让福建在推动两岸和平发展、促进祖国统一进程中具有不可替代的作用。Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012, President Xi Jinping, who is also general secretary of the CPC Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, has made three field trips to Fujian, consistently emphasizing cross-Strait integrated development.自2012年中国共产党第十八次全国代表大会以来，中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平已三次赴福建考察，始终强调推动两岸融合发展。In his latest tour to the province last year, Xi reiterated the call for Fujian to make greater progress in exploring the new path for cross-Strait integrated development.在去年最新一次福建考察中，习近平总书记再次强调，要推动福建在探索两岸融合发展新路上迈出更大步伐。Statistics showed that Fujian has become a top choice for a growing number of Taiwan businesspeople and young entrepreneurs, thanks to innovative integration policies.数据显示，得益于创新性的融合发展政策，福建已成为越来越多台商和台湾青年创业者的首选地之一。From January to August, Fujian saw 1,653 new enterprises funded by Taiwan investment, with $660 million in utilized capital from Taiwan, the highest among all mainland provinces, according to data from the provincial Taiwan affairs authority.福建省台办数据显示，今年1月至8月，福建新增台资企业1653家，实际使用台资6.6亿美元，两项数据均居大陆各省份首位。In the first eight months of this year, passenger traffic between Fujian and Taiwan surged 36.4 percent to 1.73 million trips, compared with the same period last year, while cross-Strait events saw 28,000 Taiwan participants, a 40 percent increase, data showed.数据还显示，今年前8个月，闽台旅客往来量达173万人次，同比增长36.4%；两岸各类交流活动中，台湾参与人数达2.8万人次，同比增长40%。Chen Lishuang, a deputy researcher at the Fujian Academy of Social Sciences' Institute of Modern Taiwan Studies, said the province has achieved notable results in economic cooperation and social integration with Taiwan through pilot policies.福建省社会科学院现代台湾研究所副研究员陈丽霜（音译）表示，福建通过一系列试点政策，在两岸经济合作与社会融合方面取得了显著成效。While working in Fujian for about 17 years, from 1985 to 2002, Xi attached great importance to Taiwan-related work, tirelessly promoting cooperation and cultivating affection between people on both sides of the Strait, Chen said.陈丽霜指出，1985年至2002年，习近平总书记在福建工作的17年间，高度重视对台工作，不懈推动两岸合作，增进两岸同胞情谊。In 1997, a 102-day tour of Taiwan by a statue of the sea goddess Mazu saw millions pay their respects to the deity across the island, becoming the longest and most influential cross-Strait exchange at the time.1997年，海神妈祖雕像赴台巡游102天，全台数百万民众前往瞻仰，成为当时持续时间最长、影响最广的两岸交流活动。In 2001, limited direct transportation, trade and postal services began between Fujian's coast and the islands of Jinmen and Matsu, administered by Taiwan, and this was warmly received. An exchange agreement signed later that year, by representatives from the two sides, included the one-China principle for the first time, causing a stir.2001年，福建沿海与台湾地区管辖的金门、马祖地区开启局部直接通航、通贸、通邮，受到两岸民众热烈欢迎。同年晚些时候，两岸代表签署的一项交流协议首次纳入一个中国原则，引发广泛关注。"Xi made many statements regarding work related to Taiwan from the historical perspective of achieving the peaceful reunification of the motherland, along with a series of forward-looking and strategic explorations and practices while working in Fujian," Chen said.陈丽霜表示：“在福建工作期间，习近平总书记从实现祖国和平统一的历史高度，就对台工作作出许多重要论述，并开展了一系列具有前瞻性、战略性的探索与实践。”The innovative concepts and practical advancements in Taiwan-related work proposed by Xi during his tenure in Fujian constitute an important source of his later significant discourse on Taiwan affairs, she said.她指出，习近平总书记在福建工作期间提出的对台工作创新理念和实践成果，是其后来关于台湾问题重要论述的重要思想源头。In his speech on the 40th anniversary of the issuance of the Message to Compatriots in Taiwan by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislature, in January 2019, Xi emphasized the need to deepen integrated development between the two sides to lay a foundation for peaceful reunification.2019年1月，在全国人大常委会《告台湾同胞书》发表40周年纪念会上，习近平总书记强调，要深化两岸融合发展，为实现和平统一奠定坚实基础。"Just as loved ones wish each other well, we Chinese should help each other. We treat our compatriots in Taiwan as equals, and will continue paving the way for them to share first the mainland's development opportunities," Xi said.习近平总书记表示：“亲人之间，没有解不开的心结。两岸同胞是一家人，有困难就要互相帮助。我们始终把台湾同胞当作一家人，愿意继续率先同台湾同胞分享大陆发展机遇。”He called for enhanced connectivity in trade, infrastructure, energy and industry standards, suggesting initial projects such as supplying water, electricity and gas, and constructing sea-crossing bridges from Fujian to Jinmen and Matsu.总书记呼吁，要加强两岸贸易、基础设施、能源、产业标准等领域互联互通，提出从福建向金门、马祖供水供电供气，建设跨海大桥等先期项目。In 2023, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council, China's Cabinet, announced plans to make Fujian a "demonstration zone" for the integrated development across the Strait, offering policies like infrastructure connectivity and incentives for Taiwan residents to create their careers.2023年，中共中央、国务院印发方案，决定支持福建建设海峡两岸融合发展示范区，推出基础设施互联互通、鼓励台湾同胞来闽就业创业等一系列政策举措。"Fujian's supportive policies for Taiwan compatriots have given me a real sense of belonging," said Lin Chun-ying, who operates a tea mountain company in suburban Fuzhou and exports high-mountain oolong tea to countries including the United Kingdom, Germany and Japan.在福州郊区经营茶山企业、向英国、德国、日本等国出口高山乌龙茶的林春英（音译）表示：“福建对台湾同胞的扶持政策，让我真正有了归属感。”"My father often told me when I was a child that we are Chinese, because he was born on the mainland before my grandfather took him to Taiwan," Lin said. "My father said his mission was to bring us back to our motherland."林春英说：“小时候父亲常跟我说，我们是中国人。因为父亲出生在大陆，后来爷爷才带他去了台湾。父亲说，他的心愿就是带我们回到祖国母亲的怀抱。”Back in the 1990s, Lin and her father arrived in the provincial capital to clear a barren mountain to plant tea.上世纪90年代，林春英便和父亲来到福州，开垦荒山种植茶树。"Growing up, making and learning about tea in Fuzhou, I fell in love with Fuzhou's mountains," Lin said. She has now taken over management of the company from her father.“在福州长大，学着种茶、制茶，我早已爱上了这里的山山水水，”林春英说。如今，她已从父亲手中接过公司管理的重任。Wu Yongping, director at the Institute for Taiwan Studies at Tsinghua University, said that Taiwan lacks the economic hinterland for further development, given its limited population and small local market, but the mainland could offer it a much broader space for growth.清华大学台湾研究院院长巫永平表示，台湾人口有限、本地市场规模较小，缺乏进一步发展的经济腹地，而大陆能为其提供更广阔的发展空间。After the launch of reform and opening-up, Taiwan businesses that entered the mainland have contributed to the economy and have been beneficiaries as well, Wu said, adding that economic ties are a fundamental link of cross-Strait relations, so it's important to keep the link strong.巫永平指出，改革开放以来，进入大陆的台商不仅为大陆经济发展作出了贡献，自身也成为受益者。他强调，经济联系是两岸关系的重要基础，必须牢牢巩固这一纽带。Fujian's "demonstration zone" aims to ease the settlement of Taiwan compatriots on the mainland by leading efforts to overcome constraints on specific matters like obtaining phone cards, bank cards and residence permits, he said.他表示，福建建设“海峡两岸融合发展示范区”，旨在率先破解台湾同胞在大陆申领电话卡、银行卡、居住证等具体生活便利化问题，让台湾同胞在大陆生活更便捷。As a veteran Taiwan businesswoman developing on the mainland for decades, Lin has also become a facilitator for cross-Strait youth exchanges, sharing her experiences on employment and entrepreneurship in Fuzhou with young people from Taiwan.作为在大陆发展数十年的资深台商，林春英还成为两岸青年交流的桥梁，经常向台湾青年分享自己在福州就业创业的经验。She met her husband, who is from Harbin, Heilongjiang province, in Shanghai in 2018. They now have two children and live in Fuzhou.2018年，林春英在上海结识了来自黑龙江哈尔滨的丈夫，如今两人已育有两个孩子，在福州定居生活。Taiwan compatriots in Fujiann.在福建的台湾同胞 /ˌtaɪˈwɑːn kəmˈpeɪtriəts ɪn ˈfuːdʒiːn/Taiwan businesspeople (investing in Fujian)n.（在福建投资的）台商/ˌtaɪˈwɑːn ˈbɪznɪsˌpiːpl (ɪnˈvestɪŋ ɪn ˈfuːdʒiːn)/

The Communist Party of China will convene a key leadership meeting from Oct 20 to 23 in Beijing to map out priorities of the nation's 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30), a blueprint that will shape the nation's economic and social agenda and lay the groundwork for its long-term modernization goals.中国共产党将于10月20日至23日在北京召开重要领导会议，制定“十五五”规划（2026-2030年）的重点任务。该规划作为一份蓝图，将确定国家经济社会发展议程，并为国家长期现代化目标奠定基础。The date for the fourth plenary session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee was set at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on Monday. Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, presided over the meeting.五年规划是指导中国中长期发展的重要战略文件，明确了每个五年期间各领域的国家目标、主要任务和政策方向。中共二十届四中全会的召开日期是在周一召开的中共中央政治局会议上确定的，中共中央总书记习近平主持了此次会议。Five-year plans are crucial strategic documents guiding China's medium- and long-term development, which outline national goals, major tasks and policy directions in various sectors for each five-year period.五年规划是指导中国中长期发展的重要战略文件，明确了每个五年期间各领域的国家目标、主要任务和政策方向。During Monday's meeting, the Political Bureau was briefed about the opinions solicited from within and outside the CPC about a document on the CPC Central Committee's proposals for formulating the next five-year plan. It was decided at the meeting that the document will be revised based on the discussion at the meeting and submitted to the fourth plenary session for deliberation.在周一的会议上，政治局听取了关于《中共中央关于制定下一步五年规划的建议》文件的党内外意见征求情况汇报。会议决定，将根据会议讨论情况对该文件进行修改，并提交四中全会审议。The plenary session will take place as China nears the completion of its 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25), which has yielded significant achievements. The country is now gearing up to establish priorities for the upcoming 2026-30 period.此次全会召开之际，中国正接近完成“十四五”规划（2021-2025年），该规划已取得显著成就，目前国家正着手确定2026-2030年的重点任务。The meeting highlighted the importance of upholding the Party's overall leadership during the 15th Five-Year Plan period. With a focus on putting people first, efforts should be made to ensure that more benefits of modernization are shared more fairly among all the people, the meeting said.会议强调，“十五五”时期必须坚持党的全面领导，坚持以人民为中心，努力让现代化建设成果更多更公平惠及全体人民。It stressed the need to stay committed to high-quality development, foster new quality productive forces in line with local conditions, and comprehensively deepen reform while further expanding high-level opening-up.同时，要坚持高质量发展，因地制宜培育新质生产力，全面深化改革，进一步扩大高水平对外开放。China will promote better interplay between an efficient market and a well-functioning government, giving full play to the decisive role of the market in the allocation of resources and ensuring that the government plays its role better, said a statement released after the meeting.会后发布的声明指出，中国将推动有效市场和有为政府更好结合，充分发挥市场在资源配置中的决定性作用，更好发挥政府作用。In accordance with the strategic plan for building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects, as outlined at the 20th CPC National Congress in 2022, China will basically achieve socialist modernization by 2035 through the implementation of the 14th, 15th and 16th five-year plans.根据2022年党的二十大提出的全面建设社会主义现代化强国战略部署，中国将通过实施“十四五”“十五五”“十六五”规划，到2035年基本实现社会主义现代化。Since the start of this year, Xi has made a series of instructions to chart the course for the formulation of the 15th Five-Year Plan.今年以来，习近平总书记就“十五五”规划编制作出一系列重要指示。During an inspection tour to Shanghai in April, Xi said at a symposium on China's economic and social development in the 2026-30 period that "the planning must focus on the goal of basically realizing socialist modernization, with a view to building a great country and advancing national rejuvenation".4月在上海考察时，于2026-2030年中国经济社会发展座谈会上指出，“规划要聚焦基本实现社会主义现代化这一目标，着眼于建设强国、推进民族复兴”。In an instruction in May, he stressed sound, democratic and law-based decision-making to ensure high-quality formulation of the five-year plan.He also emphasized the importance of integrating top-level design with seeking advice from the public, enhancing research and discussions, and building broad consensus.5月在相关指示中强调，要坚持科学决策、民主决策、依法决策，确保五年规划高质量编制，同时重视顶层设计与问计于民相结合，加强研究论证，凝聚广泛共识。The General Office of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislature, noted in a report released earlier this month that guiding economic and social development with medium-and long-term plans is an important approach adopted by the Party in governing the country.Practice has proved that medium-and long-term development plans can not only give full play to the decisive role of the market in resource allocation, but also better leverage the role of the government, the report said.中国最高立法机关——全国人大常委会办公厅在本月初发布的一份报告中指出，以中长期规划指导经济社会发展，是党治国理政的重要方式。实践证明，中长期发展规划既能充分发挥市场在资源配置中的决定性作用，又能更好发挥政府作用。In a report released on Sunday, China Galaxy Securities said it believes that the key focuses during the 15th Five-Year Plan period will include promoting technological innovation, boosting domestic demand, addressing "involution-style" competition, advancing market-based reforms for the allocation of production factors, building a green and low-carbon economy, and enhancing people's well-being.中国银河证券在周日发布的报告中表示，预计“十五五”时期的重点方向包括推动科技创新、扩大内需、应对“内卷式”竞争、推进生产要素市场化配置改革、发展绿色低碳经济以及增进民生福祉。convenev.召开/kənˈviːn/deliberationn.审议；深思熟虑；讨论/dɪˌlɪbəˈreɪʃn/leveragev.充分利用；发挥/ˈliːvərɪdʒ/

The relationship between China and the United States is one of the most consequential bilateral dynamics in the world, making it imperative for both sides to maintain open lines of communication.中美关系是全球最重要的双边关系之一，因此双方保持开放的沟通渠道至关重要。Multidimensional, in-depth, and high-level engagements can help both countries manage their differences and expand mutually beneficial cooperation, benefiting not only themselves but also the wider world.多维度、深层次、高水平的交往有助于两国管控分歧、扩大互利合作，这不仅造福中美两国，也惠及更广泛的世界。It is therefore a welcome development that despite the tensions that have flared up between them, there has been a renewed momentum of high-level dialogue between the two countries in areas such as trade, diplomacy and defense recently. This communication is crucial for deepening understanding, managing differences, expanding cooperation, and enhancing mutual interests.因此，尽管中美之间不时出现紧张局势，但近期两国在贸易、外交、国防等领域重燃高层对话势头，这一进展值得欢迎。此类沟通对于深化理解、管控分歧、扩大合作、增进共同利益具有关键意义。It also helps create a positive atmosphere for their trade negotiations.这也为两国贸易谈判营造了积极氛围。That a group of US lawmakers are visiting China — a rare occurrence for members of the US Congress — has therefore attracted significant attention.一群美国议员访华（这对美国国会议员而言较为罕见），因此引发了广泛关注。Led by Representative Adam Smith, a Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, this visit, which began Sunday, marks the first by members of the US House of Representatives to China since 2019.此次访问于周日启动，由美国众议院军事委员会民主党议员亚当·史密斯带队，是2019年以来美国众议院议员首次访华。Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi described the visit as an "ice-breaking journey" after his meeting with the US delegation on Tuesday, noting that the delegation represents the voices of both US political parties and reflects the American people's expectations for China-US relations.中国外交部长王毅周二在会见美国代表团后，将此次访问称为“破冰之旅”，并指出该代表团代表了美国两党的声音，也反映了美国人民对中美关系的期待。By directly engaging with senior Chinese officials — the delegation has also met with Chinese Premier Li Qiang, Chairman of the National People's Congress Standing Committee Zhao Leji, Vice-Premier He Lifeng and Defense Minister Dong Jun — the visiting US lawmakers can hopefully help promote extended communication between Washington and Beijing, which is essential for mitigating misunderstandings and fostering mutual respect and cooperation.通过与中国高层官员直接交流（代表团还会见了中国国务院总理李强、全国人大常委会委员长赵乐际、国务院副总理何立峰及国防部长董军），来访的美国议员有望推动美中之间的深入沟通，而这种沟通对于减少误解、促进相互尊重与合作至关重要。Notably, the visit follows the recent telephone talks between President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump, which set the tone and direction for the relations between the two countries. Following up on this irreplaceable heads-of-state diplomacy is essential to keeping China-US relations stabilized.值得注意的是，此次访问是在习近平主席与美国总统唐纳德·特朗普近期通话之后进行的，两国元首通话为中美关系定下了基调、指明了方向。落实这一不可替代的元首外交成果，是维护中美关系稳定的关键。A key objective of the US congressional delegation's visit is to strengthen military communication, a goal supported by both sides.美国国会代表团此次访华的一个重要目标是加强军事沟通，这一目标得到了双方支持。Defense Minister Dong said, as two major countries with global influence, China and the US should uphold the bottom line of no conflict and no confrontation. In particular, he called for correcting strategic cognition in military strategy to prevent misunderstandings and miscalculations, thereby avoiding serious challenges to bilateral ties and global stability.董军部长表示，中美作为具有全球影响力的两个大国，应坚守不冲突、不对抗的底线。他特别呼吁在军事战略层面纠正战略认知，防止误解误判，进而避免给双边关系和全球稳定带来严重挑战。Tensions in the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait have increased in recent years, primarily due to the efforts of the US and its allies to contain China. The Pentagon should recognize that the Chinese People's Liberation Army, while resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, security and development interests, seeks stable and positive military ties. Dong urged the US lawmakers to "eliminate interfering and restrictive factors and adopt constructive and pragmatic measures" to improve military-to-military relations and bilateral ties.近年来，南海和台海局势紧张升级，这主要是由于美国及其盟友推行遏制中国的举措所致。美国国防部应认识到，中国人民解放军在坚决维护国家主权、安全和发展利益的同时，致力于推动稳定、积极的军事关系。董军部长敦促美国议员“消除干扰限制因素，采取建设性、务实举措”，以改善两军关系和双边关系。For bilateral ties to proceed smoothly, there must be a consensus that China and the US are partners, not rivals or enemies. The two nations are fully capable of helping each other succeed and prosper together for their own good and for the world.中美关系要顺利发展，必须达成一个共识：中美是伙伴，而非对手或敌人。为了两国自身利益和世界福祉，中美完全有能力相互成就、共同繁荣。During his meeting with the House of Representatives delegation, Foreign Minister Wang expressed the hope that the visit will help the US side understand China accurately.在会见众议院代表团时，王毅外长表示，希望此次访问能帮助美方准确了解中国。He rightly urged the US to view China objectively, approach differences rationally, engage in friendly interactions, and actively explore new areas of cooperation so as to realize sustainable China-US relations that are stable and sound.他合理敦促美方客观看待中国，理性处理分歧，开展友好互动，积极探索新的合作领域，推动中美关系实现稳定、健康、可持续发展。Doing so would be conducive to enabling the two countries to achieve mutual success and shared prosperity. For that, the US needs to work hand in hand with China in the same direction so as to achieve win-win outcomes. They should make joint efforts with mutual respect to empower each other to achieve success, becoming partners for common development.此举将有助于中美两国实现相互成就、共同繁荣。为此，美方需与中方相向而行、携手合作，以实现共赢。双方应在相互尊重基础上共同努力，相互赋能成就彼此，成为共同发展的伙伴。US congressional delegation (led by Adam Smith)n.美国国会代表团（由亚当·史密斯带队） /ˌjuː ˈes kənˈɡreʃənl ˌdelɪˈɡeɪʃn (led baɪ ˈædəm smɪθ)/China-US military communicationn.中美军事沟通/ˌtʃaɪnə ˌjuː ˈes ˈmɪlətri kəˌmjuːnɪˈkeɪʃn/

The Standing Committee of the 14th National People's Congress, China's top legislature, will hold its 17th session in Beijing from September 8th to 12th, with lawmakers set to review draft laws, a package of amendments to existing laws and reports by the State Council.

Afleet of the Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy led by the aircraft carrier Shandong made its first visit to Hong Kong, a move widely seen as not only a demonstration of military strength but also a step toward deepening ties between Hong Kong and the mainland.由山东号航空母舰率领的中国人民解放军海军舰队首次访问香港，此举被广泛视为不仅展示了军事实力，也是深化香港与内地关系的一步。The naval fleet, comprising the aircraft carrier Shandong, the Yan'an missile destroyer, the Zhanjiang missile destroyer, and the Yuncheng missile frigate, arrived in Hong Kong on Thursday to begin a five-day visit.由山东号航空母舰、延安导弹驱逐舰、湛江导弹驱逐舰和运城导弹护卫舰组成的海军舰队于周四抵达香港，开始为期五天的访问。On the day the naval fleet arrived, hundreds — if not thousands — of Hong Kong residents gathered along the shore to watch. Local media rushed to cover the story.海军舰队抵达当天，数百名（如果不是数千名的话）香港居民聚集在岸边观看。当地媒体争相报道此事。Chief executive of China's Hong Kong Special Administrative Region John Lee said that both the steadfast presence of the PLA garrison in Hong Kong and the cordial visit by the modernized naval fleet have made the "Pearl of the Orient" shine brighter, reflecting the country's ability and determination in safeguarding peace, while allowing Hong Kong, under "one country, two systems," to continue to play its part in the nation's development.中国香港特别行政区行政长官John Lee说，解放军驻港部队的坚守和现代化海军舰队的亲切访问，使“东方之珠”更加璀璨，体现了国家维护和平的能力和决心，也使香港在“一国两制”下继续为国家发展发挥作用。Chief Secretary for Administration of the HKSAR government Chan Kwok-ki attended the deckreception on the Shandong aircraft carrier. He believed the visit by the naval fleet allowed the wider public in Hong Kong to witness the strength of the country's military and would help enhance students' sense of national identity and pride.香港特区政府政务司司长陈国基出席山东航空母舰甲板招待会。他相信，海军舰队的访问让香港的广大公众见证了国家军队的实力，并将有助于增强学生的民族认同感和自豪感。Deputy Chief Secretary for Administration of the HKSAR government Cheuk Wing-hing shared on social media that he toured the ski-jump flight deck, arresting cables, carrier-based fighter jets, and helicopters aboard the Shandong.香港特区政府政务司副司长卓永兴在社交媒体上分享，他参观了山东号上的跳台滑雪飞行甲板、拦阻索、舰载战斗机和直升机。"The rapid progress of our country's national defense is truly remarkable," Cheuk said. "I am deeply moved and feel proud of our nation."卓说：“我国国防建设的快速发展确实令人瞩目。”。“我深受感动，为我们的国家感到自豪。”The Shandong aircraft carrier was open to the public for visits. Starry Lee, a member of the National People's Congress Standing Committee, said that this allowed people to experience firsthand the remarkable achievements of the country's naval modernization, and held significant meaning in fostering a stronger sense ofpatriotism in Hong Kong society.山东航空母舰对公众开放参观。全国人大常委会委员李表示，这让人们亲身体验到中国海军现代化建设取得的显著成就，对增强香港社会的爱国主义意识具有重要意义。Friday was the first open day of the fleet's visit to Hong Kong, with a focus on student visitors. More than 10,000 visits were made aboard the Shandong, Zhanjiang, and Yuncheng ships.星期五是船队访问香港的第一个开放日，重点是学生游客。山东、湛江和运城的船只共接待了10000多名游客。"My ancestral home is Shandong. When I first stepped onto the deck, I couldn't help but cry. Our country has truly become strong!" a lecturer at Hong Kong Metropolitan University surnamed Wong said.香港都会大学一位姓王的讲师说：“我的祖籍是山东。当我第一次踏上甲板时，我忍不住哭了。我们的国家真的变得强大了！”。Some secondary school students from Macao were organized by their schools to travel to Hong Kong for the visit. They happily toured the ships while taking photos with their smartphones to share with classmates who missed the visit. They said that boarding the warships was more than just a visit; it allowed them to witness the long history of China and the country's remarkable progress.部分来自澳门的中学生由学校组织前往香港参观。他们愉快地参观了船只，同时用智能手机拍照，与错过参观的同学分享。他们说，登上军舰不仅仅是一次访问；它让他们见证了中国悠久的历史和国家的显著进步。Seeing the modern carrier-based fighter jets and the spirited,high-morale crew aboard the vessels left a deep impression on Paul Chan, financial secretary of the HKSAR government.看到现代化的舰载战斗机和船上士气高昂的船员，给香港特别行政区政府财政司司长陈茂波留下了深刻的印象。Chan said that the visit by the naval fleet fully reflected the country's deep affection for Hong Kong. "A strong nation must have a strong military, and our country's navy will only grow stronger," he remarked.陈说，海军舰队的访问充分体现了国家对香港的深厚感情。他说：“一个强大的国家必须拥有强大的军队，我们国家的海军只会越来越强大。”。"Stepping aboard the domestically built aircraft carrier Shandong and standing on the deck of this steel giant filled me with excitement," Jeffrey Lam, a member of the Executive Council of the HKSAR, said.香港特别行政区行政会议成员林健锋表示：“登上国产航母山东号，站在这艘钢铁巨头的甲板上，我感到非常兴奋。”。Just as the Shandong sailed forward with strength and determination, Hong Kong, with the support of the country, will surely overcome all challenges and continue to enjoy prosperity and stability, Lam added.林补充说，正如山东以坚强和决心向前航行一样，香港在国家的支持下，必将战胜一切挑战，继续享有繁荣稳定。naval fleetn.海军舰队/ˈneɪvəl fliːt/aircraft carriern.航空母舰/ˈeəkrɑːft ˈkæriə/

In this week's episode of China Insider, Miles Yu unpacks the latest round of PLA purges officially released by the National People's Congress, including high-level Central Military Commission official Miao Hua, and what this means for CCP bureaucratic and cadre politics. Next, Miles forecasts the upcoming BRICS and QUAD summits, and the importance of collective dialogue to address current global security issues and ongoing conflicts. Lastly, Miles comments on the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting in Qingdao, including geopolitical analysis of the SCO's legitimacy among member nations and implications for the future of the organization under China's leadership.China Insider is a weekly podcast project from Hudson Institute's China Center, hosted by China Center Director and Senior Fellow, Dr. Miles Yu, who provides weekly news that mainstream American outlets often miss, as well as in-depth commentary and analysis on the China challenge and the free world's future.

China will hold a grand military parade in Beijing on Sept 3 to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, senior Chinese officials announced on Tuesday. 中国官方于周二（6月20号）宣布，9月3日将在北京举行盛大阅兵仪式，纪念中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年。On the morning of Sept 3, China will hold a grand ceremony at Tian'anmen Square in Beijing to mark the 80th anniversary of the victory of these two wars, including a troop review, said Hu Heping, deputy head of the Publicity Department of the Communist Party of China Central Committee.中共中央宣传部副部长胡和平表示，9月3日上午将在北京天安门广场举行纪念中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年大会，包括阅兵式。The ceremony will be held in the name of the CPC Central Committee, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the State Council, the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and the Central Military Commission, he added in a news conference held by the State Council Information Office.他在国务院新闻办公室举行的记者会上补充道，该仪式将以中共中央委员会、全国人民代表大会常务委员会、国务院、中国人民政治协商会议全国委员会和中央军事委员会的名义联合举行。Wu Zeke, deputy head of the combat operations department of the Central Military Commission's Joint Staff Department, said that the equipment formations participating in the upcoming parade will prominently display the latest achievements in the Chinese military's equipment system development.中央军委联合参谋部作战局副局长吴克杰表示，此次阅兵的装备方队将重点展示我军武器装备体系化发展成就。"All weapons and equipment to be reviewed are domestically produced, active-duty main battle gear," Wu said.吴克杰说："所有受阅装备均为国产现役主战装备。"In addition, leaders, former political dignitaries from relevant countries, main leaders of international organizations, and foreign diplomatic envoys in China will be invited to attend the commemorative activities, Hu said.此外，胡和平表示中方还将邀请相关国家领导人、前政治要员，国际组织主要负责人，以及外国驻华使节出席纪念活动。Representatives of international friends who contributed to China's victory against Japanese aggression, or their descendants, will also receive invitations, he said.胡和平说，中方还将邀请为中国抗战胜利作出贡献的国际友人及其遗属代表出席纪念活动。Additionally, China will host a series of commemorative activities nationwide starting from July. It will also award commemorative medals for the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression to living veterans and old comrades of the war, anti-Japanese war generals or their descendants.此外，7月起全国各地将陆续推出一系列纪念活动。中方还将向健在的抗战老战士、老同志，抗战将领或其遗属颁发中国人民抗日战争胜利80周年纪念章。A ceremony will be held on July 7 at the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in Beijing to commemorate the 88th anniversary of the Lugou Bridge Incident, according to Hu.胡和平介绍，7月7日将在中国人民抗日战争纪念馆举行仪式，纪念全民族抗战爆发88周年。The incident is recognized as the start of Japan's full-scale invasion and China's whole-nation resistance against the invaders.1937年7月7日发生的卢沟桥事变标志着日本全面侵华战争爆发，中国全民族抗战开始。Around Oct 25, a conference will be held to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Taiwan's retrocession, Hu said, expressing support to overseas Chinese to organize related commemorative activities in their local areas.胡和平表示，10月25日左右将举行台湾光复80周年纪念大会，支持海外侨胞在当地开展相关纪念活动。OnDec 13, a national memorial ceremony for the victims of the Nanjing Massacre willbe held in Nanjing, Jiangsu province.12月13日将在江苏南京举行南京大屠杀死难者国家公祭仪式。Furthermore, Hong Kong and Macao will also organize a series of commemorative activities.此外，香港和澳门特别行政区也将组织一系列纪念活动。military parade阅兵anniversary/ˌænɪˈvɜː(r)s(ə)ri/n.周年纪念（日）troop review阅兵式full-scale invasion全面入侵commemorative/kəˈmem(ə)rətɪv/adj.纪念的，纪念性的

Doc 1: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, A Student Demonstration of Sorts in Tiananmen Square (11/21/85) Doc 2: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Government Arrests Student Demonstrators (11/25/85) Doc 3: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, More Student Demonstrations (12/23/85) Doc 4: From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Student Demonstrations Update (12/24/86) Doc 5: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 1-87, China: Student Demonstrations (01/02/87) Doc 6: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 10-87, China: Hu Yaobang Resigns (01/17/87) Doc 7: Memorandum of Conversation, [George Bush] Meeting with Wan Li, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Member of the Politburo, People's Republic of China (05/23/89) Doc 8: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/0289, China: Stalemate Continues Doc 9: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/03/89, China: Police Use Tear Gas on Crowds Doc 10: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 27: Martial Law with Chinese Characteristics (06/03/89) Doc 11: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 28: Ten to Fifteen Thousand Armed Troops Stopped at City Perimeter by Human and Bus Barricades (06/03/89) Doc 12: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, and All Diplomatic and Consular Posts, TFCHO1: SITREP 1, 1700 EDT (06/03/89) Doc 13: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/04/89, China: Troops Open Fire Doc 14: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 32 (06/04/89) Doc 15: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 33 (06/04/89) Doc 16: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, China Task Force Situation Report No. 3 (06/04/89) Doc 17: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/05/89, China: After the Bloodbath Doc 18: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 35 (06/05/89) Doc 19: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/06/89, China: Descent into Chaos Doc 20: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 37 (06/06/89) Doc 21: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/07/89, China: Tense Standoff Continues Doc 22: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 38 (06/07/89) Doc 23: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/9/89, China: Uneasy Calm Doc 24: Department of State Intelligence Brief, "Current Situation in China: Background and Prospects" (Ca. 06/10/89) Doc 25: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/10/89, China: Mixed Signals on Purge Doc 26: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 49, (06/11/89) Doc 27: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/14/89, China: Back to Business, But Crackdown Continues Doc 28: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/15/89, China: Accusation over Fang Lizhi Doc 29: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/21/89, China: Swift Justice Doc 30: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Eyewitness Account of June 4 PLA Tank Crushing 11 Students and Related Early Morning Events in Tiananmen Square (06/22/89) Doc 31: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, What Happened on the Night of June 3/4? (06/22/89) Doc 32: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01: SITREP No. 65 (06/27/89) Doc 33: State Department document entitled "Themes" (06/29/89) Doc 34: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "Status Report on Situation in China as of 07/ 26/89" Doc 35: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "China: Aftermath of the Crisis" (07/27/89) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

China is likely to announce additional stimulus policies, including extra fiscal support, targeted monetary easing and stronger consumption-boosting initiatives, to put its economic growth on a more solid footing, as the country's top leadership usually convenes a high-level meeting centered on economic issues around the end of April, analysts said.分析人士表示，中国有望宣布更多刺激政策，包括增加财政支持、定向货币宽松以及更有力的促消费举措，以进一步夯实经济增长基础。中国最高领导层通常会在4月底左右召开一次以经济问题为中心的高层会议。The tone-setting meeting would be an important occasion for China's policymakers to reassess the fast-paced developments in the trade war initiated by Washington against Beijing over the past month, and to formulate offsetting policies in response, they added.他们补充道，此次定调会议将成为中国政策制定者重新评估过去一个月华盛顿对北京发起的贸易战快速发展态势，并制定相应政策的重要契机。"While the 5.4 percent GDP growth rate in the first quarter is a good start, key indicators like the consumer price index and producer price index suggest that weakness in domestic demand still persists," said Xiong Yuan, chief economist at Guosheng Securities.国盛证券首席经济学家熊园表示：“虽然第一季度GDP增长率达到5.4%是一个良好的开端，但消费者价格指数和生产者价格指数等关键指标表明，国内需求仍然疲软。”The impact of the tariffs by the United States, which is expected to materialize more visibly in the second quarter, further underscores the urgency for policymakers to ramp up supportive efforts, Xiong said.熊园表示，预计美国加征关税的影响将在第二季度更加明显，这进一步凸显了政策制定者加大支持力度的紧迫性。China's top leadership has suggested on various occasions that the country has ample capability to roll out new policy measures as needed, to address the rising uncertainties in the external environment.中国高层领导已多次表示，中国有足够的能力根据需要推出新的政策措施，以应对外部环境中日益增加的不确定性。Premier Li Qiang said on April 17 during a study session held by the State Council—the country's Cabinet—that at critical moments, the government must act swiftly to deploy policy tools across various fronts in order to generate positive market expectations.4月17日，李强总理在国务院举行的一次学习会议上表示，在关键时刻，政府必须迅速行动，综合运用各种政策工具，以创造积极的市场预期。Analysts expect that the end-April meeting is poised to introduce significant fiscal stimulus measures, potentially exceeding 1 trillion yuan ($137 billion) in scale.分析人士预计，4月底的会议将推出重大财政刺激措施，规模可能超过1万亿元人民币（1370亿美元）。"We expect incremental funds of 1.5 trillion yuan, or 1 percent of GDP, on top of the budget approved earlier this year. End-demand, especially consumption, should be more a focus than investment this time, given the nature of the tariff shock," Citi analysts said in a report on Monday.花旗分析师周一在一份报告中表示：“我们预计，在年初批准的预算基础上，新增资金将达到1.5万亿元人民币，占GDP的1%。鉴于关税冲击的性质，此次应该更多地关注终端需求，尤其是消费，而非投资。”China Galaxy Securities also said on Sunday in a report that the size of the new fiscal stimulus measures could be around 1.5 to 2 trillion yuan, with a particular emphasis on further strengthening policies to stimulate consumption.中国银河证券周日也在一份报告中表示，新的财政刺激措施规模可能在1.5万亿至2万亿元人民币左右，尤其强调进一步加强刺激消费的政策。In particular, with the goal of better offsetting the slowdown in external demand, the overall fiscal budget for consumption-boosting measures this year might be increased from the initially planned 300 billion yuan to a range of 700 billion yuan to 1 trillion yuan, said Feng Lin, executive director of the research and development department at Golden Credit Rating International.东方金诚国际信用评估有限公司研究发展部执行总监冯琳表示，为了更好地抵消外部需求放缓的影响，今年用于刺激消费措施的财政总预算可能会从最初计划的3000亿元人民币增加到7000亿至1万亿元人民币。China's annual exports to the US have been around $500 billion in recent years, which is equivalent to 7-8 percent of the China's domestic consumer goods consumption, according to Feng.冯琳表示，近年来，中国对美年出口额约为5000亿美元，相当于中国国内消费品消费的7%至8%。"This means that as long as domestic consumption is effectively stimulated, China is capable of absorbing the decline in exports to the US. Before the pandemic, the normal growth rate of the country's total retail sales of consumer goods was between 8 and 9 percent," Feng said.“这意味着，只要有效刺激国内消费，中国就有能力消化对美出口的下滑。疫情爆发前，中国社会消费品零售总额的正常增长率在8%到9%之间，”冯琳表示。Notably, any major fiscal policy in China requires going through legislative procedures. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, which has the power to approve budget adjustments, is scheduled to meet in Beijing from Sunday to Wednesday.值得注意的是，中国任何重大财政政策都需要经过立法程序。拥有预算调整审批权的全国人大常委会计划于本周日到周三在北京召开会议。"If any fiscal resolution indicated by the upcoming meeting is approved by the NPC Standing Committee, it would buttress Beijing's determination to achieve growth despite the trade hardships," Citi said.花旗银行表示：“如果即将召开的全国人大常委会会议中提出的任何财政决议获得批准，这将坚定中国政府在贸易摩擦中实现增长的决心。”Even if the upcoming meeting and the NPC Standing Committee session greenlight new fiscal stimulus measures, analysts said the details and timeline of the rollouts would be determined in a flexible manner, depending on the evolving economic dynamics.分析人士表示，即使即将召开的全国人大常委会会议和全国人大常委会会议批准新的财政刺激措施，这些措施的具体细节和时间表也将根据不断变化的经济形势灵活确定。For the previously announced government bonds in March, the country is expected to accelerate their issuance in the second quarter, and expedite the utilization of these funds to support concrete projects, said Zhang Jun, chief economist at China Galaxy Securities.中国银河证券首席经济学家章俊表示，对于此前宣布的3月份国债发行，预计国家将在第二季度加快发行，并加快资金用于支持具体项目。The anticipated introduction of the extra fiscal stimulus measures and accelerated implementation of the existing ones would "create a window of opportunity" for a corresponding level of liquidity support from the monetary policy side, Zhang said.章俊表示，预期中的额外财政刺激措施将出台，现有措施也将加快落实，这将为货币政策层面提供相应流动性支持“创造机会窗口”。China's central bank is expected to employ a combination of both quantitative and structural policy tools, with a reserve requirement ratio cut of around 20 basis points likely to be implemented on the heels of the end-April meeting, followed by a potential interest rate reduction around June. The government is also expected to introduce a range of structural monetary policies aimed at providing targeted relief to the foreign trade sector, as well as bolstering consumer demand and technological innovation, Zhang added.预计中国央行将结合运用数量型和结构性政策工具，在4月底会议后可能实施约20个基点的降准，随后可能在6月左右再度降息。章俊补充道，预计政府还将推出一系列结构性货币政策，旨在为外贸行业提供定向纾困，并提振消费需求和技术创新。Citi said in its report that, "Finding patience to play the long game, the end-April meeting will stick to the policy framework of 'high-quality development' and will not take an all-out approach."花旗在其报告中表示：“4月底的会议将秉持耐心，着眼长远，坚持‘高质量发展'的政策框架，不会采取全面举措。”stimulus/ˈstɪmjələs/n.刺激（措施）；促进因素reassess/ˌriːəˈses/v.重新评估；重新考虑buttress/ˈbʌtrəs/v.支持；加强liquidity/lɪˈkwɪdəti/n.流动性；资产变现能力

China's tech innovation has excelled despite a heavy-handed state crackdown on the private sector. Disruptors like Deepseek have emerged, and policy signals from the recent private tech entrepreneurs' symposium and the National People's Congress seem to finally ease on businesses, promising only to "guide them on national priorities."In this video episode of 'All Things Policy', Anushka Saxena quizzes Shobhankita Reddy on the latest developments in China's Science and Tech policy and innovation ecosystems, and where the tech economy is headed. Shobhankita also focuses on the factors that have led to China's growth as a tech superpower, and where the challenges lie.The PGP is a comprehensive 48-week hybrid programme tailored for those aiming to delve deep into the theoretical and practical aspects of public policy. This multidisciplinary course offers a broad and in-depth range of modules, ensuring students get a well-rounded learning experience. The curriculum is delivered online, punctuated with in-person workshops across India.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://school.takshashila.org.in/pgp⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠All Things Policy is a daily podcast on public policy brought to you by the Takshashila Institution, Bengaluru.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Find out more on our research and other work here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://takshashila.org.in/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠...⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Check out our public policy courses here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://school.takshashila.org.in⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

While US trade and fiscal policy dominate the popular discourse, recent developments across Asia have the potential to be every bit as consequential for FX and equity market returns. Newly announced economic measures from China’s National People’s Congress, the emergence of DeepSeek’s large language model and Japan’s policy choices carry both intra- and inter-regional implications for the macro outlook. This week’s guest, Ben Luk, a senior multi-asset strategist for State Street Global Markets in Hong Kong, walks through the range of considerations investors are making across the region.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode, I chat to Atilla Widnell, Founder & Managing Director of Navigate Commodities.Navigate Commodities monitors commodity supply chains in real time through the use of satellites. They monitor production at steel mills and analyse metal flow in specific regions.We discuss the latest developments in the steel industry, particularly focusing on China's recent National People's Congress and its implications on global steel markets. This episode is a deep dive into understanding the major forces shaping the global steel industry and what to expect in the coming months.In today's episode, we talk about:

Ukraine has agreed to a U.S. cease-fire deal that resumed American aid and intelligence. How will the Trump administration get Russia on board with this proposal? Moving on to China, which recently held its annual National People's Congress meeting, we discuss how the country is growing its global leadership by taking advantage of the U.S. withdrawal from the liberal international order. Finally, we look at the backlash to MAGA amongst U.S. allies and its effect on their domestic politics.Topics Discussed in this Episode04:30 - Anita's new article in The Hill07:45 - Russia-Ukraine: Is Trump a Betrayer of Ukraine or a Realist?30:45 - China: Defender of the Post-War World Order?1:00:00 - MAGA's Toxic Brand Abroad: Domestic Politics of Canada and EUArticles and Resources Mentioned in EpisodeAnita's article in The Hill:US aid cuts are expanding Chinese influence (The Hill)Russia-Ukraine: Is Trump a Betrayer of Ukraine or a Realist Stud?Why John Mearsheimer Thinks Donald Trump is Right on Ukraine (The New Yorker)Ukraine Supports 30-Day Cease-Fire as U.S. Says It Will Resume Military Aid (NY Times)Ukraine Peace Is Not at Hand (WSJ)China: Defender of the Post-War World Order?Five takeaways from Beijing's largest annual political meetings (The Atlantic Council)The United States' Illiberal Turn Recasts a Potential Deal with China (CSIS)MAGA's Toxic Brand Abroad: Domestic Politics of Canada and EUCanada is so furious at the US right now (Vox)The Global Populist Right Has a MAGA Problem (The Atlantic)Donald Trump has pushed Europe back into “whatever it takes” mode (The Economist)Send us a textFollow Us Show Website: www.kelloggsglobalpolitics.com Show Twitter: @GlobalKellogg Anita's Twitter: @arkellogg Show YouTube

The meetings last week of China's National People's Congress, or NPC, and the Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, or CPPCC, ended with commitments to maintain economic growth at around 5 percent, keep unemployment at 5.5 percent and increase the fiscal deficit target to 4 percent, the highest in 30 years. However, the annual session of China's two-chambered rubber-stamp legislature, known as the "Two Meetings," did not include any detail, let alone surprises, for how the government might reach these ambitious targets. On Sunday, however, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, the main governing body of the government, jointly issued a 30-point Special Action Plan to boost consumption. Coming so soon after the Two Meetings, the announcement generated some enthusiasm that the focus on consumer spending demonstrates a renewed dedication to move away from Beijing's focus on export-oriented manufacturing, which has exacerbated tensions with trading partners from the U.S. to Brazil, while fueling excess capacity, price wars and unhealthy competition in China. As an action plan, the document itself is disappointing, because while it contains laudable goals - such as better enforcement of labor rights and increased payouts for the basic pension system - it does not specify how these can be achieved. For instance, who will enforce China's strict but often ignored labor laws now that President Xi Jinping has dismantled labor rights organizations and weakened the trade union? Who will pay for the increased pensions when local governments already struggle to pay the salaries of civil servants? More fundamentally, will the central government finally reform the central-local fiscal relationship so that the local governments tasked with implementation of the plan have the resources to do so? As a policy document, however, the plan is interesting and important, as it reveals how Xi's government envisions the role of consumption in a development model that is still solidly built on manufacturing and investment. As such, the plan is clearly in alignment with Xi's vision for China's economy. It's not that consumption has no role in boosting the economy, but that the role of consumption is subordinate to higher-level goals. Indeed, even the ordering of the plan's seven sections reveal how consumption relates to these goals, such as revitalization of northeastern China through winter tourism and support for key goods, such as automobiles and consumer electronics, which have already been hit hard by external tariffs. The plan to boost consumption resonates with many of Xi's admonitions over the years, including his slogan that the pathway to common prosperity is not through government handouts, but through hard work. In effect, the plan sees the role of the Chinese consumer as intrinsically linked to the more important role of the Chinese worker on the productive side of the economy. Indeed, it is an almost quaintly Leninist depiction of the relationship between China's manufacturing juggernaut and the workers who fuel China's achievements in automotives, robotics, semiconductors and electronics, as well as basic consumer items from Shein apparel to Temu gadgets. It resonates with many of Xi's admonitions over the years, including his famous critique of "welfarism" as encouraging laziness - or "lying flat" - and his slogan that the pathway to common prosperity is not through government handouts, but through hard work. As such, work is paramount to the plan, which both encourages more employment and proposes ways to make employment easier. The first section highlights the need to boost incomes through employment, including support for "reasonable" increases in the minimum wage. The second section sets out recommendations to make work easier, especially for women of childbearing age and students. This section highlights the government's anxieties over two social problems: the lo...

We examine how China has been responding to challenges on the trade-front, along with highlight how ex-US markets (including China) have been performing as of late. Plus, some takeaways from the National People's Congress meeting, and a broader review of preferences across emerging market equities. Featured is Xingchen Yu, Emerging Markets Strategist Americas, UBS Chief Investment Office. Host: Daniel Cassidy

From the BBC World Service: Asian stock markets have continued to fall as investors raise concerns about the detrimental impact of President Donald Trump’s tariffs and a potential U.S. recession. Then, on the final day of the National People’s Congress, progress on artificial intelligence has been celebrated. And hackers allegedly linked to North Korea have cashed out at least $300 million of their record-breaking $1.5 billion heist from crypto company Bybit.

From the BBC World Service: Asian stock markets have continued to fall as investors raise concerns about the detrimental impact of President Donald Trump’s tariffs and a potential U.S. recession. Then, on the final day of the National People’s Congress, progress on artificial intelligence has been celebrated. And hackers allegedly linked to North Korea have cashed out at least $300 million of their record-breaking $1.5 billion heist from crypto company Bybit.

China's national lawmakers have deliberated a work report of the National People's Congress Standing Committee.

With China's annual Two Sessions meetings underway, Dr. Lin Li, Head of Global Markets Research for Asia, delves into the key takeaways from the Work Report by the National People's Congress for 2025. 

This week before delivering his address to Congress, President Trump sparked a trade war with America's three largest trading partners—Canada, Mexico, and China—triggering swift retaliatory tariffs and rattling global markets. Meanwhile, during China's National People's Congress annual meeting, Premier Li Qiang announced increased defense spending, reaffirmed Taiwan reunification plans, and declared readiness to fight "any type" of war in response to Trump's  tariffs. And after last week's fiery Trump-Zelensky clash, the US has paused arms and intelligence support for Ukraine. Can a European “coalition of the willing” step up as America pulls back? Ravi Agrawal, Ken Moriyasu, and Anna Sauerbrey join guest host Carla Anne Robbins on World Review to unpack this week's top global news stories.

China's retaliatory tariffs on US agricultural exports could hit President Trump's rural heartlands. This week, 3,000 of China's most influential politicians have gathered for the annual National People's Congress. Premier Li Qiang referred to the economy as a “giant ship” moving “steadily towards the future.” But behind the optimistic rhetoric, China faces significant challenges. Among them, a renewed trade war with the United States.In recent days, China has imposed retaliatory tariffs on US goods, specifically targeting agricultural exports from key states like Iowa, Illinois or Kansas. So, is Xi Jinping taking the trade war straight to Iowa? And how will these new tariffs impact Trump's heartland?On this episode, Lucy Hockings speaks to the BBC's North America business correspondent, Michelle Fleury, and Shawn Yuan, from the BBC's Global China Unit.(Picture: Headshot of China's President Xi Jinping. Credit: Agustin Marcarian/Reuters)Producers: Richard Moran and Tom KavanaghSound engineer: Mike RegaardAssistant editor: Sergi Forcada FreixasSenior news editor: China Collins

From the BBC World Service: Germany's future coalition partners want to relax its strict debt rules in order to boost the defense budget by billions of dollars. We hear more. Then, China announced a target of 5% economic growth this year at the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress. And, a group led by U.S. investment firm BlackRock looks to buy two key ports at the Panama Canal.

From the BBC World Service: Germany's future coalition partners want to relax its strict debt rules in order to boost the defense budget by billions of dollars. We hear more. Then, China announced a target of 5% economic growth this year at the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress. And, a group led by U.S. investment firm BlackRock looks to buy two key ports at the Panama Canal.

On the programme, we'll explore the ripple effects of U.S. tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China. President Trump is scheduled to address Congress, during which he is expected to discuss new U.S. trade tariffs and the situation in Ukraine. This address marks his first major speech since returning to the White House. Plus, we'll examine how these tariffs could lead to higher car prices for U.S. motorists. And the Chinese government presents a review of its achievements last year and economic goals for 2025 before the annual meeting of China's rubber stamp parliament, the National People's Congress.

At the opening of the National People's Congress in Beijing, Chinese Premier Li Qiang presented the country's parliament with his government's work report for 2025. Li stressed the importance of revitalising domestic consumption as a driver for economic growth, especially in a context of increased global trade tensions. For the first time in decades, deficit spending will reach 4 percent of GDP. Also in this edition: Europeans consider using Russian frozen assets to finance increased defense spending.

The "Two Sessions", considered the most important event on China's political calendar, is coming up. Delegates from across China are gearing-up to attend the annual meetings of China's top legislature, the National People's Congress, and the top political advisory body, the National Committee of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. Ethnic unity is always high on the agenda during the "Two Sessions". To understand how ethnic unity is promoted on the ground, CGTN host Liu Xin traveled to Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, to a city called Shihezi, where its administration has been put under U.S. sanctions for the past four and a half years.

It's a big week for China with all eyes on the National People's Congress (NPC), where fiscal measures could be announced. We outline our expectations and whether the NPC could potentially provide a lift in market sentiment. In the US, we preview the February employment report and its impact on Fed policy, and digest the latest announcements on tariffs. In Europe, we discuss our expectations of the ECB, where we go from here after the German elections and what is Europe's next move around the peace deal. Chapters: US (02:10), Europe (07:40), Asia (15:45).

Le donne in Sri Lanka costituiscono il 56% degli elettori registrati, e sono state cruciali per le vittorie elettorali alla fine dello scorso anno da parte del National People's Power, una piccola formazione di sinistra che si è ritrovata catapultata alla guida del paese. Il presidente Dissanayake, leader del partito, ha sorpreso un po' tutti quando ha nominato una donna, Amarasuriya, al ruolo di premier. Ma in realtà per il Paese non è una novità: proprio in Sri Lanka era diventata premier una donna, per la prima volta al mondo. Gli inserti audio della puntata sono tratti da: Dr. Harini Amarasuriya | Parliament Speech, canale YouTube Npp Sri Lanka, 23 agosto 2024; Sri Lankan protesters storm President Rajapaksa's residence, canale YouTube TrtWorld, 9 luglio 2022; වර්ෂ 1976 ඔබ නුදුටු ලංකාව ෴, canale YouTube Sampath Samarasingha Official, 16 marzo 2018; The Assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike, canale YouTube ministeriumofhistory, 31 agosto 2024; රජයේ වැඩිපිළිවළට අවනත නැතිනම් හමුදා භාරයට මෝල ගන්නවා., canale YouTube Newfirst Sri Lanka, 22 gennaio 2025. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In addition to the typical seasonal tailwinds from the Chinese New Year, three key factors are also driving the recent rally in Chinese equity markets: the better-than-feared impact of US President Donald Trump's trade tariffs, growing domestic optimism following the release of China's DeepSeek AI, and rising policy expectations ahead of the National People's Congress in March.Join Richard Tang, China Strategist and Head of Research for Hong Kong at Julius Baer, and Hong Hao, Partner and Chief Economist at GROW Investment Group, as they dive each of these key developments shaping China's market landscape.

For the past two decades, Sri Lankan politics has been dominated by the Rajapaksa family, with two brothers more or less alternating between serving as president and prime minister from 2005 to 2022. Their regime was marked by corruption and sustained through appeals to ethnic nationalism among the majority Sinhalese Buddhist population, including by deliberately inciting sentiment against minority Muslim and Tamil communities. This kind of appeal to nationalism was the dominant force in Sri Lankan politics for most of the last 20 years — until, that is, the elections this fall. In presidential and then parliamentary elections, a new coalition called National People's Power, led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, better known as AKD, campaigned on a platform of ethnic pluralism and good governance. They won overwhelmingly, securing 159 out of 225 seats in Parliament — a supermajority — leaving the Rajapaksa party with just three seats. Joining me to explain how this so-called "Peaceful Political Revolution" was achieved is Neil DeVotta, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Wake Forest University. He is the author of a new article on this stunning turn of events, which appears in the most recent edition of the Journal of Democracy. We begin by discussing just how remarkable this political transition has been and what drove Sri Lankans to abandon the fractious ethnic politics of the past two decades. We then delve into how AKD and his National People's Power coalition can reverse Sri Lanka's democratic backsliding.

In November 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake's National People's Power (NPP) coalition won a two-thirds majority in Sri Lanka's general elections, marking a historic win for the Sri Lankan left. NPP's victory came at a time of prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by the crushing terms of Sri Lanka's IMF agreement. Political economist Dr. Devaka Gunawardena traces the factors leading to Sri Lanka's economic woes and how international sovereign bonds (ISBs) held by private equity firms such as BlackRock constitute a large segment of Sri Lanka's debt. Given the government's recent private creditor debt restructuring agreement, can the NPP still deliver on its campaign promises of wealth redistribution and reversing austerity? 

Our Global Chief Economist Seth Carpenter weighs the myriad variables which could impact global markets in 2025, and why this year may be the most uncertain for economies since the start of the pandemic.----- Transcript -----Seth Carpenter: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Seth Carpenter, Morgan Stanley's Global Chief Economist, and today I'll be talking about 2025 and what we might expect in the global economy.It's Tuesday, January 7th at 10am in New York.Normally, our year ahead outlook is a roadmap for markets. But for 2025, it feels a bit more like a choose your own adventure book.uncertainty is a key theme that we highlighted in our year ahead outlook. The new U.S. administration, in particular, will choose its own adventure with tariffs, immigration, and fiscal policy.Some of the uncertainty is already visible in markets with the repricing of the Fed at the December meeting and the strengthening of the dollar. Our baseline has disinflation stalling on the back of tariffs and immigration policy, while growth moderates, but only late in the year as the policies are gradually phased in.But in reality, the sequencing, the magnitude and the timing of these policies remains unknown for now, but they're going to have big implications for the economies and central banks around the world. The U.S. economy comes into the year on solid footing with healthy payrolls and solid consumption spending.Disinflation is continuing, and the inflation data for November were in line with our forecast, but softer in terms of PCE than what the Fed expected. While the Fed did lower their policy rate 25 basis points at the December meeting, Chair Powell's tone was very cautious, and the Fed's projections had inflation risks skewed to the upside.The chair noted that the FOMC was only beginning to build in assumptions about policy changes from the new administration. Now, we have conviction that tariffs and immigration restriction will both slow the economy and boost inflation -- but we've assumed that these policies are phased in gradually over the entirety of the year. And consequently -- that materially Stagflationary impetus? Well, it's reserved for 2026, not this year.Similarly, we've assumed that effectively the entire year is consumed by the process of tax cut extensions. And so, we've penciled in no meaningful fiscal impetus for this year. And in fact, with the bulk of the process simply extending current tax policy, we have very little net fiscal impact, even in 2026.Now, in China, the deflationary pressure is set to continue with any policy reaction further complicated by U.S. policy uncertainty. The policymaker meeting in late December that they held provided only a modest upside surprise in terms of fiscal stimulus, so we're going to have to wait for any further details on that spending until March with the National People's Congress.Meanwhile, during our holiday break, the renminbi broke above 7.3, and that level matches roughly the peaks that we saw in 2022 and 2023. The strong dollar is clearly weighing on the fixing. The framework for policy will have to account for a potentially trade relationship with the U.S. So, again, in China, there's a great deal of uncertainty, a lot of it driven by policy.The euro area is arguably less exposed to U.S. trade risks than China. A weaker euro may help stabilize inflation that's trending lower there, but our growth forecasts suggest a tepid outlook. Private consumption spending should moderate, and maybe firm a bit, as inflation continues to fall, and continued policy easing from the ECB should support CapEx spending.Fiscal consolidation, though, is a key risk to growth, especially in France and Italy, and any postponement in investment from potential trade tensions could further weaken growth.Now, in Japan, the key debate is whether the Bank of Japan will raise rates in January or March. After the last Bank of Japan meeting, Governor Ueda indicated a desire for greater confidence on the inflation outlook.Nonetheless, we've retained our call that the hike will be in January because we believe the Bank of Japan's regional Branch manager meeting will give sufficient insight about a strong wage trend. And in combination with the currency weakness that we've been watching, we think that's gonna be enough for the BOJ to hike this month. Alternatively, the BOJ might wait until the Rengo negotiation results come out in March to decide if a hike is appropriate. So far, the data remains supportive and Japanese style core CPI inflation has gone to 2.7 per cent in November. The market's going to focus on Deputy Governor Himino's speech on January 14th for clues on the timing – January or March.Finally, as the Central Bank of Mexico highlighted in their most recent rate cut decision, caution is the word as we enter the new year. As economists, we could not agree more. The year ahead is the most uncertain since the start of the pandemic. Politics and policy are inherently difficult to forecast. We fully expect to revise our forecasts more -- and more often than usual.Thanks for listening, and if you enjoy the show, please leave us a review wherever you listen and share Thoughts on the Market with a friend or colleague today.

Last time we spoke about the fifth encirclement campaign against the CCP. After surviving four encirclement campaigns by the NRA, the CCP faced an intensified fifth campaign in 1933, as the Japanese invaded Manchuria and North China. Despite growing in numbers, the CCP struggled against the KMT's modernized army, equipped with German weapons and strategies. A combination of blockades, fortified positions, and superior tactics eroded Red Army strength. By 1934, after significant losses, the Red Army retreated, marking the campaign's end and signaling the start of the CCP's eventual Long March. In the battle between the NRA and the Red Army, the NRA employed strategic counterinsurgency techniques to block Red infiltration and gained local support through loyalty and economic pressure. Meanwhile, the Red Army, hampered by internal issues and a shift in leadership towards the Twenty-eight Bolsheviks, struggled with morale and mass recruitment of untrained peasants. As the Red Army attempted aggressive tactics and reforms, they ultimately faced defeat, leading to their strategic retreat in the historic Long March.   #129 The Fujian Rebellion of 1933 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the previous episode, during the fifth encirclement campaign, I briefly mentioned a rebellion that took place in Fujian province. Now this story actually crosses over a few we will be covering, such as the fifth encirclement campaign, already mentioned but also the Japanese invasion of Shanghai in 1931, part of the Mukden incident. So its a bit tricky for me to cover this one without giving away too much of what we will be speaking about later, but I will try my best to be mysterious.  Now the key player I guess you can say to this story is the 19th Route Army. The 19th Route Army's history can be traced back to the 1st division of the Guangdong Army. In 1926, this division underwent a significant transformation, becoming the 4th Army of the NRA. At that time, Li Jishen was appointed as the commander, with Chen Mingshu serving as the commander of the newly formed 10th Division. Other notable figures included Jiang Guangnai as the deputy commander and Cai Tingkai leading a subordinate regiment. All of these men will be key players in the Rebellion.  During the Northern Expedition, the 4th NRA Army distinguished itself with numerous successful campaigns. The 10th Division was subsequently expanded into the 11th Army. This new formation went on to play a pivotal role in during the Central Plains War of 1930, assisting Chiang Kai-shek in his struggle against warlords' anti-chiang coalition. As a result of this success, the 11th Army was reorganized into the 19th Route Army, with Jiang Guangnai assuming the role of overall commander and Cai Tingkai becoming the army commander. Following these developments, the 19th Route Army then went on to be part of the third encirclement campaign. Now again not to give away too much, but in 1931 the Mukden incident broke out initiating a 15 year war between China and Japan. Most of the action took place in Manchuria, pouring slightly into Northern China and Inner Mongolia, but there was an expedition performed in Shanghai. In many ways it was like a dress rehearsal for what would go down in 1937 during the battle of Shanghai. During the crisis, known then as the September 18th Incident, the 19th Route Army was redeployed to Shanghai.This transition occurred during a tumultuous period when Chiang Kai-shek faced significant political pressure and was forced to resign. The Nanjing National Government, dominated by the Guangdong faction, saw Chen Mingshu appointed as the commander of the garrison responsible for defending Beijing and Shanghai. Now this was a hyper chaotic time for China, and a particularly rough time for Chiang Kai-Shek. Chiang Kai-Shek was dealing with multiple external and internal threats to China and his position as Generalissimo. First off, his encirclement campaigns against the Reds were not going well at all. His men were not accustomed nor trained properly to face guerilla warfare. When they assaulted the Jiangxi Soviet they were entering strange territory and were greeted by the countryfolk as enemies. The Reds, in contrast, felt at home among the villages. For years, they had lived alongside the people and built friendships; forging connections was a key aspect of Communist strategy. Whenever Chiang Kai-Sheks forces came too close for comfort, the guerrillas seamlessly blended into the local population. They established their own Soviets, spread their ideology at will, and disappeared when soldiers approached. They were like a fluid army. Over time, the Chinese public became less concerned about the ongoing presence of the Red Army and more weary of the topic. Those not living in areas affected by Communist infiltration struggled to grasp the urgency of this endless conflict and began to question whether the costs outweighed the benefits. Very little news was reported on the situation, and what was published came primarily from government sources, portraying it as a series of victories for the Nationalists—this battle was a success for the Nationalists, that one ended in a glorious triumph; the KMT troops had the Reds on the run. A few days later, another dispatch would reiterate the same points, as if the earlier battles had never occurred. The front lines never seemed to shift significantly. Chiang Kai-Shek maintained his position as Generalissimo like any other politician, through alliances. One of his key friends was Hu Hanmin. The relationship between Chiang Kai-Shek and Hu Hanmin was never straightforward. Their shared history was marked by significant jealousy, and in February 1931, they faced another separation. During a KMT conference, Hu Hanmin challenged the provisional constitution proposed by Chiang Kai-Shek, arguing that it was prematurely defining various governmental functions. He claimed that Chiang Kai-Shek was consolidating too much power for himself. Chiang Kai-Shek countered that Hu Hanmins concerns were mainly about party authority. This situation echoed their earlier disputes in Canton, where they had debated theories under Dr Sun Yat-sen's influence, but now their conflicts held more weight and didn't end in mere discussion. Hu Hanmin, overwhelmed by his anger, resigned from the presidency of the Legislative Yuan, a significant position at the time. In response, a similarly agitated Chiang Kai-Shek placed him under house arrest, or as the Chinese more delicately termed it, “in soft detainment.” Initially, this fact was not disclosed; Hu Hanmin simply vanished. This was quite an extreme action for someone who advocated democratic processes, leading to a barrage of inquiries from curious Europeans directed at Chiang Kai-Shek. What had happened? Where was Hu? Why had the innocuous Lin Sen been appointed as president of the Legislative Yuan? For a considerable time, the Generalissimo remained silent, but eventually, he reluctantly stated that Hu was fine—indeed, quite fine; it was simply that his personal freedom was temporarily restricted. This was all for his own benefit and that of the KMT. Without this restriction, the misguided individual might attempt to flee to Shanghai, which would only incite dissenting factions and provoke disorder. He was perfectly fine. The incident was added to the ever-growing list of accusations made by Chiang Kai-Sheks opponents, who claimed he was becoming a dictator. They argued that he was squandering the nation's resources to maintain his army while pursuing insignificant Communists, who, if left alone, might actually become good citizens. Rumors circulated that he was nurturing a group of young bullies reminiscent of the Italian "Blue Shirts." Additionally, there were concerns about the shady Chen brothers. Furthermore, it was alleged that Chiang Kai-Shek was in close contact with gangster Tu Yueh-sen in Shanghai, profiting immensely from the opium trade through this connection. In fact, Chiang had recently declared that opium would now be a government monopoly, similar to that of the British in Hong Kong, as he needed the funds. And now, this latest scandal! Criticism of the Generalissimo was rampant, especially among students. April passed, and the uproar over Hu Hanmin faded into discontented whispers, as the People's Congress approached, providing an opportunity for open discussion about the provisional constitution. However, by May 5, people were preoccupied with other concerns. The South was once again causing unrest, led by Wang Jingwei, with Eugene Chen involved as well. It began with the typical manifesto or circular telegram, signed by Wang Jingwei and the Jiangxi generals, who "impeached" Chiang Kai-Shek for his wrongdoings. Another telegram soon followed from the warlord in Canton, accusing the Generalissimo of assuming dictatorial powers. In response, Chiang Kai-Shek convened an urgent meeting of KMT leaders, asserting that the allegations must be openly discussed and investigated. He should have been able to rely on the Party's support during such a crisis, but the situation was unusual due to Hu Hanmin's detention. Some members of his own faction seized the moment to betray him. Sun Fo and Wang Chunghui retreated to Shanghai before moving on to Canton. Shortly after, the Canton warlord declared an alliance between Jiangxi and Guangdong, united in their fight, this was the Chiang-Gui War. On May 25, the southerners issued an ultimatum: Chiang Kai-Shek had to resign within forty-eight hours or face the consequences. A few days later, they established a new national government in Canton. Chiang Kai-Shek announced his intention to suppress the rebels but did not rush into action. Instead, there were discussions—more discussions—in the neutral setting of Shanghai. Throughout June and most of July, these negotiations continued, with Chiang Kai-Shek hoping to prevent a conflict that the nation could ill afford. The southerners persisted with their demands, and their appeal to Japan for support would haunt them for a long time. Their determination ultimately prevailed, and on July 21, it was announced in Canton that a punitive expedition was underway. By mid-August, Bai Chongxi's army was advancing through Hunan on the old route to Nanking. Chiang Kai-Shek prepared for the confrontation, and the capital was on high alert. Meanwhile, in the North, the Mukden Incident broke out. In the South, the generals and their associates held back, anticipating that war could be declared at any moment. However, Chiang Kai-Shek and his advisers understood that he was even less equipped than Zhang Xueliang to initiate an offensive against a powerful foreign nation. There was the League of Nations, established presumably to address crises like this, as well as the Kellogg Pact. Chiang Kai-Shek decided to refer the matter to the League, though his chances of a favorable outcome were slim: America, which might have otherwise been involved, was preoccupied with its own economic depression, and Britain remained indifferent. The more impulsive factions in China believed this response was insufficient, and the dissidents in the South demanded a stronger approach. The students were the most incensed. On September 28, hundreds of students in Shanghai took matters into their own hands. They seized control of a train at the railway station and traveled to Nanking, where they joined forces with fellow students from the capital's university. Together, they marched—five thousand strong—toward the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. They pushed past the guards, stormed the Minister's office, forcibly dragged him outside, and assaulted him. After recovering from his injuries in the hospital, the Minister chose to resign. The students then initiated a sit-in strike, declaring they would remain in Nanking until they received tangible action rather than mere diplomatic efforts. Authorities were unsure how to respond to them, as more pressing issues demanded the government's attention. It was clear that the South and Nanking needed to resolve their differences, as public opinion strongly supported this. Despite the ungracious criticisms emanating from Canton, where Eugene Chen was vocally denouncing Chiang Kai-shek for his diplomatic failures, Nanking sought to negotiate. In October, Chiang Kai-Shek released Hu Hanmin from his mild detention, and he appeared none the worse for the unexpected break. Along with three others, he traveled to Shanghai for a peace conference with the southern leaders. Hu urged the southerners to be reasonable and to cease calls for Chiang Kai-Shek's resignation. Chiang Kai-Shek remarked, “Regardless of the right or wrong of the situation, if desired, all blame can be placed squarely on me.” However, this uplifting scene was short-lived. As the Canton faction continued to insist on Chiang's resignation, Hu abruptly changed his stance and escalated the demands. He suggested that not only should Chiang resign, but he should also be exiled from China entirely. The conference ended in chaos. Various proposals were discussed and quickly dismissed. The South remained resolute; Chiang had to go. The sit-in students, frustrated with just sitting idle, started to escalate their actions. Their numbers had been steadily increasing since the initial demonstration, with boys traveling to Nanking from distant places; by the end of November, there were twelve thousand of them. They marched again to the new government buildings, demanding that Chiang Kai-Shek come out to engage in a discussion. “War on Japan!” they shouted. Chiang Kai-Shek made them wait in the cold winter weather for a full twenty-four hours before he finally appeared. He reprimanded them harshly and ordered them to return to school, leading to a subdued dispersal of the crowd. On December 15th, Chiang Kai-Shek capitulated to public pressure and resigned. Chiang Kai-Shek yet again nonchalantly got up and left heading home into the mountains. This left an extremely uneasy Sun Fo in the presidential chair facing what looked like a full blown Japanese invasion. The Japanese kept reiterating they were merely defending their citizens after the Chinese had attacked the South Manchurian Railway…but yeah they were certainly conquering. Sun Fo desperately looked to any veteran figures for help, but Hu Hanmin fled to Hong Kong, Wang Jingwei, arguably the man responsible for forcing Chiang Kai-Shek yet again to step down was suddenly far too ill to do anything and retired to the Shanghai Hospital. Meanwhile, all of the bankers had lost interest in the Nanjing government since Chiang Kai-Shek had departed, the government literally lost its coffers. The government had no means to properly pay its armies. Now the entire time the government had been tossing offers to Chiang Kai-Shek to come back, but he bided his time. Meanwhile Eugene Chen demanded China break off diplomatic relations with Japan, was told no so he resigned, followed soon after by Sun Fo. Wang Jingwei was tossed into the presidency position, which he must have relished, however it was just then when Shanghai was invaded. Chiang Kai-Shek still held his honorary position as CEC over the special committee so he simply waited and watched. Yet no one could manage the military like the generalissimo nor open the coin purses to fund it. Thus Chiang Kai-Shek was brought back, but not really as Generalissimo, now he had to work collaboratively with others, such as Wang Jingwei.  In 1932, the January 28 Incident unfolded, basically the Japanese performed another false flag operation trying to legitimize an expedition into Shanghai. Japanese marines began to land and on January 28th they were attacking in full force. The 19th Route Army met the enemy in what became a month-long resistance against great odds. Chiang Kai-Shek was being labeled a coward for not doing more against the Japanese, but he was keeping in touch with the commanders of the 19th Rout Army by telegraph. He advised them to guard Liuho, a village just across the Yangtze, believing the Japanese would make other landings to cut them off there. General Tsai neglected to take the advice, and low and behold the Japanese made the landing forcing the 19th Route Army to pull out. The entire situation looked incredibly bad for China. Fingers were pointed at the inept Nanjing government. Yet Chiang Kai-Shek was much more focused on the encirclement campaigns against the Reds. The people angrily accused him of “making war on his own people instead of attending to the real threat, Japan”. To this Chiang Kai-Shek replied “It is useless for China to talk of resisting Japan. When it has not yet stamped out the enemy in its midst. If China ventures to fight the Japanese, the Communists will attack from the rear and chaos will quickly overtake the whole country.” The 19th Route Army were hailed as heroes, receiving a lot of recognition as a prominent anti-Japanese force. Despite Japan's attempts to reinforce its troops, Chiang Kai-shek's return to leadership saw further NRA forces dispatched to join the fight. Eventually, the conflict reached a resolution through diplomatic negotiations, resulting in the withdrawal of the 19th Route Army from Shanghai. With the Japanese threat averted for the time being Chiang Kai-Shek redirected his efforts against the Reds. On May 21, 1932, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the 19th Route Army to enter Fujian and forced the army to engage in a civil war against the Communists in Fujian. On December 6 of the same year, Jiang Guangnai took over as the chairman of Fujian Province, and Cai Tingkai was appointed as the director of the Fujian Pacification Office and commander of the 19th Route Army.  At this point the leadership of the 19th Route Army were not at all happy with Chiang Kai-Shek, who to them seemed to have done little to help face the Japanese. They were not friendly to the CCP by any means and were actively suppressing Communist organizations while fighting the Japanese. When they came to Fujian they continued to suppress communists and supported people's anti-Japanese patriotic movements. On August 18, 1932, the 61st Division of the 19th Route Army collectively executed 69 CCP members and suspected individuals outside the East Gate of Quanzhou, and they also carried out mass killings of government workers from the Soviet area during their offensive against it. Despite this the CCP and 19th Route Army did agree on one thing, the Japanese were a problem.  After November 22, 1933, as Japanese imperialism intensified its invasion of China, the people across the nation once again launched a wave of anti-Japanese salvation movements. On January 17 of the same year, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic and the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army issued a "Joint Anti-Japanese Declaration," proposing three conditions for cooperation with any armed forces to resist Japan: an immediate halt to attacks on the Soviet areas, immediate guarantees of the democratic rights of the people, and the immediate arming of the people to establish armed volunteer forces. However, Chiang Kai-shek's ruling group stubbornly persisted in its anti-Communist and anti-people policies, continuing to intensify attacks on the Red Army, and on May 31, he signed a peace agreement with the Japanese. Chiang Kai-Shek was met with another wave of opposition across the nation for appeasing the Japanese. The 19th Route Army basically concluded the Generalissimo was not going to help wage a war against their enemy. Thus in a rather insane fashion, the leadership of the 19th Route Army resolved to overthrow the Nanjing government so they could unite the anti-Japanese forces and push for a national resistance. At that time, Chen Mingshu, an early leader of the 19th Route Army who had gone abroad and had previously served as the vice president of the Executive Yuan of the National Government, returned to China in May 1933 and devoted all his efforts to opposing Chiang Kai-shek's Nanjing government. In Fuzhou, he secretly discussed three strategies with Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, and Deng Xizeng: the first was to unite with Guangdong and Guangxi to overthrow Chiang Kai-Shek, supporting Hu Hanmin to organize an independent government; the second was to unite with Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi of Guangxi, and Chen Jitang of Guangdong, seizing Guangdong; the last was to unite with the Red Army to resist Chiang Kai-Shek together.  As a result, neither the first nor the second strategies could be realized. Under Chiang Kai-shek's repeated orders to engage in civil war, the 78th Division and the 62nd Division of the 19th Route Army faced severe blows from the Red Army in Fujian between July and September 1933. Thus, the 19th Route Army found itself in a dire situation where not engaging in the "anti-Communist" actions would lead to its annihilation by Chiang Kai-shek, while engaging in "anti-Communist" actions would result in its destruction by the Red Army. In the context of rising national anti-Japanese sentiment, the upper leadership of the 19th Route Army had to swiftly make the choice to unite with the Communists to resist Chiang Kai-Shek and fight against Japan. On September 22, 1933, Chen Mingshu's main aide, Chen Gongpei, who had participated in the Nanchang Uprising and later left the CCP, secretly arrived at the command post of the 3rd Red Army Corps stationed at Wangtai, to express the political stance of the 19th Route Army to leaders of the Red Army, such as Peng Dehuai, Teng Daiyuan, and Yuan Guoping, regarding anti-Chiang resistance and cooperation with the Red Army. In October, Chen Gongpei accompanied Xu Minghong, the plenipotentiary representative of the 19th Route Army and secretary-general of its headquarters, to Ruijin. On the 26th, he signed the "Preliminary Agreement Against Japan and Against Chiang" with Pan Jianxing, a representative of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic and the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. The main contents included: both sides immediately cease military actions, temporarily define a military demarcation line, restore trade between both parties; the Fujian People's Revolutionary Government and the 19th Route Army agree to the existence and activities of all revolutionary organizations in Fujian, allow freedom of publication, speech, assembly, and strikes, and immediately release political prisoners, among other provisions. The Soviet Provisional Central Government also sent Pan Jianxing as a permanent representative in Fuzhou. Subsequently, Chen Mingshu, Li Jishen, Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, and others actively prepared to establish a new government and made military preparations against Chiang Kai-Shek. On November 20, 1933, Li Jishen, Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, and representatives from over 100 cities across the country, along with 100,000 people from various sectors in Fuzhou, convened the National People's Temporary Representative Assembly in Fuzhou. The assembly issued the "Declaration of People's Rights of the Chinese People's Temporary Representative Assembly" and decided to establish the People's Revolutionary Government of the Republic of China. They elected Li Jishen, Chen Mingshu, Chen Youren, Feng Yuxiang , Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, Huang Qixiang, Xu Qian, Fang Zhenwu, Li Zhangda, Sa Zhenbing, He Gonggan, and other 12 members to the government, with Li Jishen as the government chairman. On November 22, the People's Revolutionary Government was officially established, with the capital in Fuzhou. The People's Revolutionary Government Committee set up a Military Committee, an Economic Committee, and a Cultural Committee, chaired respectively by Li Jishen, Yu Xinqing, and Chen Mingshu; and established a Ministry of Finance, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a Supreme Court, and a Political Security Bureau, led respectively by Jiang Guangnai, Chen Youren, Xu Qian, and Li Zhangda. The People's Revolutionary Government successively issued: The People's Revolutionary Government's Internal Telegram. The People's Revolutionary Government's External Declaration.The People's Political Program - Eighteen Articles of the Minimum Program and other documents, openly announcing anti-Japanese and anti-Chiang, and proposing some domestic and foreign policies with certain progressive significance. The "Internal Telegram of the People's Revolutionary Government" announced the government's future mission: 1) to seek the liberation of the Chinese nation and establish a truly independent and free country; 2) to eliminate the counter-revolutionary Nanjing government and establish a political power of the productive people; 3) to realize the equal rights of all ethnic groups in the country; 4) to guarantee the absolute freedom and equality of all productive people; 5) to eliminate the influence of imperialism in China, overthrow the warlords, eradicate the remnants of the feudal system, develop the national economy, and liberate the working people. The "Declaration of the People's Revolutionary Government to Foreign Countries" sternly pointed out the Nanjing government's traitorous behavior and warned the powers not to cooperate with Chiang Kai-shek. The Declaration stated: "We believe that the policies of the pro-American and pro-League of Nations factions are based on dangerous principles... However, it must be recognized that the objective result of the pro-American and pro-League of Nations factions will put China under an international condominium system, which is no less harmful than Chiang Kai-shek's pro-Japanese policies... It is recognized that China's real power must be established on a national basis... We finally declare that overthrowing the Chiang regime is not only necessary for China's independence and national salvation, but also for the military and economic interests of the whole world... In order to enhance international security, we have to warn the powers not to make any loans to the Chiang Kai-shek government in Nanjing, whether it is money, goods, or weapons. We also declare that if any such loans are concluded in the future, the Chinese people and their revolutionary government will completely deny them." The People's Political Program - Eighteen Articles of the Minimum Program declared: "China is a semi-feudal society under the rule of imperialists. The greatest goal of the Chinese revolution is to eliminate the imperialist domination in China; at the same time, to sweep away all feudal forces and establish a government that fully represents the rights of the people..." The 18 articles of the minimum program are: (1) Abolish unequal treaties and renegotiate equal and mutually beneficial treaties with other countries; (2) Foreign-invested or foreign-managed enterprises and cultural undertakings that are harmful to the interests of the Chinese nation may be restricted or confiscated; (3) To sort out new and old foreign debts. All political loans that harm the country should be absolutely denied; others should be repaid conditionally; (4) Implementing foreign trade controls; (5) Strictly implement absolute tariff autonomy; (6) Open up the political system and deny all political rights to counter-revolutionaries who are dependent on imperialism and warlords; (7) All nationalities within China are equal, may freely unite for revolution, and recognize national self-determination; (8) Ensure the people's absolute freedom of body, residence, speech, assembly, association, strike, demonstration and publication; (9) Implement universal suffrage; (10) Abolish all excessive taxes and levies; (11) The principle of "everyone who tills the land owns the land" was established, and land was distributed according to the number of people. Forests, mines, and rivers were completely nationalized. (12) All important banking and transportation enterprises shall be under state control; (13) Use political power and state capital to support the scientific development of agricultural production; (14) Usury is strictly prohibited; (15) Unscrupulous merchants will be eliminated and the people's daily necessities will be sold under the state monopoly; (16) To formulate agricultural and industrial laws, improve the lives of farmers and workers, and ensure the development of agricultural and industrial organizations; (17) Promote universal education; (18) Implement conscription, arm the people, and assist them in their anti-imperialist and economic and political struggles. After the establishment of the People's Revolutionary Government, it caused a great stir domestically and internationally. However, due to Wang Ming's "leftist" closure policy, the local party organization in Fujian initially adopted a hostile strategy toward the People's Revolutionary Government. It wasn't until early December, after the Fuzhou Central Municipal Committee received a letter from the Central Committee dated October 30 addressing the Fuzhou Central Municipal Committee and all comrades in Fujian, that they began to adopt a proactive cooperative approach toward the People's Revolutionary Government and the 19th Route Army. After December 29, the Fuzhou Central Municipal Committee issued a declaration in the name of the "Far East Anti-Imperialist Non-War Anti-Fascist Alliance, Fuzhou Branch," publicly calling for the establishment of an anti-imperialist united front. The People's Revolutionary Government also fully reprinted this declaration in its official newspapers, the "People's Daily" and the "Guoguang Daily." The Fuzhou branch then mobilized people from all walks of life to establish the "Committee to Oppose Kuomintang Air Raids and Support the Soldiers of the 19th Route Army Against the Kuomintang," organizing personnel to visit the stationed troops of the 19th Route Army to comfort the soldiers. The People's Revolutionary Government also adopted a cooperative attitude toward the economic struggles of workers' organizations. On November 18, Chen Mingshu called for an emergency secret meeting of the 19th Route Army and other key figures at Heshui Rock in Gushan. The meeting took place at Longyuan Pavilion, and attendees included Li Jishen, Chen Mingshu, Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, Chen Youren, Huang Qixiang, Xu Qian, Li Zhangda, and more than ten other military commanders and the chief of staff of the 19th Route Army. The discussion, which lasted from morning until late at night, revolved around heated debates concerning the timing of the uprising. Cai Tingkai advocated for postponing the uprising by one to two months for several reasons; many generals in the 19th Route Army were still undecided or openly opposed to the rebellion, the troops had yet to be mobilized, defenses were unorganized, various forces had not surrendered, and traitors and spies were still active. Additionally, Guangdong and Guangxi were not providing support, and Chiang Kai-shek was already aware of their plans. Cai Tingkai argued for more time to accelerate preparations without drawing immediate attention from Chiang Kai-Shek. In contrast, Chen Mingshu and others believed this was the last opportunity for an uprising. They pointed out that Chiang Kai-shek's forces were concentrated in North China, and Jinpu and particularly in Jiangxi, where his main troops were engaged in the fifth encirclement campaign against the Soviet area. They estimated that only 20,000 to 30,000 troops could be redirected to Fujian. Overestimating the political instability of Chiang's regime, Chen Mingshu believed that once the 19th Route Army raised the flag of rebellion, support from other regions of China would follow. He also felt confident that one division of the 19th Route Army could resist two or three of Chiang's divisions and that with cooperation from the Red Army, even if Chiang Kai-Shek deployed ten divisions, they would prevail. Chen Mingshu concluded that regardless of the outcome, the effort would be heroic and they should proceed without hesitation. The meeting's opposing viewpoints led to intense discussions. Chen Mingshu, visibly passionate, declared that revolution required sacrifice and that delaying any longer would mean submission to Nanjing. Cai Tingkai, while originally advocating for a delay, conceded that the situation had reached a point of no return. He agreed to lead the 19th Route Army and fully back the new government. The meeting concluded with a decision to convene the National People's Provisional Congress in Fuzhou on November 20 to officially declare the uprising against Chiang Kai-Shek. Other topics discussed included replacing the blue sky, white sun party flag, military and financial logistics, and a declaration drafted by Chen Mingshu's advisors, Wang Lixi and Hu Qiuyuan. On November 20, 1933, the National People's Provisional Congress convened at the South Parade Ground in Fuzhou, with thousands of soldiers, students, merchants, and workers in attendance. A banner reading "China's National People's Provisional Congress" adorned the stage, and the leaders of the rebellion, including Cai Tingkai, Jiang Guangnai, and Li Jishen, were present, though Chen Mingshu was absent due to illness. Representatives from 25 provinces and various walks of life gathered for the event. Before the meeting, the 19th Route Army's newly formed air force performed stunts, to the applause of the crowd. At 9:40 AM, the meeting began with Huang Qixiang, who was elected chairman of the presidium, delivering an opening speech and reading the "Declaration of the People's Rights of the Provisional Chinese People's Congress." Several prominent figures spoke, and the meeting concluded with the adoption of proposals to establish the People's Revolutionary Government and a new national flag designed by Ouyang Yuqian. That evening, the presidium decided to form the People's Revolutionary Government of the Republic of China, abolishing the Nanjing government, declaring 1933 as the first year of the Republic, and establishing Fuzhou as the capital. Li Jishen was elected President, and several others, including Chen Mingshu, Jiang Guangnai, and Cai Tingkai, were appointed government members. However the Fujian Revolution failed to gain support from other forces within the KMT. The Guangxi clique was dissatisfied with the fact that the 19th Route Army reconciled with the CCP so they did not support it. Chen Jitang tossed his lot in with Chiang Kai-shek and did not support the Fujian Revolution either. At that time, the CCP was undergoing a power struggle. On December 5, the Central Committee of the CCP, headed by Wang Ming, issued a statement stating that the Fujian government was "non-people and still non-revolutionary and that anyone who wants to take a third way between revolution and counter-revolution will inevitably fail." . Thus, Chiang Kai-shek transferred eight divisions of the National Revolutionary Army into Fujian, and coordinated the attack with the air force and navy. The 19th Route Army quickly collapsed. Four out of the five armies defected before the battle even began. Most of them were disarmed by the Central Army that they had fought side by side with during the Shanghai Incident a year ago. On January 15, 1934, Chiang Kai-shek's forces captured Fuzhou. The People's Revolutionary Government and the headquarters of the 19th Route Army retreated to Zhangzhou and Quanzhou, respectively. By January 21, both Quanzhou and Zhangzhou had fallen, and the Fujian Rebellion had failed. The People's Revolutionary Government of the Republic of China collapsed within two months of its establishment. On the 21st, the remaining troops of the 19th Route Army switched over to supporting the central government, and the Fujian Revolution officially came to an end. Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, Chen Mingshu and Li Jishen fled to Hong Kong . The designation of the 19th Route Army of the National Revolutionary Army was cancelled, and the troops were dispersed and integrated. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Yes it was a tad bit of an anti climatic event in the grand scheme of things. Yet the provincial rebellion was notable because the people involved wanted to fight the Japanese and believed their government was not doing enough to challenge the external threat. The reality however was far more complicated, the Japanese were far too formidable, for now. 

The past week has been marked by three major global events: the US presidential election, Federal Reserve meeting and the National People's Congress Standing Committee meeting in China. In this episode, Richard Tang, China Strategist and Head of Research Hong Kong at Julius Baer, breaks down each of these developments and the impact on the global economy and investments.

In this monthly China update, our experts discuss the recent shift in sentiment around Chinese equities, expected policy changes from the National People's Congress meeting, and the critical factors in solving China's structural challenges. They also examine the implications of a Trump or Harris presidency on China's economy and global supply chains, as well as the outlook for the Chinese Yuan and gold. This episode is presented by Richard Tang, China Strategist and Head of Research Hong Kong at Julius Baer, with Hong Hao, Partner and Chief Economist at GROW Investment Group.

This week, a show taped live at Syracuse University on September 30 with Associate Professor Dimitar Gueorguiev, author of the excellent Retrofitting Leninism: Participation Without Democracy in China. We discuss his book, his recent paper exploring hawkishness in Chinese public opinion, and his thoughts about the upcoming U.S. presidential election.1:59 Syracuse University's MAX 132 class ("the globalization class")4:10 Dimitar's background and how he became interested in China 7:44 How the genre of authoritarian resilience took off 14:26 China's understanding of democracy (whole-process democracy)17:40 Features of Leninism that have allowed the Chinese Communist Party to survive21:21 Why China in the 1980s and '90s admired Singaporea's authoritarian PAP 23:37 The idea of the mass line27:16 China's sentiment analysis through technology, and using bottom-up information as performance evaluation 34:03 The COVID-19 pandemic and the confirmation bias of the regime-type explanation37:37 The National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC)40:14 Dimitar's research on hawkishness in China: how he got the data, what drives Chinese hawkishness, and the national security vs. economic lens 51:08 Why those who are dissatisfied with the government lean more hawkish and those who are satisfied with the government lean more dovish 56:30 The upcoming U.S. election: how things may play out under the two different administrations, and understanding Chinese preferences Recommendations:Dimitar: The TV series The Expanse (2015-2022)Kaiser: Anthea Roberts' Six Faces of Globalization: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why It Matters; and the documentary Wise Guy: David Chase and The Sopranos (2024)See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Morgan Stanley's chief economists take stock of a resilient global economy that has weathered a recent period of market volatility, in Part I of our two-part roundtable.----- Transcript -----Seth Carpenter: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Seth Carpenter, Morgan Stanley's Global Chief Economist. And on this special episode of the podcast, we'll hold our third roundtable discussion focusing on Morgan Stanley's global economic outlook as we enter the final quarter of 2024.I am joined today by our economics team from three regions.Chetan Ahya: I'm Chetan Ahya, Chief Asia Economist.Jens Eisenschmidt: I'm Jens Eisenschmidt, Chief Europe Economist.Diego Anzoategui: I'm Diego Anzoategui from the US Economics team.It's Monday, October 7th at 10 am in New York.Jens Eisenschmidt: And 3 pm in London.Seth Carpenter: I have to say, a lot has happened since the last time we held this roundtable. To say the very least, we've had volatility in financial markets. But on balance, I kind of have to say the global economy has more or less performed the way we expected.The US economy is cruising towards a soft landing. The labor market maybe is a touch softer than we expected, but consumer spending has remained resilient. In Asia, Japan's reflation story is largely intact, while China is still confronting that debt deflation cycle that we've talked about. And in Europe, the tepid growth we had envisioned -- well, it's continuing. Inflation is falling, but the ECB seems to be accelerating its rate cuts. So, let's get into the details.Diego, I'm going to start with you and the US. The Fed cut interest rates in September for the first time this cycle, and they cut by 50 basis points instead of the 25 basis points that some people -- including us -- were expecting. So, the big question for you is, where does the Fed go from here?Diego Anzoategui: So, we are looking for a string of 25 basis point cuts from the Fed as long as labor markets hold up. Inflation has come down notably and we expect a normalization of interest rates ahead. But, of course, we might be wrong again. Labor markets might cool too much, and in that case, one or two additional 50 basis point cuts might happen again.Seth Carpenter: So, either the Fed glides into the soft landing or they pick up the pace and they cut faster.So, Jens, let me turn to you and pivot to Europe. You recently changed your forecast for the ECB, and you're now looking for a rate cut in October. And that's following two cuts already that the ECB has done. So, what prompted your change? Is it like what Diego said about a softer outcome prompting a faster pace of cuts. What's likely to happen next for the ECB?Jens Eisenschmidt: That's right. We changed our ECB call. And to understand why we have to go back to September. So already at the September meeting the ECB president, Lagarde, made clear in the press conference that the bank was a little bit less concerned about structurally high services inflation that is forecast to be persistently high still for some time to come -- mainly because there was more conviction that wages would come down eventually.And so, they could really focus a little bit more, give a bit more attention to the growth side of things. Just as a reminder, the Fed has a dual mandate. So, it's growth and inflation. The ECB only has inflation. So basically, if the ECB wants to act on growth, it needs to be sure that inflation is under control. And then since September what happened is that literally every single indicator, leading indicator, for inflation was negative. We had lower oil prices, we had a stronger euro, and of course, also weaker activity in terms of the PMIs pointing to a cooling of the ongoing recovery.So, all of that led us to revise our inflation forecast, and that means that ECB will very likely already be a target mid next year. That should lead to an acceleration of the rate cut cycle. And then it's only a question, will it be already in October or in December? And here comes the September inflation print in, which was softer in particular on the core or on the services component than expected. And we think that has tilted the balance; or will tilt the balance in favor of an October rate cut.So, what we see now is October, December, January, March -- 25 basis points rate cuts by the ECB leading to a rate of 250. Then this being close to neutral, they will slow down again, quarterly rate cut pace. So, June, September, December, 25 basis points each -- leading to a final rate end of next year at 175.Seth Carpenter: Okay, got it. So, inflation has come down in most developed market economies. Central banks are starting to cut. For the Fed, there's an open question about how much strength the labor market still has and whether or not they need to do 50 basis points or 25.But I have to say, Chetan -- and I'm going to come to you because -- in Asia, we saw a lot of market turmoil in August, and that was partly prompted by the rate hike of the BoJ. So, here's a developed market economy central bank that's not cutting. In fact, they're starting to raise interest rates. So, what happened there? And what do you think happens with the BoJ going forward?Chetan Ahya: Well, Seth, in our base case, we do expect BoJ to hike by another 25 basis points in January next year. And as regards to your question on what happened in terms of the volatility that we saw in the month of August? Essentially, as the BoJ took up its first rate hike, there was a lot of concern that BoJ will go in a consecutive manner, taking up successive rate hikes. But at the end of the day, what we saw was, BoJ realizing that there is a clear endogeneity between financial conditions and their reaction function. And as that communication was clearly laid out, we saw markets calming down. And now going forward, what we think BoJ will be watching will be the data on inflation and wages.We think they would be waiting to see what happens to the inflation data in the month of November and October, i.e., whether there is a clear, rise in services inflation, which has been running at around 1.3 per cent. And they would want to see that wage pass through to services inflation is continuing.And then secondly, they will want to see what is happening to the wage expectations from the workers in the next round of spring wage negotiations. The demand from workers will be clear by the end of this year, so sometime in December. And therefore, we think BoJ will look at that information and then take up a rate hike in the month of January next year.Seth Carpenter: Okay, so if I step back for a second, even if there are a few parts of the puzzle that still need to fall into place, it sounds to me like you're saying the Japan reflation story is still intact. Is that fair?Chetan Ahya: That's right. We think that, you know, the comment from the prime minister that came out a few days back; he's very clear that he wants to see a situation where Japan gets rid of deflation. So, we think that the policymakers are fully lined up to ensure that the reflation story remains intact.Seth Carpenter: That's super helpful and it just absolutely contrasts with what we've been saying about China, where they have sort of the opposite story. There's been a debt deflation cycle that you and the Chinese team have really been highlighting for a long time now, talking about the challenges for policy.We did get some news out of Beijing in terms of policy stimulus. Could you and break down for us what happened there and whether or not you think that's enough to really shift China's trajectory away from this debt deflation cycle?Chetan Ahya: Yes, Seth, so essentially, we got three things from Chinese policy makers. Number one, they took up big monetary policy easing. Number two, they announced a package to support the equity markets. And number three, they announced some measures to support the property market.Now we think that these measures are a positive and particularly the property market measures will be helpful. But in terms of real impediment for China's reflation story, we think that the key need of the hour is to take up aggressive fiscal easing to boost consumption. Monetary policy easing is helpful, but it's not really the key impediment to the reflation path.Seth Carpenter: All right, so if I wanted to see the glass as half full, I would say, look at this! Beijing policymakers have turned the corners. They're acknowledging that there's some policy impetus that needs to be put into place. But if I wanted to see the glass as half empty, I could take away from what you just said, that there just needs to be more, maybe fiscal stimulus to directly promote household spending.Is that that fair?Chetan Ahya: That's absolutely right. What's happening in China is that there has been a big structural adjustment in the property sector because now the total population is declining. And so therefore there is a big demand hole that is being left by the weakness in housing sector.Ideally, what they should be doing, as I was mentioning earlier, [is] that they should be taking a big fiscal easing to support consumption spending. But so far what we've been seeing is that they've been trying to fill that demand hole with more supply in form of investment in manufacturing and infrastructure sector.And unfortunately, that's been actually making the deflation challenge more complex. So going forward, we think that, you know, we should be watching out what they do in terms of fiscal stimulus. There was a comment in the Politburo statement that they will take up fiscal easing. We suspect that the timing of that fiscal policy announcement could be by end of this month alongside National People's Congress meeting. And so, what will be the size of fiscal stimulus will be important to watch as well.Currently, we think it could be one to two trillion RMB. But in our work that we did in terms of what is the scale of fiscal stimulus that is needed to boost consumption, we estimate that it should be somewhere around a 10 trillion RMB spread over two years.Seth Carpenter: Got it. Thanks, Chetan. Super helpful.Gentlemen, I have to say, we might have to stop here for the day. But tomorrow, I want to get [to] another topic, which is to say, the upcoming US election. It's got huge implications for the macroeconomy in the US and around the world. And I think we're going to have to touch on it. But for now, we'll end the conversation here.And thank you, the listeners, for listening. If you enjoy this show, please leave us a review wherever you listen to the podcast and share Thoughts on the Market with a friend or colleague today.

China says it is suspending nuclear non-proliferation and arms control talks with the United States in response to recent US military sales to Taiwan. Also on the programme: We speak to a former reporter for the Wall Street Journal in Hong Kong, who says she was fired because she was determined to chair a press union there; and the mayor of Paris has taken a plunge into the river Seine to prove it is clean enough for competitive swimming ahead of the Olympic Games. (Photo: Chinese President Xi Jinping applauds at the closing session of the National People's Congress. Credit: Reuters)

Last time we spoke about the second Zhili-Fengtian War.  After the first Zhili-Fengtian War of 1922, the Zhili warlords took control of Beijing. Cao Kun bribed his way into the presidency as Zhang Zuolin retreated to Manchuria to rebuild his army. Zhang appointed key officials and boosted military production, significantly enhancing his army, navy, and air force. The catalyst for the second Zhili-Fengtian War in 1924 was the First Jiangsu-Zhejiang War. Zhang Zuolin declared war on the Zhili clique, accusing them of corruption and oppression. The war saw battles at Rehe, Shanhaiguan, and other locations, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. However, the Zhili forces were plagued by internal betrayal and logistical challenges. Feng Yuxiang's unexpected coup in Beijing further weakened the Zhili's position. Ultimately, the Fengtian army's superior strategy and coordination led to their victory, capturing key cities and forcing Zhili leaders to flee.   #106 the First United Front Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The second Zhili-Fengtian war was by far the most intense war to date for China's Warlord Era. Perhaps up to 450,000 troops participated in battles stretching along the Great Wall Line from Shanhaiguan to Beijing. The casualties were reported to be around 30,000, but estimates for China's Warlord Era are notoriously flimsy. Ultimately it was won by Feng Yuxiang's betrayal against Wu Peifu. Feng Yuxiang's Beijing coup certainly turned the tide, and now he had emerged a major player on the scene. Feng Yuxiang went to work, expelling the former Emperor of the Qing Dynasty, Puyi from the Forbidden city and placed Cao Kun under house arrest. Now immediately after Feng Yuxiang had taken Beijing, he began reorganizing his forces into the 1st National Army or better known as the Guominjun. Feng Yuxiang acted as its commander in chief with his co-conspirators Hu Qingyi and Sun Yueh as commanders of the 2nd and 3rd Armies. Now the Guominjun wer certainly an odd motley crew. The Guominjun's ideology was a blend of Chinese nationalism, progressive social reforms, military modernization, and ethical governance influenced by Christianity. Feng Yuxiang's leadership and vision shaped the faction into quite a unique force, striving to create a unified, modern, and moral China. Feng took care of his men's well being, he educated them, promoted their sense of nationalism. Within his territory Feng promoted education, built schools, and established social welfare programs. He believed that improving the living standards of the common people was essential for national strength and stability. He implemented a series of social reforms in the areas he controlled. These included land reforms aimed at reducing the power of landlords and distributing land more equitably among peasants. His Guominjun would become known for its efforts to combat corruption and inefficiency within its ranks and in the administration of its territories. Feng Yuxiang sought to create a more ethical and efficient government. Feng supported the modernization of China's infrastructure and industry. This included building railways, improving communications, and promoting technological advancements. The Guominjun was driven by a strong sense of Chinese nationalism, emphasizing the need to unify China and end the fragmentation caused by warlordism. They aimed to establish a central government that could restore national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Guominjun placed a high emphasis on military discipline and modern training methods. Feng Yuxiang's background in the Beiyang Army influenced his approach to building a modern, professional military force. The Guominjun's ideological alignment with nationalism and reform brought them into close cooperation with the Kuomintang. The alliance with the KMT was based on shared goals of unification and modernization, though it was sometimes strained by ideological and strategic differences. Because of the geographical distance between their spheres of influence they would be more or less isolated from each other and thus it made it difficult to coordinate actions. Feng Yuxiang had hoped by imprisoning Cao Kun and exiling Puyi he would gain popular support amongst the Republican and anti-Manchu in the Beiyang government. Feng Yuxiang also proclaimed the Guominjun troops to be the first in the history of the Republic to serve as a national military establishment rather than a personal army. However no one forget his acts of treachery, the coup d'etat certainly gave him a bad rep. One of the few successes he would have was persuading Dr Sun Yat-Sen to come over to Beijing to take part in the new government. With the collapse of the Zhili clique, a more tenuous balance of power emerged in Beijing. Feng Yuxiang's position in Beijing was weakened each day, because of the maneuvers of Zhang Zuolin. He had moved the Fengtian forces south of Manchuria, proceeding south of the Tientsin-Pukou railway. This effectively gave Zhang Zuolin control over East China from Manchuria down to the Yangtze Valley. Alongside this Zhang Zuolin reached an agreement with Duan Qirui to bring him into the new fold. A 5 day conference took place at Tientsin from November 11th to 16th, including the new triumvirate of Zhang Zuolin, Feng Yuxiang and Duan Qirui. They discussed the future of the Beiyang government. Feng Yuxiang quickly discovered he had little negotiating power beyond his dominance in Beijing and even that was tenuous as Zhang Zuolin pretty much surrounded them all. Feng Yuxiang found out his trump card, the promise from Dr Sun Yat-Sen that he would come participate in the new Beiyang government was useless as both Zhang Zuolin and Duan Qirui had likewise received the same promise from him. During the conference the new triumvirate agreed Duan Qirui would become a figurehead of the new government with a position called the chief executive. Despite Duan Qirui's status as the leader of the practically non-existant Anhui Clique, he was more palatable to the surviving Zhili clique warlords than Zhang Zuolin or Feng Yuxiang. They made sure not to make Duan Qirui a president or premier, his role was specifically meant to be temporary, this was done to lure Dr Sun Yat-Sen over to Beijing. Meanwhile Feng Yuxiang and Zhang Zuolin retained their territories and became the military leaders of the new regime.  On November 24th, Duan Qirui arrived to Beijing and assumed his new office. On December 9th the foreign powers recognized Duan Qirui's new government on the basis he did not alter their pre-existing unequal treaties. This was inevitable as Japan was the leading imperial power in asia and backed both Zhang Zuoli and Duan Qirui. He formed a cabinet without any Guominjun members. It would seem no one had forgotten Feng Yuxiangs treachery, but then again, his Guominjun had no officers with sufficient prestige to be nominated to any posts. Feng Yuxiang had little hope of exerting any control in the new government.  Feng Yuxiang responded the dire situation by resigning his post as inspector general and retired, stating he would spending his future in study and travel. Yet his Guominjun forces still controlled Beijing. Zhang Zuolin took a cue from his move by also resigning his titles, heading over to Tientsin. Thus Duan Qirui with no military power, personally under threat of Feng Yuxiang's forces in Beijing was facing a daunting situation. He had to try and maintain the peace between the two warlords while forming a government acceptable to the foreign powers. His government then decided to make Feng Yuxiang and Zhang Zuolin defense commissioners of the northwest and northeast respectively. Feng Yuxiang now would control Suiyuan and Chahar, setting up new headquarters in Kalgan. Feng Yuxiang's new position did not prove lucrative and it was not an adequate power base. His only real ally was the KMT, but he was far to isolated from them, thus he turned to the Soviet Union.Feng Yuxiangs socialist actions had attracted the attention of communists and indeed within his entourage were many communists. The Soviets were enemies with the Empire of Japan. The Empire of Japan backed Zhang Zuolin, so the enemy of my enemy is my friend. The Soviets basically saw Feng Yuxiang as a possible balance against the Japanese who were continuing to expand their influence in Manchuria. Dr Sun Yat-Sen came to the north alongside the Soviet Michael Borodin. Dr Sun Yat-Sen had pleaded with western nations for a long time to support his government with finance and arms, but none offered anything tangible.  Dr Sun Yat-Sen ‘s problem was his hard stance against the unequal treaties. All of the western powers knew, it was Dr Sun Yat-Sen's priority to get rid of the unequal treaties, thus they all refused to support his efforts. However there was a new nation that did not support the unequal treaties, in fact they even publicly stated so, the Soviet Union. Back in Autumn of 1920, Sun Yat-Sen met with representatives of the Commuturn in Shanghai. Sun Yat-Sen told them he believed Lenin wanted him to be the founder of the CCP, because Chen Duxiu did not have much influence with the people of China, unlike him, he was after all kind of a rockstar. After numerous attempts to gain support from Japan or the West, Sun Yat-Sen began to seriously consider cooperating with the CCP who were being supported by the Soviet Union.  In December of 1921, Sun Yat-Sen met with Hendriks Josephs Franciscus Marie Sneevliet, known as Marin, because why is his name that long haha, in Guilin. Marin was a official representative of the Commiturn, Sun Yat-Sen came to him expressing his admiration for the Russian Revolution and for Lenin. He stated that he wanted to learn more about the Soviet achievement, especially their new economic policies. In August of 1922, the soviet diplomat to China, Adolf Joffe was trying to settle issues regarding Outer Mongolia and the Chinese Far Eastern Railway, to which he had little to no success, but during the process he also met with Dr Sun Yat-Sen. Sun Yat-Sen brought up the idea of cooperating with the CCP, it sounded promising. For a few months the Soviets brainstormed and by the 4th congress of the Communist international decided to get the CCP to agree to such a thing. In July of 1922 the CCP accepted Marin's proposal to join the Kuomintang in an alliance. This became known as the Sun-Joffe Manifesto and what it resulted in was the First United Front.  In July the Soviets instructed the CCP to join the alliance, but there was a ton of push back. In Hanzhou, Marin met with Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Cai Hesen , Zhang Guotao, Gao Junyu , Maring , and Zhang Tailei. Marin pointed out to them that the Kuomintang was a party of all classes who were trying to promote democratic revolution. The CCP joining the KMT would be in line with Lenin's outline on the international communist revolution. Many of the CCP leadership pointed out issues, like anti-communist elements in the KMT, but ultimately they all decided it was a good idea as the reality was, the CCP was only 300 members, they needed help to grow. Thus it was decided, some of the CCP leading figures would join the KMT, with the secret intention of persuading KMT members to join the CCP.  According to testimony from Zhou Fohai, a CCP member at the time who would later join Wang Jingwei's collaborationist government "At that time, the Soviets wanted to collude with Wu Peifu, so it first gave Wu Peifu the honorific title of 'enlightened warlord'. At that time, Sun Hongyi was close to Wu Peifu, while Li Dazhao was close to Sun Hongyi. They took advantage of this relationship and had a secret relationship with Wu Peifu. Li Dazhao went to Luoyang several times, and it seems that there were records in the newspapers at that time. His methods were really clever. Wu Peifu ordered Gao Enhong to appoint Communists as the chief inspectors of the four lines of Beijing-Hankou, Beijing-Fengtian, Jinpu and Longhai. The inspector of Beijing-Hankou was Bao Huicai, and the inspector of Jinpu seemed to be Li Minzhi... Before the Soviets was abandoned by Wu Peifu, it once had an affair with Chen Jiongming. Chen Jiongming... specially summoned Chen Duxiu to Guangdong as its education committee member Chairman of the National People's Congress. At that time, Chen Jiongming's rebellious deeds were already well known, and Guangdong was clearly divided into two factions, Sun and Chen. The Soviets naturally used its strength to shift the situation. So the Soviets colluded with him. Chen Jiongming paid 500 yuan a month to Chen Gongbo to publish the "Qun Bao", which was a result of their collusion. Later, when Chen Jiongming was hiding in Huizhou, Ma Lin and Tan Pingshan went to Huizhou twice to discuss the terms of cooperation. Who would have thought that Chen Jiongming would dare to bombard Guanyin Mountain and endanger Premier Sun. After this rebellious act, Chen Jiongming was despised by the Chinese people. The Soviets was afraid of the attack of public opinion, so it did not dare to openly ally with him. Abandoned by Wu Peifu in the north and isolated from Chen Jiongming in the south, the Soviets, in 1923, followed the orders of the Third International and tried to infiltrate the Kuomintang and carried out its conspiracy to destroy the Kuomintang. " On January 12th of 1923, the Soviets passed a resolution recognizing the First United Front. Sun Yat-Sen accepted the alliance, but with two reservations; number 1, China would not become a communist nation; number 2 that the Soviets would give up the unequal treaties the Russian Empire previously held over China. On January 26th Sun Yat-Sen and Joffe issued a joint statement, declaring the cooperation between the KMT, CCP and Soviet Union. Now its important to note, Sun Yat-Sen did not believe the Soviet system could or would be functional for China. He believed China's largest problem was reunification under national independence. The Soviets abolished the unequal treaties that the Russian Empire had made with China and declared Outer Mongolia was part of China resolving that debacle. The Soviets even stated they promised not to carry out a communist revolution within China. Sun Yat-Sen stated publicly he was willing to accept CCP members into the KMT. Now this was clearly only done in order to receive Soviet finances and arms, but secondly, he truly believed their membership would help strengthen the nationalist movement.  Many in the KMT were concerned with this venture. On February 9th of 1924, at Tsinghua University, Sun Yat-Sen was answering questions about the issue where he stated “Russia is Russia, and China is China. Russia has its own ideology, and China has its own ideology. In my previous speech, I mentioned Russia everywhere. I was talking about the organization of its revolutionary party, not its revolutionary ideology.” Now here comes Mr. Borodin. In September of 1923, Borodin was sent to serve as Dr Sun Yat-Sens political advisor, specifically responsible for facilitating the First United Front. Borodin spoke no Chinese, thus he conversed in English. He had a heavy midwestern American accent, which masked his Russian origin, helping him communicate with the largely anglophone and American educated leadership within the KMT. He was accompanied by Ho Chi Minh, yes the future leader of communist Vietnam.  Borodin showed up in early October to Guangzhou where he held some private talks with the CCP. The CCP had been complaining about how the KMT were quite anti-communist in general, how the alliance made no sense if it was agreed there would be no Communist Revolution pushed by the Soviet Union within China. Borodin told them the real purpose of the alliance was actually a reorganization effort and to infiltrate the KMT. "In the newspapers, I talked about the Kuomintang, but for us, what I said was actually the increase in the influence of the CCP... We must never forget that what we are actually doing is to stabilize the CCP. This goal should be remembered forever."  Now despite the new alliance with the Soviets, Sun Yat-Sen did not stop reaching out to the US and Japan causing Borodin headaches. In his report to Stalin, Borodin mentioned that on January 23, 1924, he talked with Sun Yat-Sen "I asked Sun Yat-sen again and again: How long will he hold on to the fantasy that the Chinese people may get some help from the United States, Britain or Japan? Hasn't he been waiting for such help for too long? Isn't it time to sum up the past full of illusions and failures and turn to a new path?" Then in late January of 1924, during the First Congress of the Kuomintang, Sun Yat-Sen expanded upon the Three Principles of the Peoples and this deeply concerned Borodin who reported to Stalin "Sun agreed to the revolutionary program formulated for the Kuomintang, which catered to us; but he disagreed to publicly say that he would establish a united front with us. For this reason, he did not fully trust us." Borodin also came to Sun Yat-Sen about his program stating “You are facing a choice. Do you want to move forward with the 1.5 billion people in the imperialist camp? Or do you want to move forward with the 1.25 billion people who are oppressed by imperialism? You should make a decision”. Although Sun Yat-Sen would accept many of Borodin's suggestions, ultimately it was Sun Yat-Sen calling the shots, and he butted heads often with Borodin. Borodin stated at one point to those around him "the American spirit was deeply rooted in his mind. Generally speaking, it was difficult to make Sun Yat-sen change his mind." By the end of 1923, Chiang Kai-Shek led Dr Sun Yat-Sen's delegation to the Soviet Union. Chiang Kai-Shek reported back to Sun Yat-Sen “The strategy and purpose of the Soviet Union's so-called ‘world revolution' is more dangerous to the independence movement of Eastern nations than Western colonialism.” Sun Yat-Sen replied that he believed Chiang Kai-Shek was over-worrying and that he “deeply believed that only by allowing the Chinese Communist Party members to be under the leadership of our party and under the unified command of our party can we prevent them from creating class struggles and hindering the progress of our national revolution. If our Northern Expedition is victorious, the Three Principles of the People can be implemented as scheduled. By then, even if the Soviet wants to sabotage our national revolution, it will be impossible. Moreover, the Soviet Union only recognizes our party as the only party leading the revolution in China, and strongly urges its CCP members to join our party and obey its leadership, but does not deny that China has no possibility of implementing its communism. Therefore, it still insists on its decision to ally with Russia and tolerate the CCP” Trouble soon brewed in June of 1924, many leading KMT figures wrote to Sun Yat-Sen accusing the CCP of raising the banner of anti-imperialism and anti-militarism causing the KMT to suffer scorn from western powers and Chinese nationalist scorn. Sun Yat-Sen knew of the problem, it was largely CCP students led by Chen Duxiu making a scene. He explained  "The Chinese young students headed by Chen Duxiu are self-righteous. They initially wanted to monopolize Russian relations and prevent Russia from interacting with our party. Peter used Russia's help to establish his own faction and compete with our party. If I suspect Chen Duxiu and implicate Russia, it will be exactly what Chen Duxiu is planning and help him succeed. If (Chen Duxiu and others) do not obey our party, I will abandon them." Sun Yat-Sen also tried his best to restrict the CCP to be in his own direct orbit. Chen Duxiu had been repeatedly criticizing Sun Yat-Sen's policies in his newspapers, so Sun Yat-Sen went to Borodin to correct the issue. “Since the CCP have joined the KMT, they should obey party discipline and should not publicly criticize the KMT. If the CCP do not obey the KMT, I will expel them; if the Soviet Union protects the Chinese Communist Party, I will oppose the Soviet Union.” Sun Yat-Sen honestly failed to see the threat that the CCP really posed. He truly believed the CCP joined the KMT was not a cooperation between two equal parties. He believed the KMT was China's only revolutionary party while the CCP were just a group of scholars who supported Leninism. He never really took them seriously, but he also made sure never to give them arms when they continuously demanded them.  As for the CCP, they regarded the KMT as quite backwards, many leaders in the CCP thought Dr Sun Yat-Sen was no different than the warlords. When Marin proposed to the CCP that they join the KMT, Chen Duxiu raised opposition arguing "the purpose and foundation of the revolution of the CCP and the KMT are different. The KMT's policies of alliance with the United States, Zhang Zuolin and Duan Qirui are too incompatible with communism. Outside Guangdong Province, it is still regarded as a political party fighting for power and profit. The Sun Yat-sen faction of the KMT has always been absolutely intolerant of the opinions of new members and cannot give them power". A lot of the CCP resented what they saw as Sun Yat-Sen appeasing the right while disenfranchising them. Once the First United Front was established, the Soviets took over management of the Chinese Eastern Railway and began occupying Outer Mongolia. Then money and arms began pouring in, military advisors came to help create Sun Yat-Sens Northern expedition. Sun Yat-Sen dispatched Chiang Kai-Shek to Moscow to investigate their politics and military, while Borodin was made the KMT's organization trainer.  In May of 1924 Borodin helped found the Whampoa Military Academy. There officers of the National Revolutionary Army were trained, the backbone of the KMT. They would all under the leadership of Dr Sun Yat-Sen's number two, Chiang Kai-Shek. The quality of the education was guaranteed by regular visits from Soviet Officers. Many future big names would graduate from the academy, such as Lin Biao and Zhou Enlai. Borodin also established the Peasant Training institute, where a young Mao Zedong would serve. Things were not at all rainbows and sunshine. On May 1st of 1924, a large celebration was held in Guangzhou for the Peasant department. Sun Yat-Sen gave a speech calling on everyone to fight for national liberation and to put the theme of class struggle in a secondary position. This certainly did not sit well with the CCP, whose members began calling for breaking the alliance and arguing the KMT would lose the support of the Soviet Union. Borodin happened to be away at the time, and when prompted, Sun Yat-Sen kept saying they would resolve the matter when he returned. Frantic telegrams were sent and by June 20th Borodin returned. On June 25th a meeting was held with the leaders of the KMT and CCP. Borodin agreed with the point that the CCP was a party within the party of the KMT, but also stated the KMT had to give some ground to the CCP if they wanted to keep favor with the Soviet Union. Suddenly a wave of anti communist statements were lobbed from prominent KMT members, such as Wang Jingwei. They further launched a petition to expel certain communists. On July 15th in retaliation, Chinese workers in Shamian went on strike. Despite these setbacks the First United Front remained firm. Mao Zedong would see an appointment as Minister of Propaganda of the KMT. His job entailed hunting down newspapers and anyone who distributed leaflets, demanding they come to the Propaganda Department for review prior. In the next episode, if not a future one, Mao Zedong's propaganda department would have a lot of work ahead of them. Now all the way back to when I mentioned Sun Yat-Sen and Borodin visited Feng Yuxiang. Borodin came bearing a similar deal to what the KMT/CCP had with the Soviet Union and at first Feng Yuxiang was uncooperative. Yet cooped up in his Kalgan HQ, Feng Yuxiang had no backers, he was very low on funds. Most importantly he lacked arsenal facilities. Feng Yuxiang had struggled to cope, hunting everyone for backers, but the Northwest was not easily accessible. When he made orders with private traders bound for coastal ports, they were simply seized by local warlords who controlled coastal areas. Without domestic capabilities or access to the sea, Feng Yuxiang was pretty much screwed. Thus he caved into the Soviets  An agreement was bought for Soviet financial aid and munitions by February of 1925, brokered by Borodin. From April to August, war materials began to pour into Feng Yuxiangs camp. The cargo was divided into two shipments, traveling over the trans siberian railway from Moscow to Verkhne Udinsk, then south over caravan trade routes to Maimaicheng. In 1925 it took 500 mongol carts to move the small arms, ammunition, rifles and field guns from Maimaicheng to Ulaan Baater, then over motor vehicles to Pingdichuan, to a station on the Beijing-Suiyuan railway all the way over to Fengzheng. It was a heavy haul to be sure: 5,000 cases of petroleum, 1,000 boxes of ammunition, 15,000 rifles, 15 million rounds of rifle ammunition, 27 colt machine guns, 630,000 machine gun ammunition, 1,000 entrenching tools, 30.000 hand grenades, and 100 poods of explosives. Another haul in 1925 included 64,000 rifles, 15.000 carbines, 72 million rounds of rifle and carbine ammunition, 189 machine guns, 6.45 million rounds of machine gun ammunition, 66 field guns, 18,000 revolvers, 5 million rounds of revolver ammunition, 50 field kitchens, 150 twowheel carts, and 16,000 swords. With a new supply line, Feng Yuxiang would distance himself from Zhang Zuolin. The triumvirate was becoming undone and a new war was looming. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. While it seemed a decent compromise had been established with the triumvirate of Zhang Zuolin, Duan Qirui and Feng Yuxiang, dark clouds were emerging. The Guominjun and Kuomintang were both getting in bed with the Reds and soon everyone would be mobilizing for another grand war. 

Doc 1: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, A Student Demonstration of Sorts in Tiananmen Square (11/21/85) Doc 2: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Government Arrests Student Demonstrators (11/25/85) Doc 3: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, More Student Demonstrations (12/23/85) Doc 4: From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Student Demonstrations Update (12/24/86) Doc 5: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 1-87, China: Student Demonstrations (01/02/87) Doc 6: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 10-87, China: Hu Yaobang Resigns (01/17/87) Doc 7: Memorandum of Conversation, [George Bush] Meeting with Wan Li, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Member of the Politburo, People's Republic of China (05/23/89) Doc 8: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/0289, China: Stalemate Continues Doc 9: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/03/89, China: Police Use Tear Gas on Crowds Doc 10: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 27: Martial Law with Chinese Characteristics (06/03/89) Doc 11: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 28: Ten to Fifteen Thousand Armed Troops Stopped at City Perimeter by Human and Bus Barricades (06/03/89) Doc 12: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, and All Diplomatic and Consular Posts, TFCHO1: SITREP 1, 1700 EDT (06/03/89) Doc 13: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/04/89, China: Troops Open Fire Doc 14: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 32 (06/04/89) Doc 15: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 33 (06/04/89) Doc 16: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, China Task Force Situation Report No. 3 (06/04/89) Doc 17: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/05/89, China: After the Bloodbath Doc 18: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 35 (06/05/89) Doc 19: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/06/89, China: Descent into Chaos Doc 20: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 37 (06/06/89) Doc 21: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/07/89, China: Tense Standoff Continues Doc 22: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 38 (06/07/89) Doc 23: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/9/89, China: Uneasy Calm Doc 24: Department of State Intelligence Brief, "Current Situation in China: Background and Prospects" (Ca. 06/10/89) Doc 25: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/10/89, China: Mixed Signals on Purge Doc 26: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 49, (06/11/89) Doc 27: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/14/89, China: Back to Business, But Crackdown Continues Doc 28: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/15/89, China: Accusation over Fang Lizhi Doc 29: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/21/89, China: Swift Justice Doc 30: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Eyewitness Account of June 4 PLA Tank Crushing 11 Students and Related Early Morning Events in Tiananmen Square (06/22/89) Doc 31: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, What Happened on the Night of June 3/4? (06/22/89) Doc 32: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01: SITREP No. 65 (06/27/89) Doc 33: State Department document entitled "Themes" (06/29/89) Doc 34: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "Status Report on Situation in China as of 07/ 26/89" Doc 35: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "China: Aftermath of the Crisis" (07/27/89) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

#PRC:  Not credible numbers in the Great Hall.. Jonathan Ward, author of The Decisive Decade: American Grand Strategy for Triumph Over China, on the ongoing National People's Congress meeting.@GordonGChang, Gatestone, Newsweek, The Hill https://www.businessinsider.com/xi-jinpings-paranoia-secrecy-sign-how-badly-china-economy-floundering-2024-3 1900 FORBIDDEN CITY

#PRC: No more information until perhaps 2027. Stephen Yates, chair of the America First Policy Institute's China Policy Initiative, on the the ongoing National People's Congress meeting, @GordonGChang, Gatestone, Newsweek, The Hill  https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-cancels-premiers-press-conference-first-time-since-1993-2024-03-04/ 1860 QING