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  Last time we spoke about the February 26th incident. Within the turbulent “ government of assassination” period of 1936 Japan, a faction of discontented junior officers, known as the Kodoha, believed that their emperor, Hirohito, was being manipulated by corrupt politicians. In a desperate bid for what they termed a "Showa Restoration," they meticulously plotted a coup d'état. On February 26, they launched a rebellion in Tokyo, attempting to assassinate key figures they deemed responsible for undermining the emperor's authority. The young officers executed coordinated attacks on prominent leaders, resulting in several deaths, while hoping to seize control of the Imperial Palace. However, their plan unraveled when their actions met with unexpected resistance, and they failed to secure strategic locations. Dark snow blanketed the city as Hirohito, outraged by the violence, quickly moved to suppress the uprising, which ultimately led to the downfall of the Kodoha faction and solidified the military's grip on power, ushering in a new era marked by militarism and radicalism.   #151 The Suiyuan Operation Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So we last left off with the February 26th incident breaking out in Japan, but now I would like to return to China. Now we spoke a little bit about some influential Japanese politicians in the previous episode. Prime Minister Satio Makoto oversaw Japan from May 1932 to July 1934, succeeded by Prime Minister Keisuke Okada from July 1934 to March 1936. The foreign policy of Japan towards China during the Saitō and Okada administrations exhibited a notable paradox, characterized by two conflicting elements. On one hand, Foreign Minister Hirota championed a diplomatic approach that emphasized friendship, cooperation, and accommodation with China. On the other hand, the military actively undermined the authority of the Nationalist government in northern China, creating a significant rift between diplomatic rhetoric and military action.    The Okada cabinet then endorsed the Army Ministry's "Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" on January 13, 1936. This policy document explicitly proposed the eventual detachment of five provinces, Hubei, Chahar, Shanxi, Suiyuan, and Shandong from the Nationalist government in Nanking. The approval of this outline marked a pivotal moment, as it represented the first official government endorsement of the military's longstanding agenda and underscored the army's evolution from a mere rogue entity operating in the region to the de facto authority dictating the course of Japan's policy towards China. Despite this, on January 22, during the 68th Diet session, Hirota reaffirmed his dedication to fostering better ties with China, to which a representative from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded positively. The Nationalist government in Nanjing also expressed interest in engaging in formal negotiations. However, this diplomatic initiative quickly faltered, and the expected discussions in Nanjing never took place. Shortly thereafter, a mutiny by young army officers on February 26, 1936, led to the fall of the Okada cabinet. Following Prince Konoe Fumimaro's refusal of the imperial mandate to form a new government, Hirota stepped in to establish a cabinet on March 9. General Terauchi Hisaichi was appointed as the Minister of the Army, Admiral Nagano Osami took charge of the Navy Ministry, and Baba Eiichi became the finance minister. Hirota briefly served as foreign minister until Arita Hachirö, who had just submitted his credentials as ambassador to China on March 6, returned to Japan. The Hirota Koki cabinet, established immediately following the February 26 incident further entrenched military influence in politics while allowing interservice rivalries to impede national objectives. In May 1936, Hirota, influenced by army and navy ministers, reinstated the practice of appointing military ministers solely from the ranks of high-ranking active-duty officers. He believed this would prevent associations with the discredited Imperial Way faction from regaining power. By narrowing the candidate pool and enhancing the army's power relative to the prime minister, Hirota's decision set the stage for army leaders to leverage this advantage to overthrow Admiral Yonai's cabinet in July 1940. Arita began his new job by meeting with Foreign Minister Chang Chen while hearing views from the Kwantung Army chief of staff General, Itagaki Seishiro. Yes, our old friend received a lot of promotions. Itagaki had this to say about the Kwantung Army's policy in China "The primary aim of Japan's foreign policy, is the sound development of Manchukuo based upon the principle of the indivisibility of Japan and Manchukuo. If, as is probable, the existing situation continues, Japan is destined sooner or later to clash with the Soviet Union, and the attitude of China at that time will gravely influence operations [against the Soviet Union]." The Kwantung Army's was growing more and more nervous about the USSR following its 7th comintern congress held in July and August of 1935. There it publicly designated Japan, Germany and Poland as its main targets of comintern actions. Japanese intelligence in the Red Army also knew the Soviets were gradually planning to expand the military strength so they could face a simultaneous west and east front war. This was further emboldened by the latest USSR 5 year plan. Alongside the growing Red northern menace, the CCP issued on August 1st a declaration calling upon the Nationalist Government to end their civil war so they could oppose Japan. By this time the CCP was reaching the end of its Long March and organizing a new base of operations in Yenan in northern Shanxi. The developments by the USSR and CCP had a profound effect on Japan's foreign policy in China. The Kwantung Army believed a war with the USSR was imminent and began to concentrate its main force along the border of Manchukuo. The Kwantung Army's plan in the case of war was to seize Vladivostok while advancing motorized units towards Ulan Bator in Outer Mongolia, hoping to threaten the Trans-Siberian Railway near Lake Baikal. Their intelligence indicated the USSR could muster a maximum of 250,000 troops in eastern Siberia and that Japan could deal with them with a force two-thirds of that number. The IJA at that point had inferior air forces and armaments, thus urgent funding was needed. The Kwantung Army proposed that forces in the home islands should be reduced greatly so all could be concentrated in Manchuria. To increase funding so Kwantung leadership proposed doing away with special allowances for Japanese officials in Manchuria and reorganizing the Japanese economic structure. The Kwantung leaders also knew the submarine base at Vladivostok posed a threat to Japanese shipping so the IJN would have to participate, especially against ports and airfields. All said and done, the Kwantung Army planned for a war set in 1941 and advised immediate preparations. On July 23, 1936, Kanji Ishiwara presented the army's document titled “Request Concerning the Development of Industries in Preparation for War” to the Army Ministry. He asserted that in order to prepare for potential conflict with the Soviet Union, Japan, Manchukuo, and North China must have the industries critical for war fully developed by 1941. Ishiwara emphasized the urgent need for rapid industrial growth, particularly in Manchukuo. He followed this request on July 29 with a draft of a “Policy on Preparations for War” regarding the Soviet Union, advocating for immediate reforms to Japan's political and economic systems to facilitate economic expansion and lay the groundwork for future fundamental changes. However, he cautioned that if significant turmoil erupted in economic sectors, Japan must be ready to execute a comprehensive overhaul without delay. At the same time, the Hirota cabinet initiated a review of its policy towards China. In the spring of 1936, a secret committee focused on the Current Situation was formed, consisting of officials from the Army, Navy, and Foreign ministries. Their discussions led to the adoption of the "Measures to Implement Policy toward China" by the Four Ministers Conference on August 11, along with the "Second Outline of Policy to Address North China," which the cabinet approved as part of the "Fundamentals of National Policy" on the same day. The first of these documents outlined the following actionable steps: “1. Conclusion of an anti-Communist military pact. a) To prepare for the conclusion of such a pact, a special secret committee of military experts from both countries should be organized. b) Their discussions should cover the scope and substance of the pact and ways and means of realizing the objectives of the pact.  2. Conclusion of a Sino-Japanese military alliance. A special secret committee, composed of an equal number of delegates from each nation, should be organized to prepare for the conclusion of an offensive and defensive alliance against attack by a third country.  3. Acceleration of solutions of pending questions between China and Japan. a) Engagement of a senior political adviser: The Nationalist government should engage a senior Japanese political adviser to assist in the conduct of the domestic and foreign affairs of the Nationalist government. b) Engagement of military advisers: The Nationalist government should engage military advisers, along with military instructors. c) Opening of airline services between China and Japan: Airline services between China and Japan should be opened immediately. To realize such a service, various means should be used to induce the Nanking authorities to establish an airline corporation in North China, to begin flights between Formosa and Fukien province, and to start test flights between Shanghai and Fukuoka. d) Conclusion of a reciprocal tariff treaty: A reciprocal tariff treaty should be concluded promptly between China and Japan, on the basis of the policy approved by the ministries concerned, with regard to the abolition of the special trade in eastern Hopei province and the lowering of the prohibitively high tariffs. For this purpose Japan should, if necessary, propose the creation of a special committee composed of Japanese and Chinese representatives.  4. Promotion of economic cooperation between China and Japan. Japan should promote cooperation with the common people of China to establish realistic and inseparable economic relations between China and Japan that will promote coexistence and co-prosperity and will be unaffected by changes in the Chinese political situation. “ The document also included suggestions for Japan's economic expansion into South China. This included tapping into the natural resources of the provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi, building a railway between Guangzhou and Swatow, and establishing air routes between Fuchoz and Taipei, which would connect to services in Japan and Thailand. It also called for survey teams to be dispatched to explore the resources of Sichuan, Gansu, Xinjiang, and Qinghai provinces, and for support to be provided to the independence movement in Inner Mongolia. However, these initiatives presented significant challenges. The preface to the "Second Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" cautioned, "In implementing this policy, we must carefully consider the Nanking government's prestige and avoid actions that could prompt it to adopt an anti-Japanese stance in response to the desires of the Chinese people."  On September 19th, six fundamental points for a settlement in North China were dictated to China to “establish a common defense against communism, promoting economic cooperation, lowering tariffs, initiating an airline service between the two nations, employing Japanese advisers, and controlling subversive Koreans." September 22 was set as the deadline for a response from China. While agreeing to some Japanese requests, the Chinese included several counter-demands that the Japanese found completely unacceptable. These demands required Japan to “(a) refrain from using armed intervention or arbitrary actions in its dealings with China, (b) recognize China as an equal and sovereign state, (c) avoid leveraging antigovernment groups or communist elements, and (d) remove any derogatory references to China from Japanese textbooks. The Chinese also insisted that any agreement regarding North China “must precede the annulment of the Tanggu and Shanghai cease-fire agreements, the disbanding of the East Hopei regime, a prohibition on unauthorized Japanese flights over North China, a ban on smuggling activities by Japanese, the restoration of China's right to control smuggling, and the disbandment of the illegal East Hopei government along with the armies of Wang Ying and Prince De in Suiyuan”. Now that mention of a Prince De in Suiyuan brings us to a whole new incident. This podcast series should almost be called “the history of Japanese related incidents in China”. Now we've spoken at great lengths about Japan's obsession with Manchuria. She wanted it for resources, growing space and as a buffer state. Japan also had her eyes set on Inner Mongolia to be used as a buffer state between Manchukuo, the USSR and China proper. Not to mention after the invasion of North China, Inner Mongolia could be instrumental as a wedge to be used to control Northern China. Thus the Kwantung Army began fostering a Mongolian independence movement back in August of 1933. They did so through a special organ led by chief of the general staff Koiso Kuniaki. He began work with the Silingol League led by Prince Sonormurabdan or “Prince So” and another influential Mongol, Prince Demchukdongrob or “Prince De”. Prince De was the West Sunid Banner in Northern Chahar. Likewise the Kwantung Army was grooming Li Xuxin, a Mongol commoner born in southern Manchuria. He had been a bandit turned soldier absorbed into Zhang Xueliangs army. Li had distinguished himself in a campaign against a group of Mongols trying to restore the Qing dynasty to further establish an independent Mongolia. During Operation Nekka Li had served in a cavalry brigade under Zu Xingwu, reputed to be the best unit in Zhang Xueliangs Northeastern border defense army. He led the army's advance unit into western Shandong. Afterwards Li suddenly became friends with Major Tanaka Hisashi, the head of the Special Service Agency at Dungliao where he defected to the Kwantung Army. He soon was leading a force too strong to be incorporated into the Manchukuo Army, thus it was disbanded, but his Kwantung Army buddies encouraged him to move to Tolun in Rehe province. At one point during the Nekka campaign, Li's army was threatened by a strong Chinese counterattack, but they had Manchukuo air support allowing them to capture Tolun. This victory launched what became the East Chahar Special Autonomous District with Li becoming a garrison commander and chief administrator.  Back in time, upon the founding of the Chinese Republic, the affairs of Inner Mongolia fell upon the Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. This was reorganized in 1930 into the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs when the provinces of Chahar, Suiyuan and Ningxia were organized. Prince De had been a member of a nationalist group known as the Young Mongols, although his aim was self-determination for Inner Mongolia within China, not independence. The Nationalist government's support for Chinese settlement in Mongol territories and its disregard for Mongol perspectives quickly triggered a rise in Mongol nationalism and anti-Chinese feelings. This was exacerbated by the government's introduction of a law on October 12, 1931, requiring local Mongolian administrative units to consult with hsien officials on matters concerning their administration. The nationalist sentiment was further fueled by the presence of the neighboring Mongolian People's Republic in Outer Mongolia and the establishment of Xingan province in western Manchuria by Manchukuo authorities in March 1932. This new province included the tribes of eastern Inner Mongolia and granted them greater autonomy than other Manchukuo provinces while banning Chinese immigration into it. When Nanjing did not react to these developments, Prince De and his supporters took steps toward gaining autonomy. On July 15th, 1933, Mongol leaders from western Inner Mongolia gathered at Pailingmiao for two weeks to deliberate on a declaration for regional independence. Although many princes were initially hesitant to take this step, they reconvened on August 14 and sent a cable to Nanjing announcing their decision to create an autonomous Mongolian government. The cable was signed by Prince So and Prince De. Over the following two months, additional conferences at Pailingmiao were held to organize the new government, which would operate under Nanking's guidance but without involvement from provincial chairmen. On October 22, Prince Yun, head of the Ulanchap League and a close ally of Prince De, was elected to lead the new regime, with Prince De assuming the role of chief of its political affairs bureau. After receiving a cable from the Mongolian leaders in August, Nanjing quickly sent Minister of the Interior Huang Shao-hung and Xu Qingyang, head of the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs, to halt the movement. However, the Mongols declined to travel to Kalgan or Kueisui to meet Huang. In November, as the leader of a special commission appointed by Nanjing, Huang reached an agreement with Yun De and other Mongolian leaders concerning a proposal that abandoned the Mongols' demand for an autonomous government. This agreement was later altered by Nanjing, and its essential points were excluded from a measure approved by the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang on January 17, 1934. The dispute reignited, fueled by the Nationalist government's rising concerns over the anticipated enthronement of Pu Yi in Manchukuo. On February 28, the Central Political Council enacted a measure that outlined "eight principles of Inner Mongolian autonomy" and created the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Council. Since these principles did not grant authority over foreign and military affairs, powers explicitly reserved for the central government in the January measure, they were seen as a concession to the Mongols and were accepted. On March 7, the central government issued regulations to establish a semi autonomous regime for Inner Mongolia, which was officially launched at Pailingmiao on April 23. Although the council was led by three moderate princes, Prince Yun, supported by Princes So and Sha, the real administrative authority was held by Prince De, who served as the secretary-general. Most of the twenty-five council members were of Mongolian royalty, through whom Prince De aimed to fulfill his objectives. Nevertheless, the Nationalist government seemed to consider the council merely a token gesture to placate De, as Nanking never provided the promised administrative funds outlined in the "eight principle declaration." Was not much of a shock Prince De sought support from the Kwantung Army, which had established contact with him as early as June 1934. Japanese pressures in North China were starting to alter the power dynamics, and after the first Western incident in Jehol in February 1935, it compelled the relocation of Sung Queyuan's army from Chahar to Hopei, providing encouragement to Prince De. In May, he met with Kwantung Army Vice Chief of Staff Itagaki Seishirö, Intelligence Section Chief Kawabe Torashirö, and staff officer Tanaka Ryükichi, where he was officially informed for the first time about the Kwantung Army's intention to assist him. On July 25, the Kwantung Army drafted its "Essentials of Policy toward Inner Mongolia," which regarded Japanese support for cooperation between De and Li Xuxin as part of their strategic preparations for a potential conflict with the Soviet Union. Shortly after this policy was adopted, a conflict arose over who had the authority to appoint the head of the Mongol Xukung banner, situated north of the Yellow River and Paot'ou. Following the death of the previous administrator, Prince Xu declared that he had taken control of the position. In response to a request from the local abbot, Prince Yun, acting in his capacity as chairman of the Mongolian Political Council, dismissed Xu. Xu then turned to Nanking through Suiyuan Provincial Chairman Fu Zuoyi, arguing that the central government held the authority to appoint heads of administrative units. In retaliation, Prince De dispatched troops to Xukung. On November 10, Fu presented a mediation proposal, which was rejected since it not only failed to acknowledge Shih's dismissal but also demanded the withdrawal of De's forces. De refused to pull back, further intensifying his hostility toward the Nanking government. In December, the Kwantung Army attempted to move Li's forces from eastern Chahar into the six Xun to the north of Kalgan, which serves as Chahar's granary. Following the Qin-Doihara agreement, Matsui Gennosuke from the Kalgan Special Service Agency secured a deal to separate these six districts from the southern region predominantly populated by Chinese; a Mongolian peace preservation corps was tasked with maintaining order in the northern area, while a Chinese corps was responsible for the south. During the discussions for an autonomous regime centered around Song Queyuan in North China in November 1935, Kwantung Army troops were concentrated around Gubeikou. To exert pressure on Song's rear, the Kwantung Army proposed replacing the Chinese peace preservation unit in the area north of Kalgan with Li Xuxin's army, which would establish this territory as its base.   The operation commenced on December 8. In a surprise attack just before dawn, Li captured Paochang. By December 12, despite facing strong Chinese resistance and the heaviest snowfall in sixty years, Li, aided by Kwantung Army planes disguised as those of the Manchukuo Airline Corporation, had taken control of Kuyuan. Further advances were halted by an order from Kwantung Army headquarters, and on December 13, it was reported that, had the operation not been stopped, Tokyo would have issued an imperial command. The operation had faced opposition from the Tientsin army, which feared it would weaken Song Queyuan's position just as they were informing Tokyo that the autonomy movement was going smoothly. Additionally, both Britain and the United States publicly expressed strong opposition to the Kwantung Army's involvement in the autonomy movement. However, the directive was ultimately prompted by the emperor's anger upon discovering that a unit of the Kwantung Army led by Colonel Matsui Takurö had advanced to Tolun to support Li's progress. Although Li's advance was halted, the operation undeniably contributed to the formation of the Hopei-Chahar Political Council.   Although the operation was halted, the Kwantung Army remained committed to its objectives. They contended that Li's army's advance into the six districts north of Kalgan was merely a peace preservation unit moving into territory within the truce line established by the Tanggu Agreement. Consequently, on December 29, they ordered Li to advance southward. Li peacefully occupied Changpei the following day and entered Shangtu on December 31. Manchukuo civil officials were appointed to oversee the six districts, and the currency of Manchukuo was introduced, although the existing tax system initially remained unchanged. The Kwantung Army allocated silver worth 6 million yuan to support administrative expenses. This outcome, known as the Eastern Chahar incident, marked a complete success for the Kwantung Army, which then redirected its focus toward Suiyuan Province. Each year, the Kwantung Army developed a secret plan for covert operations for the following year. The 1936 plan included strategies to secure air bases for routes connecting Europe and Asia, targeting Tsinghai and Sinkiang provinces, Outer Mongolia, Western Mongolia, and even remote areas of Ningxia province. In January 1936, staff officer Tanaka Ryūkichi formulated a document titled "Essentials of Policy Toward (Northwestern) Inner Mongolia." This document advocated for the establishment of a Mongolian military government to facilitate Japanese operations in northwestern Mongolia and suggested pushing Fu Tso-yi out of Suiyuan into Shansi province. Tanaka's proposals were incorporated into the final plan of the Kwantung Army, ultimately leading to the Suiyuan incident of November 1936. In February 1936, a meeting at Pailingmiao, where Prince De proposed the independence of Inner Mongolia, resulted in the departure of Prince So and several other Mongolian leaders from the coalition. They sought to establish a rival political council at Kueisui under the protection of Fu Zuoyi. By April, De and his supporters decided to form a military government at Tehua in Chahar, which was officially inaugurated in June as the Inner Mongolian government, headed by De with Li Shou-hsin as his deputy. This new government quickly signed a mutual assistance treaty with Manchukuo, and the emperor granted De the title of prince.   In July, at a conference in Tehua, Tanaka was appointed as the head of the Special Service Agency for Inner Mongolia with the mission of implementing the army's Intelligence Section plans. He traveled to Pingtiqüan alongside Chief of Staff Itagaki and Intelligence Chief Mutō Akira to propose a local anti-Communist agreement to Fu. After failing to convince Fu, he attempted to persuade Sun Tien-ying to form a puppet army but managed to recruit only a bandit from Suiyuan, Wang Ying. The February 26 mutiny in Tokyo heightened anti-Japanese sentiments in China, resulting in increased violence. By August, the construction of an airplane hangar in Paot'ou was halted due to riots by local Chinese residents. On August 13, a group of fifteen Japanese, led by Nakajima Manzo, was ambushed while delivering ammunition to a pro-Japanese leader who was shortly thereafter assassinated. Chinese soldiers from Wang Qingkuo's 70th Division carried out the attack, and tensions escalated as the arrival of ammunition and Japanese laborers in Kalgan prompted border villages to strengthen their defenses.   By late September, Tanaka's "Guidelines for the Execution of the Suiyuan Operation" received approval, with operations set to commence in early November. The plan evolved from a covert mission into a personal initiative by Tanaka, financed largely through funds from the Kwantung Army's secret services and profits from special trading in eastern Hopei. Tanaka claimed to have transported 600,000 yen to Tehua in October and later sent 200,000 yuan into Inner Mongolia, estimating total expenses at approximately 6 million yen. He acquired new weaponry from the disbanded Northeast Army and established three clandestine forces: Wang Ying led 500 men, including artillery; Qin Xiashan commanded 3,000 from Sun Tienying's army; and Chang Futang also led 3,000 specialized units. During strategic meetings, Tanaka dismissed proposals for unified command and refusing to integrate secret units into the Mongolian army. He advocated for the slogan "Overthrow Chiang Kai-shek," while Matsui managed to include "Independence for Inner Mongolia."   The Japanese had developed the entire battle strategy. The 1st Army, commanded by Li Xuxin, would serve as the left flank, while the 2nd Army, led by Demchugdongrub, would be positioned on the right. Wang Ying's forces were designated as the central force. Their initial targets would be Hongort, Xinghe, Tuchengzi, and Guisui city, followed by a division to seize Jinging, Baotou, and Hetao. On November 13, Prince Demchugdongrub's and Wang Ying's forces left Shandu in two columns to assault Xinghe and Hongort. By the 15th, 1,500 troops reached Hongort, where they engaged the 1st Cavalry Division led by Peng Yubin. The next day, Ryukichi Tanaka, Demchugdongrub's chief advisor, sent two cavalry brigades and one infantry brigade to capture the town, effectively overrunning its defenders. Meanwhile, Wang Ying dispatched a smaller group to secure Tuchengzi.   Fu Zuoyi established his headquarters in Jining that same day. After assessing the situation, he concluded that if the enemy secured Hongort, it would diminish his defenders' morale. Consequently, he launched a counterattack. Peng Yubin led a joint force of the 1st Cavalry Division and Dong Qiwu's 218th Brigade to confront around 400 of Wang Ying's men defending Hongort and Tuchengzi. By 7 AM on the 18th, Tuchengzi was reclaimed, and at 8:30 AM, the 1st Cavalry Division entered Hongort, charging through 500 of Wang Ying's soldiers. The struggle for Hongort persisted for over three days, resulting in nearly 1,000 casualties before Fu Zuoyi regained control.   As the tide shifted against the invaders, Fu Zuoyi initiated an offensive toward the Bailing Temple, the rear base of the enemy, well-stocked and defended by 3,000 men under Prince Demchugdongrub. Fu Zuoyi ordered the 2nd Cavalry Division, along with the 211th and 315th Brigades, the 21st Artillery Regiment, and a convoy of 20 trucks and 24 armored vehicles to assault the Bailing Temple as quickly as possible. Taking advantage of the Mongolian chaos, Fu Zuoyi's 35th Brigade executed a flanking maneuver west of the Bailing Temple amid a severe snowstorm.   At 1 AM on the 24th, the battle for the Bailing Temple commenced as the Chinese engaged the Mongolians for the fortified positions around the temple. From 2 to 4 AM, the Chinese advanced closer to the temple walls, facing artillery and machine-gun fire. They launched desperate frontal assaults against the city gates, suffering heavy losses. A fierce stalemate ensued, with Japanese aerial bombardments causing significant casualties to the Chinese forces. Fu Zuoyi subsequently ordered all armored vehicles to converge at the main city gate. Despite intense fire, the armored cars managed to breach the gate, allowing Chinese infantry to flood into the temple area. The resulting carnage within the temple walls led to 900 Mongol deaths, with 300 captured as the rest fled. The Chinese suffered 300 casualties but secured the strategically vital rear base, along with a substantial stockpile of provisions, including 500 barrels of petrol, 600 rifles, 10 machine guns, vehicles, and field guns. Following the devastating defeat at Bailing Temple, the invaders regrouped at Xilamuleng Temple. On the 28th, the Japanese sent 100 vehicles to transport 3,000 troops to prepare for a significant counteroffensive to recapture Bailing Temple. On the 29th, Wang Ying personally led 2,000 cavalry north of Shangdu to Taolin in an attempt to contain the enemy. However, after he left the bulk of his forces at Xilamuleng Temple, officers from the Grand Han Righteous Army secretly began negotiating to defect to the Chinese side, undermining the forces needed for the counterattack against Bailing Temple.   The counteroffensive commenced on December 2nd, with 10 armored vehicles and 1,000 Mongol troops leading the charge at 6 AM. They were pushed back by the heavily fortified 211th Brigade, which was well-supplied with machine guns and artillery. The following day, at 3 AM, the Mongols attempted a surprise attack but faced an ambush as they crept toward the temple. They incurred hundreds of casualties, with 230 men either captured or having defected. After this, the counterattack stalled, as the Mongol forces couldn't approach within 3 miles of the temple. Subsequently, the Chinese 2nd Cavalry Division launched a pincer maneuver, causing significant casualties among the invaders. By 9 AM, the enemy had suffered 500 casualties and was in retreat. At 7 PM, Fu Zuoyi ordered another counteroffensive. By the next morning, hundreds more had been lost, and several hundred soldiers were captured. With such heavy losses, the defense of Xilamuleng Temple weakened significantly, prompting more officers to defect to the Chinese. Late on the 4th, Fu Zuoyi assembled a force comprising two cavalry regiments, one infantry regiment, one artillery battalion, four armored vehicles, and a squadron of cars to launch a nighttime assault on Xilamuleng Temple.   Meanwhile, the 2nd Cavalry Division clashed with Wang Ying's cavalry 30 miles northeast of Wulanhua. Wang Ying's 2,000 cavalry had been raiding nearby villages to create diversions, drawing enemy forces away from the Bailing-Xilamuleng theater. By the 9th, Wang Ying's cavalry were encircled in Xiaobei, where they were nearly annihilated, with Wang escaping with around a hundred guards toward Changpei. On the 7th, some Grand Han Righteous Army officers set in motion plans to defect to the Chinese side. Early on the 9th, these officers led their men to invade the residence of Japanese advisors, killing all 27 Japanese officers under Colonel Obama. Simultaneously, Fu Zuoyi's forces executed a flanking maneuver against the Xilamuleng Temple amidst the chaos. With mass defections, the Chinese forces surged into the temple area, resulting in the invader army disintegrating in confusion and surrender. After seizing the temple, the invaders were routed, their lines of communication severed, and only isolated pockets continued to resist. Taking advantage of the confusion, Fu Zuoyi launched simultaneous attacks, attempting to capture Shangdu. However, Yan Xishan sent him a telegram, ordering him to halt, stating that Shangdu fell under the jurisdiction of Shanxi and not Suiyuan.   In response to the loss, Tanaka planned a counteroffensive with Qin's troops, but Chiang kai-shek commanded a strong defense of Pailingmiao, successfully outmaneuvering Tanaka's strategies. The resurgence of Chinese forces led to the disintegration of Qin's troops, who revolted and eventually joined the Nationalist army. The Kwantung Army aimed to redeploy its forces for recovery but faced opposition from Tokyo, which criticized the situation. After Chiang kai-shek was kidnapped by Zhang Xueliang on December 12, Tanaka and Prince De seized the opportunity to reassess their strategy. Ultimately, the Kwantung Army decided to abandon efforts to reclaim Pailingmiao, marking the official end of hostilities on December 21. The Suiyuan incident ultimately strengthened Chinese resolve against Japan and increased international distrust.   The defeat of Japan's proxy forces inspired many Chinese to advocate for a more vigorous resistance against the Japanese. The triumph in Suiyuan was celebrated throughout China and surprised the international media, marking the first occasion where the Chinese army successfully halted a Japanese unit. Delegations traveled from as distant as southern Chinese provinces to encourage the defenders to continue their fight. Captured Japanese weapons and equipment served as proof of Japan's involvement in the conflict, despite Japan's Foreign Minister Hachirō Arita claiming that "Japan was not involved in this conflict in Suiyuan at all." After his defeat, Prince Demchugdongrub and his Inner Mongolian troops retreated to northern Chahar, where he had to reconstruct his army due to significant losses. The Japanese implemented new regulations for the Mongolian Army to enhance its effectiveness, and efforts to recruit new soldiers commenced.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. More incidents and more battles to seize territory raged in North China. However things did not go according to plan for the Japanese and their puppets. The tides had turned, and now a more angry and invigorating China would begin lashing out against the encroachment. It was only a matter of time before a full blown war was declared. 

Construction is booming in Canterbury – but what is the market doing? Construction Analyst Mike Blackburn joined John MacDonald to delve into the current situation in the region, the areas that are seeing major work, and if they're seeing an over-supply of multi-unit dwellings. LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dr. Reema Wahdan, Colorado Palestine Club, and Rob Prince, Former Senior Lecturer of International Studies - Denver University, are In Studio! Talks on the Current Situation in Palestine, Israel aggression/colonialism, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, Who does Gaza belong to?, and so much more. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode, Rob Howe speaks with Jerry Gore, co-founder of Action for Diabetes, about the dire situation for people with type 1 diabetes in Myanmar following a devastating earthquake. They discuss the challenges faced by diabetics in the region, the urgent need for insulin and medical supplies, and the efforts of Action for Diabetes to provide support. Jerry shares personal stories of resilience and hope, highlighting the importance of community and motivation in managing diabetes. The conversation emphasizes the need for donations and support to help those affected by the crisis. Donation links: https://www.justgiving.com/campaign/myanmar-earthquakefundraiser https://give.asia/campaign/a4d-myanmar-earthquakefundraiser#/donations Chapters 00:00 Introduction to Action for Diabetes and the Crisis in Myanmar 03:03 Understanding the Living Conditions in Myanmar 06:02 The Day-to-Day Life of a Type 1 Diabetic in Myanmar 09:04 Impact of the Earthquake on Diabetes Care 12:14 Current Situation and Urgent Needs 14:50 How to Help and Get Involved 17:57 Success Stories and Achievements of Action for Diabetes 21:08 The Importance of Sustainable Support 23:49 Reflections on the Diabetes Community and Global Disparities 27:13 Future Goals and Expansion of Action for Diabetes 33:14 Tipping Points in Diabetes Awareness 36:35 The Power of Community and Motivation 42:28 Connecting Through Shared Experiences 44:30 Advancements in Diabetes Management 46:32 Supporting Diabetes Initiatives Resources: www.action4diabetes.org

American Airlines can't keep Jacob down – he makes time to connect with Rob Larity to do an episode on the market chaos of the week. --Timestamps:(00:00) - Introduction and Travel Woes(01:09) - Ranting About American Airlines(02:21) - Catching Up with Rob(03:06) - Market Volatility and Tariffs(04:34) - Financial Crisis vs. Current Situation(07:42) - Uncertainty in the Market(08:48) - Impact of Tariffs and Trade War(13:11) - Bond Yields and Inflation Expectations(20:20) - Dollar Weakness and Global Capital(22:46) - Historical Context and Globalization(26:24) - Trump's Desire for a Deal with China(27:29) - US-China Economic Interdependence(31:03) - Challenges in International Investment(33:42) - Inflation and Economic Uncertainty(37:16) - Corporate Responses to Tariffs(42:54) - Impact on Small and Medium Businesses(47:23) - Geopolitical and Economic Outlook(52:19) - Closing Remarks and Future Plans--Jacob Shapiro Site: jacobshapiro.comJacob Twitter: x.com/JacobShapCI Site: cognitive.investmentsSubscribe to the Newsletter: bit.ly/weekly-sitrep--The Jacob Shapiro Show is produced and edited by Audiographies LLC. More information at audiographies.com --Jacob Shapiro is a speaker, consultant, author, and researcher covering global politics and affairs, economics, markets, technology, history, and culture. He speaks to audiences of all sizes around the world, helps global multinationals make strategic decisions about political risks and opportunities, and works directly with investors to grow and protect their assets in today's volatile global environment. His insights help audiences across industries like finance, agriculture, and energy make sense of the world.Cognitive Investments is an investment advisory firm, founded in 2019 that provides clients with a nuanced array of financial planning, investment advisory and wealth management services. We aim to grow both our clients' material wealth (i.e. their existing financial assets) and their human wealth (i.e. their ability to make good strategic decisions for their business, family, and career).--This podcast uses the following third-party services for analysis: Podtrac - https://analytics.podtrac.com/privacy-policy-gdrp

In this soul-stirring episode of The Rise & Flow Podcast, I sit down with the incredible Melody Crisp, co-founder of THR5VE, a grassroots humanitarian charity supporting community-led healing in Myanmar and beyond.Together, we dive into what it really means to lead in crisis—from military coups and natural disasters to deep-rooted trauma and systemic injustice. Melody shares how THR5VE is shifting the narrative around aid with an ethically grounded, holistic approach that centres dignity, community empowerment, and sustainable development.This is more than an interview—it's a call-in to reimagine the way we serve, support, and stand in solidarity with the global collective, with a particular focus on Myanmar—a nation navigating heartbreak with resilience, often far from the headlines.If you feel moved, we're also raising funds to support direct earthquake relief efforts in Myanmar and long term projects through trusted grassroots channels._____________________________________________________________Get Involved & Make a Donation Donate to Myanmar Earthquake Relief Efforts on GoFund Me hereDonate to Thr5ve Charity projects hereBecome a Charity Partner or Contact Melody hereKey Takeaways Melody Crisp's journey into humanitarian work began with a gap year in Iraq.Thr5ve was founded out of a need for holistic community support.The importance of community-led initiatives in humanitarian aid and what is really happening in Myanmar.Innovative projects like Jungle Birth Kits are crucial for survival in Myanmar.Ethical storytelling is essential in the aid sector to respect dignity.Sustainable leadership practices are necessary to avoid burnout.Community engagement amplifies the impact of aid efforts.Small actions can lead to significant change over time.Collaboration is key to effective humanitarian work.Everyone is worthy of love and can contribute to positive change.Chapters00:00 Introduction to Melody Crisp and Thr5ve02:45 Melody's Journey and the Birth of Thr5ve05:13 Innovative Aid and Holistic Approaches in Myanmar07:48 Challenges and Opportunities in Crisis Leadership09:30 Community Involvement and the Gift Economy11:09 Relief Efforts and Sustainable Solutions13:41 The Current Situation in Myanmar16:20 Navigating Aid Challenges and Community Needs18:52 Innovating Change in Humanitarian Aid21:18 Long-term Planning and Community-led Initiatives25:37 Inviting Community Engagement27:03 The Power of Action and Community29:06 Raising Awareness vs. Donations31:21 Desensitization and Global Awareness33:55 Ethical Storytelling in Aid Work39:28 Sustainable Leadership and Self-Care

Hoàn cảnh hiện tại, khắc phục sự khó khăn, vượt lên chính mình // Current situation, overcoming difficulties, beyond yourself

தற்போதைய சூழலில் கண்டிப்பாக ஒவ்வொருவரும் மனனமிட்டு ஓத வேண்டிய பிரார்த்தனைகள்மவ்லவி முபாரக் மஸ்வூத் மதனி | Mubarak Masood Madani08-03-2023

Priorities

There are about 250,000 Ukrainian parolees who have entered the United States as a result of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In the context of U.S. immigration law, an immigration parolee is an individual granted temporary permission to enter or remain in the United States but without establishing a path to permanent residency. Iryna Mazur, a U.S. immigration attorney and Honorary Consul of Ukraine to Philadelphia, discusses their current status under the Uniting for Ukraine (U4U) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) federal programs. On January 27, 2025, the Trump administration placed all parole programs on hold, and also, Ukraine was never redesignated for another TPS period. It is expected that the Administration will make a final decision with regards to the future of the U4U program and relevant re-parole authorizations by the end of April 2025. https://fimlaw.com/meet-our-lawyers/ https://www.consularcorpsofphiladelphia.org/ukraine/

Summary In this episode, Jeff Frazier discusses the potential impact of the Trump-Rubio administration on Haiti, focusing on security and governance. He explores the ethical implications of humanitarian aid, individual responsibilities in giving, and the U.S. interests in Haiti's stability. The conversation delves into the current security situation in Haiti, the influence of gangs, and the broader geopolitical context involving China and Russia. Takeaways The Trump-Rubio effect on Haiti will focus on security and governance. Ethics and morality play a crucial role in humanitarian aid. Individuals must assess their responsibility in giving. The U.S. has strategic interests in Haitian security. Stopping mass migration from Haiti is a priority for the U.S. Economic opportunities in Haiti can benefit both nations. The influence of gangs in Haiti is a growing concern. There is no neutral ground in global politics. The U.S. must act to prevent foreign adversaries from gaining influence in Haiti. The current situation in Haiti requires urgent attention and action. Chapters 00:00 Introduction to the Trump-Rubio Effect on Haiti 00:14 Ethics and Morality in Humanitarian Aid 02:33 The Cost-Benefit Analysis of Giving 05:01 The Role of Government in Humanitarian Efforts 07:10 Understanding Security and Governance in Haiti 10:09 The Big Four: U.S. Interests in Haiti 12:45 The Current Situation in Haiti 14:53 Expectations for the Trump-Rubio Administration 18:24 Conclusion and Future Outlook 20:57 Season Three mpeg.mp4

Salk says in some ways this was all inevitable. We should have seen this Seahawks situation coming. You have two guys in Geno and DK that we knew wanted to get paid and there was always going to be some kind of standoff. Then, we talk to Bob Stelton from Mariners spring training and wrap up with your voice memos in Here's the Thing. 

The Bureau of Meteorology has updated the projected window of time when Tropical Cyclone Alfred is expected to make landfall. We spoke with Kimiko Shima, a resident of Gold Coast, about the current situation. (Recorded on the morning of March 6.) - 気象庁によると、サイクロン・アルフレッドは、速度を落としており、上陸は予想されていた今日から、明日7日金曜日の午後8時頃（AEST)になる見込みです。ゴールドコースト在住の嶋 希実子さんに現在の状況を聞きました。3月6日午前収録。

As the peace talks happen, will Ukraine emerge stronger—or will it be a death sentence for the nation's sovereignty? Part 2 of 2: "Ukraine's Unbreakable Spirit: The War, The Future, and The Fight for Survival" with Yuriy Boyechko, founder and president of Hope for Ukraine, Inc. In this episode of The Dov Baron Show, we discuss the critical issue of US support for Ukraine amid the ongoing conflict with Russia. . I'm joined by Yuriy Boyechko, founder and president of Hope for Ukraine, Inc., who shares insights on the humanitarian crisis, the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, and the real impact of reduced US aid. . We take the conversation deeper into the ongoing Ukraine war, the impacts on both Ukraine and Russia, and the resilience of the Ukrainian people. Yuriy explains how humanitarian aid is crucial, the implications of a potential peace treaty, and the unyielding spirit of the Ukrainians. He also shares insights on post-war Ukraine, highlighting potential parallels with Israel regarding military development and economic innovation. The episode emphasizes the need for sustained support and awareness for Ukraine amidst global shifts in focus.  . 00:00 Introduction to Yuriyy Boyecheko and Hope for Ukraine 00:34 Current Situation in Ukraine and the Impact of War 02:04 Ukrainian Resilience and the Quest for Peace 08:12 The Role of Drones and Guerrilla Warfare 10:02 Humanitarian Efforts and Psychological Impact 16:43 Future of Ukraine and Rebuilding Efforts 21:36 Call to Action and Final Thoughts . Website https://hfu.org/ Social Media https://www.linkedin.com/in/yuriy-boyechko-97b6b423b/     https://x.com/hopeforukraine     https://www.instagram.com/hopeforukraine/ . Dov Baron's brand new course has just been released on coursifyx.com/belonging ------------- Titled: "CREATING A CULTURE OF BELONGING." The course is divided into eight sections, each guiding you through exactly how to create a culture of belonging. . Because: CREATING A CULTURE OF BELONGING MAXIMIZES PERSONAL AND CORPORATE SUCCESS. Get Ready to strap on the tanks and Dive Deep into What it Takes to Create a Culture of Belonging in your organization! Are you curious to know more? coursifyx.com/belonging .  "Those Who Control Meaning for The Tribe, Also Control The Movement of That Tribe" #leadership #leadershipdevelopment #emotionsourcecode #neuroscience #emotional #meaning #emotional #logic #culture #curiosity #humanbehavior

Last time we spoke about how Zhang Xueliang lost Manchuria. In September 1931, the Mukden Incident ignited conflict in Manchuria as Japan executed a false flag attack, prompting a swift assault on Peitaying Barracks. Zhang Xueliang, urged by Chiang Kai-shek, chose not to resist, fearing a full-scale war. The Japanese invasion revealed deep political divisions in Manchuria, with some officials defecting, others sabotaging, and a few fighting back. Amidst chaos, Zhang sought to unify his forces, but rivalries and external threats complicated his efforts, setting the stage for prolonged conflict. In post-1929 Manchuria, nationalist activists joined the KMT, including Yan Baohang and his friends, who attended a 1931 conference in Nanjing. They aimed to resist Japanese influence while navigating local elite tensions and economic struggles. As Zhang Xueliang rose to power, he sought reform but faced distrust and challenges, including high military spending and a devastating depression. By 1931, Japanese aggression loomed, culminating in a coup that threatened the fragile nationalist aspirations in the region.   #139 Gokokujo and Collaborators  Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The Japanese Imperial General Headquarters had hoped to localize the Mukden Incident and communicated their orders to Kwantung Command. However as we had seen, the Kwantung Command in chief General Shigeru Honjo, had his wrist twisted somewhat by certain culprits in the form of Ishiwara Kanji and Itageki Seishiro. Honjo thus ordered the forces to proceed with expanding operations along the South Manchuria Railway zone. On September the 19th, the 29th infantry regiment stormed Mukden, easily overwhelming the Chinese forces within the inner walled city. Simultaneously the 2nd battalion occupied Pei Ta Ying, where they were met with some fierce resistance before storming Tung Ta Ying. Afterwards the 2nd Division drove out the remaining Chinese resistance from the eastern area of Mukden. Meanwhile the 1st Battalion fought Chinese forces at Kuan Cheng Tze near Changchun. By this point Honjo's request for assistance from the Korea Army was confirmed. General Senjuro Hayashi ordered the 20th infantry division to divide itself, forming the 39th mixed brigade who marched into Manchuria, without any authorization from Tokyo nor the Emperor to do so. By the end of the 19th, the Japanese had seized Liaoyang, Shenyang, Yingkou, Dandong, Fushun, Changchun and Jilin.  On the 20th, Wan Shu Cheng, the commander of the Chinese 2nd army ordered a withdrawal of the 44th and 643rd regiments stationed at Taching to head for Tiantsin. On the 21st the Japanese took Jilin city, by the 23rd they captured Jiaohe and Dunhua, both within Jilin. On the 26th, the Governor of Jilin, Zhang Zuoxiang who was not there at the time, was overthrown by a newly formed provisional provincial government with Xi Xia as its chairman. By October 1st Zhang Haiping would surrender the area of Taonan, later in October Ji Xing surrendered the Yanbian Korean Autonomous prefecture area and on the 17th Yu Zhishan surrendered Eastern Liaoning. General HQ in Tokyo were flabbergasted at the news all of this was being done without their orders, in fact in most cases it was directly against their orders. The civilian government of Japan was in absolute disarray over what was an act of Gekokujo. Gekokujo directly translated meaning "the low overcomes the high",was when someone of a lesser position in the military or politics overthrew someone in a higher position to seize power. The term goes all the way back to the Sui Dynasty of China, for Japan during the Kamakura period, but its most prominently known for being used during the Sengoku period. It was through the chaotic political climate of the Sengoku period that Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi rose to power. During the Showa period, Gekokujo would occur often. Those of the Kodoha faction used it as a means to an end during the 1920s and 1930s, assassinating political opponents as they tried to press for a Showa restoration. Back to Manchuria, as Gokokujo ran rampant, with reports coming in after each quick victory and city taken by Japanese forces, Tokyo General HQ felt utterly powerless to stop it. There is also another facet to this, the role of Emperor Hirohito. Many of you might only have a vague idea of how much “actual power” Emperor Hirohito had during the Showa Era. The Meiji Constitution of Japan going back to 1889 remained in force until 1947. It was enacted after the Meiji restoration in 1868 and provided a form of mixed constitutional and absolute monarchy. Thus in theory the Emperor governed the empire upon the advice of his ministers. In practice this meant while the Emperor was head of state, it was still the Prime Minister who was actually heading the government. Now this was all fine and dandy, however the constitution also stated the Emperor had direct control over the military. Imagine this scenario, you work for a company and take orders from the boss of the company. The father of the boss used to run the company and is seen as the face of it, but retired long ago and has no real authority. So you do the orders your boss gives you, but what about if that father figure suddenly shows up and gives orders? Many in the company would go ahead and do what the father says, feeling this obligatory need to. Now in the case of Showa Era Japan, the entire population of Japan saw the Emperor as a divine being, maybe you can call him the spiritual leader of Japan. He wasn't expected to intervene in political or military matters, but if he did, you but your ass people would follow his orders. Now since the Japanese navy and army knew the Emperor could directly control them, they actually used this as a tool. On many occasions in order to secure further funding or specific policy adjustment, military leaders would appeal to the Emperor or do things in the name of the Emperor, completely superseding the civilian government. Basically the military used the Meiji Constitution to earn a large degree of autonomy, case and point being the Mukden Incident. As long as they made it seem like they were doing everything they believed the Emperor wanted them to do, they believed they could get away with it. If the Civilian government came after them for their actions, they could appeal to the emperor, but how did Hirohito feel about all this? Rumors had emerged even before the Mukden Incident, to which Hirohito demanded the army be reigned in. Attempts were made, but the Mukden Incident went off on September 18th. The next day the imperial palace were given a report and Hirohito was advised by chief aide de camp Nara Takeji “this incident would not spread and if the Emperor was to convene an imperial conference to take control of the situation, the virtue of his majesty might be soiled if the decisions of such a conference should prove impossible to implement”.  As the Mukden incident was getting worse, the Kwantung officers began to demand reinforcements be sent from the Korea army. The current Wakatsuki cabinet met on the issue and decided the Mukden incident had to remain an incident, they needed to avoid a declaration of war. The official orders were for no reinforcements of the Korea army to mobilize, however the field commander took it upon his own authority and mobilized them. The army chief of staff Kanaya reported to Hirohito the Korea army was marching into Manchuria against orders. At 31 years of age Hirohito now had an excellent opportunity to back the current cabinet, to control the military and stop the incident from getting worse. At this time the military was greatly divided on the issue, politically still weak compared to what they would become in a few years, if Hirohito wanted to rule as a constitutional monarch instead of an autocratic monarch, well this was his chance. Hirohito said to Kanaya at 4:20pm on September 22nd “although this time it couldn't be helped, [the army] had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito accepted the situation as fait accompli, he was not seriously opposed to seeing his army expand his empire. If it involved a brief usurpation of his authority so bit, as long as the operation was successful.    It actually a lot more complicated, but to general sum it up, Emperor Hirohito cared about only one thing, the Kokutai. The Kokutai was the national essence of Japan. It was all aspects of Japanese polity, derived from history, tradition and customs all focused around the cult of the Emperor. The government run by politicians was secondary, at any given time the kokutai was the belief the Emperor could come in and directly rule. If you are confused, dont worry, its confusing. The Meiji constitution was extremely ambiguous. It dictated a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor and the “seitai” that being the actual government. Basically on paper the government runs things, but the feeling of the Japanese people was that the wishes of the emperor should be followed. Thus the kokutai was like an extra-judicial structure built into the constitution without real legal framework, its a nightmare I know.    Emperor Hirohito was indoctrinated from a young age that the most important aspect of his reign was to defend the Kokutai. This is actually why Hirohito took so long to finally intervene during WW2 and call for Japan's surrender. I have taken far too long going down the rabbit hole of Showa Era Japan and Hirohito, if you are interested on the subject, over only my Youtube Membership or Patreon I did a two part exclusive podcast specifically on Hirohito's responsibility for the war.  The weeks following the Mukden Incident were marked by wide scale cooperation between the local Chinese leaders and Japanese invaders. In many places there was of course valiant resistance by Chinese forces, but it was not centrally coordinated and honestly amounted to little. The Kwantung army despite being vastly outnumbered was highly trained and highly mechanized in comparison to the Chinese. The Kwantung army had very few troops to conquer over 350,000 square miles, populated by over 30 million Chinese. Prior to 1931 the Kwantung Army numbered under 10,000, by late 1931 this would increase to 65,000 and by 1933 140,000. Yet during the initial invasion the army's behavior was heavily affected by the actions of the Chinese, or in many cases their inability to act. The only way Japan was going to do what they wanted to do was to encourage co-optation amongst the Chinese elites of Manchuria, typically at the provincial and local levels. This meant showering them with extravagant new positions in the new regime, promoting a policy of nonresistance and targeting prominent members of Zhang Xueliang's regime who were expected to oppose Kwantung rule.  When the Mukden Incident broke out, Zhang Xueliang was in Beiping acting in his new capacity as the North China Garrison commander. On the night of September 18th, Zhang Xuliang was enjoying an opera performance by the famous singer Mei Lanfang. His deputies also all happened to be away from Shenyang. Wan Fulin was in Beiping and Zhang Zuoxiang was attending his fathers funeral in Jinzhou. Within their absence the most senior provincial commanders were quickly pounced upon by Kwantung operatives who secured their cooperation. Within Shenyang the Eastern Borders Garrison commander Yu Zhishan and Xi Xia the acting provincial forces commander of Changchun both immediately defected to the Japanese. Although the Northeastern Army had roughly 130,000 troops within Manchuria, compared to the Kwantung and Korea army troops who together were roughly 50,000, Chiang Kai-Shek hastily issued a nonresistance order that was confirmed by Zhang Xueliang. The troops were to not fight back and instead await a negotiated settlement. While they waited, the Japanese secured high level provincial elite cooperation within a few weeks time. On November 10th, Zhang Zuolin's former civil affairs minister, Yuan Jinkai was made chairman of the committee in charge of Japanese controlled Liaoning. On December 16th, the formerly existing post of governor was re-established and a previous holder of this post under Zhang Xueliang, Zang Shiyi was appointed. Thus Yuan Jinkai's post as chairman was redundant. Meanwhile Xi Xia was made governor of Jilin.  Some of you might be wondering, why in the hell would Chiang Kai-Shek relay orders to not resist an invasion? Let us not forget the timeline here, during this exact time period, Feng Yuxiang and Yan Xishan formed an alliance in North China against the NRA; the Soviet of Jiangxi was running rampant and in the south the Old Guangxi clique was running amok. Even though Zhang Xueliang had 250,000 men on paper, only 100-130,000 of them were in Manchuria while the rest were scattered around Hebei. Chiang Kai-Shek had an expert understanding of the Japanese numbers, their training and equipment. To put it frankly, if the quote en quote “incident” escalated into a full-scale war, China would most likely lose. There was also another aspect to this, the role of the League of Nations and the current Wakatsuki government in Tokyo. Either of these bodies could potentially restrain what appeared to be renegade Japanese forces on the asia mainland.  Going a bit forward in time, the last redoubt during the invasion would be at Jinzhou where Zhang Xueliang would establish his HQ. When it was about to finally fall, Zhang Xueliang ultimately decided to withdraw his forces from Manchuria. According to the US minister to CHina, Nelson Johnson, Counselor Yano of the Japanese legation tam at Beiping had conducted informal discussions with the Young Marshal, in which he stated Jinzhou would inevitably fall to the Japanese and quote “the Tokyo Foreign Office would gain prestige and be better able to shape events to the advantage of China if the Chinese avoid[ed] a clash by withdrawing voluntarily.” He also advised Zhang Xueliang, that some of his followers might be reappointed to official positions within the newly emerging government in Shenyang. Nelson tells us “Chang is believed to have been led to his present decision by these inducements, along with the bitter hostility toward him at Nanking and the lack of support from that quarter.” Thus Zhang Xueliang was being blackmailed by both sides into nonresistance. By late December of 1931 it also seemed certain international intervention was not going to happen and Chiang Kai-Shek's resignation over Nanjing did not provide the Young Marshal with many options.  Now what about the Japanese government during all of this. When the Mukden Incident boke out, the government in Tokyo, headed by premier Wakatsuki Reijiro were appalled to hear the news of what was essentially a mutiny. The Kwantung officers disagreed with Tokyo's policies and kept Tokyo's consul in Shenyang under lock and key during the night of September 18th. If there had been more significant resistance to the invasion, Tokyo probably would have ordered the Kwantung army to withdraw. Without the co-optation of many Chinese elites, the Kwantung Army would have most likely not succeeded in taking all of Manchuria. The co-optation policy the Japanese took was also very much not an ad hoc measure. There had been elements within the IJA who had been working overtime to persuade cooperation with local power holders as part of their strategy. The Kwantung officers who launched the Mukden Incident, mostly working under Ishiwara and Itegaki had initially aimed to enact a simply military occupation in which “local Chinese officials would be granted a considerable degree of autonomy in exchange for their cooperation.” However, Tokyo HQ outright rejected annexation out of fear of Soviet reprisals and this led the mutiny leaders to  “the subterfuge of Manchurian independence.” The improvised nature of the original plan led to arguments between the different sections of those Japanese forces in Manchuria. Historian Akira Iriye noted “What emerges . . . is an almost total absence of ideology as a driving force behind military action.” While this sounds clearly dysfunctional, it actually aided the occupiers, because many areas of life in Manchuria were not immediately affected by the occupation and thus were more likely to cooperate.  The actual coordination of the occupation was placed in the hands of the Kwantung Army Special Affairs Unit “Tokumubu”, operating via the General Affairs Board of the Council of State under Komai Tokuzo. Komai Tokuzo had been born near Kyoto and from an early age was consumed with a desire to see China. He was trained as an agriculturalist, before he joined the SMR and worked for a company during the reign of Zhang Zuolin. He became acquainted with the Old Tiger and debated with him and other prominent leaders on questions such as Mongol land rights and the Guo Songling rebellion. During this time he befriended Yu Chonghan and Zhang Jinghui. After the Mukden Incident, he was appointed as a financial adviser to the Kwantung Army, a very senior post with direct access to Honjo Shigeru, the commander of the Northeast. As Akira Iriye also notes “in fact, [Komai] was a top-level adviser to the army on politics and economics in Manchuria.”Komai would become responsible for the strategies of co-opting local elite, and thus was essential to the power structure of the Kwantung Army going forward.  The Japanese utilized a lethal combination of violence and persuasion to take over. Many power brokers refused to cooperate and were forced into exile in North China. However, plenty of collaborators were found to quickly set up structures and controls within the new regime. The bulk of the Japanese forces moved into the principal cities of the SMR region first. Robert E Lewis, the adviser to the foreign affairs ministry in Nanjing sent a telegram declaring the Japanese had sent a large number of troops into Manchuria just prior to the 18th of September “On Friday night September eighteenth the Japanese Army sent from Korea into Manchuria through Antung seven army railway trains fully loaded with soldiers. On Saturday night September ninteenth [sic] Japanese army sent four additional trains loaded with soldiers in to [sic] Manchuria at the same point . . . Japanese occupied every Chinese public office in Antung excepting the customs house which has Europeans in it, also placed guard over Chinese customs superintendent to prevent his free action. [The Japanese] arrested superintendent of schools and forbad [sic] teaching of Dr Sun Yatsen's principles. Japanese army occupied Kirin seventy nine miles east of the south Manchuria railway zone on September ninteenth [sic] they seized and held the telegraph office telephone office wireless station provincial arsenal waterworks plant Bank of China Kirin Provincial Bank police headquarters and subdivisions Kuo Ming Tang [sic] Party headquarters and all other public offices. Search and seizure was conducted of non-military population. Troops and military cadets were disarmed when captured and the arms and munitions of the Chinese arsenal were removed by Japanese including modern rifles field guns heavy guns military motor trucks.”. The capture of Shenyang only took a single day. The Japanese military, their Chinese military collaborators and the local media all coordinated efforts to persuade the people to continue life as normal. Many businesses closed down temporarily within the first few days, worried about a breakdown of the social order or Japanese attacks. But a week after the initial occupation, reports came to the Chambers of Agriculture and Commerce in Shenyang that businesses were all operating normally again, public order was restored. On the second day of the occupation the Kwantung installed Colonel Doihara Kenji as the new mayor of Shenyang, yes that psychopath a mayor. However by October 20th, the mayorship would be handed over to Zhao Xinbo, who by that point became a legal adviser to the Kwantung Army.  The capture of Changchun took a bit longer than Shenyang. On September 23rd the Japanese demanded of the Jilin based forces their surrender. Their acting commander Xi Xia agreed to the demands so that in his words “the province fortunately to escape the horrors of war.” However there were some troops looking to resist. In some ensuing clashes, 200 Chinese soldiers and around 10 civilians were killed in combat. An eye witness reported “At 4 P.M. on the 23rd, the Japanese army made strong use of their armaments, causing Xi Xia concern. So that afternoon, he met [Japanese] commander Tamon, and said that the present situation was serious[;] . . . only he himself could take responsibility for removing the Jilin army's weapons . . . As a result, at 2 P.M. [the next day], they handed over 1,200 rifles, 11 machine-guns and 6 mortars.” Afterwards the city police were given permission to maintain public order, though they clearly were working under the Japanese. On September 24th, Xi Xia announced to the provincial assembly that the Chamber of Commerce of the old government was dissolved and that he would be leading the new Jilin governor's office. He also added that there would be no maintenance committees and that he would exercise complete control. Of course that was bullshit, he was nothing more than a Japanese puppet taking direct orders from Kwantung officers. Despite all of this, Jilin would not be fully dominated, for several months, northern Jilin was in control of rebel forces, based out of Bin county.  The Japanese occupation led to the removal of the Northeastern Governmental Affairs Council, the structure Zhang Xueliang used to nominally control the region. The Japanese did not seek to create a new cross-provincial authority until it seemed there existed popular demand for an independent state. While in the interim, the policy was to establish provincial authorities headed by prominent Chinese figures, secretly under Japanese control. Within Fengtian, the authority was originally only there to maintain public order, but by December it was declared to be a full provincial government. Within Jilin, Xi Xia declared an independent provincial government from the very start. Within the special Zone, Zhang Jinghui declared autonomy, but still stayed in contact with Zhang Xueliang for several months, fence sitting as it were.  At the provincial level, Zhang Xueliang had never really controlled Manchuria, it was honestly in the hands of his subordinates, many of whom already had close ties to the Japanese. For example, Yu Chonghan, a former foreign minister under Zhang Zuolin had for many years received a regular retainer as an “adviser” to the Japanese. He was retired in Liaoyuan when the Mukden Incident occurred and by November was persuaded to return to Shenyang to form a pro-Japanese statement. As far as Yu Chonghan was concerned “Zhang Xueliang squandered the regional assets on expanding their armies in a futile quest for national supremacy through military conquest”. The Japanese also made it apparent to various interest groups that cooperation with them would be advantageous. Take for example the imperial restorationists, yes they still existed. One was Zheng Xiaoxu, who would become the first Manchukuo prime minister. People such as him were persuaded by the prospect of restoring the Qing Dynasty, as batshit crazy as that sounds. There was also White Russians in Harbin persuaded they would be protected from KMT hooligans who had been assaulting them as of late.  In general a huge motivation for regional military leaders to collaborate was to minimize the effect that the Japanese occupation would impose on their spheres of influence. I mean lets be honest, if your choice was to collaborate and maintain some autonomy over your own little slice of Manchuria, or go into exile in North China, what would you choose? Many who opted to collaborate retained the same roles they had before the Mukden Incident. Zhang Shiyi who was acting governor of Liaoning prior became governor of Fengtian province. Zhang Jinghui was the commander of the Harbin Special Zone and this went unchanged. Xi Xia was deputy governor of Jilin, and since his superior Zhang Zuoxiang was exiled to Jinzhou, he simply succeeded his post. Through the initial cooperation, southern manchuria was taken over without wide-scale bloodshed, though there was of course some savage bombing of certain cities.  On September 24th, a Liaoning public order maintenance committee was set up and a Jilin provincial government followed on the 26th. Liaoning did not have a provincial government spring up immediately because the prominent elites such as Yuan Jinkai and Zang Shiyi at first had some qualms about turning against Zhang Xueliang. They of course believed it was possible Zhang Xueling could rally the Northeastern Army and recapture the occupied areas. Yet they chose immediately to maintain public order in a quasi neutral stance. To coordinate all of the newly formed collaborative bodies, the Kwantung Army set up a Control Bureau “Tochibu” with Komai Tokuzo in charge. He was given sole control over it  “so that if it were successful, then it would be the Kwantung Army's success, but if by some chance it should fail, then Komai alone could take the responsibility.” By far and large the Japanese wanted a cross-provincial administrative structure to appear organically created by the Manchurian lites. Therefore during the initial phase of the occupation the Japanese exercised control through the medium of public order maintenance committees, which had long been tradition in Manchuria to form organizations to deal with local social issues such as policing, fire fighting and so forth. Yuan Jinkai, the former chief secretary for military and civil affairs and governor of Fengtian, was now appointed by the Kwantung Army to lead their newly established public order maintenance committee. The committee's stated purpose was "to uphold local order and ensure that finance and businesses operate normally, as well as to establish police and militia forces responsible for maintaining public order." Additionally, other prominent local figures were recruited to various similar committees, including a Liaoning United People's Provisional Committee and a Northeastern Gentry and People's Committee for Discussing Solutions to the Current Situation. On September 28, both the Liaoning Committee and Xi Xia's Jilin administration issued a "declaration of independence" and created new government departments staffed by Chinese officials. It quickly became evident to the Japanese that Yuan Jinkai was not suited for the role of chairman. A contemporary Japanese commentator remarked that “his attitude appeared half-formed and confusing to those outside the provincial capital.” Specifically, Yuan was still reluctant to officially establish a Liaoning provincial government. Consequently, the Kwantung Army turned to the other remaining member of the triad of elders from Zhang Zuolin's administration, Yu Chonghan. From the early days following the Manchurian Incident, there had been indications that Yu was “moving toward participation.” Yu had a long history of collaboration with the Japanese, dating back to the Russo-Japanese War, during which he served as a spy for them. He would have been an obvious choice for the council from the outset if not for his recovery from a serious illness at his home in Liaoyuan. As it became apparent that local leaders had lost faith in Yuan Jinkai's judgment, consultations were held among the provincial heads, who recommended that Yu Chonghan be brought out of retirement to join the committee, provided his health permitted. On November 1, Morita Fukumatsu from the Fengtian Japanese Residents' Association visited Yu's home to assess his health. After Morita briefed Yu on the Committee's situation, they discussed a policy aimed at unifying the Northeast and the adoption of the Kingly Way (Wangdao) as a guiding principle for the new state. Yu agreed to come out of retirement, and on November 3, he traveled to Shenyang for a meeting with Honjo. During this meeting, Yu presented eight points he believed would foster a “paradise” of Sino-Japanese cooperation, which included reforms in local policing, tax and salary systems, and a commitment to non militarism. Subsequently, Yu was appointed head of the committee, with Yuan reporting to him. By the end of 1931, committee members who had previously hesitated to declare an autonomous government due to concerns that Zhang Xueliang might launch an attack to reclaim the Northeast were convinced to support the idea of separating from Nanjing's authority. Well Zhang Xueliang would try to face the Japanese with his northeastern Army. It would not only be him, other figures would emerge to lead resistance efforts against the Japanese, trying to claw back Manchuria from the Empire of the Rising Sun.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Yes thus far the episodes have been awfully heavy on the politics, schemes and dynamics of how Manchuria was invaded. Some of you must be clamoring for the battles, and for the next few episodes that's exactly what we will jump into. For the fight for Manchuria has only just begun.

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One of the key United Nations agencies overseeing the provision of aid into Gaza is the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA. Its leader, Tom Fletcher, just visited Gaza and joined Geoff Bennett to discuss what he saw there. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

One of the key United Nations agencies overseeing the provision of aid into Gaza is the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA. Its leader, Tom Fletcher, just visited Gaza and joined Geoff Bennett to discuss what he saw there. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

In this compelling episode, we sit down with a remarkable guest who shares his journey from Ukraine to Utah, managing the largest innovation park in Eastern Europe, Unit City. Discover how he and his team have navigated the challenges of war, continued to innovate, and built strong connections with the global tech community, including a special bond with Utah.00:00 - Introduction and Guest Background00:14 - Managing Unit City During the War00:47 - U.S. Delegation Visit to Unit City01:30 - Stand-Up Comedy During the War02:59 - Building Friendships and Connections05:06 - Current Situation in Ukraine07:02 - Adapting to War Conditions08:18 - Hope for the Future and Rebuilding10:05 - War's Impact on Business and Society11:33 - Daily Life and Work at Unit City12:50 - Composition of Companies at Unit City13:35 - Personal Routine and Resilience14:50 - Renewable Energy Projects15:04 - Becoming an EV Advocate17:02 - Promoting Electric Vehicles in Ukraine19:00 - Impact of EV Legislation20:24 - Elon Musk's Controversial Role23:33 - Connection Between Utah and Ukraine24:01 - Importance of Tech Conferences25:40 - Building Trust with American Companies26:59 - Closing Remarks and GratitudeIf you enjoyed this video and want to support us please leave a LIKE, write a comment on this video and Share it with your friends. Subscribe to our channel on YouTube and click the icon for notifications when we add a new video. Let us know in the comments if you have any questions. Our website: https://www.siliconslopes.comShow Links: https://unit.city/en/Social:Twitter - https://twitter.com/siliconslopesInstagram - https://www.instagram.com/siliconslopes/LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/company/silicon-slopes/YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8aEtQ1KJrWhJ3C2JnzXysw

Transcript ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.haru-no-nihongo.com/podcast⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ KANJI&KOTOBA Course ⁠⁠https://www.patreon.com/c/harunonihongo⁠⁠ Japanese Speaking Class ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.sunnysidejapanese.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Shadowing Course ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.haru-no-nihongo.com/plans-pricing⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Youtube @harunonihongo Instagram ⁠⁠@haru_no_nihongo

In this episode of the Free Outside podcast, I'm joined by Pete Deneen, a climate scientist, award-winning writer, and the Chief Executive of the Keep Sespe Wild Foundation. Together, we dive into the wildfires that have devastated California, including the recent LA firestorm, one of the most costly and destructive disasters in U.S. history. Find Keep Sespe Wild online Pete brings his deep knowledge of climate science and his personal experience living in the fire-prone Sespe wilderness to the conversation. We break down what makes these fires so intense, the factors fueling them, and the role of climate change in doubling extreme fire weather days. From the science behind Santa Ana winds to the surprising impacts of fire retardants like Foscheck, this episode is packed with insights you won't find in headlines. Find Pete Deneen online We also explore the balance between living with fire and managing it, and the importance of community, conservation, and education in protecting our wildlands. Whether you're an outdoor enthusiast, a trail runner, or just curious about the forces shaping our environment, this conversation will leave you thinking differently about fire, nature, and how we live in these landscapes. Support us at Janji.com and tell them we sent you takeaways -California wildfires are among the most destructive in U.S. history. -The interplay of wet and dry years significantly affects fire risks. -Santa Ana winds can exacerbate wildfire conditions. -Climate change has increased the frequency of fire weather days. -Defensible space around homes is crucial for fire survival. -Foscheck is a useful tool in firefighting but has environmental impacts. -Post-fire recovery can lead to ecological resilience in certain areas. -Community engagement is vital for effective fire management. -Misconceptions about wildfires often oversimplify complex issues. -Nonprofits play a key role in environmental education and stewardship. Sound Bites "These areas have evolved to burn." "Foscheck is an effective tool." "We have to coexist with fire." Chapters 00:00 Introduction to Wildfires in California 04:57 Current Situation of the Fires 07:32 Factors Contributing to Fire Risk 12:34 Understanding Santa Ana Winds 18:02 Fire Spread and Containment Challenges 21:32 Impact of Firefighting Techniques 25:52 Post-Fire Recovery and Environmental Impact 31:02 Future Mitigation and Prevention Strategies 32:46 Coexisting with Nature: A Journey with Native Plants 32:51 Hardening Communities Against Wildfires 33:27 Understanding Historical Fire Regimes 38:21 The Era of Fire Suppression and Its Consequences 39:53 Predictive Tools for Fire Awareness 43:52 Debunking Misconceptions About Wildfires 50:32 The Role of Nonprofits in Conservation and Education keywords: California wildfires, climate change, Santa Ana winds, fire management, environmental impact, community engagement, wildfire recovery, firefighting techniques, ecological resilience, wildfire misconceptions

Ben Pascoe talks with former Slovak Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pavol Demes, about the current situation in Slovak foreign policy and civil society.

Send us a message with this link, we would love to hear from you. Standard message rates may apply.This episode of "Your Checkup" provides an in-depth look at the current H5N1 bird flu situation, including recent outbreaks in the U.S. Learn how the virus spreads, who is at risk, and practical steps to protect yourself. We'll discuss food safety, how to handle sick or dead birds, and when to seek medical attention. Learn the difference between seasonal flu and bird flu, as well as current vaccine and treatment options for H5N1.Support the showProduction and Content: Edward Delesky, MD & Nicole Aruffo, RNArtwork: Olivia Pawlowski

Browns' current situation worse than 1-31 ever was full 563 Mon, 30 Dec 2024 11:54:56 +0000 5BVDskxpD9Y8RM59yxABlbqVLpEAKwEC sports The Ken Carman Show with Anthony Lima sports Browns' current situation worse than 1-31 ever was The only place to talk about the Cleveland sports scene is with Ken Carman and Anthony Lima. The two guide listeners through the ups and downs of being a fan of the Browns, Cavaliers, Guardians and Ohio State Buckeyes in Northeast Ohio. They'll help you stay informed with breaking news, game coverage, and interviews with top personalities.Catch The Ken Carman Show with Anthony Lima live Monday through Friday (6 a.m. - 10 a.m ET) on 92.3 The Fan, the exclusive audio home of the Browns, or on the Audacy app. For more, follow the show on X @KenCarmanShow. 2024 © 2021 Audacy, Inc. Sports False https://player.amperwavepodcasting.com?fee

Your current situation is not your final destination. That's right. Just because you're not at your goal weight, doesn't mean you have to stay here forever. Just because this wasn't "your year" doesn't mean it has to stay like this. The process is the only thing we can control. Sometimes the scale doesn't move. Sometimes it takes you longer than you thought it would. You have to marry the actions and divorce the results. Let's get into it!Irresistible Links

This week Dominic has Joseph Daher back on the podcast. They discuss how the Assad Regime has fallen. Moreover they dive into what Turkey is hoping to get out of the fall of the Assad Regime, how Iran's Axis of Resistance might be crumbling slowly, what Israel is hoping to get out of the fall of the Assad Regime, as well as the difference between the HTS and SNA. Joseph and Dominic also discuss Assad's prisons and the 'disappeared'. Finally, Joseph gives his hopes for the future of Syria. A heavy topic but an interesting one that needs to be shed to light! Joseph Daher, is a Swiss-Syrian academic and activist. He currently teaches at the University of Lausanne (Switzerland), and at the University of Ghent (Belgium) and has been an affiliated professor at the European University Institute(EUI). He has worked with the EUI on the conflict in Syria and the aftermath of the war. Herewith Joseph has published multiple papers, which aimed to produce quality, strategic and accurate reports and analysis of wartime perspectives, challenges, trends and policy options in anticipation of post-conflict stabilisation in Syria.Moreover, Joseph is an expert on Syria, Lebanon, and the Middle East, and has worked for various UN Agencies, NGO's and research centers in consulting and expert mandates to conduct programs, trainings, and research for them. He is the author of three books: Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon's Party of God, Syria After the Uprising: The Political Economy of State Resilience and Palestine and Marxism . Finally, he is the founder of the blog Syria Freedom Forever. He is also co-founder of the Alliance of Middle Eastern and North African Socialists.The International Risk Podcast is a weekly podcast for senior executives, board members, and risk advisors. In these podcasts, we speak with experts in a variety of fields to explore international relations. Our host is Dominic Bowen, Head of Strategic Advisory at one of Europe's leading risk consulting firms. Dominic is a regular public and corporate event speaker, and visiting lecturer at several universities. Having spent the last 20 years successfully establishing large and complex operations in the world's highest-risk areas and conflict zones, Dominic now joins you to speak with exciting guests around the world to discuss international risk.The International Risk Podcast – Reducing risk by increasing knowledge.Follow us on LinkedIn for all our great updates.Tell us what you liked!

There are moments when certain prayers are תְּפִלּוֹת שָׁוְא. This is not one of them!

On October 2, a commemorative function was held in the memory of Bhai Surinderpal Singh Tharua, a tireless servant of the Sikh community, at village Tharua. In this event, Dr. Kanwaljit Singh emphasized the importance of unity among Sikhs in light of current global dynamics. This News/Article On Legacy of Sikh Struggle & Current Situation; Dr. Kanwaljeet Singh appeared first on Sikh Siyasat News.

On this week's 'Cousin Sal's Winning Weekend,' Michael Irvin joins to discuss the Dallas Cowboys' current situation, who could be coaching the team next year, and who he thinks the best players in the league are. Next, Harry from the D3 joins to break down all the upcoming Week 13 NFL games. Host: Cousin Sal Guests: Michael Irvin and Harry Gagnon Producers: Michael Szokoli, Joel Solomon, Jack Wilson, Chris Wohlers, Jonathan Frias, Sirush Witte, Drew van Steenbergen, and Felipe Guilhermino The Ringer is committed to responsible gaming, please visit theringer.com/RG to learn more about the resources and helplines available, and listen to the end of the episode for additional details. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Fox 40's Sean Cunningham, Brenden Nunes of The Kings Pulse Podcast and The Kings Beat's James Ham join forces for coverage of the Sacramento Kings. Topics include the Kings' four game skid, who is to blame for the 8-10 start, is it time to panic and are there any solutions? We also dive into another episode of the Business of Basketball focused potential fixes for the team. Thanks for joining us on this adventure! Big shoutout to Paul Jinkerson (@paulitition) for creating a new intro and outro for the podcast and to Brenden for creating our new overlay for the podcast. The Kings Beat merchandise shop: https://thekingsbeat.myshopify.com/ Jump on board with a premium subscription to The Kings Beat: https://kings-beat.beehiiv.com/upgrade Or start out with a free subscription to The Kings Beat: https://kings-beat.beehiiv.com/subscribe Want to advertise on The Kings Beat Podcast? We're taking sponsorship inquiries: https://airtable.com/shrEpprMxX1AF1U6U #BlueWireVideo Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On the latest episode of The Fighter vs. The Writer, Matt Brown and Damon Martin discuss fighters from Bellator getting frustrated about a lack of fights and if this speaks to a larger problem happening at PFL plus we react to the Conor McGregor trial in Ireland where he was found liable of sexual assault from allegations dating back to 2018 plus more Subscribe to MMA Fighting Check out our full video catalog Like MMA Fighting on Facebook Follow on Twitter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On the latest episode of The Fighter vs. The Writer, Matt Brown and Damon Martin discuss fighters from Bellator getting frustrated about a lack of fights and if this speaks to a larger problem happening at PFL plus we react to the Conor McGregor trial in Ireland where he was found liable of sexual assault from allegations dating back to 2018 plus more Subscribe to MMA Fighting Check out our full video catalog Like MMA Fighting on Facebook Follow on Twitter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On the latest episode of The Fighter vs. The Writer, Matt Brown and Damon Martin discuss fighters from Bellator getting frustrated about a lack of fights and if this speaks to a larger problem happening at PFL plus we react to the Conor McGregor trial in Ireland where he was found liable of sexual assault from allegations dating back to 2018 plus more Subscribe to MMA Fighting Check out our full video catalog Like MMA Fighting on Facebook Follow on Twitter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In a fast paced, complex business environment decision making has become increasingly difficult.We want to make good decisions.  We're told we need to make faster decisions.  But often we end up in ‘analysis paralysis'.Caught between analyzing endless data, including inputs from a vast range of participants, and often trying to please too many masters.   It's no wonder fewer decisions get made.  And when they do, they are not the best.If you are looking for a way to simplify decision making and cut through some of the complexities, then this episode is for you!Today we're joined by Dave Martin, author of Mega Thinking: A Simple, Powerful Process to Think Smarter and Make Better Leadership Decisions.   He is the founder of 280 Capital Partners and a Silicon Valley entrepreneur, and has helped top executives and leaders across industries refine their decision-making process using his innovative "MegaCepts" method.Dave will be talking about his 4-step method to overcoming analysis paralysis.How to distill complex topics into their 10 most essential principles.Why sharpening thinking still is critical for effective leadership.USEFUL LINKSFind "Mega Thinking" by Dave Martin on Amazon:  https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0DFMYY4LZLearn about the Current Situation in Sourcing:  https://thecurrentsituation.netVisit A Seat at The Table's website at https://seat.fm

When people talk about PTSD we usually think of returning military veterans or survivors of catastrophic events.Yet many other people suffer from stress-related issues that are not unlike PTSD.  Terry Earthwind Nichols, is a bestselling author and father of  Repetitive Behavior Cellular Regression, a methodology that helps people decrease anxiety, fear, procrastination, self sabotage and overall stressIn this podcast, he talks about how people can overcome some of the past traumas that continue to  disrupt  their daily lives - including a simple technique you can use anytime and anywhere.You'll Learn:How to uncover hidden traumas that are causing severe stressThe life-changing benefits of resolving past traumasA simple and easy method to use any time you need to control stressUseful Links:Connect with Terry Earthwind Nichols on LinkedIn:  linkedin.com/in/earthwindTerry Earthwind Nichols portfolio:  linktr.ee/terryearthwindnicholsLearn more about the Current Situation in Sourcing:  thecurrentsituation.netVisit A Seat at The Table's website at https://seat.fm

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=awHaCBgr6vc&t=131s&ab_channel=ProletarianTV

On this episode Huntavore, Nick is making the best of a current situation. I'm sure like a lot of busy dad's, the opportunity to get on hunts has been few and far between. With only a handful of sits, Nick is biding his time. While in this hunting purgatory, he has had the opportunity to assist successful hunters. Two hunters hired Nick to process their 2 New Mexico bull elk. He goes on his approach and how it is the biggest wildgame process he's ever done. Nick also helped salvage a young whitetail buck that his brother in law hit. A bit of a sobering dose of reality, yet something that can be relatable, on this episode of Huntavore. Show Partners Umai Dry Instagram: @umaidry Website: bit.ly/3WhfnnX Sign up for the newsletter for 10% off Tappecue Meat Probes Instagram: @tappecue Website: https://bit.ly/2NIr0Xj Coupon Code 10% off: HUNT10 TieBoss Instagram: @tiebossllc Website:  https://tieboss.com/pod?ref=pod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On this episode Huntavore, Nick is making the best of a current situation.  I'm sure like a lot of busy dad's, the opportunity to get on hunts has been few and far between.  With only a handful of sits, Nick is biding his time.  While in this hunting purgatory, he has had the opportunity to assist successful hunters.  Two hunters hired Nick to process their 2 New Mexico bull elk.  He goes on his approach and how it is the biggest wildgame process he's ever done.  Nick also helped salvage a young whitetail buck that his brother in law hit.  A bit of a sobering dose of reality, yet something that can be relatable, on this episode of Huntavore.Show PartnersUmai DryInstagram: @umaidryWebsite: bit.ly/3WhfnnXSign up for the newsletter for 10% offTappecue Meat ProbesInstagram: @tappecueWebsite: https://bit.ly/2NIr0XjCoupon Code 10% off: HUNT10TieBossInstagram: @tiebossllcWebsite: https://tieboss.com/pod?ref=pod

Disentangling Judaism from the Violence of Occupation “The way to manifest your sacredness is to embody sacredness – to treat all life as sacred.”– Rabbi Cat Zavis In this live SAND Community Gathering (October 2024) Zaya and Maurizio Benazzo were in discussion with Rabbi Cat Zavis, a renowned Jewsish teacher, writer, and social justice activist. They discussed the misuse of Judaism to justify the brutal Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. Drawing on deep Jewish ethical traditions of justice and compassion, Rabbi Zavis showed how the occupation fundamentally contradicts core Jewish values. We explored the rich history of Jewish opposition to occupation and highlight contemporary movements working to honor Judaism's ethical mandate, “Never Again” for anyone.Rabbi Cat Zavis is a passionate shaper of Jewish rituals and services that inspire and draw connections between the spiritual, personal, and political. She is a spiritual social justice activist, attorney, and visionary leader with over 20 years experience in empathic and people-centered leadership and collaboration. A sought after facilitator and trainer in nonviolent communication, prophetic empathy, collaboration, and conflict resolution, she has over 25 years experience working with and helping people understand our shared needs and how to challenge manifestations of othering and build beloved communities of belonging. While co-editor of Tikkun magazine, she wrote articles and helped shape the magazine; as Executive Director of the Network of Spiritual Progressives she has trained over 1000 people in Prophetic Empathy and Revolutionary Love. Support the mission of SAND and the production of this podcast by becoming a SAND Member. Resources Tikkun Beyt Tikkun Roots (1977 Miniseries) One Hundred Years War on Palestine by Rasheed Khalidi Jewish Voices for Peace SAND's Helpful Resources on Palestine Topics 00:00 – Introduction and Greetings 00:31 – Current Situation in Gaza 01:58 – Introducing Rabbi Cat Zavis 02:16 – Rabbi Cat Zavis' Background 05:17 – Personal Journey and Reflections 12:11 – Jewish Ethical Values and Israeli Occupation 15:58 – The Split in the Jewish Community 24:54 – Truth, Justice, and Peace in Judaism 27:07 – Pursuing Truth and Justice 28:01 – Condemnation of Israeli Actions 29:43 – Judaism vs. Zionism 30:47 – Anti-Zionist Jewish Thinkers 32:08 – Theological Perspectives on Zionism 34:33 – Solidarity and Liberation 40:59 – The Role of Fear and Trauma 45:21 – Call for International Intervention 47:34 – Practical Support for Palestinian Rights 49:33 – Spiritual Reflections and Blessings

On this episode Huntavore, Nick is making the best of a current situation.  I'm sure like a lot of busy dad's, the opportunity to get on hunts has been few and far between.  With only a handful of sits, Nick is biding his time.  While in this hunting purgatory, he has had the opportunity to assist successful hunters.  Two hunters hired Nick to process their 2 New Mexico bull elk.  He goes on his approach and how it is the biggest wildgame process he's ever done.  Nick also helped salvage a young whitetail buck that his brother in law hit.  A bit of a sobering dose of reality, yet something that can be relatable, on this episode of Huntavore.Show PartnersUmai DryInstagram: @umaidryWebsite: bit.ly/3WhfnnXSign up for the newsletter for 10% offTappecue Meat ProbesInstagram: @tappecueWebsite: https://bit.ly/2NIr0XjCoupon Code 10% off: HUNT10TieBossInstagram: @tiebossllcWebsite: https://tieboss.com/pod?ref=pod

Michigan has disappointed, and the rivalry game with MSU has little buzz this year

We continue our discussion about Michigan's disappointing season

Joe Pags Outlines the 60 Minutes Interview and Shares His Predictions. Plus, Robert Greenway Joins to Discuss the 10/7 Anniversary and Give His Insight on the Current Situation in Israel!

Joe Pags Interviews Robert Greenway, Director of the Allison Center for National Security and Former Deputy Assistant to the President in the Trump Administration. They Discuss the 10/7 Anniversary and Greenway's Insight on the Current Situation in Israel.

For the full and ad-free version of this episode, subscribe to Politicology+ at https://politicology.com/plus In this conversation, John Spencer, an urban warfare expert,  discusses the escalating tensions in the Middle East, particularly focusing on the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.  He explains the differences between Hezbollah and Hamas, the implications of Iran's involvement, and the evolving nature of warfare, including precision strikes and tactical innovations. Spencer emphasizes the importance of understanding the global stakes and America's role in maintaining the international order amidst these conflicts. Segments to look forward to: (01:24) The Current Situation in the Middle East (04:16) Understanding Hezbollah vs. Hamas (12:22) Iran's Role, Imminent Missile Attacks, and Escalation Risks Follow Ron and John on X (formerly Twitter): https://twitter.com/RonSteslow https://x.com/SpencerGuard Email your questions to podcast@politicology.com or leave us a voicemail at ‪(202) 455-4558‬  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Israel is worried about an attack on the Yomim Tovim (actually, all of us should be awake to this danger)

In this episode of The Sarah Fraser Show, I interviewed Tonia Haddix, the star of HBO's documentary "Chimp Crazy." Tonia shared her perspective on the controversial documentary, discussing her deep bond with her chimpanzee, Tonka, and the ethical and legal challenges she faces as an exotic animal owner in Missouri. She revealed how she was misled by the documentary's director, Eric Goode, and his proxy, Dwayne Cunningham, which has led to significant personal and legal repercussions. Tonia also highlighted her background as a nurse and foster mom, emphasizing her caring nature and dedication to the animals. Despite the negative portrayal and threats from animal rights activists, Tonia remains committed to advocating for a more nuanced approach to exotic animal ownership. Timestamps: 00:00:00 - Introduction and Overview of Chimp Crazy 00:15:16 - Misrepresentation in the Documentary (Continued) 00:23:08 - Betrayal by Dwayne Cunningham 00:41:49 - Tonka's Current Situation and Visitation Rights 00:45:08 - Feeding the Chimps McDonald's? Her Makeup, Wigs, Regrets HALLOWEEN SHOW: Tuesday Oct 29, 7pm EDT, Join David Yontef and me for our Virtual Live Podcast Halloween Edition! VIP ticket, Q&A, Halloween costume contest! https://www.eventbrite.com/e/q-a-with-david-yontef-sarah-fraser-halloween-costume-party-edition-tickets-1006324021237?aff=oddtdtcreator Show is sponsored by: Amazfit.com/tsfs a wearable band to help you focus on health and wellness that looks sexy and cute! Get 15% OFF when you use code TSFS Article.com/tsfs for $50 OFF your purchase of $100 or more. Gorgeous furniture, garden, and home decor products that are built to last Field Of Greens use promo code TSFS get 15% OFF your order and FREE rush shipping Honey Play Box adult toys for everyone! Use code TSFS for 20% OFF your order  Horizonfibroids.com get rid of those nasty fibroids June's Journey download this mobile puzzle game app and have fun and solve mysteries Nutrafol.com use code TSFS for FREE shipping and $10 off your subscription Oneskin.co use code TSFS for 15% OFF your fabulous order Taskrabbit.com use promo code TSFS at checkout for 15%. Book taskrabbit for trusted help or home tasks VIIAhemp.com Get you hemp, THC, and non-THC products for anxiety, sleep wellness, and more use code TSFS for 15% off your order Follow me on Instagram/Tiktok: @thesarahfrasershow Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

אֲנִי לְדוֹדִי וְדוֹדִי לִי - Is that בֵּין אָדָם לַמָּקוֹם? Or בֵּין אָדָם לַחֲבֵרוֹ?

Breaking Down the Current Situation in the Middle East with Joe Pags – Plus, an Interview with Kay Smythe!