Podcasts about Plenum

Papež se je vrnil domov; čaka ga večtedensko okrevanje.Plenum škofijske Karitas Koper v znamenju hvaležnosti.Skupina Varno občestvo nocoj pripravlja predavanje na temo ranljivih odraslih.V Vatikanu zbirajo sodnike za obravnavo primera Marka Rupnika.

Auf dem 5. Plenum des Zentralkomitees der SED beschlossen die Kulturpolitiker der jungen DDR, dass die Künstler des Landes den Prinzipien des Sozialistischen Realismus nach stalinistischem Muster zu folgen hatten. Mit der Freiheit der Kunst war es vorbei. Schlupflöcher jedoch fanden sich.

»Starke Frauen, starker Verband« hieß eine Session im Plenum der Fachtagung Ehrenamt des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes, die vom 1.-3.11.2024 in Dresden stattfand. Den Anfang macht Annette Strauß, Bundesleiterin der Wohlfahrts- und Sozialarbeit und Vizepräsidentin des Landesverbandes Sachsen, mit einem Impuls zur Rolle der Frauen in der Geschichte der Rotkreuz- und Rothalbmondbewegung, beginnend mit den Frauen, die in Castiglione die Verwundeten der Schlacht von Solferino versorgten, bis zu den drei Frauen, die heute als Präsidentinnen das Deutsche Rote Kreuz, die Internationale Föderation der Rotkreuz- und Rothalbmondgesellschaften und das Internationale Komitee vom Roten Kreuz leiten. Es schließt sich ein Diskussionspanel an, das von Clarissa Holzner moderiert wird, die als Referentin für Zukunft des ehrenamtlichen Bevölkerungsschutzes im Generalsekretariat des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes in Berlin arbeitet. Mit ihr diskutieren neben Annette Strauß auch Regine Reim, Ausbilderin, Auslandsdelegierte und Konventionsbeauftragte aus dem Landesverband Nordrhein, Kleopatra Tümmler, Leiterin des Ukraine-Ankunftszentrums am Berliner Flughafen Tegel und Laura Schaudel aus der Bundesleitung des Jugendrotkreuzes. Laura kennt ihr vielleicht schon aus Folge 23, in der sie mit uns über den Juniorhessenrat gesprochen hat. Im Panel geht es um die weibliche Perspektive auf Rotkreuzarbeit, Rahmenbedingungen und Hürden für ehrenamtliches Engagement von Frauen, den Umgang mit Vielfalt und konkrete Maßnahmen und Konzepte zur Förderung von Frauen im Roten Kreuz.

In dieser Folge durften wir die niedersächsische Kultusministerin Julia Willie-Hamburg (B‘90/Die Grünen) interviewen. Sie Stand auch uns Rede und Antwort, u.a. zum Thema Social Media in der Schule. Bei der Auftaktveranstaltung von Landtag-Online von n-21 (1 https://www.online-redaktionen.de) in der International School in Hannover (2 https://is-hr.de/de/) waren auch wir zu Gast. „Landtagsabgeordnete, Kultusministerin und Vize-Ministerpräsidentin Julia Willie Hamburg (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) ist Politikpatin und besucht E-Paper-Team in der Schule“ (vgl. 1). Natalie Deseke moderierte das Gespräch in der International School. Im Plenum saßen ca. 40 Schüler:innen des 11. Jahrgangs und stellten sehr interessante Fragen an Ministerin Willie-Hamburg. Außerdem stellen wir das AudioLab im Medienzentrum der Region Hannover vor, was wir sehr empfehlen können: https://www.mzrh.deUnd abschließend gibt es ausführlich unsere Podcast-Empfehlungen.Viel Spaß beim Hören.Links​05.2025 Wilhelm-Raabe-Schule Hannover: Veranstaltung zum Internationalen Tag der Pressefreiheit: Workshops zum Thema Journalismus und Soziale Medien  VA-Nummer: 25.20.18 https://nlc.info/app/edb/event/47910Tagesordnung im Plenum des Nds. Landtags: https://www.landtag-niedersachsen.deLandtag-Online - n-21 Projektwebsite und Bewerbungen (ab Herbst 2025): https://www.online-redaktionen.dePodcast EmpfehlungenAlle Podcasts finden sich leicht über einen Podcatcher, also eine App wie Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pocket Cast, o.ä. Gebt dazu einfach den Namen in die Suche ein.Jung und naiv, mit Tilo JungBR24 Medien Die Schule brennt mit Bob BlumeWas mit Medien von Smiley e.V.EduFunkFortbildung macht Schule, uniplus Kompetenzzentrum Leibniz Universität HannoverFrauen und Technik, heise VerlagVorsicht! Kunde, heise VerlagKlassiker, die man kennen muss:Die Lage der Nation mit Philipp Banse und Ulf BurmeyerAlles gesagt? Der Zeit Podcast morning Briefing, Pioneer PodcastLanz und Precht BZT Bildung Zukunft TechnikNetzlehrer mit Bob BlumeSpezielles: Auslegungssache mit Holger Bleich, heise VerlagHaken dran, der Social Media Podcast vom heise VerlagMachiavelli Rap und Politik#heiseshow, heise VerlagBildungstaxi (Berufsschule)Der Politikpodcast, DLFklicksafe fragt …c't uplink, heise VerlagLogbuch: NetzpolitikThe Daily, NYTRechtsbelehrung, Marcus Richter (CCC) und Dr. Thomas Schwenke (https://datenschutz-generator.de/kanzlei-dr-schwenke/)Persönliche Empfehlungen:Kein Mucks - Krimi Klassiker, ARDFit und Gesund mit Professor Froböse, HÖRZUÜber SMMhttps://wordpress.nibis.de/n-report/2024/01/14/podcast-smm-schule-macht-medien-medien-machen-schule/

Am späten Donnerstagnachmittag befasst sich das Plenum des Bundestags erstmals mit zwei Anträgen, die auf ein Verbot der Gesamtpartei AfD hinauslaufen. Beim ersten Antrag handelt es sich um einen fraktionsübergreifenden Vorstoß, beim zweiten um eine Initiative der Grünen.

Helene Bubrowski und Michael Bröcker diskutieren die Abstimmung im Bundestag, die von vielen Abgeordnete als Einschnitt gesehen wird. Auch von einem Schicksalstag ist im Plenum die Rede gewesen.Die Union hat mit Unterstützung der AfD ihren Antrag zur Verschärfung des Asyl- und Aufenthaltsrechts durchgesetzt.Die westlichen Demokratien sind in Gefahr.Umso wichtiger ist es, dass immer mehr Menschen für unsere Demokratie einstehen. Auch Unternehmerinnen und Unternehmer sehen sich in der Pflicht, mehr zu tun, sagt Moritz Schlageter, einer der Gründer der Unternehmensberatung torq.partners im Gespräch mit Helene Bubrowski.Bundesumweltministerin Steffi Lemke gehört zu den Kabinettsmitgliedern, die nicht durch lautstarke Auftritte auffallen. Lemke arbeitet im Hintergrund an ihren Themen und sieht darin auch einen Teil ihres Erfolgs – so zumindest ihre eigene Einschätzung. Bernhard Pötter vom Climate.Table hat mit Lemke über ihre Regierungsbilanz gesprochen.Table.Briefings - For better informed decisions.Sie entscheiden besser, weil Sie besser informiert sind – das ist das Ziel von Table.Briefings. Wir verschaffen Ihnen mit jedem Professional Briefing, mit jeder Analyse und mit jedem Hintergrundstück einen Informationsvorsprung, am besten sogar einen Wettbewerbsvorteil. Table.Briefings bietet „Deep Journalism“, wir verbinden den Qualitätsanspruch von Leitmedien mit der Tiefenschärfe von Fachinformationen. Professional Briefings kostenlos kennenlernen: table.media/testen Audio-Werbung Table.Today: jan.puhlmann@table.media Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Die Bundestagswahl rückt näher und rund ein Drittel der Wahlberechtigten hält laut Umfragen Migration für das wichtigste politische und gesellschaftliche Thema in Deutschland. Die Union legte nun einen Entwurf zum sogenannten Zustrombegrenzungsgesetz vor, über das der Bundestag am Freitag abstimmen soll. Einen ersten verbalen Schlagabtauch zum Thema gab es bereits am Mittwoch im Plenum. Von Ralph Günther.

North Korea launched into the new year with its first test of a ballistic missile in months, firing an upgraded version of its solid-fuel hypersonic intermediate-range ballistic missile on Monday.  NK News Lead Correspondent Shreyas Reddy joins the podcast to discuss what new about the missile and the timing of the launch. He also reviews the DPRK's year-end party plenum and leader Kim Jong Un's appearance at a New Year's concert.  Finally, he talks about accusations by South Korea's opposition party that the Yoon administration engaged in psychological warfare operations to induce a conflict with North Korea. About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists.

Schwangerschaftsabbrüche bis zur zwölften Woche legalisieren: Dies sieht ein fraktionsübergreifender Gruppenantrag im Bundestag vor. Am Mittwoch wurde darüber im Plenum diskutiert. Bisher ist eine Abtreibung gemäß Paragraf 218 des Strafgesetzbuches strafbar, es sei denn, sie findet in den ersten zwölf Wochen statt und die Frau hat sich zuvor beraten lassen. Ausnahmen gibt es auch bei Vergewaltigungen oder wenn die körperliche oder seelische Gesundheit der Schwangeren in Gefahr ist. Von Thilo Jahn.

Auch bei der Glockenweihe war der Kirchenname der Evangelischen Dreieinigkeitskirche präsent. Die älteste ist die Gott-Vater-Glocke. Seit 1960 vervollständigen die Gott-Sohn- und die Heilig-Geist-Glocke das Plenum der Dreieinigkeitskirche. Das rund 1100 kg schwere Trio stammt aus der Karlsruher Glockengießerei Bachert.

Last time we spoke about the first encirclement campaign against the CCP. The Jiangxi Soviet expanded despite opposition, but urban uprisings struggled, with labor union support declining. Li Lisan pushed for urban revolts, while Mao Zedong favored rural expansion. In 1930, failed attacks on Nanchang and Changsha deepened the divide between their strategies. Mao's forces later captured Ji'an, but tensions led to purges, including the Futian Incident. Meanwhile, the Nationalist Army launched an encirclement campaign. Mao's strategy of “luring the enemy in deep” ultimately positioned the CCP for survival and future success. The NRA exploited internal conflict among the Reds, launching attacks on Donggu. Miscommunication led to friendly fire between NRA divisions. Despite capturing towns, overextension weakened the NRA, allowing the Red Army to counterattack. Through guerrilla tactics and local support, the Reds encircled and decimated multiple NRA divisions, capturing thousands of prisoners and weapons. Mao Zedong's strategies proved effective, bolstering Red Army morale and influence. By the end of the third campaign, the Jiangxi Soviet had expanded significantly.   #127 The fourth encirclement campaign  Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The CCP had just survived 3 brutal encirclement campaigns in 1931, collectively known as the First Encirclement Campaign. The Reds were quite lucky in 1931, for China had major problems requiring Chiang Kai-Sheks attention. Understandably one of those major problems was a full blown Japanese invasion of Manchuria, that rest assured we will tackle in depth in future episodes, but for coherency sake I thought it best to try and get through all the other events before we start talking about the beginning of the 15 year war. The Japanese invasion immediately began influencing the KMT-CCP conflict. The Japanese invasion directly threatened Soviet interests and Moscow looked at the CCP as a potential bulwark against the Japanese. From 1930-1931, the CCP's Red Army was successful in defending their territory against the NRA extermination campaigns, however they still suffered from a lack of discipline, supplies and professionalism. New leadership came from the new Central Committee, now led by the 28 Bolsheviks and a new comintern representative, Otto Braun. The Red Army began adopting a series of initiatives in 1932 to improve. All Red Army units were standardized to establish better command and control. Political indoctrination and military training also became standardized with waves upon waves of manuals distributed to the forces. The Red Army expanded the Red Academy by establishing the Red Army War College for mid-grade and senior officers. Branch schools and speciality schools to increase competency and training. Political mobilization remained cornerstone to the Red Army. Recruitment of new troops also began to see a renewed emphasis on urban proletariats. A large change to the operations for the Red Army was the adoption of Soviet offensive tactics to seek out decisive battles. CCP leaders were under the misbelief that revolutionary fervor would simply have the Red Army victory. What they lacked initially was professionalism, alongside good weaponry and equipment. Couple this with the NRA's adoption of more and more effective counterinsurgency tactics, the Red Army really began to suffer terrible casualties. Now as the Red Army defeated the NRA in the third extermination campaign of 1931 not to be mistaken for the large third extermination campaign later, another intraparty power struggle was brewing in the CCP. After the fall of Li Lisan, a group of students returning from studies in the USSR began a systematic operation to gain control over the CCP. This group became known as the 28 Bolsheviks. 20 or some of them returned to China with the new Comintern adviser, Pavel Mif in 1931. Two key members of the group, Qin Bangxian known colloquially as Bo Gu, and Chen Shaoyu as Wang Ming would seize key positions at the top brass of the CCP. Many of these students attended Moscow's Sun Yat-Sen University, where they became acquainted with Mif, the head rector of said university. This university was a breeding ground for ultra-orthodox Stalinist communist doctrine. It goes without saying the students were indoctrinated with a very Moscow perspective. Mif regarded them as a very well disciplined force and used them to purge out divergent groups within the university. During the third Plenum in September of 1930, Mif attempted to use the forum to denounce Li Lisans plan, but had failed to convince the majority of the Central Committee. After Li Lisan was condemned and recalled to Moscow, Mif saw a major opportunity. At the fourth Plenum in January of 1931, Li Lisan and 11 of his supported were ousted from the Central Committee, with their best positions seized by Moscow aligned CCP members. The next year, the 28 Bolsheviks unleashed a brutal intraparty war with other factions. By late September the Bolsheviks effectively destroyed most of the opposition and incorporated the surviving members into a the Central Committee loyal to Moscow. Bo Gu was appointed head of the Central Committee from Wang Ming who returned to Moscow. Once the 28 Bolsheviks were in control of the CCP at Shanghai, they then set their eyes upon Mao Zedong and the Red Army Soviet areas. During the first All-China Soviet Congress of November 1931, they launched their first attack. Mao Zedong received prior word of their intentions from loyal followers in Shanghai and prepared to face them. Before the Central Committee arrived at Ruijin, Mao had just emerged victorious from the encirclement campaigns, had suppressed dissension amongst his ranks and established a delegation of loyalists within the Soviet Congress. The Bolsheviks failed to gain a majority within the Congress, taking only 2 seats in the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet. Meanwhile Zhu De was appointed Commissar of War and other Mao loyalists took high ranking positions. To try to break Mao Zedongs monopolistic control over the Red Army, the Bolsehviks employed Zhou Enlai.  In early 1932, the CCP urged the Red Army to expand Soviet territory as its forces grew. Successful defenses against encirclement Campaigns brought many NRA soldiers into the Red Army, some willingly, others by force. A key boost came on December 14, 1931, when the NRA's Twenty-sixth Route Army rebelled and joined, forming the Fifth Red Army Corps. With this and other recruits, the First Front Red Army grew to about 70,000, requiring more territory to sustain itself and the revolution. On January 9th of 1932, the CCP Central Committee issued a resolution outlining a new strategy for the party and the Red Army. The resolution assessed the current situation in China, that of a major depression, the effects of the Mukden Incident and the string of CCP successes against the encirclement campaigns. The resolution reasserted the renewed commitment to recruit urban proletariats for the revolution and “expand the territory, link up the separated Soviet areas to form an integrated Soviet area, and take advantage of the present favorable political and military conditions to seize one or two important central cities so as to win an initial victory of the revolution in one or more provinces.” The Red Army would conduct a series of offensive to expand their Soviets and connect them starting in early 1932. They would target southern Jiangxi, such places as Ganzhou, Jiujiang, Nanchang and also Fujian's Fuzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou. The resolution also pushed for a “positive and offensive line, rather than the luring of the enemy into the deep strategy, as it was no longer viable”. Furthermore the resolution directly attacked Mao Zedong's strategy as “being right opportunism that underestimated the situation and maintained a pessimistic attitude, and all party and army members should actively guard against its incorrect mindset”. This cemented the divide between the Bolshevik groups adoption of offensive strategy vs Mao Zedong's defensive lure the enemy in deep strategy. The next operation would be against Ganzhou in Jiangxi. The city linked the Hunan-Jiangxi border areas with the Fujian-Jiangxi border areas and provided a nice launching point against Ji'an in the north. During another meeting in 1932 at Ruijin, Mao Zedong expressed his reservations about the operation, stating the Red Army did not have the necessary weapons or supplies to seize a major city. Zhu De backed him up, but the Central Military Committee vetoed them and continued planning the Ganzhou operation. On January 10th orders were handed out for the 1st, 3rd and 5th Red Army corps, along with the Jiangxi Soviet military regional forces to conduct the operation by February. On the other side, the KMT were well prepared to meet an attack against Ganzhou, they were also most likely tipped off.  On February 3rd of 1932 the Red Army arrived at Ganzhou quickly encircling the city. The next day the 5th Red Army Corps, roughly 20,000 men were the first to attack the city. They struck the East Gate, breaching the defenses slightly before being repelled. On the 17th and 23rd the Red Army forces conducted two major assaults, expanding the attacks to the West and South gates, but failed to gain a foothold. During the siege, two NRA brigades reinforced the Ganzhou garrison. Then on March 4th, the Red Army conducted a fourth major attack and was likewise repelled. Three days later the Red army retired to Jiangkou to reorganize after they had suffered 3000 casualties. Despite this the CCP leadership remained undeterred, believing the offensive strategy was still optimal. When Japan began rooting itself permanently in Manchuria, the CCP saw this as the perfect condition for a real revolution to take place. At a meeting on March 18th, Mao Zedong again argued his strategy fit the current conditions much more and that the offensive strategy was too ambiguous. Yet his arguments fell on deaf ears and the CCP leadership had the Red Army reorganized into two route armies. The west route army consisted of the 3rd army corps and was made responsible for expanding the Soviet areas west of the Gan River in Hunan-Jiangxi with a focus built around Zhuchuan, Taihe and Wan'an. The Central Route army consisted of the 1st and 5th Red army corps and would take Mao Zedong's recommendations to perform expansion operations in south Fujian with Xiamen being the final target. On March 26th, the Central route red army occupied Changtin under Mao Zedongs guidance. There they conducted political mobilization of the local populace. Yet seeing little military action taking place, Zhou Enlai pushed Mao Zedong to stop the political mobilization and instead engage the enemy in the direction of Zhangzhou. Thus the Reds headed south and attacked the 49th NRA division. On April 10th the Reds managed to seize Longyan where they annihilated a single brigade of the 49th NRA division. The 5th NRA corps attempted to reinforce the 49th NRA division, but lost two brigades in the process. The Reds then continued marching south and on April 20th seized Zhangzhou where they defeated the 49th NRA division. At Zhangzhou they seized 1675 prisoners, 2000 rifles, some artillery pieces, 13,00 rounds of ammunition, two aircraft and over a million yuan. Alongside that came a lot of provisions, salt, oil and other goods needed to keep their men moving. After the success Mao Zedong telegrammed Zhou Enlai, requesting the Red army move back to Jiangxi with their booty to improve operations in the soviet area. It was Mao Zedong's belief the Reds had made great gains at Zhangzhou but could not hold onto the area. Instead he wanted to expand operations in Fujian using smaller local militia and guerilla groups. The CCP yet again overruled Mao Zedong and on June 5th ordered him to keep up the offensive, now turning towards Guangdong military forces currently occupying southern Jiangxi.  Once that was completed they were to advance north up the Gan River Valley and attack Ganzhou, Zhangshu, Ji'an and Nanchang so as to foster a revolution in Jiangxi. The Red army then reorganized its forces placing the 1st, 3rd and 5th red army corps under the First Front Red Army who advanced into Guangdong. From late june into early July the Reds seized Shuikou, Nanxiong and defeated 15 Guangdong based NRA brigades and expanded the Soviet into the province. Yet even with the string of offensive victories, Mao Zedong still remained vocally in opposition towards the strategy, constantly submitting his recommendation to adjust their footing. On July 25th, Mao Zedong and Zhu De sent a joint communique to the CCP leadership requesting a change of strategy. They argued instead of immediately attacking Ji'an and Zhangshu they could perform clearing operation on the eastern part of the valley, focusing on Yihaung and Le'an. The CCP central committee was initially against the proposals, however Zhou Enlai intervened and gave his support to them. In August the 1st front red army held a conference and confirmed they would attack Yihaung and Le'an. They took Le'an shortly after, defeating the 27th NRA division. With that victory they gained 5000 prisoners, 4000 rifles, 20 machine guns, 20 artillery pieces and 3 wireless communication sets. Afterwards the Reds contemplated attacking Ji'an, however after consideration Mao Zedong argued on September 25th, the NRA presence at Ji'an was too strong. He instead recommended they conduct political mobilization operations around the Le'an Yihuang area. By this point the CCP Central Committee was really pissed off with what they considered insubordination from Mao Zedong. By this time the 28th Bolsheviks had gained enough power and began striping Mao Zedong of key positions with the Red Army. First he was removed from the Military Committee of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Areas. Have I mentioned how much communists love making endless committees? Later in October of 1933 an emergency conference was held at Ningdu to plan future operations on the eve of an impending KMT campaign. Participants included Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Chen yi, Liu Bocheng and Peng Dehuai who all agreed they should take up offensive actions outside the Soviet. Alongside this the party condemned Mao Zedongs strategy called it inadequate and outdated. Zhou Enlai then argued for “expanding Soviet territory swiftly, engaging the enemy on KMT territory, bringing Jiangxi and its neighboring Soviet areas together by force, taking key cities in the Gan valley, including Nanchang, Ji'an, Ganzhou, and Pingxiang, so as to achieve preliminary successes in one or more provinces.” After the Ningdu conference, the Red Army continued with the offensive operation, now attacking Jianning, Lichuan and Taining in October. By November the 1st front army took the Jiangxi county seats of Zixi and Jinxi. This helped the CCP expand the Soviet in the eastern Gan valley, but it also placed them on a vulnerable footing, just in time for the KMT's 4th major encirclement campaign. During the CCP's expansion activities, the KMT had been performing a communist suppression campaign in Shanghai, driving out the Bolsheviks and other CCP members towards the Jiangxi Soviet by late 1932. Their arrival to the Jiangxi Soviet added further tension to the Red Army who were facing a new encirclement campaign. The presence of high ranking Central Committee members also changed their politics. The Mao Zedong adapted Marxist-Leninist theory was replaced by more orthodox and Moscow leaning theory. Many of 28 Bolsheviks moved to many Soviets sparking a new phase.  Before the start of the 4th major encirclement campaign, the Red Army from the Jiangxi Soviet conducted expansion operations into Fujian and Guangdong. Other Red army units performed similar operations in Hunan, Hubei and Sichuan. All of this red activity was enough to push Chiang Kai-Shek to refocus his military operations against them. On April 9th, 1932, Chiang Kai-Shek created the Bandit Suppression Headquarters in Wuhan with He Yingqin as its commander. Beginning in June 1932 He Yingqin had a force of 500,000 soldiers who unleashed a brutal encirclement and suppression campaign against the Hubei-Henan-Anhui and western Hubei-Hunan Soviet areas. By November of 1932, both soviets collapsed. After this Chiang Kai-Shek ordered He Yingqin to direct his efforts against the Jiangxi Soviet. In December Chiang Kai-Shek shifted over 400,000 troops and 30 divisions to the Central Soviet Operation. He even personally moved down to Nanchang to supervise the operation. The main forces consisted of 3 columns, roughly 150,000 troops in 12 divisions led by Chen Cheng. The KMT plan was to build a series of blockhouses as a means of economically blockading the Soviet. Around 240,000 troops were allocated for the blockade, in addition to the main force which brought the entire figure to 400,000 men. Each flank of the blockade had 70,000 troops, roughly 6 divisions who would conduct blocking operations in the Jiangxi-Guangdong border area and the Fujian-Jiangxi border area. Around 100,000 would be used to conduct anti-guerilla operations in the northwest and northeast of Jiangxi as well as in southeast Hunan and southwest Jiangxi. Was the blockade was set, the NRA would deploy 3 columns along separate routes converging upon the Red Army's rear for a concentrated attack. Over on the other side, the Red Army based near Lichuan had roughly 70,000 men from the 1st, 3rd and 5th Red army corps and the 11th,12th, 21st and 22nd Red Armies. The 4th encirclement campaign coincided with the Red Army's urban offensives. By December of 1932 the Reds had targeted Nancheng. The Central Committee issued the attack orders but due to the large NRA reinforcement efforts had to order the Red Army to withdraw from the outskirts of Nancheng. The next potential target was Nanfeng. The Central Committee again pushed for urban offensive as Nanfeng was attacked beginning in February of 1933. On February 7th the Red Army besieged the city. The NRA quickly dispatched the Central Route Army to reinforce the city and conduct a counterattack. Seeing the large concentration of NRA in the area, on February 13th Zhou Enlai ordered the forces to pull out and head over to Luokou.  The Red Army set up a diversion to cover their withdrawal. Using similar tactics employed during the third encirclement campaign, the 11th Red Army pretended to be the main force and suddenly attacked Lichuan. The NRA took the bait immediately sending 3 columns to Lichuan. While marching the 1st NRA column's 52nd and 59th NRA division became separated. On February 25th the two divisions moved west towards Huangpi along two routes separated by a mountain ridge. As they did so, their distance from the NRA 2nd and 3rd columns increased making mutual support efforts impossible. On the 27th the 1st and 3rd Red Army corps and 21st Red army unleashed a surprise attack against the 52nd NRA division. The next day the 5th Red army corps and 22nd red army attack the 59th NRA division around Huangpi. The division was annihilated with its commander captured. After the victory the Red Army pulled back to Luokou.  After the loss the NRA reorganized its force into 2 columns and changed strategy. Now instead of heading in 3 wide columns they would concentrate as 2 down the center of the Soviet. On March 16th, the two NRA columns began their advance as the Reds deployed their 11th army to perform more deception operations. The 11th Red army made a feint towards Guangchang, attracting the NRA front column. This action separated the two columns by 50 kms and isolated the 11th NRA division near Caotaigang. On March the 20th the 1st front red army attacked the 11th NRA division near Xuzhuang decimating them and severely defeating the 9th NRA division. For the remainder of the 4th encirclement campaign there were no other major battles. During March of 1933 the Reds conducted political operations near Le'an until NRA forces moved there to secure the city.  In April the NRA began to withdraw from the Jiangxi Soviet area, effectively ending their encirclement campaign. The NRA had suffered considerable losses for their efforts. They had lost the equivalent of 3 divisions; over 10,000 prisoners were taken. The Reds and seized 10,000 rifles, 300 German made machine guns and 40 artillery pieces. Another consequence of the failed encirclement campaign was the validation of the Bolshevik led offensive strategy. The CCP then adopted a series of reform measures hoping the Red Army could seize large cities. First the CCP attempted to expand the Red Army's overall strength by launching a large recruitment drive. In addition they incorporated all the local militias in the main Red Army. To fund the expansion the CCP adopted a large land distribution policy to generate revenue. Under the guise of performing a land investigation the CCP distributed 80% of the land within the soviet area. During the distribution the CCP attempted to raise nearly one million yuan. During the summer of 1933 the CCP also focused on suppressing counterrevolutionaries. One of the 28 Bolsheviks greatest critics was Luo Ming, the secretary of the Fujian-Guangdong-Jiangxi soviet committee. A large amount of recruitment and taxation had hurt the morale of the local people in the Soviet. When the Central Committee wanted troops there to deploy for action Luo Ming argued they needed to stay for local defense and that they should scale back offensive operations. However from the perspective of the 28 Bolsheviks it looked very similar to Mao Zedongs lure the enemy in deep strategy. At this point there were still many loyal to Mao Zedong and his strategy, so the Bolsheviks saw an opportunity to hurt him through punishing Luo Ming. They created a new pejorative term “Luo Min Line” to describe any non-offensive strategy and began a purge of the Fujian-Guangdong-Jiangxi Soviets leadership. The “Luo Ming line” became a new slogan to describe any in the CCP opposing the offensive strategy. During the summer of 1933, the Central Committee, emboldened by surviving the fourth encirclement campaign, continued to press on with their offensive strategy. With the Bolshviks and Otto Braun, the Jiangxi Soviet increased the central oversight over the Red Army and gradually seized direct control over military matters. On May 8th, the CCP passed a resolution separating the Central Military council and the Red Army leadership. Zhu De and Zhou Enlai remained in charge of the Red Army, but Bo Gu gained greater control over the military council and now controlled the Red Army's strategy and the employment of its military. Also Otto Braun would play a much larger role in military strategy, leveraging his experience at the Frunze Academy to push for offensive action.  The Red Army also reorganized its units to facilitate the execution of the new offensive strategies. In June the CCP divided the 1st front red army into the eastern front red army and central red army. Bo Gu and Braun believed that the Red Army had grown strong enough, both in firepower and manpower, to no longer require coordinated, mutually supportive operations. Instead, they felt the Red Army units could carry out independent operations in different regions. The Eastern Front Red Army, composed of the Third Red Army Corps, was stationed in western Fujian, while the Central Red Army, formed from the First Red Army Corps, remained in the Central Soviet area. Under the guidance of the new Central Military Committee, the Eastern Front Red Army launched expansion efforts into Fujian after the NRA vacated the region. Peng Dehuai's forces embarked on a three-month campaign in Fujian, expanding Soviet-controlled territory, securing supplies—especially salt—and raising funds, addressing key shortages for both the Red Army and the CCP. Before the Fifth Extermination Campaign, the Central Soviet controlled an impressive 60,000 square kilometers, spanning parts of three provinces. However, as they focused on territorial expansion, the Red Army neglected to monitor the KMT, which was preparing for another encirclement campaign. Now we have primarily focused on one of the major Soviets implicated in the fourth encirclement campaign. In reality the fourth encirclement campaign had been a large scale operation against three major soviets: the Hunan-Western Hubei Soviet also referred to as the Honghu Soviet; the Hubei-Henan-Anhui or Eyuwan Soviet and the Jiangxi Soviet. You would be led to believe and rightfully so because many lets just say, CCP aligned sources like to highlight the Jiangxi Soviet story, that the communists had kind of duped the NRA and stolen their victory from them. It was much more of a mixed bag overall. The campaign against the Hunan–Western Hubei Soviet saw the NRA successfully defeat the local Red Army forces, overrunning their main base in southern Hubei and Hunan. The majority of the fighting occurred around Jingzhou and overall was seen as a loss for the CCP. For the campaign against the Eyuwan Soviet, drought, famine and epidemics severely hurt the CCP forces in 1932. Between July and September, Chiang Kai-Shek had allocated more than 300,000 troops for the operation. The CCP suffered tremendously because of the numerical superiority of the NRA. The NRA General Xia Douyin unleashed a scorched earth campaign, killing countless, burning many villages and destroying to seizing crops. Historians like Chen Yaohuang argue the fourth Red Army who participated in this area were defeated largely because they had adopted conventional warfare tactics. The peasantry were very hostile to the NRA, forcing their forces to depend on unreliable local elites for provisions, creating a very vulnerable supply line. However the CCP failed to exploit this weakness by not committing guerilla warfare. Despite the NRA victory, it was a rather incomplete one and they ended their campaign prematurely celebrating. The fourth red army had successfully retreated into the border region between Shaanxi and Sichuan leaving behind a small force to conduct guerilla warfare. The remaining Communist forces in the Eyuwan Soviet, led by Gao Jingting and Xu Haidong, capitalized on the early Nationalist withdrawal to rebuild a guerrilla movement. They hid in the mountains, survived by foraging, and organized poor peasants to seize grain from landlords and public granaries. The 25th Red Army, under their leadership, managed to maintain a Communist presence in the region for several more years. After all was said and done, as was the case with the previous encirclement campaigns, reports from field commanders were far too optimistic. Many reported to Chiang Kai-Shek exaggerated numbers of casualties inflicted, prisoners taken and areas secured. In reality what the communists were doing was simply moving around to give off the impression of major defeats. Sure the Reds were taken enormous losses, but they were constantly recruiting and spreading. They could probably sustain these yearly encirclement campaigns if the NRA did not do something much more bold…like actually encircle the Reds. As great as the Reds were becoming at outwitting their opponent, their luck would eventually run out. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Reds had survived 4 large encirclement campaigns. The 28 Bolsheviks and their moscow allies were greatly emboldened thinking it was their time to go on the offensive and usher in a true revolution. However those like Mao Zedong knew the dire reality of the situation and were bracing themselves for the coming storm.

Nach den Ereignissen des 5. und 6. November 2024 (für Leser weit in der Zukunft: die Wiederwahl Donald Trumps und die Implosion der Ampel) habe ich erst mal das getan, was jeder vernünftige Linksgrünversiffte macht: Polit-Abos kündigen, Podcasts abbestellen, unpolitische Bücher lesen. Nur nicht diesen Quark konsumieren.In den US-amerikanischen Medien wurde endlos Nabelschau und Fingerzeig betrieben, wer Schuld habe am deutlichen Wahlsieg eines verurteilten Straftäters mit faschistischen Tendenzen. Langweilig. Der Drops ist gelutscht. Amerika ist weit weg, sollen sie sich doch zu dem machen, als was viele die USA schon immer sehen: ein Russland mit besserer Musik.Ein Podcast der im Abo blieb war der des, Sänges/Bassplayer/Bandleaders der "The Long Winters", John Roderick, beileibe kein unpolitischer Mensch, der keinen Hehl daraus macht, dass er linksliberal im amerikanischen Wortsinn ist. Wohnhaft in Washington State ist er der klassische Westcoast-Intellektuelle - mit einem Twist: Er selbstreflektiert. Unerhört. Dabei eckt er an, aber nicht um anzuecken, sondern, weil das nicht anders geht, wenn man selbstreflektiert.Seine neueste Show ist eine minimalistische Stunde, in der er ohne Schnitt, Vor- und Abspann Fragen beantwortet. Sie ist nur für Patreon-Abonnenten abrufbar, was den Hörerkreis einschränkt und Prinzip ist. Es hält die empörten Trolle auf Distanz und John gibt somit ungefiltert seine Meinungen zu wirklich allem kund. Roderick ist Mitte fünfzig, weiß, ist rumgekommen (Drogen, Musik, lange Reisen) hat ein enormes Geschichtswissen (Balkan, Naher Osten, USA) und in seinem Leben schon irgendwie alles gemacht: er war Junkie, Koch in den 24/7 Grunge-Volksküchen im Seattle der 90er Jahre, hat dort für den Stadtrat kandidiert, hat in Alaska gewohnt, sein Vater wurde mal fast Stabschef von JFK - ein wahrer Renaissance Man. Er beantwortet druckreif, unaufgeregt, ruhig und perfekt verständlich, was er gefragt wird. Und wenn er nicht sicher ist, lässt er uns an seinem Gedankengang teilhaben - wohin auch immer er führt.Roderick nimmt seine Show einmal die Woche zum Ende des Tages auf, in perfekter Tonqualität, ein Musiker halt, irgendwo zwischen Kamingespräch und ASMR und so kam es, dass er am Wahlabend am Mikro saß, zu einem Zeitpunkt als die Wiederwahl Trumps von den TV-Stationen noch nicht "gecallt" wurde aber dennoch unvermeidlich war.Statt sich in ein aufgeregtes "Wie kann denn das sein?!1!!" zu flüchten erzählte Roderick eine Stunde lang, in einer enormen analytischen Ruhe und Schärfe davon, was das Problem der Linken im Land sei. Dabei kann im Zeitalter von einer Million Monkeys an den iPhone-Keyboards nicht mehr viel Neues herauskommen, denkt man, aber wegen ebendieser fällt es sicher nicht nur mir schwer, die Schlenker und Bremsspuren zu sehen, an denen man erkennt, an welcher Stelle der progressive Bus von der Fahrbahn abkam und gegen den Brückenpfeiler fuhr.Obwohl John Roderick die Show, normalerweise hinter der Paywall, mittlerweile freigeschaltet hat (so enorm positiv war das Echo) hat sicher nicht jeder den Willen oder die Muße, seine Analyse zu hören, weshalb ich sie hier zusammenfasse und ein bisschen extrapoliere und auf die deutsche Situation transponiere. Denn sie ist interessant. Und sie ist nicht einfach. Und wir haben im Februar zur Bundestagswahl zwar keinen Trump abzuwehren, aber eine mögliche Verfestigung faschistischer Parteien. Das zu verhindern, ist mit Sicherheit zu spät, dafür ist die Zeit zu kurz, aber man kann schon jetzt eine Idee haben, was schief laufen wird.Donald Trump hat die 2024er Wahl nicht wirklich knapp gewonnen und John Roderick fragt sich und uns: "Können 70 Millionen Amerikaner Rassisten sein?" Meine leicht radikalisierte Antwort wäre "Klar, warum nicht?". John hält es für "insane" das zu glauben. Und natürlich, wenn man kurz die Blase verlässt und das Hirn einschaltet, muss man ihm Recht geben. John kann für Kentucky und Alabama sprechen, ich für Dippoldiswalde und Anklam, und in allen vier Gegenden gibt es Leute, die Einwanderer nicht brauchen und dennoch keine Rassisten sind. Sie sind vielleicht keine besonders guten Menschen, aber Rassismus ist etwas anderes. Das bekommt man raus, wenn man die Hillbillies fragt und nur eine verschwindende Minderheit wird etwas von ethnischer Abstammung, Hautfarbe oder Volksgesundheit faseln. Die meisten werden ein paar Argumente aus ihrer Facebook-Blase bringen und wenn man die dann mal überhört, denn sie führen nicht zum Ziel, kommt im Allgemeinen Indifferenz heraus, irgendein diffuses Gefühl der Benachteiligung vielleicht, aber kein Wunsch nach KZ und Gaskammer. Das verkompliziert die Analyse der Ursache für die Wahlniederlage, denn im persönlichen Gespräch sind es meist supersweete Leute, die die rassistischen Arschlöcher wählen. Man bekommt den Kopf nicht drumrumgewickelt.Das Problem im Wahlkampf 2024 war, dass das Anti-Trump-Argument "Aber hörst Du nicht, was der da sagt?!" nicht zog. Denn Nein, das hören "die" nicht. Auf Deutschland umgesetzt: Der Klempner aus Dipps und die Frisöse aus Anklam geben keinen S**t. Es ist schon anstrengend genug am Sonntagvormittag alle vier Jahre in die beschissene Mittelschule zu schlürfen um irgendwas zu wählen, statt beim Heimspiel des VFC Anklam fünf Biere zu kippen, wirklich nervend ist es jedoch, sich wochenlang vorher irgendwas anzuhören, was im besten Fall die Ansage ist, dass man seinen eigenen Beruf nicht mehr Frisöse nennen darf und im Zweifel darauf hinausläuft, dass man permanent als "schlechter Mensch" durchbeleidigt wird, weil man kein Shawarma mag, nicht dass der Klempner-Ralle das schon mal gegessen hätte. Das Resultat ist, dass man das Kreuz bei denen macht, die exakt das Gegenteil davon behaupten, und sei es noch so sinnfrei, krude oder dumm. Die Chance, dass der Ralf und die Gabi dann unter einer AfD-Regierung, der John und die Karen unter Trump, zu besseren Menschen werden, ist gering. Das sollte man also verhindern. Und hätte man verhindern können. Die Zeichen standen an der Wand, bzw. den Flatscreens. Sie wurden ignoriert und John Roderick kommt zur zweiten These.Diese ist überraschend: Die Demokraten sind die Partei der Wissenschaftsfeindlichkeit geworden. Hear him out. Wenn man auf den Wettstreit zwischen Konservatismus und Progressivismus (also kurz: Rechts und Links) seit dem Ende des 2. Weltkriegs schaut, war zunächst die Rechte die Kraft, die nicht gefragt hat "Was ist?" sondern gepredigt hat "Das soll sein!". Wissenschaftliche Realitäten spielten nur eine Rolle um überwunden zu werden. Schwule gibt's - aber sollten nicht. Atheisten gibt's - aber gehören weg. Frauen an den Herd, sagt Jesus. Die Republikaner als die Partei des "Sollte", die Demokraten als die Partei des "Seins".Von den Sechzigern an, hat die Linke dann versucht, den Ist-Zustand der Gesellschaft institutionell abzubilden und in Gesetze zu gießen: vom Civil Rights Act von LBJ 1964 bis zur Legalisierung der Homoehe 2015 war dieses Projekt erfolgreich. Denn unterhalb dieser großen Gesetzgebungen gab es tausende Regelungen, die die Sicht der amerikanischen Gesellschaft auf die anlassgebenden Ungerechtigkeiten verändert hat.Was beim obligatorischen M/W/D in Stellenausschreibungen begann, ist mittlerweile ein Klischee: die Personalchefin in vielen Firmen in den USA ist schwarz und weiblich. Bei der schreiende Ungerechtigkeit von Stonewall 1969 in New York City, die in der Homo-Ehe ihr vorläufiges Ende hätte finden sollen, schoss man deutlich übers Ziel hinaus, als ein christlicher Bäcker sich weigerte eine Hochzeitstorte für eine Schwulenhochzeit zu backen und das nicht in einem Schulterzucken endete, sondern einem Urteil des obersten Gerichtshofs (er darf).Dass das Leben in general ein Anderes und für fast alle ein Besseres ist, wenn man Los Angeles 2024 mit Nashville 1954 vergleicht, sollte einleuchten. Natürlich ist weder Rassismus noch Homophobie abgeschafft, noch lebt man in den USA in einem egalitären Hölle Paradies ohne Streit und Dollerei, aber beide hier beispielhaft genannten Probleme sind so enorm viel kleiner als vor siebzig Jahren, dass das keiner bestreiten kann. Und dennoch passiert genau das. Es ist nie genug, es gibt keinen Stolz aufs Erreichte. Deshalb ist es weit unterhalb der "cancel culture"-Schwelle geradezu unmöglich, eine Meinung zu irgendeinem linken Thema zu äußern, ohne dass das in unproduktivem Streit endet. Betonung auf "unproduktiv", denn es geht im Allgemeinen in solchen Palavern, selbst zwischen Diskutanten absolut auf derselben Seite, nie um das "Wie verbessern?" sondern immer um das "Was verbessern?". Man hat es nach acht Jahren Obama geschafft, dass man eine Krankenversicherung für alle hat, dass man die Homoehe hat, dass man nicht weit davon entfernt war, das Recht auf Abtreibung in den Verfassungsrang zu heben. Statt ein bisschen zufrieden mit den eigenen Erfolgen zu sein und sich zur Abwechslung mal um das zu kümmern, was auf der anderen Seite der politischen Trennlinie so an Problemen ansteht, bemühte man die sogenannten "weichen" Wissenschaften, herauszubekommen, was man denn noch so an Ungerechtigkeiten beseitigen könnte.Despektierlich bezeichnet man als "weich" im weitesten Sinne Geisteswissenschaften, also alles unterhalb der Biologie, da wo es ein bisschen schwammig wird, nicht so eindeutig wie ein Klavier, das dir auf den Kopf fällt, wenn der Nachbar es aus dem Fenster schmeißt. In den "harten" Wissenschaften ist 2+2=4, ein Meter ein Meter, ein Kilo ein Kilo, da ist schwer gegen anzuargumentieren. In den weichen Wissenschaften geht es um den Menschen und der ist unberechenbar. Aber, wenn man halbwegs solide rangeht, kann man mithilfe von Soziologie, Psychologie und ein bisschen Statistik ein Bild vom Ist-Zustand der Gesellschaft erhalten. All das passiert auch seit vielen Jahrzehnten, es gibt endlos Lehrstühle für Soziologie, Anthropologie, Kommunikationswissenschaften mit Spezialisierungen für Queer Studies, Intersektionalitätsforschung und Feministischer Theorie, alle mit ihren eigenen Studiengängen, Papers und Seminaren.Problem: die Zahlen die in diesen Fakultäten auflaufen, sagten spätestens seit der Finanzkrise von 2008, dass, wenn man alle Amerikaner fragt, diese überwiegend einen S**t geben, was in diesen Fakultäten erforscht wird und dass es eine Mehrheit der Wähler einfach nicht interessiert, ob der Jerome und der Dave ein Recht haben, die Hochzeitstorte von der Karen gebacken zu bekommen. Es kommt eher raus, dass sie es ein bisschen ungerecht finden, dass sie ihr Haus verlieren an eine Bank, die noch vor ein paar Jahren fast bankrott war. Und selbst wenn sie das nicht so konkret formulieren können, wundern sie sich einfach, warum alles so ein klein bisschen beschissener geworden ist, als vor ein paar Jahren. Was die meisten Umgefragten nicht mehr hören konnten war #metoo, #gamergate und #cancelculture und was soll das überhaupt sein? Aber da gab's zum Glück diesen Trump, der sich darüber lustig machte, seltsamer Typ, aber irgendwie funny. "Und what?! Den kann man jetzt wählen?" sagte Bob zu Babe 2016. "Ok, who gives a s**t. Das machen wir jetzt mal. Schluss mit dem permanenten Erklärbärshit, was man sagen darf und was nicht." Das wurde statistisch vor jeder Wahl im letzten Jahrzehnt so erhoben und spiegelte sich 2010, 2016 und jetzt 2024 in den Ergebnissen wider.Und es wurde jedes Mal vor der Wahl ignoriert. Denn das kann doch keiner glauben, dass sich die Mehrheit nicht um Trans-Rechte, nicht um Pronomen, nicht um Umweltschutz kümmert.Nun, wenn man Tatsachen ignoriert und glaubt es besser zu "fühlen", ist man nur ein paar Schritte von einer Religion entfernt. Und dass Wunschdenken keine Tatsachen in der Wahlnacht schafft, hat sich ein ums andere Mal erwiesen. Ein ums andere Mal wurde gewunschträumt, dass die Frauen aus den Vororten es dem Trump zeigen werden. Die waren schließlich selbst mal schwanger, haben vielleicht abgetrieben, kennen wenigstens eine, die das hat. Das stimmt zwar rein statistisch, aber diese Frauen aus den Vororten haben auch ihr Haus mit Verlust verkaufen müssen, schon zweimal seit 2008, und deren Männer haben ihren Job in der Kühlschrankfabrik verloren und es half nicht viel, dass der neue Fridge aus China nur $199 kostete, denn der ist schon wieder kaputt. Abortion my ass, da wählt man doch den, der irgendwas von Zoll auf chinesische Kühlschränke erzählt, auch wenn irgendjemand Anderes sagt, dass das den nächsten importierten Kühlschrank teurer machen würde? Who knows, irgendwas erzählt immer einer.Die Demokraten haben genau das in Statistiken präsentiert bekommen, haben es aber nicht geglaubt und dachten, dass ein schicker Werbespot mit Julia Roberts die Sache regelt, das TikTok-Äquivalent zum Absingen eines Gospels um den Teufel zu vertreiben. John Roderick erzählt von einer Fahrt im Taxi kürzlich. Der Fahrer, ein Einwanderer aus Nigeria sagte sinngemäß: "Na klar wähle ich Trump. Wir sind Katholiken, ich habe zwei Söhne und zwei Töchter und die sind männlich und weiblich und wer was anderes sagt, der ist des Teufels. Und den Teufel wähle ich nicht."Und so schauten die Linken ungläubig auf die, wenn auch kleine, Prozentzahl von Schwarzen, die sagten, dass sie Trump wählen werden, auf die durchaus beachtliche Zahl von Muslimen, die das gleiche sagten (Warum wohl?), und die verglichen mit früher regelrecht riesige Menge von Latinx die genau dasselbe ankündigten - und niemand hat es ihnen geglaubt!Das ist nicht nur wissenschaftsfeindlich - es ist rassistisch! Da kämpft die Linke seit Jahrzehnten dafür, dass Nicht-Weiße sich gesellschaftlich repräsentiert finden, dass sie nicht permanent gegen Rassismus ankämpfen und anwählen müssen, sondern sich, wie der weiße Dude next door, bei einer Wahl mal um ihr Leben und ihre persönlichen Interessen kümmern können und dann machen die das, kündigen es in Umfragen sogar an, und die Demokraten so: "Hey, Minderheit, Du wählst falsch!" WTF?Und so stolperte die US-amerikanische Linke den Rechten in die Falle und so werden es die linken Kräfte auch im Februar in Deutschland tun. Ok, sie wachen langsam auf, Robert Habecks Küchentischnummer, die Betonung während des Parteitags der Grünen, dass man die Partei der Freiheit und gegen Bevormundung sei, scheint direkt auf Analysen des Wahldesasters der Demokraten zurück zu gehen - das wäre ja auch furchtbar, wenn man nicht mal dafür Fachkräfte hätte. Aber es wird zu spät sein. Auch, weil sich die Internetkommentare gegen das, was John Roderick (und in Fortsetzung ich hier) schreibe, wie von selbst verfassen. Natürlich werden überall Transmenschen diskriminiert, syrische Flüchtlinge gejagt, Schwule verprügelt und wenn man Twitter gewinnen will, schreibt man das empört unter so ein Essay und postet am 23. Februar 2025 um 18:03 Uhr auf Mastodon dass Deutschland Naziland sei.Oder man überlegt, ob es, vereinfacht gesagt, möglich ist, mit einer Sammlung von 5% Themen eine Wahl zu gewinnen, in der 100% abstimmen? Ob man sich vielleicht doch mal der Themen annimmt, die Gabi und Ralf beschäftigen, wo die Lösung nicht moralisch einfach, sondern kompliziert und nebenbei noch existentiell ist. Kapitalismushit, you know? Keiner will, dass die Linke Diskriminierungen leugnet. Aber, mal rein arithmetisch, diese "passiert" (sorry!) per Definition immer Minderheiten - bei Wahlen gehts aber um Mehrheiten. Das ist nicht kompliziert.Kompliziert ist natürlich aus dieser Erkenntnis eine Strategie zu formulieren. Ein "weiter so" kann es nicht sein. Eine Brandmauer macht nur Sinn, wenn eine Mehrheit auf der richtigen Seite steht. Eine jede Idee zu einem veränderten Umgang mit dem Wahlvolk abzuschmettern, nur um ein Argument im Plenum zu gewinnen, führt geradewegs in den Faschismus.John Roderick hat das analysiert, als es zu spät war und so wie die Welt jahrelang den Weg in den Faschismus anhand der zwanziger und dreißiger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland analysiert hat, können wir das hundert Jahre später von unserer Seite des Atlantiks aus machen - diesmal in realtime. Wir sollten die Chance nutzen, bevor es auch hier wieder zu spät ist. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit lobundverriss.substack.com

Ein proppenvolles Plenum, ebenso die Presse- und Besucherränge. Bei der 199. Sitzung des Deutschen Bundestages ging es heiß her – obwohl sich Union, SPD, Grüne und FDP nach den Neuwahlen durchaus brauchen dürften. Welche Strategien ablesbar sind. Detjen, Stephan; Hamberger, Katharina; Capellan, Frank; Metz, Moritz

Ein proppenvolles Plenum, ebenso die Presse- und Besucherränge. Bei der 199. Sitzung des Deutschen Bundestages ging es heiß her – obwohl sich Union, SPD, Grüne und FDP nach den Neuwahlen durchaus brauchen dürften. Welche Strategien ablesbar sind. Detjen, Stephan;Hamberger, Katharina;Capellan, Frank;Metz, Moritz

Moin und willkommen zum Fleckenhörer am 11. November 2024! Die weltpolitische Lage wieder am Eskalieren, aber hier ist euer Fleckenhörer, wie eine Bank, um wie jede Woche ein bisschen Kapitalismuskritik in die Suppe zu spucken. Der Irak hat Kinderehen legalisiert und senkt das Schutzalter auf nur neun Jahre. Eine irakische Frauenrechtsaktivistin riskierte vor ein paar Tagen ihr Leben und stellte einen Imam zur Rede, der den Gesetzesentwurf unterstützt hat. Sie schleuderte ihm an den Kopf: "Sie folgen Mohammed, der vor 1400 Jahren die 9-jährige Aisha heiratete. Das ist in der heutigen Welt nicht normal!" In den USA hat der bekannte Rechtsextremist Nick Fuentes den Frauen über Social Media zugerufen: Your body my choice. Als Antwort wurden von diesen Frauen die vollständigen Daten von ihm offengelegt und auf allen Social-Media-Plattformen mit Millionen von Frauen geteilt. Neue Widerstandsnetzwerke entstehen gerade auf Bluesky und auch wir als Freies Radio Neumünster werden "X" in Kürze verlassen, darauf werden wir uns hoffentlich bald im Plenum einigen, wenn es nach mir ginge. Das ergibt Sinn. Wenn Elon der Regierung beitritt, wird X im Grunde eine staatlich geförderte Social-Media-Site sein, die den Befehlen der Regierung folgt. Will da wirklich irgendjemand mitmachen? Seltsamerweise war Elon ursprünglich dagegen, aber jetzt wird er zweifellos jede Bitte von Trump erfüllen, und Elon und Trump werden X nutzen, um die Regierungserzählung zu kontrollieren. Trump ist noch nicht im White House, aber schon jetzt hat er angekündigt, dass er als Erstes aus dem Pariser Klimaschutzabkommen austreten wird und Naturschutzreservate umwidmen will, damit dort Erdöl gefördert werden kann. "You get what you earn" heißt es so schön im Englischen. Und so wird es hier in einigen Monaten auch zu unschönen Änderungen kommen. Es bleibt spannend. Themen: +++ Staatliche Verfolgungswut gegen Antifaschist*innen +++ Buchtipp: Kritischer Journalismus im Kampf um Aufklärung +++ Spenden-Aktion der Bücher-Piraten in Lübeck +++ Seniorenbüro schult zum Thema "Onlinebanking und Bezahlsysteme im Internet" Musik: Ayucaba (Spanien) Bishops Green (Kanada) Vice Squad (UK) Yeah Yeah Yeahs (USA)

‘NUNTII PRESCRIPTI’ ‘IN SERMONE LATINO’ ‘EX UNIVERSITATIS PANAMERICANAE DISCENTIBUS ET EX LUIS PESQUERA OLALDE’. News translated into Latin by the students of the Universidad Panamericana and by Luis Pesquera Olalde. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘INSTRUMENTUM’ ‘AD LINGUAM LATINAM DISCENDUM’ ‘ESSE VULT’. ‘Nuntii in lingua latina’ is intended to be a tool for learning the Latin language. DE SCRIPTURAE PRAESENTATIONE. ‘TRANSALTIONES’ ‘IN LITTERIS CAPITALIBUS (VEL MAGNIS)’ ‘SUNT’. ‘GRAMATICAE ADDENDA ET EXERCITATIONES’ ‘IN LITTERIS PARVIS’ ‘SUNT’. SYNTAXIS ELEMENTA ‘CUM “ ‘’ ” ‘DENOTATUR’. ‘PREDICATI ET SUBIECTI NUCLEI’ ‘CUM “ * ”’ ‘DENOTATUR’. ORATIONES SECUNDARIAE INTER “ [ ] ” SUNT. About the writing format. Translations are presented in capital letters. Grammar notes and exercises are presented in lower case. Syntactic elements are highlighted with “ ‘ ’ ”; predicate and subject nuclei are highlighted with “ * ”; and subordinate clauses are highlighted with “ [ ] ”. ‘*NUNTII EX PERIÓDICIS HEBDOMADARIIS’ ‘A DIE NONO MENSIS OCTOBRIS’ ‘AD DIEM DUODECIMUM MENSIS OCTOBRIS’ ‘ANNO DÓMINI BIS MILLÉSIMO VICÉSIMO QUARTO’ ‘*SUNT’. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘IN LINGUA LATINA ET ANGLICA’ ‘AUDIS’! CIVITATIBUS FOEDERATIS AMERICAE. TRANSLATIONES A CASANDRA FREIRE SUNT. COLORADO. 'MACHINAE PROCESSUS COMITIALIS'. 'PRIOR COMITATA MEUSE COMITIA CAPITALIA *TINA PETERS' 'NOVEM ANNOS IN CARCERE' ‘* DAMNATA EST’ DE MACHINIS SUFFRAGIORUM COMITIIS SOLLICITANDIS' 'IN DUO MILIA VIGINTI', A IUDICE [QUI ILLAM *REPREHENDIT]. OKLAHOMA. VITAE NECISQUE. '*SUPREMUM TRIBUNAL' ‘HAEC SEPTIMANA’ ‘*DELIBERAVERAT’ ‘SUPPLICIUM IN RICHARDUM GLOSSIP EVERTERE’, [QUO 'AEQUUM IUDICIUM NUMQUAM *ACCEPISSET' 'ACCUSATORIBUS ET DEFENSIONE UTRIMQUE']. *GLOSSIP 'PLUS QUAM VIGINTI QUINQUE ANNOS IN MORTIS VIA' ['POSTQUAM SUPPLICIUM *DAMNATUS FUERAT' 'DE EDICTO MAGISTER EIUS MORTEM'] {De syntaxe. Quaeso, orationum secundariarum genera identifica}. ATLANTA. BANNUM. 'GEORGIAE *SUPREMUM TRIBUNAL' ‘HAEC SEPTIMANA’ ‘SEVERUM ABORTUM STATUM CIVITATIS BANNUM’ ‘*RESTITUIT’, [POSTQUAM ‘*CURIA INFERIORI’ ‘ANTE SEPTIMANA’ ‘EAM’ ‘ADVERSAM CONSTITUTIONEM’ ‘*DECLARAVIT’]. {De syntaxe. Quaeso, orationum secundariarum genera identifica}. ‘PLUS QUAM QUINQUE PUNCTUM QUINQUE MILIA MILLIUM PERSONAS’ ‘HURACANO MILTON’ ‘AD DECEDENDUM’ ‘*DICTI FUERUNT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, in lingua latina recita: 1,000 et 1,000,000 et 1,000,000,000}. RE PUBLICA DOMINICIANA. PEDERNALES, RE PUBLICA DOMINICANA. HAITIANORUM EXPULSIONES. *RES PUBLICA DOMINICIANA DECIES MILIA PERSONAS EX HAITIAE *EXPULSAT, TAMEN *NATIONIBUS UNITIBUS HOC *PETIVIT {De morphologia. Quaeso, verbum ‘peto’ et de uso cum ‘ab + ablativo’ investiga. Si vis Witionary vide}. EUROPA. TRANSLATIO A FERNANDA SOLÍS EST. MIGRATIO IRREGULARIS VALDE IMMUTATA ABHINC ANNO BIS MILLESIMO OCTAVO EST. ‘*MIGRANTES IRREGULARES NUMEROSOS’ ‘IN EUROPA’ *VIVUNT’. ‘ABHINC ANNO BIS MILLESIMO OCTAVO’, ‘NUMERUS IMMUTATUS’ ‘EST’ TAMEN ‘DISPUTATIO POLITICA HOSTILIS’ ‘CONTINENTE CONTRA EOS. MOLDOVA SIVE. MOLDOVIA. CHISINOVIA, MOLDOVIA. RUSSIA SUFFRAGIA EMET. MOLDOVIAE *AUCTORITATAE, HEBDOMADA ANTERIOR, COPIAS PRO-CREMLINO *ACCUSAVERUNT DE SUFFRAGATORES EMENDO IN PROXIMIS COMITIIS {De recitatio. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia vocem ‘Cremlinus’recita}. RUSSIA. TRANSLATIONES A SAID RAYMUNDO DELGADO SUNT. MOSCU. CYBERNETICA AGGRESSIO UCRANIAE. '*PIRATAE INFORMATICAE UCRANIAE' 'MEDIAM VULGATORIAM CIVITATIS RUSIAE ET TOTUM SUUM SYSTEMA JUDICALE' 'HAC SEPTIMANA' '*ANNULLAVERUNT' {De lexico. ¿Quomodo in lingua latina “cyberattack” scribitur? Dubito. ¿cybernetica aggressio, assultus cyberneticus? Quaeso: investiga}. KHARKIV, UCRANIA. RECLAMATOR RUSSIAE NECATUS EST. '*ILDAR DADIN' 'IN FRONTE LEGIONUM UCRANIAE' [DUM PRO KIEV PGNABAT] '*MORTUUS' 'EST'. RUSSIA. CIVIS SENEX CIVITATUM FOEDERATAE AMERICAE INCARCERATUR. '*TRIBUNAL' 'SENTENTIAM CARCERIS PER SEX ANNOS ET DECEM MENSES' 'STEPHANO JAMES HUBBARD' '*ASSIGNAVIT', [´*QUI' 'SEPTUAGINTA DUO ANNOS AETATIS' '*HABET'], ET QUIA ['*ILLE 'PRO UCRANIA' '*PUGNABAT' 'REUS' 'EST']. LIBANO. LEBANON. TRANSLATIO AB ALISSA SOUZA EST. ‘BEIRUT’. *‘BELLUM ISRAELIANUM’ *‘CRESCIT’. ‘*PRIMUS MINISTER ISRAELIANUS BENJAMIN NETANYAHU’ ‘HOC SEPTIMANA’ ´POPULUM LIBANI´ ‘*MONUIT’ [‘UT CONTRA MILITES HEZBOLLAH’ ‘*SURGERENT’ ‘AUT EXITIUM ET CRUCIATUM’, IN SCALA GAZAE’ *‘ENFRATARUNT’]. ‘*ISRAEL’ ‘BEIRUTIM *BOMBARDA’, [‘DUM OFFENSIVAM AERI ET TERRA’ ‘IN MERIDIONALI LIBANO’ *‘EXPANDIT’], [QUAE ‘USQUE AD HANC DIEM PLUS QUAM DUOS MILIA HOMINES INTERFECTOS’ ‘*HABET’], [‘INTER QUOS’ ‘*SUNT’ ‘*DUX HEZBOLLAH, HASSAN NASRALLAH, EIUS SUBSTITUTUM ET “SUBSTITUTUM SUBSTITUTI EIUS”’ ] ‘SECUNDUM NETANYAHU’ {De syntaxe. Quaeso, orationum secundariarum genera identifica}. ARABIA SAUDITA. TRANSLATIO A LUCERO MAILLE EST. RIYADH. EXSECUTIONES CRESCUNT. *NUMERUS EXSECUTIONUM IN ARABIA SAUDITA HOC ANNO AD SUMMUM GRADUM *PERVENIT, [NON OBSTANTIBUS PROMISSIS OFFICIALIBUS *DUCIIS FACTI REGNI, PRINCIPIS HEREDIS MOHAMMED BIN SALMAN, [QUI *DIXIT SE USUM POENAE MORTIS *REDUCTURUM ESSE]] {De morphologia. De nomine. Quaeso, ‘exsecutio’ nomen in singulare et plurale declina}. GIBUTO. GIBUTO. CENTUM MIGRANTES ABSENTES. ‘PLUS QUAM CENTUM MIGRANTES’ ‘A NAVE AD MAREM’ ‘AD LITUS NATANDUM’ ‘PROFERUNTUR’. SALTEM QUADRAGINTA OCTO PERSONAE MORTUIR FUERUNT. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘IN LINGUA LATINA, ANGLICA ET ITALICA’ ‘AUDIS’! IN ORBE TERRARUM. PROMPTUS AD BELLANDUM. ‘IN ANNO DOMINI BIS MILLESIMO VICESIMO TERTIO’, ‘*SUMPTUM MILITAREM’ ‘AD CIRCA DUO PUNTUCM QUINQUE MILIA MILIARDORUM DOLLARII’ ‘*ADVENIUNT?. ‘OMINES CIVITATES’ ‘IN ORBE TERRARUM’ ‘*ARMANTUR’ {De lexico. Quaeso, ¿quod “promptus ad bellandum” significat, qualis syntaxis constructio est?}. EUROPA. UNIO EUROPAEA. EUROPAEAE ECONOMIA EX MERIDIE CRESCET. ‘*HISPANIA’ ‘DUO PUNCTA SEPTEM CENTESIMAS’ ‘*ACCRESCET’. ‘*GRAECIA’ ‘DUO PUNCTA DUO CENTESIMAS’ ‘*ESCRECRET’. ‘SED CONTRA' ‘*GERMANIA ET FRANCIA’ ‘UNUM PUNCTUM UNUM CENTESIMAS’ ‘SOLUMMODO *OLESCET’. EUROPEAN UNION {De morphologia. Quaeso ¿quo genus ‘punctum’ est?}. KAZACHSTANIA SEU COSACIA VEL KAZACHIA. KAZACHSTANIA. ‘IN SEXTO DIE OCTOBRIS MENSE’, ‘IN REFERENDO’ ‘*ELECTORES’ ‘PRIMI ERGASTERII ATOMICI AEDIFICATIONEM’ ‘*APPROBANT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia, ad vocem ‘Ergasterium atomicuc’ vade et primum paragraphum lege}. MEXICO. CHILPANCINGO, MEXICO. CIVIUM MAGISTRI HOMICIDIUM. ‘CIVIUM MAGISTRUM, ALEXANDRUM ARCOS’, ‘POST HEBDOMADAM UNAM’ ‘INTERFICIUNT’. ‘CHILPANCINGO, GUERRERO IN MEXICO’, ‘CIVITATEM VEXATAM’ ‘A RERUM NARCOTICARUM MERCATORIBUS’ ‘*EST’ {De morphologia. Quaeso, praepositionem ‘post’ et de uso cum ‘post + accusativo’ investiga. Si vis Witionary vide}. HAITIA SIVE HAITIA. PONT-SONDÉ, HAITIA. CETI CONTRA CETUS FEROCIUNT. ‘SEPTUAGINTA *PERSONAS’ ‘IN PEIORE TRUDICATIONE COGNITA’ ‘MORTUI FUERUNT’. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘IN LINGUA LATINA, ANGLICA ET GALLICA’ ‘AUDIS’! ISRAELE. ISRAELE. SEPTIMO DIE OCTOBRIS MENSE, POST ANNUM. *HAMAS, AD ANNIVERSARIAM MEMORIAM CELEBRANDAM, MISSILIA PLURES CONTRA ISRAELEM *MISIT {De morphologia. De verbo. Quaeso, ‘mitto’ verbum in omnibus suis coniugationibus dic}. UCRÁINA. UCRÁINA. IN FRONTE ORIENTALE, CIVES FATIGANTUR. IN DONETSK ET KHARKIV, EXITUS AUGMENTANT DUM ASSULTUS ACCRESCUNT. BRITANNIARUM REGNO. BRITANNIARUM REGNO. INSUALAE AMISSAE. ‘ABDICATIO’ ‘IN INSULIS IN OCEANO INDICO’, ‘DISPUTATIONES’ ‘IN LONDINO’ ‘*PROVOCAVERUNT’. ‘FACTIONIS LABORIS REGIMEN’ ‘DOMINATUM EX MAURITIA VEL INSULA MURITANIA’ ‘SUPRA CHAGOS ARCHIPELAGUM’ ‘AGNOVIT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia, voces ‘Factio laboris (Britanniarum Regnum’, ‘Factio laboris (Helvetia)’, et ‘Factio laboris (Norvegia)’ investiga}. ITALIA RITE RES PUBLICA ITALICA. ITALIA. DEXTERAE RADICALES VICTORIAS CELEBRANT. ‘POST UNUM ANNUM A GEORGIAE MELONI VICTORIA’, ‘*LANGOBARDIA’ ‘DEXTERAE EXTREMAE DUCES PRINCIPALES’ ‘*ACCIPIT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia, voces ‘Factio Communistica Italica’ et ‘Factio Socialistica Italica’ et ‘Factio Democratica (Italia)’ investiga}. ARGENTINA SEU PLENIUS RES PUBLICA ARGENTINAE. ARGENTINA. MILEI FALSITAS IN NATIONIBUS UNITIS. XAVERIUS GERARDUS MILEI, PRAESES ARGENTINAE, ‘EX ‘THE WEST WING’ ORATIONEM’ ‘EXSIGNAVIT ET IN NATIONIBUS UNITIS LEGIT’. ‘REGIMINIS ADMINISTRATIONUM MILEI DUX’ CULPA EST {De lexico. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia, de generibus laboris ex politico investiga. Vocem ‘politicus’ lege}. TUNESIA. TUNESIA. SAIED SICUT SOVIETICIS VICIT. ‘IN TUNESIA’ ‘KAIS SAIED’ ‘CUM NONAGINTA PUNCTUM SEPTEM CENTESIMIS’ ‘EX SUFFRAGIIS’ ‘IN COMITIIS’ ‘VICIT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, inter ‘vinco’ et ‘vincio’ dinoscit. In Wictionary haec verba invenite}. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘IN LINGUA LATINA, ANGLICA ET GERMANICA ‘AUDIS’! CIVITATIBUS FOEDERATIS AMERICAE. BIDEN CONTRA TRUMP DE NUNTIIS FALSIS ET INCERTIS ‘EX HURACANO MILTON VERBERAT. ‘*CIVITAS FLORIDA’ ‘AD HURACANUM MILTON ADVENIENDUM’ ‘*PRAEPARATUR’, [DUM ‘IOSEPHUS BIDEN, CIVITATUM FOEDERATARUM PRAESES,’ ‘CONTRA DONALDUM TRUMP, ANTERIOR PRAESES,’ ‘DE NUNTIIS FALSIS ET INCERTIS’ ‘AD HOC’ ‘*VERBERAT’] {De recitatio. Quaeso, in Vicipaedia vocem ‘Nuntii fallaces’ recita}. CIVITATIBUS FOEDERATIS AMERICAE. MILTON SCIENTIAE CULTURES PERTURBAT. ‘SCIENTIAE CURATORUM CATERVA’ ‘AD DATA DE MILTON CAPIENDUM’ ‘INTRA HURACANUM’ MILTON’ ‘ITER’ ‘FECERUNT’ {De lexico. Quaeso, in Wictionary nomen ‘scientia’ inveni et lege}. ‘NUNTII IN LINGUA LATINA’ ‘IN LINGUA LATINA, ANGLICA ET HISPANICA’ ‘AUDIS’! MEXICO. CLAUDIA SHEINBAUM PARDO, MEXICI PRAESES NOVUS, CONSILII ET STILUM AMLO AEMULATA EST. MEXICO. ‘*EXERCITUS ET HUMANANORUM IURA IMPUNITATIS’ ‘HEREDITATEM’ ‘PRO SHEINBAUM’ ‘*EST’. ‘FAMILIAE’ ‘PRO IUSTITIA’ ‘*CLAMANT’. ‘AMLO SEXENNIUM’ ‘PLENUM’ ‘EX VEXATIONIBUS CONTRA RELATORES SIVE NOTITIARUM AUCUPES’ ‘FUIT’. {De lexico. Quaeso, inter ‘Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo’ et ‘Andreas Emmanuel López Obrador’ dinoscit. In Vicipaedia haec personas invenite}. BRASILIA RITE RE PUBLICA FOEDERATA BRASILIAE. MANAUS, BRASILIA. SICCITAS BATTUIT. ‘AMAZONIAE ALTITUDINI EX UNO MAGNO FLUVIO’ ‘MINIME’ ‘IN CENTUM VIGINTI DUO ANNIS’ ‘*EST’.

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Chinese Civil War. By early 1927, Chiang Kai-Shek had assembled a team of right-wing KMT members and anti-communist allies like Dai Jitao and Wu Tiecheng, strategizing to sever ties with the Soviet Union and garner support from local gentry, merchants, and international diplomats. Despite publicly maintaining a façade of supporting the Soviet alliance, Chiang Kai-Shek was secretly preparing an anti-communist campaign. The turning point came on April 12, 1927, when Chiang's forces, with the help of the Green Gang, launched a brutal attack on CCP members and workers in Shanghai, marking the beginning of the Shanghai Massacre. This violent crackdown spread across the country, leading to the collapse of the first united front between the KMT and CCP. In the aftermath, the CCP called for mobilization against the KMT, sparking further conflicts such as the Wuhan-Nanjing war and the Nanchang Uprising. Key CCP leaders like He Long and Zhou Enlai emerged during this period, setting the stage for the next phase of the Chinese Civil War.   #119 The Nanchang & Autumn Harvest Uprisings Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We left off in the midst of the Nanchang uprising. On August the 1st the CCP 2nd front army had successfully inflicted 3000 casualties and captured more than 5000 small arms of various types, 700,000 rounds of ammunition and a few cannons. With more and more CCP aligned units arriving the army needed to be reorganized. It was decided the uprising army would continue to use the designation of 2nd front army of the NRA with He Long serving as its commander in chief and Ye Ting as his deputy. Ye Ting would also command the 11th army consisting of the 24th, 25th and 10th divisions, Nie Rongzhen would be his CCP party representative; He Long would command the 20th Army consisting of the 1st and 2nd divisions with Liao Qianwu as his CCP party representative. Zhou Enlai with Zhu De as his deputy would lead the 9th army with Zhu Kejing as his CCP party representative. Altogether they were 20,000 strong and now very well armed.  On August 2nd, tens of thousands of people gathered in Nanchang to celebrate the great victory and the establishment of the revolutionary committee. This drew a large number of new recruits, particularly young students. Upon hearing the news of the uprising, Wang Jingwei urgently dispatched Zhang Fakui and Zhu Peide to quell the uprisers. On August the 3rd in accordance with orders from the CCP Central Committee the 2nd front army withdrew from Nanchang heading south along the Fu River. This withdrawal became known as the “little long march”. They planned to enter Guangdong province via Ruijin and Xunwu where they would first occupy Dongjiang. They hoped there they could develop further forces, perhaps gain foreign aid and if all went spectacularly capture Guangzhou. Upon entering Jinxian county, the commander of the 10th Division, Cai Tingkai expelled the communists from his ranks and instead took his division northeast into Jiangxi leaving the movement. A large reason he was able to pull this off was because the 2nd front army had been too hastily reorganized. The troops rushed into new formations and left Nanchang far too fast. The conditions of their march were also rough, it was a scorching hot week. By the time they made it to Linchuan on August 7th, they now numbered 13,000.  They rested in Linchuan for 3 days then continued advancing southwards. On August 25th, their vanguard reach Rentian of Ruijin county. Li Jishen the commander of the NRA 8th route army was stationed in Guangdong. Li Jishen dispatched 9000 troops led by Qian Dajun from Ganzhou over to Huichang and around Ruijin to block the advance of the Reds. He also transferred 9000 troops led by Huang Shaohongs army based in Nanxiong and Dayu over to Yudu to support Qian Dajun. The CCP Front Committee took advantage of the fact Qian and Huang's armies were not yet fully concentrated in the area, unleashing a one by one attack. On the 26th the Red's attacked Rentians defenders, routing them and capturing Ruijin county. They then concentrated their forces to attack the main portion of Qian Dajun's army in Huichang. After a fierce 4 day battle they managed to capture Huichang county. The Red's reported inflicting over 6000 casualties upon Qian Dajun's army and capturing over 2500 guns while suffering 2000 casualties. Then in early September the Reds repelled an attack by Huang Shaohongs forces near Luokou just due northwest of Huichang. Having survived the encounter, the Reds withdrew to Ruijin, one unit after another, then they changed their route to head east, passing through Changting and Shanghang in Fujian province. From there they headed south along the Tingjiang River and Hanjiang river. On the 22nd, the 25th Division of the 11th Army occupied Sanheba in Dapu county of Guangdong province. Meanwhile the main force continued southwards and occupied Chao'an and Shantou by the 23rd. During this period Li Jishen ordered the remnants of Qian Dajun's army to try and contain the 25th Division and Huang Shaohongs army to attack Chao'an via Fengshun. He also dispatched Chen Jitang and Xue Yue with 3 divisions, roughly 15,000 men from the East Route to advance eastwards from Heyuan hoping to force a decisive battle. By the way for Pacific War fans, Xue Yue will become one of China's greatest Generals. Just a little bit about him. He was born to a peasant family in Xiaopingshi village of Guangdong in 1896. In 1907 he entered the Huangpu military primary school and two years later he joined the Tongmenghui. In 1917 he was admitted to the 6th class of the Baoding Military academy. The next year however he departed in July to join Dr Sun Yat-Sen and Chen Jiongming's new army in Guangzhou. He entered their army as a captain following the army into Fujian where he helped capture over 20 counties centered around Zhangzhou. In 1920 he help attack the Guangxi army of Cen Chunxuan where the commander of the 1st division, Deng Keng, appointed him as a major commanding a machine gun company. The following year the machine gun company expanded into a battalion. In 1921 Deng Keng ordered a personal guard to be formed to protect Dr Sun Yat-Sen, with Xue Yue, Ye Ting and Zhang Fakui as the commanders of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd battalions.  In March of 1922 when Chen Jiongming went to war with Dr Sun Yat-Sen, Xue Yue escorted his family to Guangzhou. There he defended the presidential palace where a 10 hour battle emerged nearly seeing Dr Sun Yat-Sen killed. Xue Yue and some of his men got Dr Sun Yat-Sen and his family away to safety as he led a campaign to quell Chen Jiongmings rebellion. As Chiang Kai-Shek led troops to attack Chen Jiongming, Xue Yue was appointed major general adjutant and chief of staff of the 1st division of the Guangdong army. In 1925 he served as deputy commander of the 14th division of the 1st NRA Army. During the campaign heading east, Xue Yue proved himself a brilliant commander, enough so to receive personal praise from Chiang Kai-Shek via telegram. During the Northern Expedition Xue Yue helped capture Jiangxi, Changsha, Liuyang and Nanchang. He was promoted to commander of the 1st division as the NRA invaded Zhejiang and led men to capture Hangzhou, Nanjing and Shanghai. However after the Shanghai massacre, Xue Yue made the rather poor decision of publicly calling for Chiang Kai-Shek to be arrested for being a counterrevolutionary. He was quickly purged from the 1st Army, fled for Guangdong where he found a new post as a divisional commander under Li Jishen. Back to our story, the CCP Front Committee decided to establish a 3rd division of the 20th army and stationed them at Chaoshan. Thus there 6500 men were positioned to meet the enemy's advance. On September 28th the main bulk of the Red army encountered the East Route Army near Shanhu in Jieyang county. The Reds managed to defeat them and marched upon Tangkeng where they fought a fierce battle near Fenshui village, a monument to that battle exists there to this day. By the 30th, the Reds had suffered another 2000 casualties and were unable to put up much of a fight so they pulled back to Jieyang. That night Huang Shaohongs men recaptured Chao'an.  On October 3rd the Red army evacuated Chaoshan and advanced to Haifeng, passing through the Lianhua Mountain. However enroute they were intercepted by the East Route Army, leading to a bloody battle where they were broken badly. Units and commanders dispersed, with one large force of 1300 making it to Haifeng. The Reds had suffered a disastrous and decisive defeat with only over a 1000 troops remaining as a complete unit, who would later reform into a regiment. Zhu De and Chen Yi faked their names and sought refuge amongst a local Hunanese warlord. Starting basically from scratch they turned their little force into a 10,000 strong army who would go on to fight in the border areas of Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi and Hunan, managing to save 800 Reds who were simultaneously performing an uprising in southern Hunan.  Countless were arrested, deserted or went into exile. Zhou Enlai, Ye Jianying and Ye Ting lost contact with the others and fled to British Hong Kong, with Zhou Enlai becoming seriously ill. The three had two pistols with them and were successful in reaching Hong Kong. Nie Rongzhen, the other communist leader, also successfully escaped to Hong Kong. He Long who had strongly opposed the little long march plan, accurately pointed out that marching 1000 miles in the blazing heat of summer would put too much strain on the troops and that the Hunan would have been a better place to set up shop rather than Guangdong. He Long simply took up and went home, demoted from his position as commander. It is said he became a beggar and was not well received by his family. Yet he would rise back up and lead a 3000 man strong Red Force who would later be wiped out by the KMT. By April of 1928 these forces would contribute to the Autumn Harvest Uprising, something we will talk about later. The Nanchang Uprising saw the first shots in armed resistance against the KMT. It was also when the CCP officially declared their firm stance against the KMT and marked the beginning of their journey to create their own military. Within the vacuum of hundreds of smaller uprisings, the Nanchang Uprising alongside two other events we will talk about, the Guangzhou Uprising and Autumn Harvest Uprising are the three more important uprisings during this period of time.  Back on August 7th, the CCP Central Committee held an emergency meeting in Hankou known as the “August 7th Meeting”. Here they abandoned Chen Duxiu's right-wing appeasement strategy and determined a new policy that would involve implementing land revolution and armed uprisings. They called upon the entire party and people of China to resist the KMT. This saw widespread uprisings spring up all over the place. One of their largest campaigns was referred to as the Autumn Harvest Uprising, which would be performed in Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong and Jiangxi where the foundation of the workers and peasants movement was the highest. A lot was debated about how to perform such a campaign. Many called for making the peasant association the center of it by declaring them a type of local government, whence they the CCP would seize all of the power from them. In addition to seizing rural power, they needed the backing of urban workers and the poor. Many pointed out the Autumn Harvest Uprising like the Nanchang Uprising should have the main purpose of launching a land revolution. It would be optimal of it was launched simultaneously in Hunan centered around Hengyang, Changsha and if possible at Baoqing.  After their August 7th conference the CCP Central Committee sent one Mao Zedong and Peng Gongda, at the time alternate members of the Provisional Political Bureau to Hunan to reorganize the Hunan Provincial committee. For the Autumn Harvest Uprising Mao Zedong was appointed the Central Special Commissioner with Peng Gongda as Secretary of the Provincial Committee. Now we haven't spoken about Mao Zedong in some time. I think the last time we left off about him was with the founding of the CCP party. In 1921 alongside those like Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao, he too was a founder and he began setting up a branch of the CCP in Changsha. Within Hunan he also established a branch of the Socialist Youth Corps and Cultural Book Society, who opened a bookstore to spread communist literature throughout the province. During the warlord era, Mao Zedong was involved in the struggle for Hunan autonomy. Mao Zedong hoped a Hunanese constitution might increase civil liberties, thus making his work to cause a communist revolution easier. The movement was successful at establishing a provincial autonomy under a Hunanese warlord, but Mao Zedong would find that not quite optimal. By that same year of 1921, communist groups had sprung up in Beijing, Shanghai, Wuhan, Guangzhou, Jinan and Changsha, and on July 23rd it was decided to form a central meeting. The first session of the national congress of the CCP was in Shanghai, attended by 13 delegates, one being Mao Zedong. However, undercover police infiltrated the congress, forcing the delegates to hop on a boat near Jiaxing in Zhejiang to escape. Although Soviet and CCP delegates attended the first congress pretty much ignored Lenin's advice to temporarily accept an alliance between them and the bourgeois democrats who were also espousing a national revolution, ie: the KMT. Instead many in the CCP sought to stick strictly to the Marxist belief only an urban proletariat could cause a real communist revolution. At that point Mao Zedong was the party secretary for Hunan, working out of Changsha. In August he founded the “self study university” where readers could gain access to revolutionary literature. He also joined the YMCA Mass Education Movement to combat illiteracy, though it should be noted he had a huge habit of editing textbooks to fit his communist ideals.  He continuously organized worker strikes, particularly against the warlord governor of Hunan, Zhao Hengti. Some of these successful strikes were the Anyuan coal mine strikes, which saw both bourgeois and proletarian methodology incorporated. Mao Zedong had mobilized many walks of life, miners, gentry, military officials, merchants, Triads and even members of the Church. His work in the Anyuan mines also involved his wife Yang Kaihui who was fighting for women's rights. She sought to increase women's literacy, education and political power within peasant communities. Mao Zedong and Yang Kaihui were not irregular in advocating for women's rights amongst the communist leaders, but they would be some of the most effective. Because of Mao Zedong's success in the Anyuan mines, Chen Duxiu invited him to become a member of the CCP Central Committee. Mao Zedong failed to make it to the second congress of the CCP in Shanghai, held in July of 1922, with the excuse he lost the address. There the CCP delegates agreed to forming the first united front. Mao Zedong enthusiastically agreed to this decision, arguing for an alliance across China's socio-economic classes. Mao Zedong's work in the first united front would see him become the chief of propaganda for the KMT. Mao Zedong was a vocal anti-imperialist with a lot of his writing directed against the governments of the UK, US and Japan. At the third congress of the CCP in Shanghai in June of 1923, the delegates reaffirmed their commitment to the first united front. Here Mao Zedong was elected to the Party Committee and took up residence in Shanghai. At the first KMT congress held in Guangzhou in 1924, Mao Zedong was elected as an alternate member of the KMT Central Executive Committee where he would put forward resolutions to decentralize power to the urban and rural bureaus. His enthusiastic support for the KMT would earn him suspicion from colleagues such as Li Lisan who had worked closely with him in Hunan. After the KMT congress he went to Shaoshan where he found the peasants were becoming increasingly restless. Many had seized land and wealth from local landowners. This convinced Mao Zedong that peasants were an effective revolutionary force, something the KMT leftists were proposing, but not the CCP at the time. Later Mao Zedong would be one of many in the CCP calling for an end to the first united front in the face of major grievances. However Borodin continuously advised not to break off with the KMT. In the winter of 1925, Mao Zedong fled for Guangzhou after receiving a lot of heat for revolutionary activities. He led the 6th term of the KMT's peasant movement training institute, the first government sponsored training institute for rural political activities. Here Mao Zedong was secretly training and preparing militants while also teaching them basic socialist theory. When Sun Yat-Sen died and Chiang Kai-Shek rose to power, Mao Zedong supported his NRA and their northern expedition. Yet in the wake of the northern expedition Mao Zedong was helping the peasants rise up and seize the land of wealthy landowners, in many cases with violence. It was this type of behavior that began to really ruffle the feathers of the KMT leaders who of course were landowners themselves. In March of 1927 Mao appeared at the 3rd Plenum of the KMT central executive committee in Wuhan, who were actively trying to strip Chiang Kai-Shek of his power and bolster Wang Jingwei in his stead. Mao Zedong played an active role, pushing peasant issues, arguing for the death penalty to be exacted on those found guilty of counter revolutionary activity, justifying it by simply stating “peaceful methods cannot suffice”. In April Mao Zedong was appointed to the KMT's 5 member central land committee where he urged peasants to stop paying rent. He then put into motion a draft resolution for land acquisition calling for the confiscation of land belonging to "local bullies and bad gentry, corrupt officials, militarists and all counter-revolutionary elements in the villages". Mao Zedong then carried out a "Land Survey", stating that anyone owning over 30 mou (four and a half acres), which constituted 13% of the population at the time, were uniformly counter-revolutionary. Many of his colleagues thought he was going too far, some not far enough. In the end only some of his suggestions were partially implemented.  When the Wuhan-Nanjing war broke out, Chiang Kai-Shek performed the Shanghai Massacre, beginning the White Terror. The CCP state more than 5000 communists were killed by the hands of the Green Gang in Shanghai. Over in Beijing Zhang Zuolin performed his own little white terror taking the life of those like Li Dazhao. In May the CCP claim tens of thousands of communists and their suspected allies were murdered, perhaps up to 25,000. The CCP contuined to support the Wuhan government, somthing Mao Zedong supported initially. Yet by the time of the CCP's 5th Congress he had changed his mind and was staking all of his revolutionary hope of peasant militias. It really did not matter as the Wuhan government performed its own white terror, albeit less violent in july. The CCP then founded the Workers and Peasants Red Army of China to go to war with Chiang Kai-Shek. Thus this brings us back to our story about the Autumn harvest uprising. In mid August, Mao Zedong and Peng Gongda arrived in Changsha. For the later half of August they helped reorganize the Hunan Provincial Committee where the issue of how to launch the Autumn harvest uprising was discussed. Mao Zedong proposed narrowing the scope of the uprising after the results of the Nanchang uprising. Regarding the area for the uprising, it was agreed it should not be too large, and should be concentrated around 7 counties. They needed to rely solely upon the power of the peasants, with roughly 1-2 regiments as a military backbone. They would no longer fly the KMT banner, now it would be the Red flag of the CCP. During the meeting a firm agreement was made regarding land distribution: "The current land revolution has reached the stage of fundamentally abolishing the land rent system and overthrowing the landlord regime. At this time, the party's policy towards farmers should be that the poor peasants lead the middle peasants, capture the rich peasants, and overthrow the landlord system. This is the land revolution." Mao Zedong emphasized at the meeting: “Our party's previous mistake was to ignore the military. Now we should seize power and build power on the barrel of a gun." To usher in the Autumn Harvest uprising the Hunan Provincial Party Committee decided to establish two leading organizations: the first was the Front Committee composed of various troops with Mao Zedong leading them, the other was the Action Committee composed of county committees, their leadership and Yi Lirong would lead them. The uprising was scheduled to begin on September 9th, with the destruction of a railway. On the 11th all counties would revolut simultaneously. On the 15th Changsha would revolt and on the 16th Changsha would be captured. At that time Red Army forces were stationed in Xiushui, Tonggu, Anyuan and along the border area of Hunan and Jiangxi. In early September Mao Zedong arrived in Anyuan and Tonggu preparing the military leaders. It was decided the forces in Xiushui, Tonggu, Anyuan and a few local counties would unify into the 1st Division of the 1st Workers and Peasants Revolutionary Army. The division was roughly 5000 men, with Lu Deming as its commander in chief and Yu Shadu as the 1st division's commander. The 1st division held 3 regiments; the 1st regiment at Xiushui composed of the former National Revolutionary Army Second Front Army Headquarters Guard Regiment, Pingjiang Workers and Peasants Volunteer Corps and the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Chongyang and Tongcheng Counties in Hubei Province; the 2nd regiment located in Anyuan, was composed of the Anyuan Workers' Picket Team, Anyuan Mine Police Team and some Peasant Self-Defense Forces in Anfu, Yongxin, Lianhua, Pingxiang and Liling Counties; the 3rd Regiment, located in Tonggu, was composed of the Liuyang Workers and Peasants Volunteer Corps and the Guard Regiment, and part of the Pingjiang Workers and Peasants Volunteer Corps.  The plan was for the 1st Regiment to capture Pingjiang; the 2nd regiment would capture Pingxiang and Liling and the 3rd regiment would capture Liuyang. Afterwards the regiments would simultaneously march upon Changsha, hopefully with the full cooperation of peasant armies who were performing uprisings in various counties as well as the urban workers in Changsha would perform their own uprising. On September 9th, 60 railway workers in Changsha began destroying the railway lines from the city to Yueyang and Zhuzhou. On the 11th the 1st Red division launched the uprising. The 1st regiment departed Xiushui and Zhajin advancing to Changshou street via Longmen. Their main bulk entered Jinping when they were suddenly attacked by the Qiu Guoxuan regiment, this was the remnants of the Guizhou warlord Wang Tianpei. The troops were scattered after losing 200 men and their weapons. The forces then moved quickly towards Pingjiang and Liuyang counties, trying to get closer to the 3rd regiment. The 3rd regiment at this time was under the direct command of Mao Zedong who managed to capture Baisha in Liuyang county during the afternoon. On the 12th he captured Dongmen City, annihilated a great part of the warlord forces there. On the 14th two KMT battalions counterattack Dongmen City. The 3rd regiment fought them for several hours before moving to Shangping. Meanwhile the 2nd regiment departed Anyuan and attacked Pingxiang, failing to take it. On the 12th they turned to Laoguan due west of Pingxiang. With cooperation from a peasant uprising they managed to capture Liling county where they also defeated one KMT battalion, capturing a lot of weapons and rescued 300 communist prisoners. On the 14th another two KMT battalions from Changsha, another from Pingxiang all counterattacked Liling. The 2nd regiment immediately turned north to attack Liuyang county on the 15th, but the KMT forces caught up to them inflicted severe casualties. By the 17th Mao Zedng ordered all the regiments to concentrate in Wenjia city due southeast of Liuyang city. At this point the Red Army broke into separate offensives. Workers and peasants were performing uprisings in Pingjiang, Liuyang, Liling, Zhuzhou, Anyuan and other places. Their successes were of varying scales. Some of these peasant and worker armies were armed with nothing more than spears, broadswords, some had small arms. They resorted to house to house warfare, storming buildings, trying to capture guns. They massacred the gentry and landowning classes as they found them hiding in their homes. Red army forces aided those in Liling and Liuyang, managing to capture the county seats, establishing revolutionary regimes. The uprising in Zhuzhou saw its railway station captured, disrupting a lot of transportation. The uprisings in Pingjiang failed to gain the cooperation of the workers and peasants, so three guerilla units were formed who raided the local area. Overall however, the peasant and worker leaders were being arrested en masse by KMT officials. The peasants and workers became afraid they would be caught up in the White Terror slaughter, thus the uprising ultimately failed. The large workers uprising that was supposed to break out in Changsha never formed.  On the 19th the entire 3rd regiment, the remnants of the 1st regiment and scattered members of the 2nd regiment arrived in Wenjia city one after another. That night Mao Zedong presided over a CCP Front Committee meeting, to analyze the situation and figure out what to do with their forces. They quickly decided to abandon attempts to capture Changsha. Their remaining forces at Pingjiang and Liuyang departed as the KMT were hunting them down, pushing them south along the Luoxiao Mountains. On the 20th the departed Wenjia city heading towards Shangli city. It was there they learned there were KMT troops assembling in Pingxiang, so they turned towards Luxi on the 24th. They then continued south, but were soon ambushed by KMT forces. Lu Deming was killed during the battle leaving the army leaderless, seeing heavy casualties. On the 26th the Red forces attacked and occupied Lianhua and by the 29th entered Sanwan Village in Yongxin COunty. This time they were down to less than 1000 men, morale had collapsed. Their leadership began reorganizing at Sanwan, they referred to their surviving force as the 1st regiment of the 1st Division of the 1st Red Army. In reality they only had two battalions in strength. However their reorganization efforts at least saw them form proper companies and the implementation of a more democratic system. Afterwards they continued south arriving at Gucheng in Ninggang county on October 3rd. There Mao Zedong presided over another CCP Front Committee meeting. They studied everything that had gone wrong with the Autumn Harvest Uprising. They made plans for establishing bases of operations for the two battalions then led by Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo. After the meeting, Mao Zedong led the forces to Maoping on the 7th. From there they moved to Suichuan county in Jiangxi. Then they moved a great distance through Hunan province to Ciping sitting in Jinggang Mountain, the middle section of the Luoxiao Mountain Range by the 27th. From here onwards their force under the leadership of Mao Zedong would establish a revolutionary base of operations. The Autumn Harvest Uprising was the first time the CCP flag was publicly raised in an armed struggle. It was done to showcase to the people of China the determination of the CCP to independently lead a revolutionary war. After the failed uprising, Mao Zedong really began to take charge of the situation. He ditched the original central committee's plan to capture Changsha and instead marched a great distance into the deep rural areas where the KMT were at their weakest. He sought to embark on a guerilla warfare campaign within the countryside. Here in these remote places they would establish revolutionary bases, preserving and developing Red Armies.The cost of the failure is honestly very difficult to estimate. There are claims the anti-communist mass killings in Hunan alone saw 80,000 killed in Liling alone, and perhaps up to 300,000 in areas like Chaling, LEiyang, Liuyang and Pingjiang.  Meanwhile going back in time a bit to August of 1927. The failed Nanchang uprising gradually spilt southwards to the Dongjiang area of Guangdong. On the 7th the CCP Central Committee held an emergency meeting, where Chen Duxiu was criticized for his appeasement of the KMT right wing. It was also during this meeting, the CCP formalized how they would go about implementing a land revolution and armed uprisings. On the 20th Zhang Tailei, the secretary of the Guangdong CCP provincial committee, discussed plans for a provincial wide uprising. They would mobilize the workers and peasants to hold riots in key locations within Guangdong, particularly Guangzhou. Thus another major uprising was about to be unleashed. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Autumn Harvest Uprising was a bold move by the CCP. As the Wuhan and Nanjing KMT government unleashed their separate white terrors, the CCP were trying to not only survive the onslaught, but to formulate their own revolutionary movement. Within the emerging communist vacuum it seemed Mao Zedong had found his calling and was striving to reach the top. 

Eklat im neuen Thüringer Landtag: Alterspräsident Jürgen Treutler (AfD) weigerte sich, Anträge aus dem Plenum zuzulassen. Die CDU rief den Verfassungsgerichtshof an. Jan Bräuer erläutert, wie es nun weitergehen könnte.

Between 15 and 18 July, 2024, the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China conducted its much-anticipated Third Plenum meeting, and produced the 'Decisions' document for the meeting on July 21. The document has addressed few questions pertaining to comprehensive deepening of reforms in the Chinese society, economy, and military, leaving many unanswered. In this episode of 'All Things Policy', Anushka Saxena quizzes Manoj Kewalramani on the learnings from the Third Plenum Decisions, and what's in store for Chinese-style modernisation moving forward. All Things Policy is a daily podcast on public policy brought to you by the Takshashila Institution, Bengaluru. Find out more on our research and other work here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://takshashila.org.in/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Take our 'China Challenge' survey here: https://shorturl.at/XMUW7 Check out our public policy courses here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://school.takshashila.org.in⁠

Following the 3rd plenary session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, a resolution was issued to deepen reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. With key economic reforms and strategic directives unveiled, what will be China's priorities going forward? And as China enters a new development era, how will it impact the global economic landscape? Grzegorz W. Kołodko, former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Poland shares his view.

On today's show Andrew and Bill begin with the Third Plenum resolution, Xi's explainer, and its reception among the investment community and China observers. Topics include: Why Xi staying the course should surprise no one, the significance of the five-year timeline set forth for reforms, specific domestic problems alongside broad rhetoric about goals and productive forces, and the external environment that serves as context for the party's priorities. From there: The party's timeline for planning the plenum highlights the lack of leaks in the Xi era, and a reminder that trade tensions are unlikely to abate anytime soon. At the end: A variety of thoughts on news organizations and journalists navigating the environment in China and Hong Kong, and a few memories of the 2008 Olympics in Beijing before the Opening Ceremony in Paris this weekend.

The resolution of the 3rd Plenum of the 20th CPC Central Committee on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization has put opening-up as a "defining feature". Will China make it easier for foreign businesses to operate here in the country? China's foreign trade reached new heights in the first half of this year, what does it mean to the world?

A pivotal four-day meeting of the 20th CPC Central Committee concluded on Thursday with the adoption of a resolution to further deepen reform in China. The 3rd plenum, held every five years, took place this week in Beijing. The resolution outlines a comprehensive plan to deepen reforms and advance modernization.

A senior official says the adoption of a reform resolution is the most important outcome of the third plenary session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee.

Kirchner, Ruth www.deutschlandfunk.de, Das war der Tag

Join us for The Theory of Thing Investment Podcast! Nothing from the Plenum, celebrate our footy tips winner, and enjoy a session of Jimmy's book talking. We'll discuss Timezone lock-ins, analyze a 5 sigma small cap rally, and share expert advice on how to buy the Mag 7 right. Don't miss Heath's brilliant footy tips and market wrap for the latest market insights. #InvestmentPodcast #FootyTips #BookTalking #SmallCapRally #Mag7 #MarketWrap #InvestmentInsightsSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/the-bip-show. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

W Chinach rozpoczęło się bardzo ważne wydarzenie w cyklu życia polityczno-gospodarczego. III Plenum zajmie się polityką gospodarczą państwa. To na tego typu zjazdach podejmowano najważniejsze, kierunkowe decyzje dla chińskiej gospodarki. Czy tak będzie tym razem? Jaka jest strategia Chin? Czy Chiny stawią czoła swoim problemom? Jaki ma to związek z konfrontacją Chiny-USA? Na te i inne pytania odpowiadają Jakub Jakóbowski i Maciej Kalwasiński, eksperci OSW.

China's top leaders will gather from July 15th to 18th for a highly anticipated meeting known as the Third Plenum, as this once-in-five-years conclave of top officials usually deals with major economic and political policy changes. Richard McGregor, Senior Fellow at Lowey Institute gives his perspective.Image Credit: shutterstock.com

Im Vorfeld eines der wichtigsten Treffen der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (KPC) Mitte Juli hat die Partei eine Säuberungskampagne eingeleitet. Eine Reihe hoher Funktionäre wurde entlassen und aus der Partei geworfen. Eine Analyse.

The long awaited third plenary session of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party will kick off on July 15. In the four-day meeting its 376 members will vote on programmatic decisions prepared by the Politbureau that will aim to solve the pressing economic and social issues the country currently faces.Johannes Heller-John talks with Kristin Shi-Kupfer and Katja Drinhausen about the Third Plenum as well as Chinese debates on the country's current economic challenges and future pathways.Kristin Shi-Kupfer is a professor of Sinology at the University of Trier and a senior associate fellow at MERICS. Katja Drinhausen heads the politics & society program at MERICS. Together they lead the China Spektrum project, which analyzes relevant current debates and positions among Chinese intellectuals and experts, as well as public discussions unfolding on social media platforms and online. China Spektrum is a joint project of the China institute of the University of Trier (CIUT) and the Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS). The project is made possible by a grant from the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom.

North Korea held a major plenary session of the Workers' Party of Korea this week, with leader Kim Jong Un presiding over the meeting. Photos published in the Rodong Sinmun of the plenum showed North Korean officials delivering speeches while wearing badges with Kim Jong Un's portrait on them, the first confirmed use of such badges within the DPRK. NK News Data Correspondent Anton Sokolin joins the podcast to discuss what may have been discussed during the plenum, as well as to set the record straight on false news reports that North Korea said it will dispatch troops to support Russia's war against Ukraine within a month.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot (@JaccoZed) exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists.

In China, macro data for May has been mixed with industrial output lagging expectations, but retail sales beat forecast. We ask Carlos Casanova, Senior Economist at UBP if relaxing their monetary policy is a viable option whilst finding out what to expect from the all-important Plenum session in July.Image Credit: shutterstock.com

Die Zürcher Firma Dezentrum testet ein neuartiges Lohmodell: den Bedarfslohn. Die Angestellten können ihren Lohn selbst bestimmen - und über allfällige Anpassungen wird im Plenum diskutiert. Für das kleine Unternehmen scheint das zu funktionieren. Weitere Themen: * ZSC gewinnt erstes Playoff-Finalspiel gegen Lausanne. * Auch Weisslingen will Mindestabstand für Windräder. * Fälle von Kratzmilben nehmen im Kanton Zürich zu.

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On today's show Andrew and Bill begin with reactions to the revival of Article 23 and thoughts on the landscape in Hong Kong as its laws continue to converge with the mainland. Then: A step back for the stock markets after last week's stabilization efforts, another politburo meeting comes and goes without any announcement of a plenum, and a question about buying real estate in China. At the end: A listener has a question about President Trump and Taiwan, TikTok CEO Shou Zi Chew is grilled by Senator Tom Cotton, Secretary Raimondo has concerns about EV data collection, and it's the one-year anniversary of the spy balloon.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un rounded out 2023 with an important speech at a multi-day plenum on plans for the new year, outlining an agenda to push forward the country's five-year military development goals and calling for a “fundamental change” in inter-Korean policy. The NK News team joins the podcast to recap the speech and explain what it means, including Kim's statement that unification is now impossible, Pyongyang's plan to launch three new military reconnaissance satellites in the coming year and how the country's economy fared in the last year. This week's episode features the following members of the NK News team. Lead Correspondent Jeongmin Kim (@jeongminkim) Correspondent Shreyas Reddy (@shreyas_k_reddy) About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot (@JaccoZed) exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists.

Das dritte Plenum der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (KPC), das normalerweise im Oktober oder November stattfindet, wurde in diesem Jahr nicht offiziell angekündigt. Einige China-Beobachter führen den Ausfall auf die autokratische Entscheidungsfindung des chinesischen Staatschefs Xi Jinping zurück, während andere spekulieren, dass die KPC mit noch nie dagewesenen Risiken in ihrer Führung konfrontiert sein könnte. Web: https://www.epochtimes.de Probeabo der Epoch Times Wochenzeitung: https://bit.ly/EpochProbeabo Twitter: https://twitter.com/EpochTimesDE YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC81ACRSbWNgmnVSK6M1p_Ug Telegram: https://t.me/epochtimesde Gettr: https://gettr.com/user/epochtimesde Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/EpochTimesWelt/ Unseren Podcast finden Sie unter anderem auch hier: iTunes: https://podcasts.apple.com/at/podcast/etdpodcast/id1496589910 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/277zmVduHgYooQyFIxPH97 Unterstützen Sie unabhängigen Journalismus: Per Paypal: http://bit.ly/SpendenEpochTimesDeutsch Per Banküberweisung (Epoch Times Europe GmbH, IBAN: DE 2110 0700 2405 2550 5400, BIC/SWIFT: DEUTDEDBBER, Verwendungszweck: Spenden) Vielen Dank! (c) 2023 Epoch Times

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Inhalt: 0:00 Intro 2:44 Vincents Start auf Youtube / 5:16 Rage Reviews & faire Mode 8:38 Vorbereitung auf Videos 17:41 Wokeness-Debatte 22:13 Popkultur & Politik 26:58 Sahra Wagenknecht Partei 28:56 Zukunft der Linken Vincents Rage-Review „Die LINKE Bubble ist nicht AUSZUHALTEN“ https://youtu.be/fDpei0FIxC4?si=8rQm3MxvlDODp4P- Vincent bei Hypeculture https://youtu.be/2afDQ2X-S2c?si=wXv5e5DjghQS8HVv Vincents Shop https://prozess.shop Vincent Rage-Review über Meinungsblogger https://youtu.be/zRPFrRZaLXs?si=_P97PHWRs_ubyn5I Walulis über Propaganda und Tiktok https://youtu.be/UMdes5ETx9Q?si=G3_UTBe2llAilxQl * Der Plural von Plenum ist „Plenen“

Oasat, dálkedieut ja áigeguovdilis ságat, mánáid-ja nuoraidprográmmat, musihkka ja guoimmuheapmi/ Nyheter, väderrapporter och aktualiteter, barn- och ungdomsprogram samt musik och underhållning. Har du nyhetstips? Kontakta oss via e-post: oddasat@sr.se Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play.

War wirklich mehr als wohlfühlen, Kaminabend und gemeinsames Grillen zwischen SPD, Grünen und FDP während der Kabinetts-Klausur in Meseberg drin? Darüber diskutieren die Pioneer-Chefredakteure Michael Bröcker und Gordon Repinski im ersten Teil der Live-Ausgabe dieses Podcasts. Vor dem Publikum in der Heinz von Heiden-Arena - Spielstätte von Hannover 96 - analysieren die beiden das schleppende Tempo bei den teils gleichzeitig sehr kleinteiligen Reformvorhaben der Ampel. Außerdem sprechen Bröcker und Repinski darüber, was die unterdurchschnittliche bis durchschnittliche Performance für die an der Ampel-, aber auch die Oppositions-Parteien bedeuten: Warum stehen die Sozialdemokraten am besten von allen da? Weshalb kann die Union nicht wirklich profitieren bisher? Wieso werde die Grünen trotz Kontroversen um Robert Habeck das Zünglein an der Waage bleiben? Weshalb bleibt das Clinton-Zitat “It's the economy, stupid” ein Fingerzeig für die FDP? Antworten darauf im Deep Dive. Im Interview der Woche zu Gast: der niedersächsische Ministerpräsident Stephan Weil. Er spricht über die Zusammenarbeit von Bund und Ländern, sein Verhältnis zu Olaf Scholz, den Bürokratie-Abbau und den Industrie-Strompreis. Die weiteren Themen: Hält in der SPD-Bundestagsfraktion die uneingeschränkte Zustimmung zu Waffenlieferungen an die Ukraine? Das Glaubwürdigkeits-Problem des Hubert Aiwanger und eine katastrophale Kommunikations-Strategie. Was Haushaltswoche im Bundestag und Generaldebatte im Plenum bringen werden. Im kürzesten Interview der Berliner Republik: Franziska Hoppermann, CDU-Bundestagsabgeordnete für Hamburg. Bonus: Unternehmer und Hannover 96-Geschäftsführer Martin Kind über das schwierige Geschäft im Fußball, seine Forderungen nach neuen Ideen aus und mehr Kompetenz in der Politik. Diese Episode ist am Mittwoch, 30. August 2023 in Hannover aufgezeichnet worden.

Joey Henderson joins the podcast to talk about airflow and how we can get air where it needs to go. Duct design is one of the subjects that fuel Joey's passion for HVAC. In many cases, people focus too heavily on the equipment when diagnosing airflow problems; sometimes, the equipment simply can't perform as it should due to a poorly designed duct system. In residential HVAC, many duct systems aren't adequately planned out, and the airflow can't overcome restrictions like filters. We also need to keep in mind that flex ducts need to be as straight and tight as possible, and it's usually best if we slightly upsize them (compared to sheet metal). Even though balancing dampers aim to solve airflow problems, they often lead to other issues when installed and used incorrectly. In many cases, proper duct design would solve problems without the need for balancing dampers. Bypass dampers are also commonly misapplied. Some technicians also aren't properly trained to position their static pressure probes appropriately to measure total external static pressure, which leads to faulty readings and misinformed diagnoses. We can start by looking at things that can improve system performance at the equipment, like filtration; we can think of the equipment as the heart and the duct system as arteries (with static pressure as blood pressure), and the equipment also has the biggest pressure drop. Joey and Bryan also discuss: Joey's HVAC beginnings in the Navy and current work in education Educators' unique communication styles Learning from other educators as an educator Plenum boxes and turbulence Using wye fittings Laminar flow Modifying existing duct systems Motors and amp draw Building duct transitions Clients and money limitations Communicating with customers about airflow issues Ethics around duct design Unique duct challenges with inverter-driven systems   Check out Joey's training, social media, and contact information at https://joejoehvac.com/.  Learn more about the HVACR Training Symposium or buy a virtual ticket today at https://hvacrschool.com/symposium. If you have an iPhone, subscribe to the podcast HERE, and if you have an Android phone, subscribe HERE. Check out our handy calculators HERE.

Rabbis Splansky (Holy Blossom Temple, Toronto),  Stoller (Temple Beth-El, Great Neck) and Rabbi Dr. Hoffman (HUC-JIR), discuss ways to better channel vibrant Reform Jewish spirituality through the medium of religious observance and practice. Plenum II of the Stephen Wise Free Synagogue conference.

Dr. Rachel Fish (Co-Founder, Boundless), Rabbi Dan Levin (Temple Beth-El, Boca Raton, Fla), and Rabbi David Woznica (Stephen Wise Temple, Los Angeles, CA) discuss how to define action for the Jewish people and the greater world in the current climate.

Rabbis Joshua M. Davidson (Temple Emanu-El, New York City), Matthew D. Gewirtz (B'Nai Jeshurun, Short Hills, NJ), and Tarlan Rabizadeh (American Jewish University) discuss the growing distance between North American liberal Jews and Israel, and their fraying connection with the concept of Jewish peoplehood.