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Episode Summary: In this enlightening episode, we're joined by Dr. Bill Rawls, a #1 bestselling author, physician, and co-founder of Vital Plan. Dr. Rawls shares his transformative journey from conventional medicine to discovering the healing power of herbs after facing a personal health crisis with chronic Lyme disease. We dive into the importance of cellular health as the foundation of wellness and explore the five essentials for maintaining it—including nutrients, a clean environment, downtime, blood flow, and microbial protection. Dr. Rawls explains how dormant microbes can contribute to chronic illness, and why herbs like turmeric and reishi can offer powerful support at the cellular level, often without the side effects of pharmaceuticals. He also shares insights from his book, The Cellular Wellness Solution, which offers a practical guide for using herbs to restore balance and support the body's natural healing processes. With his compassionate, science-backed approach, Dr. Rawls empowers listeners to take charge of their health through holistic strategies, herbal support, and daily lifestyle choices that promote long-term vitality. Key Takeaways: Cellular health is fundamental to overall wellness. Chronic illness can often be linked to dormant microbes in the body. Herbs can provide a higher level of protection against illness compared to pharmaceuticals. Lifestyle changes are crucial for long-term health. Chapters: 01:56 Bill Rawls' Journey to Herbal Medicine 05:56 Understanding Cellular Health 08:56 The Five Essentials for Cellular Wellness 13:52 The Role of Microbes in Chronic Illness 23:55 Herb 101: Understanding Herbal Medicine 40:56 Herbs vs. Pharmaceuticals: A Healing Perspective Helpful links and resources: www.vitalplan.com Use code: Livingwell20 for 20% off your first order www.rawlsmd.com Bill's Book The Cellular Wellness Solution FB: https://www.facebook.com/rawlsmd IG: https://www.instagram.com/rawlsmd/ ---------------------------------------------------------
Dr. Bill Rawls is a fourth-generation physician, bestselling author (Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution), and founder of Vital Plan. After overcoming a personal health crisis brought on by chronic Lyme disease, Dr. Rawls shifted from conventional medicine to holistic healing, and shares some of his insights and wisdom from his experiences on this episode. In their chat, Elizabeth and Dr. Rawls discuss the real root causes of chronic illness, from hidden infections and stress to poor sleep and environmental toxins. Dr. Rawls explains why focusing on cellular health, not just symptoms, may be the key to long-term wellness and prevention. He also talks about the power of herbal medicine, his go-to adaptogens and daily supplements, and the lifestyle habits that help him feel vibrant and grounded in his 60's. Episodes Here Say Hi To Elizabeth and Purely Elizabeth: Website | InstagramDr. Bill Rawls: Vital Plan | Bill Rawls, MD | Unlocking Lyme | The Cellular Wellness Solution Mentioned: Steven BuhnerA Short Walk in a Wide World
Yesterday, the self-styled San Francisco “progressive” Joan Williams was on the show arguing that Democrats need to relearn the language of the American working class. But, as some of you have noted, Williams seems oblivious to the fact that politics is about more than simply aping other people's language. What you say matters, and the language of American working class, like all industrial working classes, is rooted in a critique of capitalism. She should probably read the New Yorker staff writer John Cassidy's excellent new book, Capitalism and its Critics, which traces capitalism's evolution and criticism from the East India Company through modern times. He defines capitalism as production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets, encompassing various forms from Chinese state capitalism to hyper-globalization. The book examines capitalism's most articulate critics including the Luddites, Marx, Engels, Thomas Carlisle, Adam Smith, Rosa Luxemburg, Keynes & Hayek, and contemporary figures like Sylvia Federici and Thomas Piketty. Cassidy explores how major economists were often critics of their era's dominant capitalist model, and untangles capitalism's complicated relationship with colonialism, slavery and AI which he regards as a potentially unprecedented economic disruption. This should be essential listening for all Democrats seeking to reinvent a post Biden-Harris party and message. 5 key takeaways* Capitalism has many forms - From Chinese state capitalism to Keynesian managed capitalism to hyper-globalization, all fitting the basic definition of production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets.* Great economists are typically critics - Smith criticized mercantile capitalism, Keynes critiqued laissez-faire capitalism, and Hayek/Friedman opposed managed capitalism. Each generation's leading economists challenge their era's dominant model.* Modern corporate structure has deep roots - The East India Company was essentially a modern multinational corporation with headquarters, board of directors, stockholders, and even a private army - showing capitalism's organizational continuity across centuries.* Capitalism is intertwined with colonialism and slavery - Industrial capitalism was built on pre-existing colonial and slave systems, particularly through the cotton industry and plantation economies.* AI represents a potentially unprecedented disruption - Unlike previous technological waves, AI may substitute rather than complement human labor on a massive scale, potentially creating political backlash exceeding even the "China shock" that contributed to Trump's rise.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. A couple of days ago, we did a show with Joan Williams. She has a new book out, "Outclassed: How the Left Lost the Working Class and How to Win Them Back." A book about language, about how to talk to the American working class. She also had a piece in Jacobin Magazine, an anti-capitalist magazine, about how the left needs to speak to what she calls average American values. We talked, of course, about Bernie Sanders and AOC and their language of fighting oligarchy, and the New York Times followed that up with "The Enduring Power of Anti-Capitalism in American Politics."But of course, that brings the question: what exactly is capitalism? I did a little bit of research. We can find definitions of capitalism from AI, from Wikipedia, even from online dictionaries, but I thought we might do a little better than relying on Wikipedia and come to a man who's given capitalism and its critics a great deal of thought. John Cassidy is well known as a staff writer at The New Yorker. He's the author of a wonderful book, the best book, actually, on the dot-com insanity. And his new book, "Capitalism and its Critics," is out this week. John, congratulations on the book.So I've got to be a bit of a schoolmaster with you, John, and get some definitions first. What exactly is capitalism before we get to criticism of it?John Cassidy: Yeah, I mean, it's a very good question, Andrew. Obviously, through the decades, even the centuries, there have been many different definitions of the term capitalism and there are different types of capitalism. To not be sort of too ideological about it, the working definition I use is basically production for profit—that could be production of goods or mostly in the new and, you know, in today's economy, production of services—for profit by companies which are privately owned in markets. That's a very sort of all-encompassing definition.Within that, you can have all sorts of different types of capitalism. You can have Chinese state capitalism, you can have the old mercantilism, which industrial capitalism came after, which Trump seems to be trying to resurrect. You can have Keynesian managed capitalism that we had for 30 or 40 years after the Second World War, which I grew up in in the UK. Or you can have sort of hyper-globalization, hyper-capitalism that we've tried for the last 30 years. There are all those different varieties of capitalism consistent with a basic definition, I think.Andrew Keen: That keeps you busy, John. I know you started this project, which is a big book and it's a wonderful book. I read it. I don't always read all the books I have on the show, but I read from cover to cover full of remarkable stories of the critics of capitalism. You note in the beginning that you began this in 2016 with the beginnings of Trump. What was it about the 2016 election that triggered a book about capitalism and its critics?John Cassidy: Well, I was reporting on it at the time for The New Yorker and it struck me—I covered, I basically covered the economy in various forms for various publications since the late 80s, early 90s. In fact, one of my first big stories was the stock market crash of '87. So yes, I am that old. But it seemed to me in 2016 when you had Bernie Sanders running from the left and Trump running from the right, but both in some way offering very sort of similar critiques of capitalism. People forget that Trump in 2016 actually was running from the left of the Republican Party. He was attacking big business. He was attacking Wall Street. He doesn't do that these days very much, but at the time he was very much posing as the sort of outsider here to protect the interests of the average working man.And it seemed to me that when you had this sort of pincer movement against the then ruling model, this wasn't just a one-off. It seemed to me it was a sort of an emerging crisis of legitimacy for the system. And I thought there could be a good book written about how we got to here. And originally I thought it would be a relatively short book just based on the last sort of 20 or 30 years since the collapse of the Cold War and the sort of triumphalism of the early 90s.But as I got into it more and more, I realized that so many of the issues which had been raised, things like globalization, rising inequality, monopoly power, exploitation, even pollution and climate change, these issues go back to the very start of the capitalist system or the industrial capitalist system back in sort of late 18th century, early 19th century Britain. So I thought, in the end, I thought, you know what, let's just do the whole thing soup to nuts through the eyes of the critics.There have obviously been many, many histories of capitalism written. I thought that an original way to do it, or hopefully original, would be to do a sort of a narrative through the lives and the critiques of the critics of various stages. So that's, I hope, what sets it apart from other books on the subject, and also provides a sort of narrative frame because, you know, I am a New Yorker writer, I realize if you want people to read things, you've got to make it readable. Easiest way to make things readable is to center them around people. People love reading about other people. So that's sort of the narrative frame. I start off with a whistleblower from the East India Company back in the—Andrew Keen: Yeah, I want to come to that. But before, John, my sense is that to simplify what you're saying, this is a labor of love. You're originally from Leeds, the heart of Yorkshire, the center of the very industrial revolution, the first industrial revolution where, in your historical analysis, capitalism was born. Is it a labor of love? What's your family relationship with capitalism? How long was the family in Leeds?John Cassidy: Right, I mean that's a very good question. It is a labor of love in a way, but it's not—our family doesn't go—I'm from an Irish family, family of Irish immigrants who moved to England in the 1940s and 1950s. So my father actually did start working in a big mill, the Kirkstall Forge in Leeds, which is a big steel mill, and he left after seeing one of his co-workers have his arms chopped off in one of the machinery, so he decided it wasn't for him and he spent his life working in the construction industry, which was dominated by immigrants as it is here now.So I don't have a—it's not like I go back to sort of the start of the industrial revolution, but I did grow up in the middle of Leeds, very working class, very industrial neighborhood. And what a sort of irony is, I'll point out, I used to, when I was a kid, I used to play golf on a municipal golf course called Gotts Park in Leeds, which—you know, most golf courses in America are sort of in the affluent suburbs, country clubs. This was right in the middle of Armley in Leeds, which is where the Victorian jail is and a very rough neighborhood. There's a small bit of land which they built a golf course on. It turns out it was named after one of the very first industrialists, Benjamin Gott, who was a wool and textile industrialist, and who played a part in the Luddite movement, which I mention.So it turns out, I was there when I was 11 or 12, just learning how to play golf on this scrappy golf course. And here I am, 50 years later, writing about Benjamin Gott at the start of the Industrial Revolution. So yeah, no, sure. I think it speaks to me in a way that perhaps it wouldn't to somebody else from a different background.Andrew Keen: We did a show with William Dalrymple, actually, a couple of years ago. He's been on actually since, the Anglo or Scottish Indian historian. His book on the East India Company, "The Anarchy," is a classic. You begin in some ways your history of capitalism with the East India Company. What was it about the East India Company, John, that makes it different from other for-profit organizations in economic, Western economic history?John Cassidy: I mean, I read that. It's a great book, by the way. That was actually quoted in my chapter on these. Yeah, I remember. I mean, the reason I focused on it was for two reasons. Number one, I was looking for a start, a narrative start to the book. And it seemed to me, you know, the obvious place to start is with the start of the industrial revolution. If you look at economics history textbooks, that's where they always start with Arkwright and all the inventors, you know, who were the sort of techno-entrepreneurs of their time, the sort of British Silicon Valley, if you could think of it as, in Lancashire and Derbyshire in the late 18th century.So I knew I had to sort of start there in some way, but I thought that's a bit pat. Is there another way into it? And it turns out that in 1772 in England, there was a huge bailout of the East India Company, very much like the sort of 2008, 2009 bailout of Wall Street. The company got into trouble. So I thought, you know, maybe there's something there. And I eventually found this guy, William Bolts, who worked for the East India Company, turned into a whistleblower after he was fired for finagling in India like lots of the people who worked for the company did.So that gave me two things. Number one, it gave me—you know, I'm a writer, so it gave me something to focus on a narrative. His personal history is very interesting. But number two, it gave me a sort of foundation because industrial capitalism didn't come from nowhere. You know, it was built on top of a pre-existing form of capitalism, which we now call mercantile capitalism, which was very protectionist, which speaks to us now. But also it had these big monopolistic multinational companies.The East India Company, in some ways, was a very modern corporation. It had a headquarters in Leadenhall Street in the city of London. It had a board of directors, it had stockholders, the company sent out very detailed instructions to the people in the field in India and Indonesia and Malaysia who were traders who bought things from the locals there, brought them back to England on their company ships. They had a company army even to enforce—to protect their operations there. It was an incredible multinational corporation.So that was also, I think, fascinating because it showed that even in the pre-existing system, you know, big corporations existed, there were monopolies, they had royal monopolies given—first the East India Company got one from Queen Elizabeth. But in some ways, they were very similar to modern monopolistic corporations. And they had some of the problems we've seen with modern monopolistic corporations, the way they acted. And Bolts was the sort of first corporate whistleblower, I thought. Yeah, that was a way of sort of getting into the story, I think. Hopefully, you know, it's just a good read, I think.William Bolts's story because he was—he came from nowhere, he was Dutch, he wasn't even English and he joined the company as a sort of impoverished young man, went to India like a lot of English minor aristocrats did to sort of make your fortune. The way the company worked, you had to sort of work on company time and make as much money as you could for the company, but then in your spare time you're allowed to trade for yourself. So a lot of the—without getting into too much detail, but you know, English aristocracy was based on—you know, the eldest child inherits everything, so if you were the younger brother of the Duke of Norfolk, you actually didn't inherit anything. So all of these minor aristocrats, so major aristocrats, but who weren't first born, joined the East India Company, went out to India and made a fortune, and then came back and built huge houses. Lots of the great manor houses in southern England were built by people from the East India Company and they were known as Nabobs, which is an Indian term. So they were the sort of, you know, billionaires of their time, and it was based on—as I say, it wasn't based on industrial capitalism, it was based on mercantile capitalism.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the beginning of the book, which focuses on Bolts and the East India Company, brings to mind for me two things. Firstly, the intimacy of modern capitalism, modern industrial capitalism with colonialism and of course slavery—lots of books have been written on that. Touch on this and also the relationship between the birth of capitalism and the birth of liberalism or democracy. John Stuart Mill, of course, the father in many ways of Western democracy. His day job, ironically enough, or perhaps not ironically, was at the East India Company. So how do those two things connect, or is it just coincidental?John Cassidy: Well, I don't think it is entirely coincidental, I mean, J.S. Mill—his father, James Mill, was also a well-known philosopher in the sort of, obviously, in the earlier generation, earlier than him. And he actually wrote the official history of the East India Company. And I think they gave his son, the sort of brilliant protégé, J.S. Mill, a job as largely as a sort of sinecure, I think. But he did go in and work there in the offices three or four days a week.But I think it does show how sort of integral—the sort of—as you say, the inheritor and the servant in Britain, particularly, of colonial capitalism was. So the East India Company was, you know, it was in decline by that stage in the middle of the 19th century, but it didn't actually give up its monopoly. It wasn't forced to give up its monopoly on the Indian trade until 1857, after, you know, some notorious massacres and there was a sort of public outcry.So yeah, no, that's—it's very interesting that the British—it's sort of unique to Britain in a way, but it's interesting that industrial capitalism arose alongside this pre-existing capitalist structure and somebody like Mill is a sort of paradoxical figure because actually he was quite critical of aspects of industrial capitalism and supported sort of taxes on the rich, even though he's known as the great, you know, one of the great apostles of the free market and free market liberalism. And his day job, as you say, he was working for the East India Company.Andrew Keen: What about the relationship between the birth of industrial capitalism, colonialism and slavery? Those are big questions and I know you deal with them in some—John Cassidy: I think you can't just write an economic history of capitalism now just starting with the cotton industry and say, you know, it was all about—it was all about just technical progress and gadgets, etc. It was built on a sort of pre-existing system which was colonial and, you know, the slave trade was a central element of that. Now, as you say, there have been lots and lots of books written about it, the whole 1619 project got an incredible amount of attention a few years ago. So I didn't really want to rehash all that, but I did want to acknowledge the sort of role of slavery, especially in the rise of the cotton industry because of course, a lot of the raw cotton was grown in the plantations in the American South.So the way I actually ended up doing that was by writing a chapter about Eric Williams, a Trinidadian writer who ended up as the Prime Minister of Trinidad when it became independent in the 1960s. But when he was younger, he wrote a book which is now regarded as a classic. He went to Oxford to do a PhD, won a scholarship. He was very smart. I won a sort of Oxford scholarship myself but 50 years before that, he came across the Atlantic and did an undergraduate degree in history and then did a PhD there and his PhD thesis was on slavery and capitalism.And at the time, in the 1930s, the link really wasn't acknowledged. You could read any sort of standard economic history written by British historians, and they completely ignored that. He made the argument that, you know, slavery was integral to the rise of capitalism and he basically started an argument which has been raging ever since the 1930s and, you know, if you want to study economic history now you have to sort of—you know, have to have to address that. And the way I thought, even though the—it's called the Williams thesis is very famous. I don't think many people knew much about where it came from. So I thought I'd do a chapter on—Andrew Keen: Yeah, that chapter is excellent. You mentioned earlier the Luddites, you're from Yorkshire where Luddism in some ways was born. One of the early chapters is on the Luddites. We did a show with Brian Merchant, his book, "Blood in the Machine," has done very well, I'm sure you're familiar with it. I always understood the Luddites as being against industrialization, against the machine, as opposed to being against capitalism. But did those two things get muddled together in the history of the Luddites?John Cassidy: I think they did. I mean, you know, Luddites, when we grew up, I mean you're English too, you know to be called a Luddite was a term of abuse, right? You know, you were sort of antediluvian, anti-technology, you're stupid. It was only, I think, with the sort of computer revolution, the tech revolution of the last 30, 40 years and the sort of disruptions it's caused, that people have started to look back at the Luddites and say, perhaps they had a point.For them, they were basically pre-industrial capitalism artisans. They worked for profit-making concerns, small workshops. Some of them worked for themselves, so they were sort of sole proprietor capitalists. Or they worked in small venues, but the rise of industrial capitalism, factory capitalism or whatever, basically took away their livelihoods progressively. So they associated capitalism with new technology. In their minds it was the same. But their argument wasn't really a technological one or even an economic one, it was more a moral one. They basically made the moral argument that capitalists shouldn't have the right to just take away their livelihoods with no sort of recompense for them.At the time they didn't have any parliamentary representation. You know, they weren't revolutionaries. The first thing they did was create petitions to try and get parliament to step in, sort of introduce some regulation here. They got turned down repeatedly by the sort of—even though it was a very aristocratic parliament, places like Manchester and Leeds didn't have any representation at all. So it was only after that that they sort of turned violent and started, you know, smashing machines and machines, I think, were sort of symbols of the system, which they saw as morally unjust.And I think that's sort of what—obviously, there's, you know, a lot of technological disruption now, so we can, especially as it starts to come for the educated cognitive class, we can sort of sympathize with them more. But I think the sort of moral critique that there's this, you know, underneath the sort of great creativity and economic growth that capitalism produces, there is also a lot of destruction and a lot of victims. And I think that message, you know, is becoming a lot more—that's why I think why they've been rediscovered in the last five or ten years and I'm one of the people I guess contributing to that rediscovery.Andrew Keen: There's obviously many critiques of capitalism politically. I want to come to Marx in a second, but your chapter, I thought, on Thomas Carlyle and this nostalgic conservatism was very important and there are other conservatives as well. John, do you think that—and you mentioned Trump earlier, who is essentially a nostalgist for a—I don't know, some sort of bizarre pre-capitalist age in America. Is there something particularly powerful about the anti-capitalism of romantics like Carlyle, 19th century Englishman, there were many others of course.John Cassidy: Well, I think so. I mean, I think what is—conservatism, when we were young anyway, was associated with Thatcherism and Reaganism, which, you know, lionized the free market and free market capitalism and was a reaction against the pre-existing form of capitalism, Keynesian capitalism of the sort of 40s to the 80s. But I think what got lost in that era was the fact that there have always been—you've got Hayek up there, obviously—Andrew Keen: And then Keynes and Hayek, the two—John Cassidy: Right, it goes to the end of that. They had a great debate in the 1930s about these issues. But Hayek really wasn't a conservative person, and neither was Milton Friedman. They were sort of free market revolutionaries, really, that you'd let the market rip and it does good things. And I think that that sort of a view, you know, it just became very powerful. But we sort of lost sight of the fact that there was also a much older tradition of sort of suspicion of radical changes of any type. And that was what conservatism was about to some extent. If you think about Baldwin in Britain, for example.And there was a sort of—during the Industrial Revolution, some of the strongest supporters of factory acts to reduce hours and hourly wages for women and kids were actually conservatives, Tories, as they were called at the time, like Ashley. That tradition, Carlyle was a sort of extreme representative of that. I mean, Carlyle was a sort of proto-fascist, let's not romanticize him, he lionized strongmen, Frederick the Great, and he didn't really believe in democracy. But he also had—he was appalled by the sort of, you know, the—like, what's the phrase I'm looking for? The sort of destructive aspects of industrial capitalism, both on the workers, you know, he said it was a dehumanizing system, sounded like Marx in some ways. That it dehumanized the workers, but also it destroyed the environment.He was an early environmentalist. He venerated the environment, was actually very strongly linked to the transcendentalists in America, people like Thoreau, who went to visit him when he visited Britain and he saw the sort of destructive impact that capitalism was having locally in places like Manchester, which were filthy with filthy rivers, etc. So he just saw the whole system as sort of morally bankrupt and he was a great writer, Carlyle, whatever you think of him. Great user of language, so he has these great ringing phrases like, you know, the cash nexus or calling it the Gospel of Mammonism, the shabbiest gospel ever preached under the sun was industrial capitalism.So, again, you know, that's a sort of paradoxical thing, because I think for so long conservatism was associated with, you know, with support for the free market and still is in most of the Republican Party, but then along comes Trump and sort of conquers the party with a, you know, more skeptical, as you say, romantic, not really based on any reality, but a sort of romantic view that America can stand by itself in the world. I mean, I see Trump actually as a sort of an effort to sort of throw back to mercantile capitalism in a way. You know, which was not just pre-industrial, but was also pre-democracy, run by monarchs, which I'm sure appeals to him, and it was based on, you know, large—there were large tariffs. You couldn't import things in the UK. If you want to import anything to the UK, you have to send it on a British ship because of the navigation laws. It was a very protectionist system and it's actually, you know, as I said, had a lot of parallels with what Trump's trying to do or tries to do until he backs off.Andrew Keen: You cheat a little bit in the book in the sense that you—everyone has their own chapter. We'll talk a little bit about Hayek and Smith and Lenin and Friedman. You do have one chapter on Marx, but you also have a chapter on Engels. So you kind of cheat. You combine the two. Is it possible, though, to do—and you've just written this book, so you know this as well as anyone. How do you write a book about capitalism and its critics and only really give one chapter to Marx, who is so dominant? I mean, you've got lots of Marxists in the book, including Lenin and Luxemburg. How fundamental is Marx to a criticism of capitalism? Is most criticism, especially from the left, from progressives, is it really just all a footnote to Marx?John Cassidy: I wouldn't go that far, but I think obviously on the left he is the central figure. But there's an element of sort of trying to rebuild Engels a bit in this. I mean, I think of Engels and Marx—I mean obviously Marx wrote the great classic "Capital," etc. But in the 1840s, when they both started writing about capitalism, Engels was sort of ahead of Marx in some ways. I mean, the sort of materialist concept, the idea that economics rules everything, Engels actually was the first one to come up with that in an essay in the 1840s which Marx then published in one of his—in the German newspaper he worked for at the time, radical newspaper, and he acknowledged openly that that was really what got him thinking seriously about economics, and even in the late—in 20, 25 years later when he wrote "Capital," all three volumes of it and the Grundrisse, just these enormous outpourings of analysis on capitalism.He acknowledged Engels's role in that and obviously Engels wrote the first draft of the Communist Manifesto in 1848 too, which Marx then topped and tailed and—he was a better writer obviously, Marx, and he gave it the dramatic language that we all know it for. So I think Engels and Marx together obviously are the central sort of figures in the sort of left-wing critique. But they didn't start out like that. I mean, they were very obscure, you've got to remember.You know, they were—when they were writing, Marx was writing "Capital" in London, it never even got published in English for another 20 years. It was just published in German. He was basically an expat. He had been thrown out of Germany, he had been thrown out of France, so England was last resort and the British didn't consider him a threat so they were happy to let him and the rest of the German sort of left in there. I think it became—it became the sort of epochal figure after his death really, I think, when he was picked up by the left-wing parties, which are especially the SPD in Germany, which was the first sort of socialist mass party and was officially Marxist until the First World War and there were great internal debates.And then of course, because Lenin and the Russians came out of that tradition too, Marxism then became the official doctrine of the Soviet Union when they adopted a version of it. And again there were massive internal arguments about what Marx really meant, and in fact, you know, one interpretation of the last 150 years of left-wing sort of intellectual development is as a sort of argument about what did Marx really mean and what are the important bits of it, what are the less essential bits of it. It's a bit like the "what did Keynes really mean" that you get in liberal circles.So yeah, Marx, obviously, this is basically an intellectual history of critiques of capitalism. In that frame, he is absolutely a central figure. Why didn't I give him more space than a chapter and a chapter and a half with Engels? There have been a million books written about Marx. I mean, it's not that—it's not that he's an unknown figure. You know, there's a best-selling book written in Britain about 20 years ago about him and then I was quoting, in my biographical research, I relied on some more recent, more scholarly biographies. So he's an endlessly fascinating figure but I didn't want him to dominate the book so I gave him basically the same space as everybody else.Andrew Keen: You've got, as I said, you've got a chapter on Adam Smith who's often considered the father of economics. You've got a chapter on Keynes. You've got a chapter on Friedman. And you've got a chapter on Hayek, all the great modern economists. Is it possible, John, to be a distinguished economist one way or the other and not be a critic of capitalism?John Cassidy: Well, I don't—I mean, I think history would suggest that the greatest economists have been critics of capitalism in their own time. People would say to me, what the hell have you got Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek in a book about critics of capitalism? They were great exponents, defenders of capitalism. They loved the system. That is perfectly true. But in the 1930s, 40s, 50s, 60s, and 70s, middle of the 20th century, they were actually arch-critics of the ruling form of capitalism at the time, which was what I call managed capitalism. What some people call Keynesianism, what other people call European social democracy, whatever you call it, it was a model of a mixed economy in which the government played a large role both in propping up demand and in providing an extensive social safety net in the UK and providing public healthcare and public education. It was a sort of hybrid model.Most of the economy in terms of the businesses remained in private hands. So most production was capitalistic. It was a capitalist system. They didn't go to the Soviet model of nationalizing everything and Britain did nationalize some businesses, but most places didn't. The US of course didn't but it was a form of managed capitalism. And Hayek and Friedman were both great critics of that and wanted to sort of move back to 19th century laissez-faire model.Keynes was a—was actually a great, I view him anyway, as really a sort of late Victorian liberal and was trying to protect as much of the sort of J.S. Mill view of the world as he could, but he thought capitalism had one fatal flaw: that it tended to fall into recessions and then they can snowball and the whole system can collapse which is what had basically happened in the early 1930s until Keynesian policies were adopted. Keynes sort of differed from a lot of his followers—I have a chapter on Joan Robinson in there, who were pretty left-wing and wanted to sort of use Keynesianism as a way to shift the economy quite far to the left. Keynes didn't really believe in that. He has a famous quote that, you know, once you get to full employment, you can then rely on the free market to sort of take care of things. He was still a liberal at heart.Going back to Adam Smith, why is he in a book on criticism of capitalism? And again, it goes back to what I said at the beginning. He actually wrote "The Wealth of Nations"—he explains in the introduction—as a critique of mercantile capitalism. His argument was that he was a pro-free trader, pro-small business, free enterprise. His argument was if you get the government out of the way, we don't need these government-sponsored monopolies like the East India Company. If you just rely on the market, the sort of market forces and competition will produce a good outcome. So then he was seen as a great—you know, he is then seen as the apostle of free market capitalism. I mean when I started as a young reporter, when I used to report in Washington, all the conservatives used to wear Adam Smith badges. You don't see Donald Trump wearing an Adam Smith badge, but that was the case.He was also—the other aspect of Smith, which I highlight, which is not often remarked on—he's also a critic of big business. He has a famous section where he discusses the sort of tendency of any group of more than three businessmen when they get together to try and raise prices and conspire against consumers. And he was very suspicious of, as I say, large companies, monopolies. I think if Adam Smith existed today, I mean, I think he would be a big supporter of Lina Khan and the sort of antitrust movement, he would say capitalism is great as long as you have competition, but if you don't have competition it becomes, you know, exploitative.Andrew Keen: Yeah, if Smith came back to live today, you have a chapter on Thomas Piketty, maybe he may not be French, but he may be taking that position about how the rich benefit from the structure of investment. Piketty's core—I've never had Piketty on the show, but I've had some of his followers like Emmanuel Saez from Berkeley. Yeah. How powerful is Piketty's critique of capitalism within the context of the classical economic analysis from Hayek and Friedman? Yeah, it's a very good question.John Cassidy: It's a very good question. I mean, he's a very paradoxical figure, Piketty, in that he obviously shot to world fame and stardom with his book on capital in the 21st century, which in some ways he obviously used the capital as a way of linking himself to Marx, even though he said he never read Marx. But he was basically making the same argument that if you leave capitalism unrestrained and don't do anything about monopolies etc. or wealth, you're going to get massive inequality and he—I think his great contribution, Piketty and the school of people, one of them you mentioned, around him was we sort of had a vague idea that inequality was going up and that, you know, wages were stagnating, etc.What he and his colleagues did is they produced these sort of scientific empirical studies showing in very simple to understand terms how the sort of share of income and wealth of the top 10 percent, the top 5 percent, the top 1 percent and the top 0.1 percent basically skyrocketed from the 1970s to about 2010. And it was, you know, he was an MIT PhD. Saez, who you mentioned, is a Berkeley professor. They were schooled in neoclassical economics at Harvard and MIT and places like that. So the right couldn't dismiss them as sort of, you know, lefties or Trots or whatever who're just sort of making this stuff up. They had to acknowledge that this was actually an empirical reality.I think it did change the whole basis of the debate and it was sort of part of this reaction against capitalism in the 2010s. You know it was obviously linked to the sort of Sanders and the Occupy Wall Street movement at the time. It came out of the—you know, the financial crisis as well when Wall Street disgraced itself. I mean, I wrote a previous book on all that, but people have sort of, I think, forgotten the great reaction against that a decade ago, which I think even Trump sort of exploited, as I say, by using anti-banker rhetoric at the time.So, Piketty was a great figure, I think, from, you know, I was thinking, who are the most influential critics of capitalism in the 21st century? And I think you'd have to put him up there on the list. I'm not saying he's the only one or the most eminent one. But I think he is a central figure. Now, of course, you'd think, well, this is a really powerful critic of capitalism, and nobody's going to pick up, and Bernie's going to take off and everything. But here we are a decade later now. It seems to be what the backlash has produced is a swing to the right, not a swing to the left. So that's, again, a sort of paradox.Andrew Keen: One person I didn't expect to come up in the book, John, and I was fascinated with this chapter, is Silvia Federici. I've tried to get her on the show. We've had some books about her writing and her kind of—I don't know, you treat her critique as a feminist one. The role of women. Why did you choose to write a chapter about Federici and that feminist critique of capitalism?John Cassidy: Right, right. Well, I don't think it was just feminist. I'll explain what I think it was. Two reasons. Number one, I wanted to get more women into the book. I mean, it's in some sense, it is a history of economics and economic critiques. And they are overwhelmingly written by men and women were sort of written out of the narrative of capitalism for a very long time. So I tried to include as many sort of women as actual thinkers as I could and I have a couple of early socialist feminist thinkers, Anna Wheeler and Flora Tristan and then I cover some of the—I cover Rosa Luxemburg as the great sort of tribune of the left revolutionary socialist, communist whatever you want to call it. Anti-capitalist I think is probably also important to note about. Yeah, and then I also have Joan Robinson, but I wanted somebody to do something in the modern era, and I thought Federici, in the world of the Wages for Housework movement, is very interesting from two perspectives.Number one, Federici herself is a Marxist, and I think she probably would still consider herself a revolutionary. She's based in New York, as you know now. She lived in New York for 50 years, but she came from—she's originally Italian and came out of the Italian left in the 1960s, which was very radical. Do you know her? Did you talk to her? I didn't talk to her on this. No, she—I basically relied on, there has been a lot of, as you say, there's been a lot of stuff written about her over the years. She's written, you know, she's given various long interviews and she's written a book herself, a version, a history of housework, so I figured it was all there and it was just a matter of pulling it together.But I think the critique, why the critique is interesting, most of the book is a sort of critique of how capitalism works, you know, in the production or you know, in factories or in offices or you know, wherever capitalist operations are working, but her critique is sort of domestic reproduction, as she calls it, the role of unpaid labor in supporting capitalism. I mean it goes back a long way actually. There was this moment, I sort of trace it back to the 1940s and 1950s when there were feminists in America who were demonstrating outside factories and making the point that you know, the factory workers and the operations of the factory, it couldn't—there's one of the famous sort of tire factory in California demonstrations where the women made the argument, look this factory can't continue to operate unless we feed and clothe the workers and provide the next generation of workers. You know, that's domestic reproduction. So their argument was that housework should be paid and Federici took that idea and a couple of her colleagues, she founded the—it's a global movement, but she founded the most famous branch in New York City in the 1970s. In Park Slope near where I live actually.And they were—you call it feminists, they were feminists in a way, but they were rejected by the sort of mainstream feminist movement, the sort of Gloria Steinems of the world, who Federici was very critical of because she said they ignored, they really just wanted to get women ahead in the sort of capitalist economy and they ignored the sort of underlying from her perspective, the underlying sort of illegitimacy and exploitation of that system. So they were never accepted as part of the feminist movement. They're to the left of the Feminist Movement.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Keynes, of course, so central in all this, particularly his analysis of the role of automation in capitalism. We did a show recently with Robert Skidelsky and I'm sure you're familiar—John Cassidy: Yeah, yeah, great, great biography of Keynes.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the great biographer of Keynes, whose latest book is "Mindless: The Human Condition in the Age of AI." You yourself wrote a brilliant book on the last tech mania and dot-com capitalism. I used it in a lot of my writing and books. What's your analysis of AI in this latest mania and the role generally of manias in the history of capitalism and indeed in critiquing capitalism? Is AI just the next chapter of the dot-com boom?John Cassidy: I think it's a very deep question. I think I'd give two answers to it. In one sense it is just the latest mania the way—I mean, the way capitalism works is we have these, I go back to Kondratiev, one of my Russian economists who ended up being killed by Stalin. He was the sort of inventor of the long wave theory of capitalism. We have these short waves where you have sort of booms and busts driven by finance and debt etc. But we also have long waves driven by technology.And obviously, in the last 40, 50 years, the two big ones are the original deployment of the internet and microchip technology in the sort of 80s and 90s culminating in the dot-com boom of the late 90s, which as you say, I wrote about. Thanks very much for your kind comments on the book. If you just sort of compare it from a financial basis I think they are very similar just in terms of the sort of role of hype from Wall Street in hyping up these companies. The sort of FOMO aspect of it among investors that they you know, you can't miss out. So just buy the companies blindly. And the sort of lionization in the press and the media of, you know, of AI as the sort of great wave of the future.So if you take a sort of skeptical market based approach, I would say, yeah, this is just another sort of another mania which will eventually burst and it looked like it had burst for a few weeks when Trump put the tariffs up, now the market seemed to be recovering. But I think there is, there may be something new about it. I am not, I don't pretend to be a technical expert. I try to rely on the evidence of or the testimony of people who know the systems well and also economists who have studied it. It seems to me the closer you get to it the more alarming it is in terms of the potential shock value that there is there.I mean Trump and the sort of reaction to a larger extent can be traced back to the China shock where we had this global shock to American manufacturing and sort of hollowed out a lot of the industrial areas much of it, like industrial Britain was hollowed out in the 80s. If you, you know, even people like Altman and Elon Musk, they seem to think that this is going to be on a much larger scale than that and will basically, you know, get rid of the professions as they exist. Which would be a huge, huge shock. And I think a lot of the economists who studied this, who four or five years ago were relatively optimistic, people like Daron Acemoglu, David Autor—Andrew Keen: Simon Johnson, of course, who just won the Nobel Prize, and he's from England.John Cassidy: Simon, I did an event with Simon earlier this week. You know they've studied this a lot more closely than I have but I do interview them and I think five, six years ago they were sort of optimistic that you know this could just be a new steam engine or could be a microchip which would lead to sort of a lot more growth, rising productivity, rising productivity is usually associated with rising wages so sure there'd be short-term costs but ultimately it would be a good thing. Now, I think if you speak to them, they see since the, you know, obviously, the OpenAI—the original launch and now there's just this huge arms race with no government involvement at all I think they're coming to the conclusion that rather than being developed to sort of complement human labor, all these systems are just being rushed out to substitute for human labor. And it's just going, if current trends persist, it's going to be a China shock on an even bigger scale.You know what is going to, if that, if they're right, that is going to produce some huge political backlash at some point, that's inevitable. So I know—the thing when the dot-com bubble burst, it didn't really have that much long-term impact on the economy. People lost the sort of fake money they thought they'd made. And then the companies, obviously some of the companies like Amazon and you know Google were real genuine profit-making companies and if you bought them early you made a fortune. But AI does seem a sort of bigger, scarier phenomenon to me. I don't know. I mean, you're close to it. What do you think?Andrew Keen: Well, I'm waiting for a book, John, from you. I think you can combine dot-com and capitalism and its critics. We need you probably to cover it—you know more about it than me. Final question, I mean, it's a wonderful book and we haven't even scratched the surface everyone needs to get it. I enjoyed the chapter, for example, on Karl Polanyi and so much more. I mean, it's a big book. But my final question, John, is do you have any regrets about anyone you left out? The one person I would have liked to have been included was Rawls because of his sort of treatment of capitalism and luck as a kind of casino. I'm not sure whether you gave any thought to Rawls, but is there someone in retrospect you should have had a chapter on that you left out?John Cassidy: There are lots of people I left out. I mean, that's the problem. I mean there have been hundreds and hundreds of critics of capitalism. Rawls, of course, incredibly influential and his idea of the sort of, you know, the veil of ignorance that you should judge things not knowing where you are in the income distribution and then—Andrew Keen: And it's luck. I mean the idea of some people get lucky and some people don't.John Cassidy: It is the luck of the draw, obviously, what card you pull. I think that is a very powerful critique, but I just—because I am more of an expert on economics, I tended to leave out philosophers and sociologists. I mean, you know, you could say, where's Max Weber? Where are the anarchists? You know, where's Emma Goldman? Where's John Kenneth Galbraith, the sort of great mid-century critic of American industrial capitalism? There's so many people that you could include. I mean, I could have written 10 volumes. In fact, I refer in the book to, you know, there's always been a problem. G.D.H. Cole, a famous English historian, wrote a history of socialism back in the 1960s and 70s. You know, just getting to 1850 took him six volumes. So, you've got to pick and choose, and I don't claim this is the history of capitalism and its critics. That would be a ridiculous claim to make. I just claim it's a history written by me, and hopefully the people are interested in it, and they're sufficiently diverse that you can address all the big questions.Andrew Keen: Well it's certainly incredibly timely. Capitalism and its critics—more and more of them. Sometimes they don't even describe themselves as critics of capitalism when they're talking about oligarchs or billionaires, they're really criticizing capitalism. A must read from one of America's leading journalists. And would you call yourself a critic of capitalism, John?John Cassidy: Yeah, I guess I am, to some extent, sure. I mean, I'm not a—you know, I'm not on the far left, but I'd say I'm a center-left critic of capitalism. Yes, definitely, that would be fair.Andrew Keen: And does the left need to learn? Does everyone on the left need to read the book and learn the language of anti-capitalism in a more coherent and honest way?John Cassidy: I hope so. I mean, obviously, I'd be talking my own book there, as they say, but I hope that people on the left, but not just people on the left. I really did try to sort of be fair to the sort of right-wing critiques as well. I included the Carlyle chapter particularly, obviously, but in the later chapters, I also sort of refer to this emerging critique on the right, the sort of economic nationalist critique. So hopefully, I think people on the right could read it to understand the critiques from the left, and people on the left could read it to understand some of the critiques on the right as well.Andrew Keen: Well, it's a lovely book. It's enormously erudite and simultaneously readable. Anyone who likes John Cassidy's work from The New Yorker will love it. Congratulations, John, on the new book, and I'd love to get you back on the show as anti-capitalism in America picks up steam and perhaps manifests itself in the 2028 election. Thank you so much.John Cassidy: Thanks very much for inviting me on, it was fun.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe
In this episode of Vitality Made Simple, Dr. Bill Rawls joins us to share his personal health crisis that began with chronic fatigue, disrupted sleep, and mysterious symptoms that stumped the traditional medical system. Eventually diagnosed with chronic Lyme disease, he realized that the real culprit wasn't just microbes—it was cellular dysfunction. His story reveals how chronic stress, poor diet, environmental toxins, and disrupted sleep create the perfect storm for dormant microbes to reactivate and wreak havoc on the body.Through years of research and recovery, Dr. Rawls embraced herbal medicine and began seeing a profound difference in his and his patients' lives. He explains why antibiotics often fall short in chronic Lyme treatment, how herbs support cellular health and immunity, and how healing must be terrain-focused rather than diagnosis-driven. This episode is packed with hope and practical insights for anyone struggling with Lyme, autoimmune issues, or chronic conditions that resist conventional treatments.Visit my website DrDebbieOzment.com for valuable free downloads. Additionally, you will find shopping links which I have curated on the website. Please follow me on instagram at drdebbieozment.
Madlik Podcast – Torah Thoughts on Judaism From a Post-Orthodox Jew
The biblical command to love others might be more about social contracts than warm fuzzy feelings. What if "love your neighbor" wasn't just a moral cliché, but a radical political theory? In this week's Madlik episode, we explore how the biblical concept of love in Judaism goes far beyond sentiment, representing a powerful social contract that shapes how we build just societies. Challenging Conventional Wisdom Many associate "love your neighbor as yourself" with Christian teachings, unaware of its origins in Leviticus. This episode aims to reclaim this foundational concept, examining it through the original texts and a Jewish lens and uncovering its profound implications for social and political philosophy. Key Insights: • Context is crucial: The commandment appears alongside practical economic and ethical guidelines, suggesting a broader application beyond personal relationships. • Love as action: The Hebrew phrasing implies loving what's good for your neighbor, focusing on welfare and justice rather than emotion alone. • A tool for ethical decision-making: The Bible creates a thought experiment that by considering what we'd want for ourselves, we gain a framework for fair treatment of others. • The gift of giving: Some interpretations link "love" (ahava) to the concept of giving (hav), emphasizing generosity as a core expression of love. Rethinking Love as a Social Contract Geoffrey Stern challenges us to view "love your neighbor" not just as an individual ethical guideline, but as a foundational principle for structuring society. This perspective aligns fascinatingly with the work of political philosopher John Rawls. Rawls' "Veil of Ignorance": • Imagine creating a society without knowing your place in it (rich/poor, talented/average, religious, secular etc.) • This thought experiment forces us to consider fairness for all, not just the majority • It echoes the biblical command to love your neighbor "as yourself" – putting yourself in another's position "What if 'love your neighbor' is the measuring stick we need to use when creating a just society?" - Geoffrey Stern Practical Implications: • Rethinking social safety nets: If you didn't know whether you'd be born advantaged or disadvantaged, what protections would you want in place? • Balancing opportunity and security: How do we create a system that rewards initiative while ensuring basic dignity for all? What if “neighbor” refers less to someone of the same religion, tribe or ethnicity and more for someone who one wishes to form a social contract with? • Defining community: Who counts as our "neighbor" in an increasingly interconnected world? Challenges to Consider Emotional agency: Can love truly be commanded? While we can't control feelings, we can cultivate loving actions and mindsets. Balancing self and other: How do we interpret "as yourself" without neglecting self-care or enabling codependency? Applying ancient wisdom: How do we translate these principles into modern policy and social structures? What We Learned About Love and Justice This exploration of "love your neighbor" reveals it's far more than a simple ethical maxim. It's a powerful tool for ethical reasoning, a guide for building just societies, and a challenge to constantly expand our circle of moral consideration. The next time you encounter this familiar phrase, consider: • How would your decisions change if you couldn't determine where you stood in your social system? • What would our communities look like if we used this principle as a foundation for policy-making? • How can you actively practice this form of love in your daily interactions and civic engagement? By reframing "love your neighbor" as a radical social contract, we unlock its potential to transform not just individual hearts, but entire societies. This episode of Madlik invites us to see love not as mere sentiment, but as a powerful force for justice and human flourishing. Timestamps [00:00] — The Radical Reframe: Is “Love Your Neighbor” Really About Politics? [01:45] — How Leviticus 19 Contextualizes Love With Justice and Economics [04:02] — Ethical Laws in Detail: Gleaning, Wages, and Honesty [06:25] — Love vs. Hate: The Torah's Practical Definitions [10:13] — Rabbi Akiva's Declaration: Why This Verse is a “Great Principle” [12:01] — How Medieval Commentaries Interpret “Love” Through Justice [17:15] — Emotional Agency and the Commandment to Love [20:17] — Christianity's Take: How the New Testament Riffs on Leviticus [24:55] — Giving as an Act of Love: Rabbi Riskin on the Root of Aha'vah [28:02] — John Rawls and Torah: Justice, Fairness, and the Veil of Ignorance Links & Learnings Sign up for free and get more from our weekly newsletter https://madlik.com/ Safaria Source Sheet: https://www.sefaria.org/sheets/645145 Transcript on episode web page: https://madlik.com/?p=5948
Lyme disease isn't just a tick bite and a couple antibiotics. It can wreck your life—and most people (including your average doc) have no clue how deep it goes
In this special live episode of the Tick Boot Camp podcast, we interview Dr. Bill Rawls, a renowned expert in chronic Lyme disease, at the ILADS conference. They dive deep into the critical steps newly diagnosed Lyme disease patients should take, discussing the complexity of chronic infections, the role of the nervous system, and key herbal-based solutions like the HPA Balance, Restore Kit, and Gut Rebuild Kit to support healing. Key Takeaways: Understanding Chronic Lyme – How multiple microbes contribute to long-term illness and why Lyme disease is more than just Borrelia. Regulating the Nervous System – The importance of managing the fight-or-flight response for improved recovery. The HPA Balance Supplement – How this formula supports HPA axis regulation, stress reduction, and immune function. The Restore Kit – A comprehensive blend of antimicrobials, adaptogens, and cellular support designed for Lyme patients. The Gut Rebuild Kit – Why gut health is essential after antibiotic use and how to restore balance with the right nutrients. Holistic Healing Approach – How emotional health, detoxification, and physiological support are all interconnected in Lyme recovery. About Dr. Bill Rawls Dr. Bill Rawls is a board-certified physician with a background in family medicine and a personal journey overcoming Lyme disease. He is the author of "Suffered Long Enough" and "Unlocking Lyme" and serves as the Medical Director of Vital Plan, an herbal supplement and wellness company. Dr. Rawls is dedicated to helping Lyme patients take control of their healing through natural solutions. Resources & Links: Follow the latest ILADS updates: ILADS.org Learn more about Dr. Bill Rawls: RawlsMD.com Stay connected with Tick Boot Camp: Website | Instagram | Facebook | YouTube | TikTok | Twitter (X)
Today's conversation with Dr. Bill Rawls and Braden Rawls is about understanding health at a cellular level.Dr. Bill Rawls is a licensed physician with over 30 years of experience in medicine. After facing a personal health crisis in his early forties, he turned to herbal and alternative medicine, restoring his health and becoming a leading voice in holistic wellness. He is the bestselling author of "The Cellular Wellness Solution," and serves as the Medical Director and Co-Founder of Vital Plan, a holistic health company and Certified B Corporation.Braden Rawls is the CEO and other Co-Founder of Vital Plan, a company she established with her father, Dr. Bill Rawls, in 2008. Under her leadership, Vital Plan has developed meticulously crafted supplement blends using the highest quality ingredients, aiming to empower individuals to take control of their health.The reason I reached out to them is that the information in Dr. Rawl's book “The Cellular Wellness Solution” had me buzzing from all that I learned because it made so much sense and provided a missing puzzle piece in my healing journey.I've been battling a couple autoimmune diseases for about fifteen years, and in that time, I've seen at least a dozen different endocrinologists, and each and every one of them told me that healing my own autoimmune condition was impossible. All solutions they offered ultimately led to surgically remove my thyroid or killing it through radioactive iodine. A major vital organ.And, I was unwilling to accept this route as a real solution (for me), and so I spent years reading books to learn as much as I could about thyroid health.Fast forward to today, and without medication, all of my thyroid levels are back in the normal range - because of what I've learned about healing through diet, lifestyle and herbal supplements.This is not medical advice. The information and opinions presented in this podcast are for generational informational purposes only and do not constitute medical advice. Always seek the advice of your own physician or other qualified healthcare provider with any questions you may have regarding a medical condition. Reliance on any information provided in this podcast is solely at your own risk.www.vitalplan.comwww.rawlsmd.com Instagram: @rawlsmdInstagram: @vitalplanSubscribe on Apple Podcast , Spotify or YouTube.Let's connect!Subscribe to my newsletter: Time To Live: Thriving in Business and BeyondWebsite: https://www.annemcginty.com/LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/annemcgintyInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/annemcgintyhost
Functionally Enlightened - Better ways to heal from chronic pain and illness
What if the key to healing chronic illness isn't just about treating symptoms, but restoring cellular health?
„Fairness“, „Integrität“, „Nachhaltigkeit“ – große Worte, die heute in beinahe jedem Leitbild prangen. Ob Unternehmen, Behörden oder politische Parteien: Fast jede Organisation formuliert Leitsätze, die ihre Werte und Ziele definieren sollen. Doch was auf dem Papier beeindruckt, erweist sich in der Praxis oft als blosse Fassade. In der aktuellen Folge meines Podcasts „Der stoische Pirat“ spreche ich über die Sinnkrise moderner Leitsätze – und eine mögliche Alternative.Der Ursprung meiner Überlegungen liegt in einem Leadership-Seminar. Ich fragte rund 60 Lehrpersonen: „Kennen Sie die Leitsätze Ihrer Schule?“ Schweigen. Niemand konnte sie nennen – bis der Direktor selbst einsprang. Kein Wunder: Er hatte sie geschrieben. Doch was bringen Leitsätze, die niemand kennt, geschweige denn lebt?Viele Begriffe in Leitbildern sind so vage, dass sie auf alles – und nichts – anwendbar sind. Was bedeutet „Fairness“? Für Philosophen wie Rawls oder Nozick bedeutet sie völlig Unterschiedliches. „Respekt“ kann ebenso heissen, andere Meinungen zuzulassen – oder sie zu unterdrücken. Ohne konkrete Handlungsanweisungen bleiben solche Begriffe hohl.Auch in der Politik erleben wir Floskeln in Reinkultur. Wenn etwa ein Innenpolitiker von einem „ganzheitlichen Ansatz zur Ordnung von Zuwanderung“ spricht, bleibt unklar, was genau damit gemeint ist. Solche Formulierungen wirken zwar kompetent – sie sagen aber nichts aus.Statt Leitsätzen braucht es Klarheit und Konsequenz. Wer „Integrität“ predigt, sollte auch sagen: „Wir entlassen Mitarbeitende, die gegen Compliance-Regeln verstossen.“ Wer „Fairness“ will, legt Gehaltsstrukturen offen. Nur durch Konkretheit entsteht Verbindlichkeit.Oder man geht einen Schritt weiter: Man erzählt eine Geschichte.Menschen erinnern sich an Geschichten, nicht an PowerPoint-Floskeln. Die Fremdenlegion erinnert jährlich an die Schlacht von Camarón – nicht an abstrakte Begriffe wie „Mut“ oder „Ehre“. Starbucks entstand aus einer Reise nach Italien, Patagonia aus der Frage, wie man Kletterhaken nachhaltiger machen kann. Diese Ursprungs-Geschichten geben Orientierung – innen wie aussen. Danny Brooks, ehemaliger Innovationschef bei Starbucks, bringt es auf den Punkt: „Wenn jemand grossartige Statements macht, hörst du weg. Wenn er eine Geschichte erzählt, hörst du zu.“Organisationen brauchen keine neuen Leitsätze. Sie brauchen eine klare Geschichte – und den Mut, sie zu leben.
durée : 00:58:34 - Avec philosophie - par : Géraldine Muhlmann, Nassim El Kabli - En quoi Friedrich Hayek et John Rawls, deux philosophes politiques majeurs du XXe siècle, s'opposent-ils sur la question de la justice sociale ? - réalisation : Nicolas Berger - invités : Thierry Aimar Enseignant-chercheur en sciences économiques à l'Université de Lorraine et à Sciences Po Paris ; Valérie Charolles Économiste et philosophe, chercheuse associée au Laboratoire d' Anthropologie Critique Interdisciplinaire (EHESS/CNRS); Patrick Savidan Professeur au département de droit public et de science politique à l'Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas
KP chats with Grammy and Dove award winning producer and worship pastor Ron Rawls. They talk about Gospel music, thinking like a producer, working with and developing musicians and how to grow a culture of worship. Connect with Ron: Instagram: @rawlsmusic Music: https://open.spotify.com/artist/4adM7mN6liEWrxmepwL2j8?si=Kyw5UgmCSn-We9JLoPlTnQ ++++++ This episode was brought to you by PraiseCharts. If you are a Worship leader or musician, when it comes to leading in church or playing worship music, you need reliable, high-quality music resources. That's exactly what PraiseCharts provides. With tens of thousands of songs available in chord charts through orchestrations plus stems, you won't struggle to find the songs you want and make things work for your setting—just instant access to the music your team needs. Check out PraiseCharts.com today and see how it can transform your worship ministry! ++++++++++ To learn more about Kurtis' book Worshipology: www.worshipologybook.com or www.kurtisparks.com
The first week of QUANTUM LEAPing forward and the crew give you more great and sad news. Lauryn Hill seems to be active again with a for mer band mate. Jaguar Wright is a part of an allegation she didn't start and is it en vogue to sleep in your car? New music from SnowGoons, Talib Kweli & J. Rawls and more... Click play and take the leap!!!Follow us NOW on YouTube, iHeartRadio, Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spreaker, and more...!!You like what hear..? PROVIDE a donation on @kpft.org (DONATE button)QUANTUM LEAP RADIO broadcasting and streaming live from #HUEston T.X.Every Saturday from 4-6p.m. CST (90.1FM KPFT Houston in HD2) & Thursday 1-3a.m. CST (on the F.M. dial)Worldwide@kpft.org/listen
596 - Lou Rawls - Bark, Bite (Fight All Night): Chris, Nick, and Andy break down "Bark, Bite (Fight All Night)" from the 1979 album Let Me Be Good to You by Lou Rawls.
Why is reforming capitalism so essential? In the latest issue of Liberties Quarterly, Tim Wu argues that unregulated capitalism not only leads to economic monopolies, but also drives populist anger and authoritarian politics. In “The Real Road to Serfdom”, Wu advocates for "decentralized capitalism" with distributed economic power, citing examples from Scandinavia and East Asia. Drawing from his experience in the Biden administration's antitrust efforts, he emphasizes the importance of preventing industry concentration. Wu expresses concern about big tech's growing political influence and argues that challenging monopolies is critical for fostering innovation and maintaining economic progress in the United States.Here are the 5 KEEN ON AMERICA takeaways from our interview with Tim Wu:* Historical Parallels: Wu sees concerning parallels between our current era and the 1930s, characterized by concentrated economic power, fragile economic conditions, and the rise of populist leaders. He suggests we're in a period where leaders are moving beyond winning elections to attempting to alter constitutional frameworks.* The Monopoly-Autocracy Connection: Wu argues there's a dangerous cycle where monopolies create economic inequality, which generates populist anger, which then enables authoritarian leaders to rise to power. He cites Hugo Chavez as a pioneer of this modern autocratic model that leaders like Trump have followed.* Decentralized Capitalism: Wu advocates for an economic system with multiple centers of distributed economic power, rather than just a few giant companies accumulating wealth. He points to Denmark, Taiwan, and post-WWII East Asia as successful examples of more balanced economic structures.* Antitrust Legacy: Wu believes the Biden administration's antitrust enforcement efforts have created lasting changes in legal standards and public consciousness that won't be easily reversed. He emphasizes that challenging monopolies is crucial for maintaining innovation and preventing industry stagnation.* Big Tech and Power: Wu expresses concern about big tech companies' growing political influence, comparing it to historical examples like AT&T and IBM. He's particularly worried about AI potentially reinforcing existing power structures rather than democratizing opportunities.Complete Transcript: Tim Wu on The Real Road to SerfdomAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. We live in very strange times. That's no exaggeration. Yesterday, we had Nick Bryant on the show, the author of The Forever War. He was the BBC's man in Washington, DC for a long time. In our conversation, Nick suggested that we're living in really historic times, equivalent to the fall of the Berlin Wall, 9/11, perhaps even the beginnings of the Second World War.My guest today, like Nick, is a deep thinker. Tim Wu will be very well known to you for many things, including his book, The Attention Merchants. He was involved in the Biden White House, teaches law at Columbia University, and much more. He has a new book coming out later in the year on November 4th, The Age of Extraction. He has a very interesting essay in this issue of Liberties, the quarterly magazine of ideas, called "The Real Road to Serfdom."Tim had a couple of interesting tweets in the last couple of days, one comparing the behavior of President Trump to Germany's 1933 enabling act. And when it comes to Ukraine, Tim wrote, "How does the GOP feel about their president's evident plan to forfeit the Cold War?" Tim Wu is joining us from his home in the village of Manhattan. Tim, welcome. Before we get to your excellent essay in Liberties, how would you historicize what we're living through at the moment?Tim Wu: I think the 1930s are not the wrong way to look at it. Prior to that period, you had this extraordinary concentration of economic power in a very fragile environment. A lot of countries had experienced an enormous crash and you had the rise of populist leaders, with Mussolini being the pioneer of the model. This has been going on for at least 5 or 6 years now. We're in that middle period where it's moving away from people just winning elections to trying to really alter the constitution of their country. So I think the mid-30s is probably about right.Andrew Keen: You were involved in the Biden administration. You were one of the major thinkers when it came to antitrust. Have you been surprised with what's happened since Biden left office? The speed, the radicalness of this Trump administration?Tim Wu: Yes, because I expected something more like the first Trump administration, which was more of a show with a lot of flash but poor execution. This time around, the execution is also poor but more effective. I didn't fully expect that Elon Musk would actually be a government official at this point and that he'd have this sort of vandalism project going on. The fact they won all of the houses of Congress was part of the problem and has made the effort go faster.Andrew Keen: You talk about Musk. We've done many shows on Musk's role in all this and the seeming arrival of Silicon Valley or a certain version of Silicon Valley in Washington, DC. You're familiar with both worlds, the world of big tech and Silicon Valley and Washington. Is that your historical reading that these two worlds are coming together in this second Trump administration?Tim Wu: It's very natural for economic power to start to seek political power. It follows from the basic view of monopoly as a creature that wants to defend itself, and the second observation that the most effective means of self-defense is control of government. If you follow that very simple logic, it stands to reason that the most powerful economic entities would try to gain control of government.I want to talk about the next five years. The tech industry is following the lead of Palantir and Peter Thiel, who were pioneers in thinking that instead of trying to avoid government, they should try to control it. I think that is the obvious move over the next four years.Andrew Keen: I've been reading your excellent essay in Liberties, "The Real Road to Serfdom." When did you write it? It seems particularly pertinent this week, although of course you didn't write it knowing exactly what was going to be happening with Musk and Washington DC and Trump and Ukraine.Tim Wu: I wrote it about two years ago when I got out of the White House. The themes are trying to get at eternal issues about the dangers of economic power and concentrated economic power and its unaccountability. If it made predictions that are starting to come true, I don't know if that's good or bad.Andrew Keen: "The Real Road to Serfdom" is, of course, a reference to the Hayek book "The Road to Serfdom." Did you consciously use that title with reference to Hayek, or was that a Liberties decision?Tim Wu: That was my decision. At that point, and I may still write this, I was thinking of writing a book just called "The Real Road to Serfdom." I am both fascinated and a fan of Hayek in certain ways. I think he nailed certain things exactly right but makes big errors at the same time.To his credit, Hayek was very critical of monopoly and very critical of the role of the state in reinforcing monopoly. But he had an almost naivete about what powerful, unaccountable private economic entities would do with their power. That's essentially my criticism.Andrew Keen: In 2018, you wrote a book, "The Curse of Bigness." And in a way, this is an essay against bigness, but it's written—please correct me if I'm wrong—I read it as a critique of the left, suggesting that there were times in the essay, if you're reading it blind, you could have been reading Hayek in its critique of Marx and centralization and Lenin and Stalin and the Ukrainian famines. Is the message in the book, Tim—is your audience a progressive audience? Are you saying that it's a mistake to rely on bigness, so to speak, the state as a redistributive platform?Tim Wu: Not entirely. I'm very critical of communist planned economies, and that's part of it. But it's mainly a critique of libertarian faith in private economic power or sort of the blindness to the dangers of it.My basic thesis in "The Real Road to Serfdom" is that free market economies will tend to monopolize. Once monopoly power is achieved, it tends to set off a strong desire to extract as much wealth from the rest of the economy as it can, creating something closer to a feudal-type economy with an underclass. That tends to create a huge amount of resentment and populist anger, and democracies have to respond to that anger.The libertarian answer of saying that's fine, this problem will go away, is a terrible answer. History suggests that what happens instead is if democracy doesn't do anything, the state takes over, usually on the back of a populist strongman. It could be a communist, could be fascist, could be just a random authoritarian like in South America.I guess I'd say it's a critique of both the right and the left—the right for being blind to the dangers of concentrated economic power, and the left, especially the communist left, for idolizing the takeover of vital functions by a giant state, which has a track record as bad, if not worse, than purely private power.Andrew Keen: You bring up Hugo Chavez in the essay, the now departed Venezuelan strongman. You're obviously no great fan of his, but you do seem to suggest that Chavez, like so many other authoritarians, built his popularity on the truth of people's suffering. Is that fair?Tim Wu: That is very fair. In the 90s, when Chavez first came to power through popular election, everyone was mystified and thought he was some throwback to the dictators of the 60s and 70s. But he turned out to be a pioneer of our future, of the new form of autocrat, who appealed to the unfairness of the economy post-globalization.Leaders like Hungary's Viktor Orbán, and certainly Donald Trump, are direct descendants of Hugo Chavez in their approach. They follow the same playbook, appealing to the same kind of pain and suffering, promising to act for the people as opposed to the elites, the foreigners, and the immigrants. Chavez is also a cautionary lesson. He started in a way which the population liked—he lowered gas prices, gave away money, nationalized industry. He was very popular. But then like most autocrats, he eventually turned the money to himself and destroyed his own country.Andrew Keen: Why are autocrats like Chavez and perhaps Trump so much better at capturing that anger than Democrats like Joe Biden and Kamala Harris?Tim Wu: People who are outside the system like Chavez are able to tap into resentment and anger in a way which is less diluted by their direct information environment and their colleagues. Anyone who hangs around Washington, DC for a long time becomes more muted and careful. They lose credibility.That said, the fact that populist strongmen take over countries in distress suggests we need to avoid that level of economic distress in the first place and protect the middle class. Happy, contented middle-class countries don't tend to see the rise of authoritarian dictators. There isn't some Danish version of Hugo Chavez in the running right now.Andrew Keen: You bring up Denmark. Denmark always comes up in these kinds of conversations. What's admirable about your essay is you mostly don't fall into the Denmark trap of simply saying, "Why don't we all become like Denmark?" But at the same time, you acknowledge that the Danish model is attractive, suggesting we've misunderstood it or treated it superficially. What can and can't we learn from the Danish model?Tim Wu: American liberals often misunderstand the lesson of Scandinavia and other countries that have strong, prosperous middle classes like Taiwan, Japan, and Korea. In Scandinavia's case, the go-to explanation is that it's just the liberals' favorite set of policies—high taxation, strong social support systems. But I think the structure of those economies is much more important.They have what Jacob Hacker calls very strong "pre-distribution." They've avoided just having a small set of monopolists who make all the money and then hopefully hand it out to other people. It goes back to their land reform in the early 19th century, where they set up a very different kind of economy with a broad distribution of productive assets.If I'm trying to promote a philosophy in this book, it's for people who are fed up with the excesses of laissez-faire capitalism and think it leads to autocracy, but who are also no fans of communism or socialism. Just saying "let people pile up money and we'll tax it later" is not going to work. What you need is an economy structured with multiple centers of distributed economic power.Andrew Keen: The term that seems to summarize that in the essay is "architecture of parity." It's a bit clunky, but is that the best way to sum up your thinking?Tim Wu: I'm working on the terminology. Architecture of equality, parity, decentralized capitalism, distribution—these are all terms trying to capture it. It's more of a 19th century form of Christian or Catholic economics. People are grasping for the right word for an economic system that doesn't rely on just a few giant companies taking money from everybody and hopefully redistributing it. That model is broken and has a dangerous tendency to lead to toxicity. We need a better capitalism. An alternative title for this piece could have been "Saving Capitalism from Itself."Andrew Keen: Your name is most associated with tech and your critique of big tech. Does this get beyond big tech? Are there other sectors of the economy you're interested in fixing and reforming?Tim Wu: Absolutely. Silicon Valley is the most obvious and easiest entry point to talk about concentrated economic power. You can see the dependence on a small number of platforms that have earnings and profits far beyond what anyone imagined possible. But we're talking about an economy-wide, almost global set of problems.Some industries are worse. The meat processing industry in the United States is horrendously concentrated—it takes all the money from farmers, charges us too much for meat, and keeps it for itself. There are many industries where people are looking for something to understand or believe in that's different than socialism but different than this libertarian capitalism that ends up bankrupting people. Tech is the easiest way to talk about it, but not the be-all and end-all of my interest.Andrew Keen: Are there other examples where we're beginning to see decentralized capitalism? The essay was very strong on the critique, but I found fewer examples of decentralized capitalism in practice outside maybe Denmark in the 2020s.Tim Wu: East Asia post-World War II is a strong example of success. While no economy is purely small businesses, although Taiwan comes close, if you look at the East Asian story after World War II, one of the big features was an effort to reform land, give land to peasants, and create a landowning class to replace the feudal system. They had huge entrepreneurism, especially in Korea and Taiwan, less in Japan. This built a strong and prosperous middle and upper middle class.Japan has gone through hard times—they let their companies get too big and they stagnated. But Korea and Taiwan have gone from being third world economies to Taiwan now being wealthier per capita than Japan. The United States is another strong example, vacillating between being very big and very small. Even at its biggest, it still has a strong entrepreneurial culture and sectors with many small entities. Germany is another good example. There's no perfect version, but what I'm saying is that the model of monopolized economies and just having a few winners and hoping that anybody else can get tax payments is really a losing proposition.Andrew Keen: You were on Chris Hayes recently talking about antitrust. You're one of America's leading thinkers on antitrust and were brought into the Biden administration on the antitrust front. Is antitrust then the heart of the matter? Is this really the key to decentralizing capitalism?Tim Wu: I think it's a big tool, one of the tools of managing the economy. It works by preventing industries from merging their way into monopoly and keeps a careful eye on structure. In the same way that no one would say interest rates are the be-all and end-all of monetary policy, when we're talking about structural policy, having antitrust law actively preventing overconcentration is important.In the White House itself, we spent a lot of time trying to get other agencies to prevent their sectors, whether healthcare or transportation, from becoming overly monopolized and extractive. You can have many parts of the government involved—the antitrust agencies are key, but they're not the only solution.Andrew Keen: You wrote an interesting piece for The Atlantic about Biden's antitrust initiatives. You said the outgoing president's legacy of revived antitrust enforcement won't be easy to undo. Trump is very good at breaking things. Why is it going to be hard to undo? Lina Khan's gone—the woman who seems to unite all of Silicon Valley in their dislike of her. What did Biden do to protect antitrust legislation?Tim Wu: The legal patterns have changed and the cases are ongoing. But I think more important is a change of consciousness and ideology and change in popular support. I don't think there is great support for letting big tech do whatever they want without oversight. There are people who believe in that and some of them have influence in this administration, but there's been a real change in consciousness.I note that the Federal Trade Commission has already announced that it's going to stick with the Biden administration's merger rules, and my strong sense is the Department of Justice will do the same. There are certain things that Trump did that we stuck with in the Biden administration because they were popular—the most obvious being the turn toward China. Going back to the Bush era approach of never bothering any monopolies, I just don't think there's an appetite for it.Andrew Keen: Why is Lina Khan so unpopular in Silicon Valley?Tim Wu: It's interesting. I'm not usually one to attribute things to sexism, but the Justice Department brought more cases against big tech than she did. Jonathan Kanter, who ran antitrust at Justice, won the case against Google. His firm was trying to break up Google. They may still do it, but somehow Lina Khan became the face of it. I think because she's young and a woman—I don't know why Jonathan Kanter didn't become the symbol in the same way.Andrew Keen: You bring up the AT&T and IBM cases in the US tech narrative in the essay, suggesting that we can learn a great deal from them. What can we learn from those cases?Tim Wu: The United States from the 70s through the 2010s was an extraordinarily innovative place and did amazing things in the tech industry. An important part of that was challenging the big IBM and AT&T monopolies. AT&T was broken into eight pieces. IBM was forced to begin selling its software separately and opened up the software markets to what became a new software industry.AT&T earlier had been forced to license the transistor, which opened up the semiconductor industry and to some degree the computing industry, and had to stay out of computing. The government intervened pretty forcefully—a form of industrial policy to weaken its tech monopolies. The lesson is that we need to do the same thing right now.Some people will ask about China, but I think the United States has always done best when it constantly challenges established power and creates room for entrepreneurs to take their shot. I want very much for the new AI companies to challenge the main tech platforms and see what comes of that, as opposed to becoming a stagnant industry. Everyone says nothing can become stagnant, but the aerospace industry was pretty quick-moving in the 60s, and now you have Boeing and Airbus sitting there. It's very easy for a tech industry to stagnate, and attacking monopolists is the best way to prevent that.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Google earlier. You had an interesting op-ed in The New York Times last year about what we should do about Google. My wife is head of litigation at Google, so I'm not entirely disinterested. I also have a career as a critic of Google. If Kent Walker was here, he would acknowledge some of the things he was saying. But he would say Google still innovates—Google hasn't become Boeing. It's innovating in AI, in self-driving cars, it's shifting search. Would he be entirely wrong?Tim Wu: No, he wouldn't be entirely wrong. In the same way that IBM kept going, AT&T kept going. What you want in tech industries is a fair fight. The problem with Google isn't that they're investing in AI or trying to build self-driving cars—that's great. The problem is that they were paying over $20 billion a year to Apple for a promise not to compete in search. Through control of the browsers and many other things, they were trying to make sure they could never be dislodged.My view of the economics is monopolists need to always be a little insecure. They need to be in a position where they can be challenged. That happens—there are companies who, like AT&T in the 70s or 60s, felt they were immune. It took the government to make space. I think it's very important for there to be opportunities to challenge the big guys and try to seize the pie.Andrew Keen: I'm curious where you are on Section 230. Google won their Supreme Court case when it came to Section 230. In this sense, I'm guessing you view Google as being on the side of the good guys.Tim Wu: Section 230 is interesting. In the early days of the Internet, it was an important infant industry protection. It was an insulation that was vital to get those little companies at the time to give them an opportunity to grow and build business models, because if you're being sued by billions of people, you can't really do too much.Section 230 was originally designed to protect people like AOL, who ran user forums and had millions of people discussing—kind of like Reddit. I think as Google and companies like Facebook became active in promoting materials and became more like media companies, the case for an absolutist Section 230 became a lot weaker. The law didn't really change but the companies did.Andrew Keen: You wrote the essay "The Real Road to Serfdom" a couple of years ago. You also talked earlier about AI. There's not a lot of AI in this, but 50% of all the investment in technology over the last year was in AI, and most of that has gone into these huge platforms—OpenAI, Anthropic, Google Gemini. Is AI now the central theater, both in the Road to Serfdom and in liberating ourselves from big tech?Tim Wu: Two years ago when I was writing this, I was determined not to say anything that would look stupid about AI later. There's a lot more on what I think about AI in my new book coming in November.I see AI as a classic potential successor technology. It obviously is the most significant successor to the web and the mass Internet of 20 years ago in terms of having potential to displace things like search and change the way people do various forms of productivity. How technology plays out depends a lot on the economic structure. If you think about a technology like the cotton gin, it didn't automatically lead to broad flourishing, but reinforced plantation slavery.What I hope happens with AI is that it sets off more competition and destabilization for some of the tech platforms as opposed to reinforcing their advantage and locking them in forever. I don't know if we know what's going to happen right now. I think it's extremely important that OpenAI stays separate from the existing tech companies, because if this just becomes the same players absorbing technology, that sounds a lot like the darker chapters in US tech history.Andrew Keen: And what about the power of AI to liberate ourselves from our brain power as the next industrial revolution? When I was reading the essay, I thought it would be a very good model, both as a warning and in terms of offering potential for us to create this new architecture of parity. Because the technology in itself, in theory at least, is one of parity—one of democratizing brainpower.Tim Wu: Yes, I agree it has extraordinary potential. Things can go in two directions. The Industrial Revolution is one example where you had more of a top-down centralization of the means of production that was very bad for many people initially, though there were longer-term gains.I would hope AI would be something more like the PC revolution in the 80s and 90s, which did augment individual humanity as opposed to collective enterprise. It allowed people to do things like start their own travel agency or accounting firm with just a computer. I am interested and bullish on the potential of AI to empower smaller units, but I'm concerned it will be used to reinforce existing economic structures. The jury's out—the future will tell us. Just hoping it's going to make humanity better is not going to be the best answer.Andrew Keen: When you were writing this essay, Web3 was still in vogue then—the idea of blockchain and crypto decentralizing the economy. But I didn't see any references to Web3 and the role of technology in democratizing capitalism in terms of the architecture of corporations. Are you skeptical of the Web3 ideology?Tim Wu: The essay had its limits since I was also talking about 18th century Denmark. I have a lot more on blockchain and Web3 in the book. The challenge with crypto and Bitcoin is that it both over-promises and delivers something. I've been very interested in crypto and blockchain for a long time. The challenge it's had is constantly promising to decentralize great systems and failing, then people stealing billions of dollars and ending up in prison.It has a dubious track record, but it does have this core potential for a certain class of people to earn money. I'm always in favor of anything that is an alternative means of earning money. There are people who made money on it. I just think it's failed to execute on its promises. Blockchain in particular has failed to be a real challenge to web technologies.Andrew Keen: As you say, Hayek inspired the book and in some sense this is intellectual. The father of decentralization in ideological terms was E.F. Schumacher. I don't think you reference him, but do you think there has been much thinking since Schumacher on the value of smallness and decentralized architectures? What do people like yourself add to what Schumacher missed in his critique of bigness?Tim Wu: Schumacher is a good example. Rawls is actually under-recognized as being interested in these things. I see myself as writing in the tradition of those figures and trying to pursue a political economy that values a more balanced economy and small production.Hopefully what I add is a level of institutional experience and practicality that was missing. Rawls is slightly unfair because he's a philosopher, but his model doesn't include firms—it's just individuals. So it's all about balancing between poor people and rich people when obviously economic power is also held by corporations.I'm trying to create more flesh on the bones of the "small is beautiful" philosophy and political economy that is less starry-eyed and more realistic. I'm putting forward the point that you're not sacrificing growth and you're taking less political risk with a more balanced economy. There's an adulation of bigness in our time—exciting big companies are glamorous. But long-term prosperity does better when you have more centers, a more balanced system. I'm not an ultra-centralist suggesting we should live in mud huts, but I do think the worship of monopoly is very similar to the worship of autocracy and is dangerous.Andrew Keen: Much to discuss. Tim Wu, thank you so much. The author of "The Real Road to Serfdom," fascinating essay in this month's issue of Liberties. I know "The Age of Extraction" will be coming out on November 10th.Tim Wu: In England and US at the same time.Andrew Keen: We'll get you back on the show. Fascinating conversation, Tim. Thank you so much.Hailed as the “architect” of the Biden administration's competition and antitrust policies, Tim Wu writes and teaches about private power and related topics. First known for coining the term “net neutrality” in 2002, in recent years Wu has been a leader in the revitalization of American antitrust and has taken a particular focus on the growing power of the big tech platforms. In 2021, he was appointed to serve in the White House as special assistant to the president for technology and competition policy. A professor at Columbia Law School since 2006, Wu has also held posts in public service. He was enforcement counsel in the New York Attorney General's Office, worked on competition policy for the National Economic Council during the Barack Obama administration, and worked in antitrust enforcement at the Federal Trade Commission. In 2014, Wu was a Democratic primary candidate for lieutenant governor of New York. In his most recent book, The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age (2018), he argues that corporate and industrial concentration can lead to the rise of populism, nationalism, and extremist politicians. His previous books include The Attention Merchants: The Epic Scramble to Get Inside Our Heads (2016), The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires (2010), and Who Controls the Internet?: Illusions of a Borderless World (2006), which he co-authored with Jack Goldsmith. Wu was a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times and also has written for Slate, The New Yorker, and The Washington Post. He once explained the concept of net neutrality to late-night host Stephen Colbert while he rode a rollercoaster. He has been named one of America's 100 most influential lawyers by the National Law Journal; has made Politico's list of 50 most influential figures in American politics (more than once); and has been included in the Scientific American 50 of policy leadership. Wu is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He served as a law clerk for Justice Stephen Breyer of the U.S. Supreme Court and Judge Richard Posner of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting the daily KEEN ON show, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy interview series. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe
About Mandy Mandy is the wife to Dustin and mom to Dylan, 11, and Madison, 14, who was born with Spina Bifida. Professionally, she has been a high school teacher for nearly 20 years and loves working with students in FCCLA, the student organization she sponsors. Personally speaking, she's obsessed with Christmas, loves to shop and entertain in our home, and is a huge Elvis fan. Her family is very active in their church. About the Episode As special-needs parents, we have to make decisions daily for our children regarding their care. There are times when decisions come our way that may have life-altering effects. What do you do when those decisions come your way? How do you process through making difficult decisions regarding our children with disabilities? Related Links Rising Above Family Resources
In this episode of the DEF-EDucation Podcast, I sit down with legendary Hip Hop artist and educator John Robinson, known for his work with MF DOOM, Scienz of Life, and his innovative contributions to Hip Hop Education. We dive into his journey as an artist and educator, exploring his collaboration with J. Rawls—a renowned producer and professor—and their groundbreaking book, Youth Culture Power.Together, we discuss how Hip Hop can transform education, empower students, and bridge the gap between youth culture and academic success. John shares insights from his experience bringing Hip Hop pedagogy into classrooms and the importance of making learning culturally relevant.
Racial covenants along with violence, hostility and coercion played an outsized role in keeping non-white families out of sought after suburbs. Lee learns how these practices became national policy after endorsement by the state's wealthy business owners and powerful politicians.TranscriptPart 2 – Discrimination and the Perpetual FightCold Open:PENNY PETERSEN: He doesn't want to have his name associated with this. I mean, it is a violation of the 14th Amendment. Let's be clear about that. So he does a few here and there throughout Minneapolis, but he doesn't record them. Now, deeds don't become public records until they're recorded and simultaneously, Samuel Thorpe, as in, Thorpe brothers, is president of the National Board of Real EstateFRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “Housing for Blacks was extremely limited after the freeway went through and took so many homes. We wanted to sell to Blacks only because they had so few opportunities.”LEE HAWKINS: You know, all up and down this street, there were Black families. Most of them — Mr. Riser, Mr. Davis, Mr. White—all of us could trace our property back to Mr. Hughes at the transaction that Mr. Hughes did.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: What makes me happy is our family was a big part of opening up places to live in the white community.You're listening to Unlocking The Gates, Episode 2.My name is Lee Hawkins. I'm a journalist and the author of the book I AM NOBODY'S SLAVE: How Uncovering My Family's History Set Me Free.I investigated 400 years of my Black family's history — how enslavement and Jim Crow apartheid in my father's home state of Alabama, the Great Migration to St. Paul, and our move to the suburbs shaped us.We now understand how the challenges Black families faced in buying homes between 1930 and 1960 were more than isolated acts of attempted exclusion.My reporting for this series has uncovered evidence of deliberate, systemic obstacles, deeply rooted in a national framework of racial discrimination.It all started with me shining a light on the neighborhood I grew up in – Maplewood.Mrs. Rogers, who still lives there, looks back, and marvels at what she has lived and thrived through.ANN-MARIE ROGERS: My kids went to Catholic school, and every year they would have a festival. I only had the one child at the time. They would have raffle books, and I would say, don't you dare go from door to door. I family, grandma, auntie, we'll buy all the tickets, so you don't have to and of course, what did he do? And door to door, and I get a call from the principal, Sister Gwendolyn, and or was it sister Geraldine at that time? I think it was sister Gwendolyn. And she said, Mrs. Rogers, your son went to a door, and the gentleman called the school to find out if we indeed had black children going to this school, and she said, don't worry. I assured him that your son was a member of our school, but that blew me away.In all my years in Maplewood, I had plenty of similar incidents, but digging deeper showed me that the pioneers endured so much more, as Carolyn Hughes-Smith explains.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: The one thing that I really, really remember, and it stays in my head, is cross burning. It was a cross burning. And I don't remember exactly what's it on my grandfather's property? Well, all of that was his property, but if it was on his actual home site.Mrs. Rogers remembers firsthand –ANN-MARIE ROGERS: I knew the individual who burned the cross.Mark Haynes also remembers –MARK HAYNES: phone calls at night, harassment, crosses burnedIn the archives, I uncovered a May 4, 1962, article from the St. Paul Recorder, a Black newspaper, that recounted the cross-burning incident in Maplewood. A white woman, Mrs. Eugene Donavan, saw a white teen running away from a fire set on the lawn of Ira Rawls, a Black neighbor who lived next door to Mrs. Rogers. After the woman's husband stamped out the fire, she described the Rawls family as “couldn't be nicer people.” Despite the clear evidence of a targeted act, Maplewood Police Chief Richard Schaller dismissed the incident as nothing more than a "teenager's prank."Instead of retreating, these families, my own included, turned their foothold in Maplewood into a foundation—one that not only survived the bigotry but became a catalyst for generational progress and wealth-building.JESON JOHNSON: when you see somebody has a beautiful home, they keep their yard nice, they keep their house really clean. You know that just kind of rubs off on you. And there's just something that, as you see that more often, you know it just, it's something that imprints in your mind, and that's what you want to have, you know, for you and for your for your children and for their children.But stability isn't guaranteed. For many families, losing the pillar of the household—the one who held everything together—meant watching the foundation begin to crack.JESON JOHNSON: if the head of a household leaves, if the grandmother that leaves, that was that kept everybody kind of at bay. When that person leaves, I seen whole families just, just really go downhill. No, nobody's able to kind of get back on your feet, because that was kind of the starting ground, you know, where, if you, if you was a if you couldn't pay your rent, you went back to mama's house and you said to get back on your feet.For Carolyn Hughes-Smith, inheriting property was a bittersweet lesson. Her family's land had been a source of pride and stability— holding onto it proved difficult.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: We ended up having to sell it in the long run, because, you know, nobody else in the family was able to purchase it and keep going with it. And that that that was sad to me, but it also gave me an experience of how important it is to be able to inherit something and to cherish it and be able to share it with others while it's there.Her family's experience illustrates a paradox—how land, even when sold, can still transform lives.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: Us kids, we all inherited from it to do whatever, like my brother sent his daughter to college, I bought some property, you know?But not all families found the same success in holding onto their homes. For Mark Haynes, the challenges of maintaining his father's property became overwhelming, and the sense of loss lingered.MARK HAYNES: it was really needed a lot of repair. We couldn't sell it. It was too much.It wasn't up to code. We couldn't sell it the way it was. Yes, okay, I didn't really want to sell it. She tried to fix it, brought up code, completely renovated it. I had to flip I had to go get a job at Kuhlman company as a CFO, mm hmm, to make enough money. And I did the best I could with that, and lost a lot of money. AndLEE HAWKINS: Oh, gosh, okay. So when you think about that situation, I know that you, you said that you wish you could buy it back.MARK HAYNES: Just, out of principle, it was, I was my father's house. He, he went through a lot to get that and I just said, we should have it back in the family.For Marcel Duke, he saw the value of home ownership and made it a priority for his own life.MARCEL DUKE: I bought my first house when I was 19. I had over 10 homes by time I was 25 or 30, by time I was 30This story isn't just about opportunity—it's about the barriers families had to overcome to claim it. Before Maplewood could become a community where Black families could thrive, it was a place where they weren't even welcome.The racial covenants and real estate discrimination that shaped Minnesota's suburban landscape are stark reminders of how hard-fought this progress truly was.LEE HAWKINS: I read an article about an organization called Mapping Prejudice which identifies clauses that say this house should never be sold to a person of color.So we had this talk. Do you remember?PENNY PETERSEN: I certainly do, it was 2018.Here's co-founder Penny Petersen.PENNY PETERSEN: So I started doing some work, and when you you gave me the name of Mr. Hughes. And I said, Does Mr. Hughes have a first name? It make my job a lot easier, and I don't think you had it at that point. So I thought, okay, I can do this.LEE HAWKINS: I just knew it was the woman Liz who used to babysit me. I just knew it was her grandfather.PENNY PETERSEN: Oh, okay, so, he's got a fascinating life story.He was born in Illinois in. He somehow comes to Minnesota from Illinois at some point. And he's pretty interesting from the beginning.He, apparently, pretty early on, gets into the printing business, and eventually he becomes what's called an ink maker. This is like being a, you know, a chemist, or something like, very serious, very highly educated.In 1946 he and his wife, Francis Brown Hughes and all. There's a little more about that. Bought 10 acres in the Smith and Taylor edition. He tried to buy some land, and the money was returned tohim when they found it. He was black, so Frank and Marie Taurek, who maybe they didn't like their neighbors, maybe, I don't know. It wasn't really clear to me,PENNY PETERSEN: Yeah, yeah. And so maybe they were ready to leave, because they had owned it since 1916 so I think they were ready to retire. So at any rate, they buy the land. They he said we had to do some night dealing, so the neighbors didn't see. And so all of a sudden, James T Hughes and Francis move to Maplewood. It was called, I think in those days, Little Canada, but it's present day Maplewood. So they're sitting with 10 acres of undeveloped land. So they decide we're going to pay it off, and then we'll develop it.Hearing Penny describe Frank Taurek takes me back to the conversation I had with his great granddaughter Davida who never met him and only heard stories that didn't paint him in the most flattering light.DAVIDA TAUREK: It feels like such a heroic act in a way at that time and yet that's not, it seems like that's not who his character was in on some levels, you know.HAWKINS: But people are complicatedThe choices made by Frank and Marie Taurek—choices that set the stage for families like mine—are reflected in how their descendants think about fairness and equity even today. That legacy stands alongside the extraordinary steps taken by James and Frances Hughes. Penny Petersen explains how they brought their vision to life.PENNY PETERSEN: They paid it off in a timely fashion. I think was 5% interest for three years or something like that. He plaits it into 20 lots, and in 1957 he starts selling them off. And he said there were one or two white families who looked at it, but then decided not to. But he he was had very specific ideas that you have to build a house of a certain, you know, quality. There were nice big lots, and the first family started moving in. So that's how you got to live there.But interestingly, after the Hughes bought it in 1946 some a guy called Richard Nelson, who was living in Maplewood, started putting covenants around it.LEE HAWKINS: There were people who were making statements that were basically explicitly excluding Negroes from life liberty and happiness.And these are big brands names in Minnesota. One was a former lieutenant governor, let's just put the name out there.Penny explains how we got here:PENNY PETERSEN: The first covenant in Hennepin County and probably the state of Minnesota, seems to be by Edmund G Walton. He lived in Minneapolis in 1910 he enters a covenant. He doesn't do it. This is great because his diaries are at the Minnesota Historical Society.He was, by the way, born in England. He'd never he may or may not have become an American citizen. He was certainly voting in American presidential elections. He was the son of a silk merchant wholesaler, so he was born into money. He wasn't landed gentry, which kind of chapped him a lot. And he he came to America to kind of live out that life. So he he's casting about for what's my next, you know, gig. And he goes through a couple things, but he finally hits on real estate.And he He's pretty good at it. He's, he's a Wheeler Dealer. And you can see this in his letters to his mom back in England, in the diaries, these little, not so maybe quite legal deals he's pulling off.But by, by the early aughts of the 20th century, he's doing pretty well, but he needs outside capital, and so he starts courting this guy called Henry or HB Scott, who is land agent for the Burlington railroad in Iowa, and he's immensely wealthy. And. No one knows about Henry B Scott in Minneapolis. You know, he's some guy you know.So he gets Scott to basically underwrite this thing called what will be eventually known as Seven Oaks Corporation. But no one knows who he is really what Edmund Walton does so he gets, he gets this in place in 1910 Walton, via Henry Scott, puts the first covenant in.And there's a laundry list of ethnicities that are not allowed. And of course, it's always aimed at black people. I mean that that's that's universal. And then what's happening in the real estate realm is real estate is becoming professionalized.Instead of this, these guys just selling here and there. And there's also happening about this time, you know, race riots and the NAACP is formed in 1909 the Urban League in 1910 and I think Walton is he sees something. I can make these things more valuable by making them White's only space.But he doesn't want to have his name associated with this. I mean, it is a violation of the 14th Amendment. Let's be clear about that. So he does a few here and there throughout Minneapolis, but he doesn't record them. Now, deeds don't become public records until they're recorded and simultaneously, Samuel Thorpe, as in, Thorpe brothers, is president of the National Board of Real Estate, you know, and he's listening to JC Nichols from Kansas City, who said, you know, a few years ago, I couldn't sell a lot with covenants on them, but now I can't sell it without covenants.After that, that real estate convention, there's one in 1910 and Walton is clearly passing this around, that he's he's put covenants in, but no one really talks about it, but they you know, as you look back when the deeds were signed, it's like 1910 1911 1912 the 1912 one when HB, when JC, Nichols said, I can't sell a lot without him.Sam Thorpe immediately picks up on this. He's the outgoing president of the National Board of Real Estate. By June, by August, he has acquired the land that will become Thorpe Brothers Nokomis Terrace. This is the first fully covenanted edition. He doesn't record for a while, but within a few years, they're not only these things are not only recorded, but Walton is advertising in the newspaper about covenants, so it's totally respectable. And then this is where Thomas Frankson comes in. In Ramsey County, he's still in the legislature when he puts his first covenant property together, Frankson Como Park, and in 1913 he's advertising in the newspapers. In fact, he not only advertises in English, he advertises in Swedish to let those Swedish immigrants know maybe they don't read English. So well, you can buy here. This will be safe.Penny says the National Board of Real Estate but she means the National Association of Realtors. Samuel Thorpe was not only the President of this powerful organization, he even coined the term ‘realtor' according to records.I want to take a moment to emphasize that Thomas Frankson is a former lieutenant governor.They were architects of exclusion. By embedding racial covenants into the fabric of land deals, they set a legal precedent that shaped housing markets and defined neighborhoods for decades. As Penny Petersen noted, these practices were professionalized and legitimized within the real estate industry.Michael Corey, Associate Director of Mapping Prejudice explains how these covenants were enforced.MICHAEL COREY: And so in the newspaper, as not only do they put the text of the Covenant, then two lines later, it says, you have my assurance that the above restrictions will be enforced to the fullest extent of the law. And this is a legislator saying this, and so like when he says that people are going to assume he means it.And the way this worked with racial covenants is, theoretically, you could take someone to court if they violated the covenant, and they would lose the house, the house would revert back to the original person who put the covenant in. So the potential penalty was quite high forLEE HAWKINS: Oh, gosh.MICHAEL COREY: And I think, like, in practice, it's not like this is happening all the time. The way covenants work is that, like, no one's gonna mess with that because the consequence is so high.LEE HAWKINS: Is there any record of anybody ever breaking a covenant.MICHAEL COREY: Yeah, there are, like, there are legal cases where people either tried like, and people try a number of different strategies, like as Penny mentioned some of the early ones, they have this, like, laundry list of 19th century racial terms. And so it'll say, like, no Mongolian people, for example, like using this, like, racial science term. And so someone who is Filipino might come in and say, like, I'm not Mongolian, I'm Filipino.So, this professionalizing real estate industry keeps refining the covenants to be more, to stand up in court better. But I think for so many people, it's it's not worth the risk to break the covenant both white and like. For the white person, the stakes are low, right? Your neighbors might not like you. For people of color who are trying to break this color line, the stakes are the highest possible like like, because the flip side of a covenant is always violence.So I'm now clear on how these wealthy and powerful figures in my home state came up with a system to keep anybody who was not white locked out of the housing market.I'm still not clear on how these ideas spread around the country.MICHAEL COREY: these conferences that these real estate leaders, like the like the Thorpe brothers are going to like, this is the, this is the moment when these national Realty boards are being formed. And so all of these people are in these rooms saying, Hey, we've got this innovative technology. It's a racial covenant.And this private practice spreads rapidly after places that are in early. There's some places in the East Coast that are trying this this early too. This becomes the standard, and in fact, it gets written into the National Board of Realty ethics code for years because they're prominent people, they're also, like, going to be some of your elected officials there.And when you get to the era of the New Deal, like these are the people who are on the boards that are like, setting federal policy, and a lot of this stuff gets codified into federal legislation. So what starts as a private practice becomes the official policy of the US government when you get to the creation of the Federal Housing Administration that adopts essentially this, this concept that you should not give preferential treatment on loans to to integrate to neighborhoods that are going to be in harmonious and that same logic gets supercharged, because if we know something about this era, this is the FHA and then, and then the GI bill at the end of World War Two are a huge sea change in the way that housing gets financed and the way that homeownership sort of works.I learned so much from my conversations with Penny and Michael. We covered a lot of ground and at times I found myself overwhelmed by the weight of what I was hearing. What exactly does this mean today? What about the families who didn't secure real estate through night dealings? The families who didn't slip through the cracks of codified racial discrimination? How can we address these disparities now?In the final part of our series, we'll hear from some of the people who benefitted, including relatives of Samuel Thorpe who have become new leaders in an old fight to make home ownership a reality for millions of Americans.MARGARET THORPE-RICHARDS: This could be the conversation. I feel like it's time to say something from my perspective. I have a platform, I have a voice, and I think it needs to be said and discussed and talked about,OUTRO MUSIC THEME/CREDITSYou've been listening to Unlocking the Gates: How the North led Housing Discrimination in America. A special series by APM Studios AND Marketplace APM with research support from the Alicia Patterson Foundation and Mapping Prejudice.Hosted and created by me, Lee Hawkins. Produced by Marcel Malekebu and Senior Producer, Meredith Garretson-Morbey. Our Sound Engineer is Gary O'Keefe.Kelly Silvera is Executive Producer.
In this enlightening episode of Resiliency Radio with Dr. Jill, we welcome Dr. Bill Rawls, MD—physician, author, and herbal medicine expert—to dive deep into the fascinating world of the **blood microbiome** and its impact on health and disease. Dr. Rawls, renowned for his books The Cellular Wellness Solution and Unlocking Lyme, shares his personal journey of overcoming chronic illness and how it led him to the study of herbal medicine and cellular wellness. Key Topics Discussed ✅ The Blood Microbiome & Its Role in Health – How microbial communities within the bloodstream influence inflammation, immune function, and chronic disease. ✅ Chronic Infections & Hidden Pathogens – The link between stealth infections, Lyme disease, and other persistent health challenges. ✅ Empowering Resilience at the Cellular Level – How lifestyle, nutrition, and herbal therapies support mitochondrial function and overall wellness. Remember that all cellular health requires 5 things: 1) Nutrients 2) Clean environment 3) Down time/Recovery 4) Blood flow (washes away waste) and movement 5) Protection from microbes Dr. Bill Rawls For over 30 years, Dr. Bill Rawls has dedicated his life to medicine. When a health crisis with chronic Lyme disease abruptly changed his quality of life, he came face to face with the limitations of modern medicine and began to explore the vast possibilities of alternative treatments. Restoring his health through holistic and herbal therapies inspired him to share his revelations on the importance of cellular wellness for defending against microbes and other root causes of illness. Today, he works to bring life and vitality to others as he helps them establish their own paths to wellness through modern herbology. Through his bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution, Dr. Rawls demonstrates why crucial herbal phytochemicals are key to protecting cellular health and strengthening the body's defense against illness. Dr. Rawls is also the founder of Vital Plan, a holistic health company, where he developed the signature Restore Kit™, an advanced herbal protocol that has helped thousands to reclaim vibrant health. Dr. Rawls is a #1 bestselling author and seasoned speaker and interviewee. With a compassionate approach and an incredible depth of knowledge, Dr. Rawls has a distinct ability to make scientific concepts accessible and enriching for everyone. https://rawlsmd.com/books https://rawlsmd.com/ https://vitalplan.com/
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[NOTE: This podcast does not replace medical treatment. If you struggle with Lyme care, please see a Lyme Literate Medical Doctor.]
[NOTE: This podcast does not replace medical treatment. If you struggle with Lyme care, please see a Lyme Literate Medical Doctor.] What if healing from chronic Lyme disease isn't just about killing bacteria but restoring your cellular health? In this episode of Love, Hope, Lyme, host Fred Diamond sits down with Dr. Bill Rawls, author of "The Cellular Wellness Solution," to dive deep into the science behind Lyme disease, the role of stealth infections, and why understanding symptoms at the cellular level is the key to recovery.
Picture this: Dad drops the kids off at school in the morning. Mom picks them up in the evening. On paper, it looks balanced. But is it really fair? To answer this, let's borrow a thought experiment from philosopher John Rawls: the “veil of ignorance”. Imagine you're tasked with designing the rules for how work, family, and caregiving responsibilities are distributed. But there's a twist—you don't know who you'll be in this system. Behind the veil, you have no idea if you'll be Mom or Dad, employer or employee. You don't know your gender, your role at work, or your personal circumstances. Stripped of all bias, your goal is to create a system that's fair for everyone—no matter where they end up. Now let's revisit Mom and Dad's arrangement through this lens. Listen for all the juicy details! hashtag#Philosophy hashtag#Thoughts hashtag#PhilosophyBFF hashtag#FrenchPhilosopher hashtag#Rawls hashtag#Ethics
Das vorherrschende Narrativ in der öffentlichen Diskussion bewertet Migration als „Mutter aller Probleme“, das es zu kanalisieren und am besten ganz abzuwürgen gilt. Im Gegensatz dazu fordert die „Open Borders“-Bewegung auf Grundlage philosophischer, politischer und ökonomischer Argumente eine absolute Niederlassungsfreiheit für alle Menschen. Till ist über die Open Borders-Leute gestolpert und kratzt sich am Kopf: Ist eine absolute Niederlassungsfreiheit wirklich eine gute Idee? Oder zumindest eine funktionierende Gegenthese zur „Ausländer raus!“-Rhetorik der deutschen Politik? Anhand der Bücher von Bryan Caplan und Joseph Carens stellt er die Argumente der Befürworter vor und geht auf zentrale Einwände ein. Kommentare bitte unter https://manglaubtesnicht.wordpress.com/?p=4875 00:00:00 - Intro 00:02:48 - Zwei Bücher 00:04:12 - 1. Buch von Bryan Caplan 00:05:22 - 2. Buch von Joseph Carens 00:08:22 - Warum ist Migration nicht völlig frei? 00:09:12 - Carens I: Eigentumsrechte (nach Nozick) 00:15:24 - Carens II: Egalitarismus und Urzustand (nach Rawls) 00:23:23 - Wir rätseln (I): Was machen wir hier eigentlich? 00:25:14 - Zurück zu Rawls' Theorien 00:26:45 - Carens III: Utilitarismus 00:29:08 - Caplan und Einwände gegen Open Borders wegen ... 00:31:19 - ... Öffentliche Ordnung in Gefahr? 00:35:55 - ... Brain Drain 00:37:24 - ... Sozialsysteme, Wohlfahrt, Armut 00:43:56 - ... Sprache 00:44:56 - ... Kunst und Kultur 00:45:45 - ... Einwanderer errichten neue Unrechtsstaaten? 00:46:14 - Caplans Lösungsvorschläge für ... 00:46:34 - ... Jobs und Gehälter 00:47:13 - ... Sozialstaat 00:47:58 - ... Sprache und Kultur 00:48:19 - ... Kriminalität 00:48:45 - Die Autoren schließen 00:50:19 - Wir rätseln (II): Martina rätselt 00:57:53 - Wir rätseln (III): Oliver rätselt 01:19:32 - Danke fürs Zuhören!
1/ Snoop Dogg. Hard Knocks. 2/ JAY WORTHY AND DJ FRESH. No Gimmicks. feat KEAK Da Sneak. 3/ KENDRICK LAMAR. TV off. 4/ AB SOUL. California Dream. feat VINCE STAPLES, KAMM KARSON. 5/ B-Real & Psycho Les. Doin’ what you never did. 6/ Apollo Brown & CRIMEAPPLE. Wonderful feelin’.feat WILLIE THE KID. 7/ STRESS EATER (CZARFACE & KOOL KEITH). Here’s some homicide. fEAT. ICE T. 8/ Termanology and Tek. Teknology. 9/ Wordsworth & Stu Bangas. God 's mailbox. feat PAV BANDY. 10/ ETO. Yes Lord. feat FLEE LORD. 11/ TALIB KWELI & J. RAWLS. Swat. feat Coast Contra. 12/ Westside Gunn and Dj Drama. Runway Pieces at the last supper. 13/ 7xvethegenius. Float.14/ Bishop Nehru. I don’t know. 15/ THA GOD FAHIM AND CARTUNE BEATZ. Prove and show.16/ KURIOUS. Untainted.Escuchar audio
Send us a textIn this episode of The Autoimmune RESET podcast, VJ is joined by Dr. Bill Rawls, renowned physician, herbalist, and author of The Cellular Wellness Solution. Dr. Rawls takes us on an enlightening journey into the world of cellular health and its profound connection to reversing autoimmune disease. He shares how cellular dysfunction is at the root of chronic illnesses and why addressing this foundational level is key to true healing.We dive into the remarkable power of herbs, exploring how they support cellular repair, reduce inflammation, and rebalance the immune system naturally. Dr. Rawls highlights the role of adaptogenic and antimicrobial herbs in calming autoimmune flares and restoring gut health—two essential components of reversing autoimmune conditions.Packed with practical advice, Dr. Rawls outlines simple ways to integrate herbal therapies into daily routines and shares inspiring success stories from his clinical experience. We also discuss the science behind herbal medicine, its growing recognition in the medical world, and its potential to revolutionise how we approach chronic disease.Whether you're new to herbs or a seasoned advocate, this episode is an empowering guide to harnessing the transformative power of nature for cellular wellness and autoimmune health. Tune in for actionable insights and expert advice that could change the trajectory of your health journey.Key Takeaways:•Why cellular health is the foundation for reversing autoimmune disease.•The unique strengths of herbs in supporting cellular repair and immune balance.•How to get started with herbs to improve your health today.•Success stories and the science behind herbal therapies.Don't miss this inspiring conversation that bridges natural healing with cutting-edge science, offering hope and empowerment for anyone navigating autoimmune disease.Thanks for listening! You can join The Autoimmune Forum on Facebook or find me on Instagram @theautoimmunitynutritionist.
1/ B-Real & Psycho Les. 'You Might Know Us'. 2/ STRESS EATER (CZARFACE & KOOL KEITH). Rocket Science. 3/ Apollo Brown & CRIMEAPPLE. Know No Better. 4/ Wordsworth & Stu Bangas. Which One Are You. featuring Elzhi. 5/ Termanology and Tek. Hustler's Soul feat. Freeway. 6/ NEJMA NEFERTITI, DUB SONATA, DOUBLE A.B. Panthers. feat Muja Messiah, Tone Spliff. 7/ SKYZOO. Community Service. feat. Community Service. 8/ Bishop Nehru. Good Thing I Know. 9/ MARK 4ORD. No apologies. feat. KING HARRIS.10/ ETO. No Pun intended. Ft. Kurupt & Kokane.11/ Napoleon Da Legend & JR Swiftz. Sistine Gravel. ft. DJ Grazzhoppa.12/ CORDAE. Never see it. feat JUICY J.13/ CRAIG G. Expand ya mind. feat CHUBB ROCK. 14/ SB11. Cinema 6. feat Mickey Diamond. 15/ BLU AND EXILE. Love is Blu. feat ALOE BLACC. 16/ TALIB KWELI & J. RAWLS. Swat. feat Coast Contra.Escuchar audio
Good Morning Nashville ☀️ Excited to bring you guys a new episode of the Black Men Vent Too Podcast. If you rock with us regularly, you know our podcast sounds like way more than just a “podcast”. We have segment breaks, commercial breaks, and so much more. To our new listeners, hit that follow button, and stick with us as we continue to advocate for mental health in our black men.
Cancer is scary. Recent studies have found a link between pathogenic microbes being inside of cancer tumors and more research is being done to see what the link is between microbes and cancer in the body. Dr. Bill Rawls shares the science, his thoughts about it as a Medical Doctor, and the powerful role diet, lifestyle, and herbs play in not only preventing cancer but also supporting the body's cells through cancer treatment. Learn More about Dr. Rawls: https://rawlsmd.com/ His Company: https://vitalplan.com/ Follow on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/rawlsmd/ Connect with Marian: https://www.roadtolivingwhole.com Disclaimer: The goal of this podcast is to help you take control of your health and feel the best you possibly can! These episodes are not meant to take the place of working with a qualified healthcare professional and are not designed to diagnose or treat any diseases or medical conditions. Any advice provided is not a medical diagnosis or medical treatment plan.
Pragmatism is a “philosophy” in two senses of the term. It is a general outlook on life and an academic theory of the universe and our place in it. In this program, Aaron Zimmerman, professor and chair of the Philosophy Department at UC, Santa Barbara, discusses the nature of America's pragmatism. The axiom of pragmatism is Alexander Bain's (1865) theory of belief, which was subsequently developed by Charles Sanders Peirce and William James. Despite its Scottish origins, pragmatism is distinctively American, as philosophers, like Dewey and Rawls (in his later work), adapted American's founding creed to the changes wrought by the Darwinian revolution in biology, offering a pragmatic rationale for natural rights originally grounded in creationist biology. Series: "GRIT Talks" [Humanities] [Show ID: 40130]
Pragmatism is a “philosophy” in two senses of the term. It is a general outlook on life and an academic theory of the universe and our place in it. In this program, Aaron Zimmerman, professor and chair of the Philosophy Department at UC, Santa Barbara, discusses the nature of America's pragmatism. The axiom of pragmatism is Alexander Bain's (1865) theory of belief, which was subsequently developed by Charles Sanders Peirce and William James. Despite its Scottish origins, pragmatism is distinctively American, as philosophers, like Dewey and Rawls (in his later work), adapted American's founding creed to the changes wrought by the Darwinian revolution in biology, offering a pragmatic rationale for natural rights originally grounded in creationist biology. Series: "GRIT Talks" [Humanities] [Show ID: 40130]
Send us a textThis week on The Less Stressed Life, I'm so excited to welcome back Dr. Bill Rawls! In this episode, Bill dives deep into cellular wellness and shares powerful insights from his own health journey with chronic Lyme disease. We explore how the health of each cell affects our overall wellness, why chronic illness can often feel like a “perfect storm” of symptoms, and the best ways to fortify ourselves against stress and toxins. Bill breaks down his “five pillars of cellular health” and shares how nutrient-rich foods, herbs, and lifestyle choices can work together to strengthen our resilience. If you're dealing with chronic illness or just want to up your health game, this episode is packed with valuable takeaways!Check out Bill's other episode on the LSL here: #364 Antibiotics vs Herbs: Recovering from Lyme and InfectionsKEY TAKEAWAYS:Cellular resilience's role in chronic healthHow stress reactivates dormant microbesWhy testing often falls short in chronic illnessDr. Rawls' Five Essentials: sleep, nutrients, movement, environment, immune balanceFocusing on resilience over perfectionTips for managing daily mold exposureABOUT GUEST:For over 30 years, Dr. Bill Rawls dedicated his life to medicine. After a chronic Lyme disease diagnosis revealed the limits of modern medicine, he turned to holistic and herbal therapies, restoring his health and inspiring a focus on cellular wellness. Now, through his bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution, and as the founder of Vital Plan, Dr. Rawls advocates for the power of herbal phytochemicals in defending against illness. His signature Restore Kit™ has helped thousands reclaim their health. As a bestselling author and speaker, Dr. Rawls makes complex science accessible to all. WHERE TO FIND:Website: https://vitalplan.com/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/vitalplan/Website: https://rawlsmd.com/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/rawlsmd/WHERE TO FIND CHRISTA:Website: https://www.christabiegler.com/Instagram: @anti.inflammatory.nutritionistPodcast Instagram: @lessstressedlifeYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@lessstressedlifeLeave a review, submit a questions for the podcast or take one of my quizzes here: ****https://www.christabiegler.com/linksNUTRITION PHILOSOPHY:Over restriction is deadWhole food is soul food and fed is bestSustainable, synergistic nutrition is in (the opposite of whack-a-mole supplementation & supplement graveyards)You don't have to figure it out aloneDo your best and leave the restSPONSOR: Thanks to Jigsaw Health for sponsoring this episode! Try their MagSoothe or MagSRT for better sleep and less stress. Use code LESSSTRESSED10 at JigsawHealth.com for 10% off—unlimited use!
I began the Pullin from the Stacks podcast just over 10 years ago, publishing my first episode on October 19, 2014. The name is from the classic Digable Planets cut "Pacifics," a song which has a lot of meaning to me. I think I actually messed up and called it "Pullin from the Crates" for that first episode. The first record I played was a cover of Herbie Hancock's "Maiden Voyage" by the Jazz Piano Quartet. The first record I play on this episode is a different "Maiden Voyage" cover, this time by the Dalton Jazz Ensemble, a school band record I found at Recollect Records in Denver years ago. One of my favorite songs, I still search out any version I can. The next record is the first record I ever put on my Discogs "want list," Michael Sardaby's "Gail," after hearing a soundclip on Youtube one day. Even back then it was going for more money than I'd ever spent on a piece of wax. A few years later, I sold my old copy of Eminem's first 12" for a couple hundred, and immediately went to see if there were any copies of "Gail" available at the same price - and there were! I feel so lucky to have snagged one. The next record is from one of my favorite jazz compilations, this one out of Hungary in the early 70s. I highly recommend it, the whole record is gorgeous, it's called "Modern Jazz Anthology X" and folks are sleeping on it! Staying in the same part of the world, I was introduced to Romanian jazz legend Johnny Cretu Raducanu after hearing a few Electrecord releases he had played on. The cover of this 10" and his own cover of Charles Mingus's "Haitian Fight Song" drove me to track down a copy online. The whole record is stunning. Speaking of stunning it is hard to find words to describe the beauty of this masterpiece by Winston Mankunku Ngozi, often referred to as South Africa's John Coltrane. It is a desert island record. The following tune, from the Roy Haynes Trio, is one I heard on Karriem Riggins masterful mix, "Music Kaleidoscope," and had to track down. I found it one weekend in a super random record store deep in Long Island. The Chucho Valdes represents my love of Cuban jazz; while I didn't find this record during my time in Havana, I did get hip to Mr. Valdes and months afterword dug this out of a crate on the floor under a table at the WMFU record fair. The Milton Banana cut I play here is from the first record of his I bought, I think at Human Head back in the day. He's killing it on the drums!! I don't remember when I first heard this RF 45 - maybe Junior played it? - but it's a gem, had to track one down. And Green Caterpillar man...I first heard this when Rev Shines played it YEARS ago on KBOO during Jumbo's "Beat Jeopardy" show. I remember being like "wtf is this?!?!?" - took many years to find a copy. I bought this off a dude in Colorado on Amazon.com in like 2015 for about $80. Clean. No regrets on that. The Soul Surfers cut here is just crazy to me, I think someone posted it on IG and I took notice. And finally, this beautiful cover of Kendrick Lamar by my guy Sly 5th Ave released by my people DJ Center and Footlong Development is a stone cold classic. I can't count all the DJ gigs I end with this 45 or all the people coming up to the turntables to see what it is. This is not the end of the podcast. There will be more episodes, though probably less often, as has been the case for much of 2024. Hoping to get back on a schedule of 1-2 episodes a month, possibly with some special guests. Speaking of guests, I want to thank everyone who's contributed a guest set these past ten years! Alex Stange, DO77, Duiji Mshinda, John Morrison, DJ Center, J. Rawls, Bruce Phillips, Evolve-One, LateBloomer and dflush, Daniel Littlewood, the DadBodRapPod, and Waffles Hidalgo. Much respect! And the biggest thank you goes out to everyone who's tuned in once or a hundred times, downloaded, subscribed, told their friends, or talked shit. It's all appreciated.
Every good story has a hero and a villain. And a solution. Dr. Bill Rawls is on a mission to get people to become the hero of their own story to reach healing. As a practicing physician, Dr. Rawls noticed that people with chronic illnesses weren't getting well. So he is using what he learned in his own healing journey to help others own their recovery. If you're still struggling with chronic illness, this episode is for you! Let Dr. Rawls be your guide to becoming the hero of your story.For over 30 years, Dr. Bill Rawls has dedicated his life to medicine. When a health crisis with chronic Lyme disease abruptly changed his quality of life, he came face to face with the limitations of modern medicine and began to explore the vast possibilities of alternative treatments. Restoring his health through holistic and herbal therapies inspired him to share his revelations on the importance of cellular wellness for defending against microbes and other root causes of illness. Today, he works to bring life and vitality to others as he helps them establish their own paths to wellness through modern herbology.Through his bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution, Dr. Rawls demonstrates why crucial herbal phytochemicals are key to protecting cellular health and strengthening the body's defense against illness. Dr. Rawls is also the founder of Vital Plan, a holistic health company, where he developed the signature Restore Kit™, an advanced herbal protocol that has helped thousands to reclaim vibrant health. Dr. Rawls is a #1 bestselling author and seasoned speaker and interviewee. With a compassionate approach and an incredible depth of knowledge, Dr. Rawls has a distinct ability to make scientific concepts accessible and enriching for everyone.To learn more about Dr. Bill Rawls visit: https://rawlsmd.com/Follow Dr. Rawls on social media: @rawlsmdTo learn more about Vital Plan visit: https://vitalplan.com/Follow Vital Plan on social media: @vitalplan
In this enlightening episode of Rejuvenaging with Dr. Ron Kaiser, Dr. Bill Rawls joins us to dive deep into the world of cellular wellness, herbs, and holistic healing. Dr. Rawls, an OBGYN by training, shares his personal health journey and how a severe health crisis led him to explore alternative healing methods, focusing on herbs and cellular wellness. His book, The Cellular Wellness Solution, explores the science behind herbs and their ability to tap into our full health potential. Bill explains the fundamental role that cells play in maintaining our health and how herbs can be a vital tool in protecting these microscopic units of life.Dr. Rawls educates listeners on the importance of cellular health, distinction between herbs and vitamins, emphasizing the power of herbs to protect cells from environmental stressors, microbes, and free radicals. He highlights a range of herbs, such as turmeric, reishi mushrooms, and rhodiola, that have powerful anti-inflammatory and anti-cancer properties. Drawing from his years of research and personal experiences, Dr. Rawls makes a compelling case for incorporating herbs into our daily routines to promote long-term health and wellness, especially for those in their later years.The episode wraps up with practical advice from Bill on diet and lifestyle, encouraging listeners to adopt whole foods, maintain an active lifestyle, and prioritize quality sleep. Throughout his discussion with Dr. Ron, Dr. Rawls's inspiring story of recovery and his continued pursuit of a physically active lifestyle at age 67 serves as a motivating example of how herbs and cellular wellness can help us all stay healthy and vital, no matter our age.More info on Dr. Rawls:https://www.facebook.com/VitalPlanhttps://www.instagram.com/vitalplan/https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCRv4ZKm24n7Ospxwo2OLiFwhttps://vitalplan.com/https://www.instagram.com/rawlsmd/?hl=enhttps://cellularwellness.com/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
For over 30 years, Dr. Bill Rawls has dedicated his life to medicine. When a health crisis with chronic Lyme disease abruptly changed his quality of life, he came face to face with the limitations of modern medicine and began to explore the vast possibilities of alternative treatments. Restoring his health through holistic and herbal therapies inspired him to share his revelations on the importance of cellular wellness for defending against microbes and other root causes of illness. Today, he works to bring life and vitality to others as he helps them establish their own paths to wellness through modern herbology. Through his bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution, Dr. Rawls demonstrates why crucial herbal phytochemicals are key to protecting cellular health and strengthening the body's defense against illness. Dr. Rawls is also the founder of Vital Plan, a holistic health company, where he developed the signature Restore Kit™, an advanced herbal protocol that has helped thousands to reclaim vibrant health. In this episode, Dr. Rawls shares his story and how he uses herbs to support the immune system and prevent against chronic disease. Key Topics: - Dr. Rawls' history with Lyme disease - The shortcomings of the current medical system - Getting to the root causes of illness - What causes cellular stress and what cells need - Studies that support using herbs - How herbs protect the cells against stress - The problem with antibiotics s - Four stages of the immune system - Which herbs are protective to cells To learn more about Dr. Rawls, go to vitalplan.com and RawlsMD.com.
For over 30 years, Dr. Bill Rawls has dedicated his life to medicine. When a health crisis with chronic Lyme disease abruptly changed his quality of life, he came face to face with the limitations of modern medicine and began to explore the vast possibilities of alternative treatments. Restoring his health through holistic and herbal therapies inspired him to share his revelations on the importance of cellular wellness for defending against microbes and other root causes of illness. Today, he works to bring life and vitality to others as he helps them establish their own paths to wellness through modern herbology. Through his bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution, Dr. Rawls demonstrates why crucial herbal phytochemicals are key to protecting cellular health and strengthening the body's defense against illness. Dr. Rawls is also the founder of Vital Plan, a holistic health company, where he developed the signature Restore Kit™, an advanced herbal protocol that has helped thousands to reclaim vibrant health. In this episode, Dr. Rawls shares his story and how he uses herbs to support the immune system and prevent against chronic disease. Key Topics: - Dr. Rawls' history with Lyme disease - The shortcomings of the current medical system - Getting to the root causes of illness - What causes cellular stress and what cells need - Studies that support using herbs - How herbs protect the cells against stress - The problem with antibiotics s - Four stages of the immune system - Which herbs are protective to cells To learn more about Dr. Rawls, go to vitalplan.com and RawlsMD.com.
“It's not how much you have, but what you do with it that counts.” “Every challenge is an opportunity for growth.” “We find what we are looking for, if we look hard enough.” “In the face of adversity, never give up.” There are a plethora of inspiring quotes like these from Wilson Rawls', Summer of the Monkeys! Join 14 year old Jay Berry in the Ozark Mountains of Oklahoma as he and his faithful hound, Rowdy, set out to capture the monkeys that escaped from the circus train mishap. He wants to get the head monkey and collect the reward for him which is one hundred dollars! Which would be more than enough to get his long dreamed of pony and .22. His sister, Daisy, dons her Red Cross uniform and cares for Jay Berry when he gets into scrapes even, her twisted leg and crutch do not slow her down at all. The family cannot afford the surgery to straighten out her leg, but she remains cheerful and always ready to help. Who is smarter, Jay Berry or the monkeys? Grandpa and Jay Berry come up with plan after plan to outwit the feisty furry fugitives. Are you ready for adventure, laughs, and family bonded beyond belief ? Join us as we dive into this treasure that shows readers why “Love and compassion are the keys to a fulfilled life.”
Sean and Dane are back! The guys discuss their weekends and react to newly announced doubles teams. Dramatic readings, a little fantasy football and a little golf…then ACL pro teammates, Chris Kingsbury and Alan Rawls join the show!! They discuss their thoughts on rule changes, game strategy, French toast and more!!BIG ASP Cornhole Patreon page:4 Tiers to choose from!! Come join our growing community and get insider info, become an active participant in show content, be eligible for bag giveaway's, find our VIDEO of the interviews and more!!https://www.patreon.com/bigaspcornholeDraggin Bags!!-The “Power Draggin” might be the best bag we've ever thrown!! And we suck…imagine how good they could be in your hands….https://dragginbagz.com/Code: BIGASP12 Big Asp Merch!!!! Polos, Tees, Jerseys, shorts and more!!https://jamapparel.net/collections/new-the-big-asp-cornhole-podcast-collection-by-jam-Support the show
Hour 3--J&J Show Friday 9/6/24--NFL Notes/ Showboats players / Dr. Ed Scott interview w/Geoff +Dan Williams & Malcolm Rawls in-studio with J&J Show full 2356 Fri, 06 Sep 2024 19:16:16 +0000 MxXqywxIs8JzWPyBCiXcjFcj93jirPMw sports Jason & John sports Hour 3--J&J Show Friday 9/6/24--NFL Notes/ Showboats players / Dr. Ed Scott interview w/Geoff +Dan Williams & Malcolm Rawls in-studio with J&J Show Local columnists and hoops insiders Jason Smith and John Martin appear daily 11am - 2pm on 929FM ESPN/680AM! 2024 © 2021 Audacy, Inc.
Melvyn Bragg and guests discuss A Theory of Justice by John Rawls (1921 - 2002) which has been called the most influential book in twentieth century political philosophy. It was first published in 1971. Rawls drew on his own experience in WW2 and saw the chance in its aftermath to build a new society, one founded on personal liberty and fair equality of opportunity. While in that just society there could be inequalities, Rawls' radical idea was that those inequalities must be to the greatest advantage not to the richest but to the worst off.WithFabienne Peter Professor of Philosophy at the University of WarwickMartin O'Neill Professor of Political Philosophy at the University of YorkAndJonathan Wolff The Alfred Landecker Professor of Values and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government, University of Oxford and Fellow of Wolfson CollegeProducer: Simon TillotsonIn Our Time is a BBC Studios Audio Production
Send us a Text Message.This week on The Less Stressed Life Podcast, get ready for an eye-opening chat with the incredible Dr. Bill Rawls. Dr. Rawls is the ultimate expert in turning health crises into opportunities for a vibrant life, and today, he's spilling all the tea on how herbs can be your secret weapon against chronic illness.
Could the answer to building a more just society lie in 50-year-old ideas? Our guest this week points to the ideas of John Rawls, one of the greatest political philosophers, as a blueprint of sorts for building a more equitable society. Daniel Chandler is the research director of the Programme on Cohesive Capitalism at the London School of Economics. He's also an economist, philosopher and author of “Free and Equal: A Manifesto for a Just Society.” He joins WITHpod to discuss how we might overcome some of the most devastating and escalating present day crises, what adopting Rawls' liberal political framework could look like and more.
It's an EmMajority Report Thursday! She speaks with Matt McManus, political science lecturer at the University of Michigan, to discuss his recent book The Political Theory of Liberal Socialism. Then, she speaks with investigative reporter and journalist Rebecca Burns to discuss her recent piece in In These Times entitled "Inside the Right's War on the Homeless." First, Emma runs through updates on Harris' rollout of her economic plan, the US economy, drug pricing, the VP Debate, RFK's grift-switching, polling, Ukraine's counter-offensive, Columbia University, and Hurricane Ernesto's devastation of Puerto Rico, also diving into JD Vance's continued struggle to do this thing called “campaigning.” Matt McManus then joins, diving right into this attempt to reconcile the systems of liberalism and socialism, first stepping back to unpack some of the less valuable elements of the liberal tradition, largely stemming from emphasis on possessive individualism and “natural” aristocracy, concepts incompatible with the socialist values of equality and solidarity, and working through more progressive conceptions of liberalism, like those of Wollstonecraft, Payne, and Rawls that evangelized concepts of moral equality among humans and saw economic inequality as a fundamental issue, inspiring some of the most important and influential revolutions in history, and challenging the ideas of meritocracy and aristocracy. After an expansive conversation on the compatibility and value of this strain of liberalism with socialist systems and values, McManus wraps up the interview by walking Emma through how a “liberal socialism” would work in the context of the US Constitution, and how it compares to other brands of left politics. Rebecca Burns then looks to Austin as she explores the genesis of the ongoing right-wing war on the houseless as a Trump and Tech-backed legislative backlash to the liberal enclave's attempt to decriminalize homelessness amid a major affordability crisis. Burns next tackles the role of the Cicero Institute, headed by Joe Lonsdale, and Greg Abbott's administration in Texas in pushing a complete turnaround on the city (and state), resulting in the passage of myriad template bills that criminalized encampments, legalized violence against unhoused folks, and completely crippled the services and communities that keep the most marginalized in society afloat, templates that would go on to take root across the US, with major impact even in blue states like California. After expanding on the recent Supreme Court ruling that affirmed the constitutionality of criminalizing the homeless without first providing a remedy, Burns wraps up with an assessment of the futile cruelty of police crackdowns on the homeless. Check out Matt's book here: https://www.routledge.com/The-Political-Theory-of-Liberal-Socialism/McManus/p/book/9781032647234? 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That's https://EarthBreeze.com/majority to cut out single-use plastic in your laundry room and claim forty percent off your subscription. Follow the Majority Report crew on Twitter: @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech @BradKAlsop Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on Youtube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's show The Discourse on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/ExpandTheDiscourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here! https://avaraiza.bandcamp.com/ The Majority Report with Sam Seder - https://majorityreportradio.com/
Doggone it, the Drunk Guys like beer this week when they read Where the Red Fern Grows by Wilson Rawls. They don't let the raccoons steal: Double Dog by Flying Dog, Ill Niño by Focal Point, and Simpler Times by Minhas Craft Brewery. Join the Drunk Guys next Tuesday when
The spectres of political disillusionment and apathy have weighed heavily on this year of momentous elections but can we take inspiration from the past to reinvigorate our political imagination going forward? In this episode, Cambridge Professor and host of the Past Present Future podcast David Runciman discusses his new book, The History of Ideas: Equality, Justice and Revolution, which looks back on how big thinkers have tried to reimagine the way we do politics. Speaking to Dr Sophie Scott-Brown, lecturer in philosophy at the University of East Anglia, he discusses what thinkers from Rousseau to Rawls, Nietzsche to de Beauvoir can teach us today, and what the big personalities dominating contemporary politics and a gotcha-driven media cycle mean for democracy. We are sponsored by Indeed. Go to Indeed.com/IS for £100 sponsored credit. If you'd like to become a Member and get access to all of our longer form interviews and Members-only content, just visit intelligencesquared.com/membership to find out more. For £4.99 per month you'll also receive: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared episodes, wherever you get your podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series - 15% discount on livestreams and in-person tickets for all Intelligence Squared events - Our member-only newsletter The Monthly Read, sent straight to your inbox ... Or Subscribe on Apple for £4.99: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series ... Already a subscriber? Thank you for supporting our mission to foster honest debate and compelling conversations! Visit intelligencesquared.com to explore all your benefits including ad-free podcasts, exclusive bonus content and early access. ... Subscribe to our newsletter here to hear about our latest events, discounts and much more. https://www.intelligencesquared.com/newsletter-signup/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Today we honor the Mavericks in Herbology, Holistic Healing, & Traditional Medicine. In this limited series, we're diving into the stories of the game changers—the outcasts and outliers who dared to think differently. They went against their traditional training and faced skepticism from their peers. But their persistence paid off. Their patients healed, their families thrived, and they themselves found renewed health. These are their stories. Stories of courage, innovation, and the relentless pursuit of healing. Join us as we celebrate the doctors who dared to go rogue and, in doing so, changed the landscape of medicine forever. This is episode three of "Doctors Gone Rogue" on the Food Heals Podcast. Dr. Bill Rawls Meet Dr. Bill Rawls, MD, a fourth-generation physician who bucked tradition after facing a personal health crisis with Lyme disease. Realizing the limitations of conventional medicine, he discovered the healing power of herbs and embraced integrative health. Now a leading expert, Dr. Rawls shares his knowledge through his book, The Cellular Wellness Solution, helping others transform their health with science-backed herbal therapies. His journey from crisis to advocate for natural wellness is truly inspiring. Learn more about Dr. Bill Rawls at RawlsMD.com. And my interview with Dr.Rawls was so good, that we made it a two-parter. Listen to two full episodes on episodes 427 and 428 of Food Heals. Dr. Gil Kajiki Meet Dr. Gil Kajiki, a chiropractor and Certified Functional Medicine Practitioner who revolutionized the treatment of hypothyroidism and Hashimoto's Autoimmune Thyroid without pharmaceutical drugs. When his wife's health deteriorated and conventional medicine failed her, Dr. Kajiki discovered natural solutions through supplements, lifestyle changes, and diet. Now, at the Valley Thyroid Institute, he helps patients worldwide overcome thyroid issues drug-free, inspired by his wife's journey to wellness. Learn more about Dr. Gil Kajiki at www.DrKajiki.com. Listen to the full episode with Dr. Gil Kajiki on episode 398 of Food Heals. Dr. Angela DeBord Henriksen Meet Dr. Angela DeBord Henriksen, a board-certified physician who transformed her approach to medicine by embracing holistic health. When a misdiagnosed patient improved dramatically through dietary changes rather than pharmaceuticals, Angela realized the profound impact of nutrition on health. Now, she passionately helps patients heal and prevent disease by focusing on root causes and empowering them to make healthier food choices, embodying the philosophy that "food heals." Learn more about Dr. Angela DeBord Henriksen Angelamd.com. Listen to the full episode with Dr. Angela on episode 75 of Food Heals. Thank You to Our Sponsors! Organifi Organifi, is a line of organic superfood blends that offers plant-based nutrition made with high-quality ingredients. Organifi takes pride in offering the best tasting superfood products on the market at a price that works out to less than $3 a day. Go to www.organifi.com/foodheals and use code foodheals for 20% off. CURED Nutrition You deserve to take control of your mental and physical health. CURED Nutrition is trying to make it easier for you to do exactly that. Formulated with their trinity of ingredients – a blend of full-spectrum cannabinoids, functional mushrooms, and adaptogens – Cure is your answer to finding the calm in every storm. Go to Curednutrition.com/foodheals and use code foodheals for 20% off. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Please welcome our guest Dr. Bill Rawls, MD, founder and medical director of Vital Plan and author of bestselling books, Unlocking Lyme and The Cellular Wellness Solution. Dr. Rawls demonstrates why crucial herbal phytochemicals are key to protecting cellular health and strengthening the body's defense against illness. Dr. Rawls is a Lyme disease genius and today dive's into: -Lyme disease- symptoms, treatment, and testing (get ready!) -Herbal approaches to health healing -Optimizing your body to reduce pathogen burden and stealth/viral infections Get his books and supplements: https://www.amazon.com/Unlocking-Lyme-Practical-Solutions-Chronic/dp/0982322526 Cellular Wellness Solution- newest book! Vital Plan- Supplements by Dr. Bill Rawls Lacey's info: My Website & Work with Me: www.upliftfitnutrition.com Instagram: www.instagram.com/faithandfit Twitter: www.twitter.com/laceyadunn Email for coaching & phone consults: laceydunn@upliftfitnutrition.com & fitandfaith@gmail.com My Supplement Company: www.nourishwellco.com Order my book "The Women's Guide to Hormonal Harmony" on amazon! https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0578884127/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i1 Anya Rosen's info: Website: www.birchwell.clinic Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/anyarosen.rd/ Email: anya@birchwell.clinic --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/rootcauseradio/support