Podcasts about bluegreen alliance

When we talk about building a more productive and competitive manufacturing industry, talk of AI, automation, and other new tech usually crops up. But let's not forget the basics – the way we power, staff, and build sustainable practices. That stuff's also important.We're in an era of transformation right now, but it's definitely not the first time the US has gone through this. In fact, we get a little history lesson in this episode from Ted Fertik, VP of Manufacturing & Industrial Policy at BlueGreen Alliance. With a PhD in Economic History, we hear how today's manufacturing challenges mirror our history and what we can learn from it.As we look to the future, Ted talks about today's greater demands on the electrical grid but also why a low carbon economy and electrification are the future. Ted gives us a breakdown on the work that BlueGreen Alliance is doing to make manufacturing more sustainable and attractive to fresh talent and investors.In this episode, find out:Ted shares his background as a PhD grad in Economic History with a focus on industrySome stories from industrial history that inspired Ted to build a career, including the history of Brazil and the UK's industriesHow industrial strategy has been successfully rolled out in other countries in the pastWhat the BlueGreen Alliance does to help build a low carbon economy and a stronger industryWhy focusing on investment into transformation benefits everyone, not just the economyThe connection between sustainability and productivity and why they benefit each other and workersWhy manufacturing is such a critical part of a healthy modern economy, especially in the USWhat a low carbon future could look like and why we can't overlook the effect on the demand for electricityHow manufacturing and industry can attract talent and the role of trade unionsHow to attract investment to a capital-intensive industry and the role of the public sector in making it economically viableWhy we need to make sure that the benefits of careers and investment in manufacturing are widely felt across the populationEnjoying the show? Please leave us a review here. Even one sentence helps. It's feedback from Manufacturing All-Stars like you that keeps us going!Tweetable Quotes:"We need the benefits of the manufacturing economy to be really widely felt. And we need them to be real.”“There's a powerful link between making things with less carbon and the prospect of huge gains in productivity and in material wellbeing for people.”“As we're thinking about building out manufacturing, an affordable, stable, and reliable clean grid is an essential ingredient to a thriving, future-facing manufacturing sector in the US.” Links & mentions:BlueGreen Alliance, an organization that shapes US industrial policy with a focus on good-paying union jobs and environmental progress St. Arnold's Mussel Bar, serving an extensive variety of mussels, Belgian beers, waffles, and more in a ground-level, brick-lined space near Dupond Circle in Washington, DC Make sure to visit http://manufacturinghappyhour.com for detailed show notes and a full list of resources mentioned in this episode. Stay Innovative, Stay Thirsty.

This Flashback Friday is from episode 332 published last August 11, 2013. Jason talks with Les Leopold on his new book: "How to Make a Million Dollars an Hour: Why Financial Elites get away with siphoning off America's Wealth." In the interview, Les details just how hedge funds are making unthinkable amounts of money.  Les Leopold co-founded and currently directs two nonprofit organizations, the Labor Institute of New York and the Public Health Institute. He designs research and educational programs on occupational safety and health, the environment and economics. He also serves as a strategic consultant to the Blue-Green Alliance which brings together trade unions and environmental organizations. Leopold designs research and educational programs on occupational safety and health, the environment, and economics and helped form an alliance between the United Steel Workers Union and the Sierra Club. He is a proud graduate of Oberlin College and Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (MPA 1975).  Leopold also authored several other books about "The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi," (Chelsea Green Publishing, 2006.) If you'd like to read more by Les, you can take a look at his articles published by AlterNet at http://www.alternet.org/authors/les-leopold-0 Sponsor: https://www.monetary-metals.com/Hartman   Follow Jason on TWITTER, INSTAGRAM & LINKEDIN Twitter.com/JasonHartmanROI Instagram.com/jasonhartman1/ Linkedin.com/in/jasonhartmaninvestor/ Call our Investment Counselors at: 1-800-HARTMAN (US) or visit: https://www.jasonhartman.com/ Free Class:  Easily get up to $250,000 in funding for real estate, business or anything else: http://JasonHartman.com/Fund CYA Protect Your Assets, Save Taxes & Estate Planning: http://JasonHartman.com/Protect Get wholesale real estate deals for investment or build a great business – Free Course: https://www.jasonhartman.com/deals Special Offer from Ron LeGrand: https://JasonHartman.com/Ron Free Mini-Book on Pandemic Investing: https://www.PandemicInvesting.com  

BlueGreen Alliance's Richard Diaz discusses the relationship between environmental justice and infrastructure issues in Milwaukee.

How marginalized people in Milwaukee are impacted by climate change. The wonders of warbler season. Whether cats should be allowed outdoors and managing their adventurous aspirations.

Katie Harris, Blue Green Alliance Vice President of Federal Affairs, joined America's Work Force Union Podcast to discuss climate policy, environmental regulations and worker protections.  Len DiCosimo, President of the Cleveland Federation of Musicians, American Federation of Musicians Local 4, appeared on the America's Work Force Union Podcast and spoke about the significance of Workers Memorial Day, the ongoing challenges faced by unions and the innovative Solidarity Series music event.

Emily Twarog, Associate Professor of History and Labor Studies at the University of Illinois School of Labor and Employment Relations, Labor Education Program (LEP), joined America's Work Force Union Podcast to discuss women's leadership in labor unions and her research on sexual harassment in the workplace. Jason Walsh, Executive Director of the BlueGreen Alliance, joined the America's Work Force Union Podcast to discuss ongoing threats to the federal workforce, the future of the Inflation Reduction Act and the potential impact legislative decisions could have on the CHIPS and Science Act.

My guests today are commissioners from the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Randall Schriver and Kimberly Glas. Randall Schriver is the Chairman of the Board of the Project 2049 Institute and a partner at Pacific Solutions LLC. He is also a lecturer for Stanford University's “Stanford-in-Washington” program, is on the Board of Advisors to the Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA, and is on the Board of Directors of the US-Taiwan Business Council. Kimberly Glas is president and CEO of the National Council of Textile Organizations. She served previously served as executive director for Blue Green Alliance and as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Textiles, Consumer Goods and Materials at the US Department of Commerce. She also worked on Capitol Hill, where her efforts helped lead to the establishment of the House Trade Working Group.

Milwaukee faces a significant challenge with over 70,000 lead service lines. In response, the city has implemented a replacement program initiated by an ordinance in 2017. This initiative leverages federal funding to focus on disadvantaged communities, with an emphasis on neighborhoods identified as most in need through an area deprivation index.In this episode, Superintendent Patrick Pauly of Milwaukee Water Works, Janet Pritchard from the Environmental Policy Innovation Center, and Richard Diaz of the Blue Green Alliance discuss the program's funding strategies, including principal forgiveness funding that allows for 100% coverage of private side replacements without costs to property owners. They highlight the impact of the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which has provided a substantial influx of resources, enabling Milwaukee to increase its replacement goals from approximately 1,000 lines per year to 2,200 in 2024 and 3,500 in 2025.Additionally, the discussion emphasizes a robust workforce development strategy, which mandates that contractors must allocate 25% of project dollars to small business enterprises and ensure that 40% of work hours are performed by workers from local disadvantaged areas.waterloop is a nonprofit news outlet. This episode on lead service line replacement is supported by BlueConduit, the Environmental Defense Fund, and the Environmental Policy Innovation Center.

Our love for the world around us and our passion for protecting that world can come from many different places. It can come from a connection to the land, or a magical experience we had with other people in a particular place, or our sense of awe from the beauty of the living creatures that inhabit these ecosystems. But that love and passion can also come from seeing or experiencing the destruction of the same ecological web, from pollution in the air that rains down onto a playground, or the clearing of a wildlife habitat to make way for a fossil fuel pipeline.Dave Cortez has been organizing for environmental justice in Texas for the better part of two decades. He lives in Austin now, but the love and passion that guides him came from the Rio Grande, the Sierra Madre Mountains and the high desert of West Texas. And from fighting a copper smelter and other threats to the land, air and water in and around his native El Paso. Dave has a fierce love for his El Paso Community. But cutting his teeth as an environmental justice organizer in his hometown wasn't easy. Dave is now Director of the Lone Star Chapter of the Sierra Club, where he's bringing his El Paso roots and years of experience on the streets and in the communities around Texas to the Sierra Club's statewide campaigns.I've known Dave for many years and used to regularly attend environmental justice meetings in Austin that he helped organize. I've seen him rise from an on-the-ground organizer to the leader of the Texas chapter of one of the oldest and largest environmental organizations in the world.Our conversation tracks his education as an environmental justice organizer. From the playgrounds of El Paso to the gentrifying neighborhoods of Austin, his story reflects the changing nature of the American environmental movement and the exciting possibilities of more robust connections between community-based frontline environmental justice struggles and the large and powerful environmental organizations with nationwide influence.You can listen on Substack, Apple Podcasts, and other podcast platforms.Please rate, review, and share to help us spread the word!Dave CortezDave Cortez is a 3rd generation El Pasoan now based out of Austin where he lives with his partner and six year old daughter. He grew up and learned organizing on the frontera, where industrial pollution, poverty, gentrification, racism and the border wall are seen as intersecting issues. Dave serves as the Director of the Sierra Club Lone Star Chapter, and has been organizing in the Texas environmental movement for 18 years. Dave is supporting staff and volunteers across Texas who are organizing for power by centering racial justice and equity alongside frontline communities directly impacted by polluting industries.Quotation Read by Dave Cortez"There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives. Malcolm knew this. Martin Luther King, Jr. knew this. Our struggles are particular, but we are not alone. We are not perfect, but we are stronger and wiser than the sum of our errors. Black people have been here before us and survived. We can read their lives like signposts on the road and find, as Bernice Reagon says so poignantly, that each one of us is here because somebody before us did something to make it possible. To learn from their mistakes is not to lessen our debt to them, nor to the hard work of becoming ourselves, and effective. We lose our history so easily, what is not predigested for us by the New York Times, or the Amsterdam News, or Time magazine. Maybe because we do not listen to our poets or to our fools, maybe because we do not listen to our mamas in ourselves. When I hear the deepest truths I speak coming out of my mouth sounding like my mother's, even remembering how I fought against her, I have to reassess both our relationship as well as the sources of my knowing. Which is not to say that I have to romanticize my mother in order to appreciate what she gave me – Woman, Black. We do not have to romanticize our past in order to be aware of how it seeds our present. We do not have to suffer the waste of an amnesia that robs us of the lessons of the past rather than permit us to read them with pride as well as deep understanding. We know what it is to be lied to, and we know how important it is not to lie to ourselves. We are powerful because we have survived, and that is what it is all about – survival and growth. Within each one of us there is some piece of humanness that knows we are not being served by the machine which orchestrates crisis after crisis and is grinding all our futures into dust. If we are to keep the enormity of the forces aligned against us from establishing a false hierarchy of oppression, we must school ourselves to recognize that any attack against Blacks, any attack against women, is an attack against all of us who recognize that our interests are not being served by the systems we support. Each one of us here is a link in the connection between anti-poor legislation, gay shootings, the burning of synagogues, street harassment, attacks against women, and resurgent violence against Black people. I ask myself as well as each one of you, exactly what alteration in the particular fabric of my everyday life does this connection call for? Survival is not a theory. In what way do I contribute to the subjugation of any part of those who I define as my people? Insight must illuminate the particulars of our lives." - Audre LordeRecommended Readings & MediaTranscriptIntroJohn Fiege  Our love for the world around us and our passion for protecting that world can come from many different places. It can come from a connection to the land, or a magical experience we had with other people in a particular place, or our sense of awe from the beauty of the living creatures that inhabit these ecosystems. But that love and passion can also come from seeing or experiencing the destruction of this same ecological web: from pollution in the air that rains down onto a playground or the clearing of wildlife habitat to make way for a fossil fuel pipeline.Dave Cortez has been organizing for environmental justice in Texas for the better part of two decades. He lives in Austin now, but the love and passion that guides him came from the Rio Grande, the Sierra Madre mountains, and the high desert of West Texas—and it came from fighting a copper smelter and other threats to the land, air, and water in and around his native El Paso. Dave has a fierce love for his El Paso community but cutting his teeth as an environmental justice organizer in his home town wasn't easy.Dave Cortez  Two of my close family members worked at the plant. My dad's brother worked at the plant and then worked at Chevron on the other side of town. And then his brother in law, worked at the plant and retired. And here I was, this younger punk, you know, sort of just not super close to the family, showing up at events and they asked what I'm doing and, oh, they think I'm a paid protester, you know, forget my education, forget what's at what I'm actually saying. You know, it's, deep cultural assimilation. It's deep colonization, sort of this Stockholm syndrome that develops out of poverty and repression. It's horrific, and it's sad to watch. People fiercely defend the only thing that has helped them in their eyes and not be able to acknowledge the harm that's been done. It's not different from, you know, addiction in that way, or depression.John Fiege  Or domestic abuse. Dave Cortez  Exactly. It's heartbreaking. It still hurts me to talk about. John Fiege  I'm John Fiege, and this is Chrysalis.Dave Cortez is now Director of the Lone Star Chapter of the Sierra Club, where he's bringing his El Paso roots and years of experience on the streets and in the communities around Texas to the Sierra Club's statewide campaigns.I've known Dave for many years and used to regularly attend environmental justice meetings in Austin that he helped organize. I've seen him rise from an on-the-ground organizer to the leader of the Texas chapter of one of the oldest and largest environmental organizations in the world.Our conversation tracks his education as an environmental justice organizer. From the playgrounds of El Paso to the gentrifying neighborhoods of Austin, his story reflects the changing nature of the American environmental movement and the exciting possibilities of more robust connections between community-based frontline environmental justice struggles and the large and powerful environmental organizations with nationwide influence.Here is Dave Cortez.ConversationJohn FiegeWell, you grew up in El Paso in Far West Texas, and it's right on the border of Mexico and New Mexico. Can you tell me a bit about growing up there, and your family and how you saw yourself in relationship to the rest of nature.Dave Cortez  I've got a little picture I'm looking at my my very first demonstration. It's a bunch of kids, kids meaning college kids, my my age at the time, about maybe 22, 23, and a big peace flag and we're hanging around what was called Plaza de Los Lagartos, Plaza of the Alligators. And we're there I think we're protesting, must have been continuing invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, but you know, I keep it up. And I keep pictures of the mountains of West Texas, the edge of the Rockies is what cuts into the central central part of El Paso, the Franklin Mountains. And then you have the Rio Grande, the heart and soul of that land. And on the other side of the river, those mountains continue into the Sierra Madres all the way down to the coast. It's majestic. It's, you know, that land is as colonized as is its people. You know, it's been, the river has been dammed up upstream in New Mexico, and two reservoirs to provide water for agriculture and farming and things like that, recreation. It was the only area of water that we we had access to when I was a kid. We would drive up to Truth or Consequences and load up on nightcrawlers and whatever other tackle and bait, and then take my dad's car and drive along somewhere, find a good spot. And fish from the shore for a couple of days at a time, camp, and, you know, that was a desert lake. It was wild for me, because we didn't have water, you know.John Fiege  So tell me about what you did. Dave Cortez  Well, we would just go up there. That was, that was our place to go get get access to water, you know, away from the desert, you know, growing up in El Paso, you just, it's It's dry, it's desert, we get, we used to average nine inches of rain a year, it's down now, you know, but the Rio was, it's always been sacred and it was special, it was a place you could go and see water. Not all year round, but most of the year and see it flowing and you look in any direction, away from the mountains, and you can see what feels endless, but it's actually you know, two or more hundred miles to the horizon, you see Thunder heads 30, 40, sometimes 45 or 50,000 feet high way far away, you think maybe you hope maybe those might come your way, maybe we'll get lucky and get a little bit of rain. Most times they don't. But with that sometimes you're blessed with the outflow that carries the smell of creosote, a native plant in the region that everybody's come to call the smell of rain. And, you know, even if you don't actually get the rain yourself, you might get some of those breezes and some of that wonderful smell. And it's, it's life giving, it's restorative. As a kid, you know, I was fortunate that my family made an effort to take us out into the desert quite a bit, we would go chase storms, we would watch lightning, my father would turn the AM radio to a blank station so we could hear the the lightning on the radio, the static pop. And we got a real kick out of that and we'd go off roading and find spots and park and you know, just hang out. And that was a pretty common thing for a lot of folks around town is just to get out into the desert. You know, my my heart and soul and my spirit is connected to that land, it is part of that land, I draw strength from those mountains, from that river. I worry about moving further away, what that might do to me, how how that might be a strain. Even just being here in Austin 600 miles away, it feels very far. You know, my family was middle class, I call it 80s middle class. And, you know, both my parents worked. I have two older siblings. And you know, we were all in public school and doing our thing. You know, everything seemed, you know, like The Wonder Years kind of situation. And you know, you don't when you're young, if you're fortunate, you don't see a lot of the issues around you. It wasn't until my teens, my parents split. And I was living with my mom and started to see a lot more other sides of life, some of the struggles, and just kind of notice more about the town, about the culture. But it was really when I moved back to El Paso after college, here in Austin at St. Edward's, where I studied political science and philosophy and environmental policy. When I moved back, it all started to come together how much I missed, how much I was removed from about my community and my culture in my youth. You know, so the language is the biggest example. We did not speak Spanish in my family. It was something my parents spoke to each other when they needed to talk about something that we didn't need to know about as kids. John Fiege  Right, right. Dave Cortez  You know, we didn't know about our indigeneity we weren't raised around that, we didn't know about the cultural connection to the land. I think in some way the spirit in my family drew us towards it. We would go spend time around those things, but we didn't really have conversations about it. And the biggest thing I didn't know about was how heavily polluted and contaminated the air was growing up. I tell a story about going into middle school. This time I was in in private school and Catholic school. Just being out on the playground it's a you know, concrete schoolyard kind of situation. And you run your hand on the on the railing and there's yellow chalk-like stuff and you don't think twice about it because it's like chalk. Or it's dust. Well, you know, in that part of town, downtown El Paso, it's because of the copper smelter. We had a 110 year old lead and copper smelting operation called Asarco that was less than two miles away from where I was going to school. And you know, you move on, maybe, you're a kid, maybe you wash your hands, maybe you don't. And it just, you know, when I moved back, I thought of that--I thought of all the times, I used to play in the dirt, like every other kid in El Paso does, you know, you don't got Barton Springs to go to or Greenbelt Creek, you play in the dirt, dig tunnels, and that stuff gets in you. And that's loaded with heavy metals, arsenic, cadmium, lead, you name it. It was it was a huge shock for me to learn that the land that I was around as a child, and the air that I was around as a child was just heavily contaminated. And I knew nothing about it. John Fiege  But what was the experience like when you were actually in college and getting more heavily into activism? Like what was motivating you? And how did you see yourself in relationship to other folks?Dave Cortez  Right on. Well, I can't leave out that the reason I came to Austin was because of my older brother and my older sister. I had never seen green, like this town, when I came to visit my sister in the summer. So I just was blown away, everything was green, there was water, it rained, I just felt like an oasis and I wanted to come here. So I went to St. Ed's, which ended up being, you know, expensive as hell, but really cool in the sense of, you know, an opportunity to learn, to be away from home. You know, and so, I didn't really know what to make of this town when I was here. I didn't know what to make of the people, the students, but by the grace of the Creator, in serendipity, I was thrown into a class on social movements. And that's a study in the 1960s. And so, you know, I developed a really foundational experience learning about the broader politic of American civil society, in that case, which blossomed into deeper learning around political theory and rhetoric, dating all the way back to some of the Greek philosophers, and modern day political thinkers, but I really got a ton of wild information into my head. In 2006, it wasn't here in Austin. It was on North Padre Island. The Austin Sierra Club was organizing a trip, there was a woman I liked at the time. And we were were fancying each other and were like, "Hey, let's go camping. I don't know what a crawfish is. But they're doing a crawfish boil. And they say they're going to clean up the beach." So we grabbed my SUV when we went and set up, and it was awesome to be out there around all these people we didn't know, you know, offering us free food and beer and just, you know, associating on this beach. And that, I really loved. Folks might not know this, it's like 60 plus miles of primitive Beach, outside of Corpus Christi. But I didn't quite understand what we're really doing until the next morning, right at dawn, when I was awoken by these huge sounds of tractor trailers hauling right by the water right in front of us. Just a caravan of them driving down to the other end of the beach to do gas drilling. You know, we get out of the tent, and we're watching this and I mean, you just want to, you know, throw something at those trucks, you know, and go put your body in front or something like "What the hell's going on?" And you're just watching the rubber, the plastic, you name it just fall off these trucks. And in their wake is just a mass of debris, and trash. And this is all in endangered Kemp's ridley sea turtle habitat, its nest a nesting area for the Kemp's ridley sea turtle. And that's why we were there. And so, you know, right after that we all commiserated and got to work and picked up more trash than I think, you know, I've ever picked up. And I'm still shocked that that was allowed. But that's really where I started to take a turn and understand more about how the state facilitates this destruction, the destruction of the land and for the profits of few. And shortly after that I graduated, and that was it for my time in Austin.John Fiege  So after you graduated from college, you went back to El Paso, and you became an environmental justice organizer for El Paso, ACORN. And it was shortly after your time there in 2009, that right wing activists did a big hit job on ACORN and brought down the organization in the US for the most part. An ACORN was was a powerful community organizing group at its height, and it had this unique community based organizing model. Could you talk a bit about the ACORN organizing model and how it, possibly, I assume, became part of your organizing DNA?Dave Cortez  Just like learning about the 1960s is a pillar of my practice. The  work with Acorn is right there with it. You know, it shaped me, maybe it's just because it's one of the first things I learned about, but it'll be with me, as long as I do this work and have breath in my lungs. You know, some people were quick to point to that it's built out of the school of the Industrial Areas Foundation and Saul Alinsky model of community organizing, and yeah, that's true. But, you know, I didn't know any of that. I didn't, you know, I was, I was just taken in by these folks. There was a guy, recovering addict, just trying to make his money doing his canvassing while I was hanging out at a coffee shop, kind of where I was living in El Paso, the university. And there's my day off and I'm out there hanging out. There's this dude, his name was Ken. Ken let me know how they were planning to reopen the ASARCO copper smelter, the big 120 820 foot tall smokestack that I grew up around, and I was shocked. And, and that's, you know, like I studied all these things. And I was like, wow, I cannot believe that that's right there, my mom lives over here, you know, she works there, I live over here. And, you know, I told them, whatever I can do to help: get more letters, spread a petition around, whatever I can do. And they invited me in to meet the team, which was a small team. And the first task they gave me was actually nothing to do with that it was just to go distribute information about free tax prep, helping people in a really poor community, not far from where I went to middle school in which is not far from the smelter, get access to tax prep, in English and Spanish. And at the time, I had a, I had a mohawk. I covered that thing up real fast. I wore a straw cowboy hat and went door to door knocking on people's doors, let them know about this. And Jose Manuel, the the lead organizer at the time, the director saw me and, you know, was into it. And, you know, they offered me a job after a few days of that. And the job was doing the same thing, plus inviting people to come to a community meeting about the reopening of ASARCO. So here's a way that we can help you. With some, you know, with your money, basically, your your bottom line, and also, there's a situation happening, that can affect and will affect your your health and well being, and the safety of your family. At the time, I didn't realize that there was a very intentional strategy there. But that strategy is essential to the work that we do as environmentalists and in climate justice activists around the country, and here in Texas, people are struggling, and you got to find ways to help them directly with what they're struggling with day to day, which is often their pocketbooks. And so if you can do that, you're going to build some trust, you can build some relationships, and then you might be lucky to talk to them about another bigger, more complicated issue.John Fiege  That seems to be, like, a really beautiful definition of the difference between environmental justice organizing, and traditional environmental organizing, where environmental justice organizing, you have to start with the community, and make sure everybody you know, you have to deal with everything, you can't just isolate an environmental issue. Would you agree with that?Dave Cortez  Absolutely. Absolutely. I don't know where that came from. I again, I'm not a I've read all the books about these things, but that, the model that was picked up by so many organizations and NGOs is is you know, it's it's almost like counter revolutionary, it's almost counterproductive. Like you're intentionally trying to marginalize your base in silos, you know, so, so whatever we do, you know, I try to espouse that in folks, some of the work we've done around Austin and other parts of Texas, that's the route we go, talk about bills, talk about bills every time and then, you know, start to figure out what else is going on, you know. With ACORN, a major flaw in the national model was that they would want to sign people up to be bank draft members, like you, you'd push a card onto them, "Hey, send this card in with your bank info or something. And we'll sign you up, you know, so you get access to our help." And obviously, I didn't do that. And as the work evolved, and we got more people canvassing and doing the work, we didn't do that either. It went against our values. Now, if there were middle class people, people with more means, yeah, we'd asked them to do that, too.John Fiege  To contribute a certain amount each month.Dave Cortez  Yeah. But we also did things differently, in the sense of, we organized, we found, you know, folks who are highly motivated by the issues, students, artists, residents in the nearby communities who wanted to contribute, and contribute their time, That theory in the ACORN model of, you got to get people financially bought in to be committed, I think can be challenged and there's lots of ways to get people plugged in. And so, one other key here was, you know, I wasn't brand new, this work wasn't brand new. There had been people fighting ASARCO before I was involved, obviously, and it had ebbed and flowed in terms of how much community opposition from just, like, working class people was centered. There was a lot of wealthier folks, politico types, you know, people who worked for legislators or senators or city people, you know, academics, things like that. And there was a handful of working class people in a smattering of workers from plant workers. So our job was really to find more just like students and people in the impacted communities, but it had been going on for so long that people were really drained. You know, parents who, whose children had MS as a result of this or had other health problems, they eventually backed off because it was just too exhausting to go up against the machine of the Texas State Government and go testify, and struggle, and they just couldn't do it anymore. You know, so we had to find new people and inject new life. You know, we made it a point to work with some of the younger folks to start a--not really an acorn chapter--but just a group on the campus called students for reform. And those kids are amazing, a couple dozen students, Chicanos, for the most part, all going off to do awesome things in their lives. But for three, three years, four years, they they led the fight, they're on campus challenging the administration to disclose more information and trying to represent student opposition to the reopening of the smelter.John Fiege  I was looking up some articles about ASARCO. I found this this one 2010 article from John Burnett, who's a NPR correspondent based in Austin. So he talks about in 2009, the US Justice Department announced the settlement of one of the largest environmental bankruptcies in US history, in which ASARCO would pay a record $1.79 billion to settle claims for hazardous waste pollution in you know, at 80 sites, as many as 20 states, including the copper smelting operation in in El Paso. And he quotes some interesting community members like an 82 year old former maintenance worker named Miguel Beltran, who says, "you can't get a job here in El Paso compared to ASARCO, ASARCO is the best place to work. We were just like a family." And John Burnett, also quotes an anti-smelter activist named Debbie Kelly, who says, "They marketed very well. And the people of El Paso were brainwashed believed that this was the most wonderful thing El Paso could possibly have, this tall polluting contaminating smokestack." And this is this classic tension and environmental justice organizing. The big polluter in town is often the biggest and best paying employer as well, especially for folks with limited education. And these working folks often side with the company in some ways, and then at some times, kind of accepting the environmental problems for the economic opportunities. And the smokestack itself is this shining symbol of progress and prosperity that goes way back to the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution. What was your experience with this tension between economic opportunity and environmental health in the organizing, and how that was represented in the media?Dave Cortez  Well, let's take a few cracks at it, because it's a big question. You know, I'll start with my family, two of my close family members worked at the plant, my dad's brother worked at the plant and then worked at Chevron on the other side of town. And then his brother in law, worked at the plant and retired. And here I was, this younger punk, you know, sort of just not super close to the family, showing up at events, and that's what I'm doing and "oh," they think, "I'm a paid protester," you know, forget my education, forget what I'm actually saying. You know, it's, it's deep cultural assimilation. It's deep colonization, sort of this Stockholm syndrome that develops out of poverty and repression. It's horrific. And it's sad to watch, you know, people fiercely defend the only thing that has helped them, in their eyes, and not be able to acknowledge the harm that's been done. It's not different from, you know, addiction in that way.  Or, or depression in that way. John Fiege  Right.  Or domestic abuse. Don't talk about it. Dave Cortez  Domestic abuse. Exactly. You know, it's heartbreaking. It still hurts me to talk about. But, you know, that was the case. And you know, in that situation, just try and make peace with your family just, you know, get through the gathering. And you go on in, you know, some of my family was very supportive, you know, like, "yeah, that stuff's bad, and we should do better." You don't get investments in the well being of a community that like say, in Austin and all this money flooding here and STEM education being invested in and, you know, pre K access and, you know, nature based education and Montessori education, things like that. All of this is part of that, that conflict that pushes you to try and find the best thing you can for your family. And any of the workers that I organized alongside say the same thing. They were so proud and happy--Daniel Adriano another sort of lead visible face against the reopening of smelter, he's a former steel worker, you know, he tells a story about like, his dad worked there, his uncle, his cousins, you know, it was just like a family thing, like everybody, if you could get a job at ASARCO, you knew you'd be okay. You could raise a family, maybe even your wife or your spouse, your partner wouldn't have to work. But, you know, behind that, that Golden Gate, there was a lot of things that people weren't being told. You know, things like, maybe you shouldn't be taking your work clothes home and washing them. Right. They sent people home to wash, and that's very common in heavy industry in the 80s 70s 80s and 90s, you know, these these companies do that. In Danny's case, his kids got sick, you know, and they developed health problems. And he points to that as part of the reason washing his clothes in the same machine with, as his kids clothes. His wife feels guilt about that. Heavy guilt. John Fiege  Yeah. That's hard. Dave Cortez  You know, it's violating. You know, they had them--that settlement came because they, well, in part because ASARCO was caught for illegally incinerating hazardous chemical weapons waste materials from Colorado, in the smelter in these men weren't told about it. And they shoveled this stuff in there and were exposed to, you know, not recycled waste, just direct waste from the Rocky Mountain Arsenal Wow facility, a weapons manufacturing facility, Dow Chemical weapons manufacturing facility. That stuff was burned and they were exposed. You know, it's infuriating. And once they learned that, and they were falling ill and they had some evidence, they tried to organize other workers, let them know former workers let them know what was going on. And, and they encountered the same thing that I encountered with my family: just like this, this wall of acceptance, this willful ignorance. You know, I don't know about that, you know, just like denial, denial. And that was really hard on them. They got ostracized, they lost a lot of friends. You know, and so they found allyship in other people whose families had been sick, residents on the other side of the river in the Colonias, whose children had been severely sick, who were bleeding every night because of bloody noses and heavy metal contamination. You know, they found allyship with Debbie Kelly in the current place, which is sort of a wealthier neighborhood, you know, the educated, more white affluent folks who didn't want the smelter around. And this, that's how the "Get the lead out" coalition really came together it was--you just had these different interests aligned around this lack of justice, but the worker piece was always--and the economic piece was always always, you know, the straw that would break our back. And when ASARCO hired a PR firm, Teresa Montoya, to build their campaign, their marketing campaign to reopen the smelter, that was their big thing. I want to work for ASARCO I want to work for ASARCO and they march out all these Chicanos and throw them in front of a plant in their hard hats and talk about the good jobs and the pay. You know, it's tough to compete with. I know the people in Port Arthur, in Corpus Christi, even down in Brownsville, you know, and you name it. John Fiege  It's the same story everywhere. It's the same story.Dave Cortez  In Appalachia, as well, with the coal miners. Absolutely. The amount of energy it takes to fight Goliath. You know, you never have enough you never have enough resources. You got a PR firm In, you know, this facility was owned and run ASARCO, Grupo Mexico owned by Carlos Slim, at the time the wealthiest man in the world, you know, like, you're never going to have enough just to stop the bad thing. How are you going to strategize and organize in a way where you're talking about building the good, and replacing it with something better and taking care of these people? It's doable, it absolutely is. But at the time, when you're in the sock like that, it's very hard to pivot. And it's very hard to motivate people who have resources to give you those resources to bring on people to pay them to do that work. It's a boxing match, take your hits, and wait for the time to throw a punch. You know, and I think one thing that really hurt people hurt ASARCO a lot, was when it came out that at their operations in Arizona, El Paso and elsewhere, in the 70s and 80s, they had been using health standards, health assessment screenings that were based on a false standard that black men and brown men had a 15% higher lung capacity than white men, therefore, they could be--they could work 15% longer, they could be exposed 15% more than white men. And that came out. And you know, we had some incredible, dedicated educated volunteers who were digging this information up, who were, you know, putting it to the to the news outlets. And without the news outlets putting that information out there, like the New York Times that put it out about the hazardous chemical weapons waste, you know, we wouldn't have been able to really punch back. But that stuff came out and then we could organize with it. We made materials out of it. I made sure everyone knew that, you know, this is the kind of crap that this place was built on, no matter what they say now you can't trust them. John Fiege  Right. Yeah. And this--another thing that John Burnett brought up in this NPR story is, he quotes some longtime community members who said that when the winds were blowing to the south toward Juarez in Mexico, the smelter would crank up production and send pollution directly into Mexico where they could, they could do nothing to regulate it or stop it even worse than in the US. And that's a pretty insidious and cynical route around US environmental regulations. American companies have this long history of sending their polluting factories and jobs overseas. But in El Paso, they could just send the pollution directly to Mexico while keeping the plant and the jobs in the US. Were you able to do any cross border organizing in El Paso to combat this kind of flagrant disregard for air pollution in Mexico?Dave Cortez  I wasn't able to myself, or it wasn't a choice I made to do myself on the broader scale. Marianna Chu, who worked at the time for the Sierra Club, and as an independent activist and organizer did a whole hell of a lot and deserves a ton of credit. Marianna, and others were also were able to build relationships in the Colonias and get to talk to people that were, you know, the definition of directly impacted, right on the other side of the river. You know, you drive through, you pass on I-10, and you look to the left where you're passing through downtown, and it's just colonias and that's Colonia Felipe and some students who we'd found and became acquainted with at UTEP and were filmmakers and they were able to get over into the colonias and document the lived experience of some of these folks, and it's horrific, and they made a short film, I'm happy to share called The Story of Cristo and it's a little boy, you know, who's like that, he's bleeding, bleeding every night, because he's got heavy metal contamination, two years old. You know, and that story spread. You know, it was similar to other families all throughout the Colonia. Dirt roads, just full of metal, not a lot that could be done unless there was funds provided for it. And part of that settlement in relation to the chemical weapons waste was that ASARCO would give money to an outfit in Mexico to pave those roads. You know, that's it. Accept no wrongdoing. No, no responsibility. We don't admit nothing but, here, take this and leave us alone.John Fiege  Literally, sweeping it under the rug. They're just laying asphalt over the dust.Dave Cortez  Absolutely. I mean, that's that's absolutely right. And, you know, one interesting intersection here with with the colonias there was, as we marched towards the end of 2007 and 2008. You know, we're still fighting the plant, it started to become more and more dangerous and people were less responsive, and less receptive to being interviewed on camera with our comrades, and the gangs, were starting to move in to the Colonia and control things more. And that was that it wasn't safe anymore you can, the last thing you should be doing is driving over there with a camera. And so those stories sort of drifted away, those folks. And we weren't able to really work with them a whole lot more, because the narco war was starting to take root.John Fiege  Because it's, it's how it's the same thing they do to fight you, they give your neighbor a job, and then and they get your neighbor working against you. Dave Cortez  Absolutely, I mean, you know, you're not going to go toe to toe with the same weapons, you got to find a way to find their weak spot and cut them at that weak spot. And, you know, I learned that, I learned that in this fight, you know, we weren't scared of these people. We weren't scared of their minions. We weren't scared of the, you know, the former workers who wanted the plant to open. We weren't scared of them. They tried. Everybody tried to intimidate you, you know, but I'll start with, with that part, first, as a critical strategy. My, you know, 23 year old high energy, Mohawk wearin' self, right, like, I thought I knew it all and was ready to go, just like against that jerk down on Red River Street in Austin. And, you know, the first public meeting, debate, whatever, that we helped organize, some of those, those workers were there outside and they were, you know, they pick a smaller person, a woman to argue with, and she ain't scared of them. But you know, soon enough, there's, there's four or five of them around her and oh, man, you know, machismo is something all of us from the border suffered from and that kicked in hard. You just get into it with these guys. But, you know, that is not the way, that is not the way. You know, arguing and fighting, especially with the people, even though they're trying to get you to do it. The people who want a job in these facilities, the community members who just want a better way for their life, you cannot let the people at the top pit us against each other. That's why it's so important to be anchored in community talking about the nuance, you know, how to step and where, what to look out for, and really trying to build together, it has to be at the forefront.John Fiege  Isn't that the history of American industrial capitalism, that for it to work, the, the industrialists need to pit various groups of people against one another, whether it's along lines of race, or income, or religion, or geography, or immigration status, or, or whatever. Like, that's, that's how it works. You need to divide people by those things, so they don't get together and they don't, they don't form a allegiances.Dave Cortez  That's right. That's right. I mean, it's, but it's not something that's created by the oligarchs and the industrial capitalists and the power holders. It's something that they exploit, right? It's a, it's a wound that's already there. And, you know, it's something that concerns me greatly about broader civil society, and our failures to build community, in relationship in brotherhood and sisterhood. You know, in a true spirit of mutual solidarity, the more that we neglect doing that work, the easier it is for something to divide us or someone to exploit it, we see it, there's an endless amount of examples we can point to. But if you start your work in trying to build something better, and build through a positive relationship, it's going to feed in the long run, it'll help you endure all of the struggles that are going to come the conflicts, you know, the the infighting, the personality disagreements, whatever, you got to have some foundation and I learned that from that, that night outside the UTEP Library arguing with these guys that, "No, we got to we got to find a way to work with these workers. We got to really center the fact that people need work in jobs." And and that's where, you know, I really started to become close with, not the guys I argued with, other workers who were already disaffected, Charlie Rodriguez, and Danielle Riano and Efrain Martinez and others. You know, they became, in some ways they already were but from my work, they became the center of what we're trying to do and focus on, that this is actually not what we want these, these jobs are not the kind that we need, because look what they did to me. And so that's one piece. We've got to find a way to get people more meaningfully involved with the policies we're trying to change, so there's just a far greater number of people pushing for positive investment in something that is, you know, not just like NGO staff, you know, like, the less NGO staff and those boardrooms, the better. You know, get every day, people in their meeting, pressing for these decisions, and calling for it, and that makes it much harder for the special interests to push push their own agenda.John Fiege  Well, that's a good transition to Occupy Wall Street. So in 2011, Occupy Wall Street began in New York City in Zuccotti Park. And then the movement quickly spread around the world, including to Austin. And I know you were heavily involved in Occupy Austin, and its campaign to get the city to divest from commercial banks. I participated in a couple of those occupy Austin Bank actions. And I don't think I'd met you yet. But, you know, as many people might remember, one of the big discussions and debates around Occupy was whether and how to organize and whether to make formal demands, which always makes me think of Frederick Douglass who famously said, "power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did. And it never will." But those words from Frederick Douglass, were not the guiding light of many occupy organizers and participants, I'd love to hear you talk a bit about your experience with Occupy Austin, and the internal debates and conflicts about what it was and how it should operate. And what you brought away from that whole experience that you put into your organizing work after that. Dave Cortez  Yeah, it was one of the most exciting times of my life so far, you know, to be able to three, four, sometimes five nights a week, meet up with 50 to 60 people not at a general assembly, but a working group meeting, and everybody's there ready to, you know, talk and break out and figure out the next step for getting people to close bank accounts. And, you know, organizing the rally and building the art and all those things. It was organic. I'm so happy that, I'm fortunate to have that experience in this city, and in this country. It was real, you see the romanticized version of uprisings in film, in writing, and on the news, different ways around the world. But, you know, this was that, at least the closest I've been to it, and it wasn't just the, you know, the sign holding, and, you know, petition gathering, we did all that. But it was, I mean, like people were, people were in, you know, the sacrifice time away from whatever they had going on around them to contribute to something better, and I have never seen an appetite, so large for participating and contributing to something that can change the world. I've seen it tried to be engineered a whole lot by NGOs. And it's laughable. It's insulting, you know, but for me at the time, it was it was like a dream come true. I remember a week before occupy launch, there was a meeting happening at Ruta Maya, and the room was full of people, and, you know, a bunch of white dudes, hippie yoga types on stage, you know, talking about some stuff, but I'm up there front row, just, you know, like, eager. And just like listening, I'm like, "This is great," you know, so they open the mic for everybody to come up and have something to say. And it was awesome. I'd just never seen it. You know, I was like, "wow, this is the Austin I always wanted to see," you know. Sure enough there was a meeting after that the next day, and the next day after that. And that kind of continued on for a few days. And then and then there was the day of the launch and lots of people packing City Hall. I mean, you couldn't move there were so many people out there and there were people talking for hours. Everybody was just willing to stay. And you know, I can't, I just can't believe how patient people were for weeks. And just like hanging out. You know, I think they just wanted something different. And they wanted to be part of something, like I said, Now, me, day one. I'm like, "yo, if we're gonna be out here, we need some data." And I got my clipboard. And my dear friend and former partner Betsy had been working for a group that was doing foreclosure organizing and getting people to move their bank accounts or close their bank accounts. And so, you know, I got some, some materials from her and took up like six clipboards, to the to the rally. And that was my whole shtick was just like, "Hey, y'all, we should close our corporate bank accounts," and people loved it. You know, it was like, "hey, here goes, put your name down, if you want to help out," and I mean, I filled up pages and pages of this thing, people who wanted to help out or close their bank accounts. And from that, you know, like, you'd find more people that were like, "Hey, I used, you know, I can help with that. And I used to work at a bank," or, you know, "I've got some time on my hands," you know. And so we, it was rad, because while all the noise was happening, the day to day that people were more familiar with Occupy Wall Street. You know, the the General Assemblies, the infighting, the conflicts with the unhoused folks and things like that, we had this parallel track of our bank action crew, which was doing, building switch kits, and, you know, trying to reach out to people to, you know, help walk them through how to close their bank accounts and stuff like that, or organize marches on the bank, so people could go in and come out and cut their credit cards, so we could all celebrate, you know, like, that was, that was great. That's classic organizing. I, you know, if you weren't down in City Hall, every day for that first month, you're missing out on something, you know, I don't think people appreciate enough how much work people invested into trying to maintain a space, like, maintaining a physical encampment is, you know, the people with the most knowledge on how to operate a small, little civil society is the people have been doing it before, which is our unhoused folks, you know. And there was a huge class conflict, that really emerged quickly, that the police and the city manager and others began to exploit, you know, by trying to bring more unhoused folks down to City Hall, allowing some to sell and distribute drugs, not enforcing any oversight, you know, we had women attacked, you know, and attempted assaults and things like that, that they were just looking the other way on. Because they wanted this to go away. And it was up to us to figure out how to manage that. And that really became the core of the non-bank action, kind of conversations. You know, everybody wanted to do solidarity with everything else. But it was really about, like, how do we keep this thing going? And how do we maintain our presence here? You know, do you negotiate with the city? Who negotiates? Who's responsible? Do we just say, you know, F-U, we're not going to talk to you all, you know, but like, through all that, like, some amazing friendships were developed, and I mean, like bonds, true, real friendships, and people may not be super close anymore, but all it would take is a phone call or text to bring people back together. You know, it's something I'll just value for the rest of my life.John Fiege  Yeah, totally. And in 2015, The Austin Chronicle named you the best environmental activist in Austin for your work as, "The heart and soul of Sierra Club's 'Beyond Coal' campaign in Central Texas." And I know you've done all kinds of work with the Sierra Club. But I wondered if you could talk about what the fight has been like to transition from dirty energy to clean energy in Texas, which, of course is the oil capital of the country. And looking over the years you've been doing this work, what stands out? What have you learned from this massive campaign?Dave Cortez  Like you said, it's Texas, we're the number one carbon emitter in the country, and a huge one in the world and the United States cannot meet the modest two week goals in the Paris Accords unless Texas gets its act together, you know, and we got some real problems here, not just from fossil fuel pollution, but from industrial and toxic pollution and just from our livelihoods, you know, there's another story out yesterday, you know, are we going to have power next week, because we're going to hit hit the peak of the summer. You know, it's hard to think about the fight for clean energy in Texas without thinking about the power of the fossil fuel and industrial industries. There's there's been a battle since 2000 and 2005 to stop new power plants and advocate for clean energy. The fuel type changes and you know, back then it was coal and then it is gas and and now, it's like, oh my god, we just don't have enough power. Now, how do we get it? But it's still the, you know, trade associations, the Association of Electric Companies in Texas, you know, Oncor, which is an electric distributor company, NRG, you go down the line, Energy Transfer Partners, all of these fossil fuel corporations, making billions and billions of dollars, still call the shots, they still influence, and basically direct, decision makers on what is going to be acceptable in terms of, even, discussion. You can't even get a hearing in the state legislature on flaring reduction, which is a very modest thing. Because they have enough influence to make sure that that conversation is not even going to happen. And their members, like Energy Transfer Partners, and others are some of the biggest donors to politicians in the state. So, you know, why shouldn't we listen to those people? Kelsy Warren, Dakota Access Pipeline CEO, behind Energy Transfer Partners, gave a million dollars, his largest donation ever to Governor Abbott, right immediately after the legislative session. And this is after his company made well over a billion dollars, I think it's closer to $2 billion, coming out of the winter storm, Energy Transfer Partners. While people died, these people decided it would make better financial sense and profit sense to go ahead and withhold supplies of gas to power plants and gas utilities, and let the price go up before they would deliver that gas and therefore make a ton of money. Forget that more than you know, some say 200, some say 700 people died, many of them freezing to death, many of them carbon monoxide poisoning during the storm, forget that. It's all about the money. And that's the biggest takeaway here, just like we would be fighting Carlos Slim, and ASARCO and other folks, you got to look at what the interest is, you know, why are people supporting this? Why are they facilitating this? I know, it's easy to just say, well, we just got to vote these people out. Well, you know, we've got to come up with strategies that will allow us to do that. We've got to come up with strategies that will make it so, in this state that's so heavily corrupt and captured by corporate interests, fossil fuel interests, industrial interests, that we're going to find a way to cut into their enabling electorate. Their enabling base. And it's more than just a voter registration strategy. It's more than just a mobilization strategy, or getting people to sign a petition, it gets back to what we started talking about with ACORN. What is their base? Where are they? What are their interests? And where does it make sense to try and make some inroads, and cut away? And unfortunately, we just don't have enough of that happening in Texas. There's an effort to try to build coalitions with, you know, some social justice and some youth focused organizations. But we're all part of that same progressive "groupthink" or Democratic base, that we're not actually doing much to expand, other than registering some new voters. And there's a lot of unpacking that needs to happen. You know, can we go talk to some steel workers or some people on the Texas-Mexico border, who started to vote more for Republicans and Trump, because they were worried about the Green New Deal? They're worried about losing their oil jobs. Why, I mean, like, to this day, we haven't made that pivot collectively as a movement, and it's hella frustrating.John Fiege  Yeah, it gets back to what we were talking about earlier with, you know, kind of the DNA of environmental justice orientation to this work, the work has to be intersectional if you want to transition Texas, the oil capital of the world, to to non-fossil fuel based energy, you know, you need to deal with, with voting rights, you need to deal with the bad education system, you need to deal with healthcare issues, you need to deal with police brutality, and you know, it's like it's all connected. To think that we can remove this issue of decarbonizing our energy source from all of that other, you know, what some people see as messy stuff is delusional, it just doesn't doesn't work, doesn't make sense. Especially, and it's so obvious in places like Texas, where, you know, what are they doing? They're just trying to, they're trying to suppress the vote, like, they know what the deal is, you know, they're they're losing numbers. They need to disenfranchise more voters in order to maintain this system. Dave Cortez  You know, there's an important caveat and distinction for environmentalists, environmental justice folks, or whatever. You know, if you talk to John Beard with Port Arthur Community Action Network, you know, he's a former steel worker. His whole pitch in Port Arthur is about youth engagement jobs, investing in the community. He's willing to talk to the companies, things like that. It's not environmental-first type of thinking. But the enviros, and you'll see this any legislative session, if you pay attention, we are on the far losing side of the losers. Okay, the Democrats being the losers, you know, Democrats in Texas carry House Bill 40, which is the ban on fracking bans. You know, Mrs. T, Senator Senfronia Thompson out of Houston, she authored that bill, Black Democrat, you know, revered for her work on voting rights and reproductive justice. You know, enviros, we are way, way out of the mix. And so even if we got those organizations doing the work you're talking about, to speak about climate change, speak about the grid, you know, pollution, things like that, we'd still be part of that losing side. And I'm not saying we need to need to be building out into red country, or rural country. It's a critique of the broader progressive movement that we aren't doing enough to find people, the greater majority of people that don't participate in our process, in politics, in voting, except in presidential elections. We are not doing enough to reach people who are just going about their lives and do not give a s**t about the things that we post online about our petitions or positions, or our op-eds, or whatever. That is where the fight is, we've got to draw more people in while the right wing tries to keep more people out. That's our only pathway. And so--John Fiege  What does a just transition mean to you?Dave Cortez  It's what we've been talking about, it's a whole shift in, you know, the operating system of a of a community, whether it's a town of 50,000 people or a state of, you know, 25 million. Just transition means that we're taking into full consideration, our triple bottom line, you know, our health, and shelter, and food, you know, our economics, our jobs, and ability to put, you know, bring income and get the things that we need. And, you know, just the land and our ecology. Just transition has to anchor that we are--that those things are connected, and that they're not--they can't be separated, that in order for our families, and our children and our neighbors and all that, to have a future and have a livelihood, we need to be concerned about our air quality, concerned about our water quality, but also about the quality of their education, the access to healthy food and grocery stores. If you were to talk to people and ask them to envision what, you know, their dream society looks like, which is a hard thing for people to do nowadays. You know, you'll hear some of these things and just transition is the process that we take to get there. It's not about you know, getting a worker from a fossil fuel job into a clean energy job.John Fiege  Well, and speaking of that, you know, in addition to your beyond coal and just transition work, you've done a lot of work with low income communities of color in Austin around a whole assortment of things: illegal dumping, access to green space, community solar and solar equity, green gentrification among among a bunch of other stuff. Can you talk about gentrification and how Austin has changed in the time you've been there and the tension that's emerged about Austin becoming one of the greenest but also increasingly one of the least affordable cities in the country? Dave Cortez  Yeah it's tough. People in Austin are largely still here to just party, have fun, make money. You know, they're really eager to do what they moved here for, you know, go do the cool thing and the restaurant, and the corporate soccer game and whatnot, you know, fine, whatever, I'm not trying to harp on people who want to have a good time, the problem is that there's no thread of the greater good of civil society, of trying to care for those in town that struggle and have the least. That doesn't exist here. It's just, it has lessened every year, it might be new people moving here might be more money here, and people being displaced. But you know, for the most part, with gentrification, the white wealthy middle class here is strong, you know, median family income is close to $90,000, you know, qualifying for affordable housing, you can make a ton of money and still qualify for affordable housing. And the people that move in, my brother calls them the new pilgrims. They're not super interested in learning what was there before, they're interested in what's around them now, and what might come in the future. And we do have a responsibility to make sure that we not just offer up but press on people at the doors, at community events, you know, cool, fun, s**t, barbecues and things like that, to learn what was there before they came, you know, sort of an onboarding into the neighborhood. And we did some of this in Montoplis, my old neighborhood that I lived in before I moved to South Austin, you know, people who I was like, "man, they're never going to help us," they're just, you know, part of that new white, middle class "new pilgrim." When I learned the history of the community, and the issues that were going on, I said, "Hell, yeah, whatever I can do," from, you know, cooking funding, speaking, writing letters, coming to meetings, you name it, you know, but we had to keep on 'em. And we had to give them a meaningful task. There is a lot of power, gentrification sucks. But I've really tried to work with myself on not being--automatically hating folks for just trying to move in into a home. But you do have to challenge folks on how they behave after they've moved in, you know, in Austin with our urban farming and desire for new urbanism and density and things like that, the culture of I know what's best is so thick, and it's really hard to stay patient. But I try to, even when I get mad and angry and frustrated, I try to remind people of what's called the Jemez Principles for Democratic Organizing, and the People's Institute for Survival and Beyond's Principles of Anti-Racism, encourage them to read them, and to do everything they can to just shut the F up, and go listen to the people that they're talking about in affected communities. And get a sense of where you might be able to build some common ground.John Fiege  I actually wanted to spend a minute on that because, you know, you started, or you were one of the organizers, who started environmental justice group in Austin years ago, and I went to a bunch of the meetings. And I feel like that's where, you know, we got to start hanging out a bunch for the first time. But you would always start the meetings with the Jemez Principles for Democratic Organizing. And, you know, those came out of this meeting hosted by the Southwest Network for Environmental and Economic Justice and Jemez, New Mexico back in the 90s. Can you talk more specifically about the principles and why they're important to the work you're doing?Dave Cortez  So when you're thinking about undoing racism, or being an antiracist or antiracism work, you know, you're acknowledging that you're confronting a built system, something that's built under a false construct, race, you know, and when you're going to combat that, there's, you know, there's a lot of issues to it or whatever, but the Jemez principles will help you see, how do you approach people and talk about it? You know, for example, listen, let people speak is one of the principles, you know, listen to the people on the ground. Don't barge in there don't don't come in with your your petition and your fancy stuff and, or be online and be a dick. You know, go try to introduce yourself and get to know people. You know, ask questions. That's okay. You know, people were very generous for the most part, whether they're Black or Brown or or Native or Asian, or you name it, you know? If you're able to ask questions and listen about an issue, people will likely talk, you know. Trying to work in solidarity and mutuality is another big one for me, you know, it's not just about like, "I'm here to help you," versus, "I'm here because our struggles are connected and intertwined. And for me and my family to be successful and get what we need, it depends on your family, and your people being successful and getting what you need. How can we work together to make sure that we everything we do reinforces that and that we lift each other up?" A lot of things that we see is very transactional in the advocacy and activism world, you know, sign this, and then we'll go do that for you, or will tell the person to do the thing and change? It's not so much how can what can we do to help you directly, like we talked about bills and taxes and things like that. But also, we have to know that, what is it we're gonna get out of it, it's not just this potential policy outcome. There's tremendous value in human relationships. And in culture and community building, you're going to learn about the people in your community, you're going to learn about the history, you're going to learn, you know, and make new friends and maybe some recipes, maybe, you know, some new music or something. It's limitless. You know, humans have tremendous potential in beauty. But we we rob ourselves of that by, you know, retreating into our silos in our, in our four walls. You know, Jemez can give something--these are short, short, little principles that can give people something to read and reflect on, they can be kind of abstract and theory based, but when you're advocating for change, and then you look at these and you ask yourself, "sm I doing this?" There's tremendous potential for learning, and changing how we do our work.John Fiege  And the Sierra Club is one of the oldest large-scale environmental groups in the world. And it's traditionally been a white organization. Its founder John Muir made racist remarks about Black and Indigenous people, and in 2020, the Sierra Club officially apologized for those remarks and the white supremacist roots of the organization. In Texas, with your work and your presence, I feel like you've really helped the Sierra Club evolve there, where you are, and you th

Thom Kay, Program Manager for Energy Transition at the BlueGreen Alliance, joined the America's Work Force Union Podcast and discussed the hardships faced in coal mining communities after the mines shut down. He also spoke about a Workforce Transition Plan to help workers in the fossil-fuel industry find suitable employment after losing their jobs. Andrew Strom, contributing writer to the On-Labor Blog, appeared on the America's Work Force Union Podcast and spoke about the new U.S. Department of Labor final rule on worker misclassification and the need for the courts to favorably rule on OSHA regulations to protect independent contractors.

The Inflation Reduction Act aims to create nine million good jobs over the next decade, with ten percent of those jobs in clean manufacturing. This echoes the manufacturing boom that created the Steel Belt, bringing life to communities across the heartland of America. But that boom eventually led to the Rust Belt and a sense among manufacturing workers that they had been left behind. With labor movements on the rise, workers are becoming more optimistic for another growth of sustainable communities built around these good jobs. But with persistent supply chain challenges on the horizon and neighboring countries with lower labor costs developing advanced manufacturing capabilities, how can the U.S. keep new, clean, good jobs here at home? Our guests Anna Waldman-Brown from the DOE Office of Energy Jobs and Reem Rayef from BlueGreen Alliance will discuss the vision behind the IRA, how the labor movement can build good jobs, and how the U.S. can keep those good jobs and build sustainable communities.

Executive Director of the BlueGreen Alliance, Jason Walsh, joined the America's Work Force Union Podcast to discuss his previous work with labor and the White House. Walsh also discussed the need for union jobs in the green energy transition and taking advantage of the targeted industrial policies coming out of Washington D.C. President and Business agent from Iron Workers Local 549, Kelly Dierkes, joined the America's Work Force Union Podcast to discuss the amount of bridge work coming into the Northern Appalachia region from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. Dierkes also discussed the importance of educating the public on unions and provided updates on legislation that could impact unions in West Virginia.

Justin was previously the Deputy Research Director at BlueGreen Alliance where he oversaw work on industrial and manufacturing issues. He also spent time in a research role at the lobbying firm Flaherty & Hood, held a legislative role at the Minnesota Department of Revenue and prior to moving to Minnesota for graduate school worked for…

Justin was previously the Deputy Research Director at BlueGreen Alliance where he oversaw work on industrial and manufacturing issues. He also spent time in a research role at the lobbying firm Flaherty & Hood, held a legislative role at the Minnesota Department of Revenue and prior to moving to Minnesota for graduate school worked for…

On Nov. 28, Virginia League of Conservation Voters will team with several partnering organizations to host a Henrico Climate Solutions Town Hall from 6 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. at the Varina Library, 1875 New Market Road.    Hosted by Freedom Virginia, Virginia Interfaith Power & Light, the Sierra Club, BlueGreen Alliance, Virginia Clinicians for Climate Action, Henrico NAACP, IBEW Local 666, and Climate Action Virginia in addition to Virginia LCV, the town hall will feature community-led discussion about environmental solutions that advance clean energy, cut pollution, create economic opportunities and keep communities safe. The town hall will also celebrate climate...Article LinkSupport the show

This week: How I think about how to think about what's nextHere's What You Can Do:Donate to help the BlueGreen Alliance unite labor unions and environmental organizations to create clean jobs, develop clean infrastructure, and pursue fair trade.Volunteer with 3.14 Action and help get people who care about facts and evidence elected.Get educated about the direction of our food systems by reading the Paradigms of Agriculture.Be heard about restoring the expanded Child Tax Credit and urge your representative to support the American Family Act.Invest in clean energy using research that separates hype from reality from the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.Get more:Get more news, analysis, and Action Steps at importantnotimportant.comSupport our work and become a Member at importantnotimportant.com/upgradeGot feedback? Email us at questions@importantnotimportant.comFollow us on Twitter at @importantnotimpSubscribe to our YouTube channelTake a nap you deserve itAdvertise with us: importantnotimportant.com/c/sponsors Mentioned in this episode:Support Our WorkSubscribe

On this episode of Energy Evolution, our guests discuss the recent boom in jobs and manufacturing in the renewable energy sector in the United States. The one-year-old Inflation Reduction Act drives much of this growth, which is leading to significant cost savings projected for wind and solar developers using U.S.-made components. Today's guests include Matthew Rand, managing director, research and analytics, at Link Logistics, and Ben Beachy, manufacturing and industrial policy vice president, at the BlueGreen Alliance, a coalition of labor and environmental organizations. CORRECTION: A previous version of these notes misidentified Matthew Rand's current job title. The episode misidentifies Rand's title at the time of the interview. Matthew Rand is the managing director, research and analytics, at Link Logistics. The episode also mentions that Link "estimates that renewable energy companies currently drive 5-10% of its leasing volumes." This figure represents specific markets rather than the company's national portfolio, in which Rand said it represents "2.3% to 3% of leasing activity." Energy Evolution co-hosts Dan Testa and Taylor Kuykendall are veteran journalists with broad expertise covering the energy and mining sectors. In addition, Camellia Moors and Camilla Naschert, reporters who write about mining and power issues, are correspondents for Energy Evolution and regularly contribute to the show. Subscribe to Energy Evolution on your favorite platform to catch our latest episodes! We want to hear about your podcast preferences so we can keep improving our shows. Take our podcast survey here and share your thoughts: https://www.surveylegend.com/s/4xyz

On this episode of Energy Evolution, our guests discuss the recent boom in jobs and manufacturing in the renewable energy sector in the United States. The one-year-old Inflation Reduction Act drives much of this growth, which is leading to significant cost savings projected for wind and solar developers using U.S.-made components. Today's guests include Matthew Rand, managing director, research and analytics, at Link Logistics, and Ben Beachy, manufacturing and industrial policy vice president, at the BlueGreen Alliance, a coalition of labor and environmental organizations. CORRECTION: A previous version of these notes misidentified Matthew Rand's current job title. The episode misidentifies Rand's title at the time of the interview. Matthew Rand is the managing director, research and analytics, at Link Logistics. The episode also mentions that Link "estimates that renewable energy companies currently drive 5-10% of its leasing volumes." This figure represents specific markets rather than the company's national portfolio, in which Rand said it represents "2.3% to 3% of leasing activity." Energy Evolution co-hosts Dan Testa and Taylor Kuykendall are veteran journalists with broad expertise covering the energy and mining sectors. In addition, Camellia Moors and Camilla Naschert, reporters who write about mining and power issues, are correspondents for Energy Evolution and regularly contribute to the show. Subscribe to Energy Evolution on your favorite platform to catch our latest episodes! We want to hear about your podcast preferences so we can keep improving our shows. Take our podcast survey here and share your thoughts: https://www.surveylegend.com/s/4xyz

Congresswoman Jennifer McClellan, together with Virginia LCV, Climate Action Virginia and other partners, will host a celebration of the Affordable Clean Energy Plan Aug. 27 from 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. at IBEW Local 666, 1400 East Nine Mile Road in Highland Springs.  The free indoor-outdoor festival marks one year since passage of the world's largest climate package, which has brought federal investments to localities across Virginia. McClellan will join members of Virginia Interfaith Power & Light, Sierra Club Virginia Chapter, BlueGreen Alliance, IBEW and other advocates for the event, which will include food, live entertainment and the chance to...Article LinkSupport the show

Teshuvah means to Return... Welcome to Pathways of Teshuvah: a discussion with Dr. Pesach Chananiah and Marcus Kar on Dr. Channaniah's breakthrough paper, "Pathways of Teshuvah: Repentance, Return, and Reconciliation Across Time and Place". This conversation is a continuation of a couple of features from AllCreations collection, Envisioning Transformation. In this event, AllCreation exec. editor Chris Searles interviews Chananiah and Kar about the revolutionary idea of finding truer identity, connection to the divine, deep-trauma healing, authentic community, and a more -- through deeper and more engaged relationships with Nature. In part one we explore the ancient Jewish exile as separation from a number of "Nature-based" spiritual practices and how that led to the invention of indoor worship. In part two, Dr. Chananiah and Mr. Kar share personal insights and reflections on how living a more Nature-immersed life is both healing and energizing. And in part three, they talk about the necessity of getting one's own time to be safe, alone with, and connected to Nature.About  Dr. Pesach Channaniah (featured author) is a community psychologist, author, educator, and organizer in Nevada, currently working to bring unions together on issues and opportunities around cleaner energy, with the Blue Green Alliance.   Marcus Kar (special guest), Program Director, Youth Farm, North Minneapolis, is a youth mentor and food justice champion. He is also co-chair of the Homegrown Minneapolis Food Council.  Chris Searles (host) is director of BioIntegrity and executive editor of AllCreation.org. He is also chief editor of the AllCreation collection, Envisioning Transformation.     Program0:00 Welcome, Introduction, Overview 06:30 Conversation begins    - Chris Searles, host      - Dr. Pesach Chananiah, author    - Marcus Kar, special guest08:40 Part 1: Identifying the Separation32:00 Part 2: The Power of Reconnection 1:01:00 Part 3: How Do We Move Forward Together?References Dr. Channaniah's paper: https://allcreation.org/home/pathways  "Envisioning Transformation": https://allcreation.org/home/winter-2022 Marcus Kar interview: https://allcreation.org/home/marcus-kar In this video introduction (see video: https://youtu.be/rOjVC1ThtVo) host, Chris Searles, shows a timeline of the most recent scientific assessments of the history of Life on Earth, from first microbes to modern humans. To read an overview of that science, check out, "The Value of Biosphere Earth, part one: Earth's Life Timeline," here: https://biointegrity.net/value   Thanks for listening. Visit AllCreation.org for more. PResented by AllCreation & BioIntegrity.net 

The U.S. finally is getting its act together on climate with big new tax credits for people who buy electric vehicles (EVS) and go solar and incentives for companies to do invest in green production. So why are European and Asian governments steaming mad at us and screaming “trade barrier!!” in numerous languages, instead of cheering our better-late-than-never climate action? Especially given we only have less than 10 years to take drastic measures or face dire climate catastrophe! Will the Biden administration cave in and roll back these excellent new policies that were explicitly designed to simultaneously counter the interrelated crises of climate chaos, supply chain meltdowns causing shortages and inflation, and economic inequality and anxiety? On this episode of Rethinking Trade with Lori Wallach we unpack what was in the Inflation Reduction Act and how it can help more people get an EV, go solar, have reliable supplies of such products and good jobs making them. Ben Beachy, the Vice President of Manufacturing and Industrial Policy at the BlueGreen Alliance explains it all. Plus, Ben and Lori make sense of the short-sighted sniping from other countries. (Hint: Think circular firing squad!)

The panelists discuss the impact of the Inflation Reduction Act on state and local budgets, focusing on the opportunities and challenges that are on the road ahead. Our panel of experts included Ben Beachy, vice president of manufacturing and industrial policy, BlueGreen Alliance; Sarah Gimont, associate legislative director for environment, energy and land use policy, National Association of Counties; Justin Marlowe, research professor, University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy; and Richard Prisinzano, director of policy analysis, Penn Wharton Budget Model, the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania. Notable Quotes: “This win-win approach to climate change that we see here is a rebirth of the US industrial policy.” - Ben Beachy "The funding provided in the law is really going to be beneficial for community and economic development, areas in which counties play a critical role." - Sarah Gimont "It creates all sorts of interesting and creative opportunities for states and localities and public utilities and pension plans and potentially even nonprofits foundations, other ways to get directly involved." - Justin Marlowe "Our modeling and analysis basically says it has no meaningful effect on inflation, either increasing or decreasing." - Richard Prisinzano Be sure to subscribe to Special Briefing to stay up to date on the world of public finance. Learn more about the Volcker Alliance at: volckeralliance.org Learn more about Penn IUR at: penniur.upenn.edu Connect with us @VolckerAlliance and @PennIUR on Twitter, Facebook and LinkedIn Special Briefing is published by the Volcker Alliance, as part of its Public Finance initiatives, and Penn IUR. The views expressed on this podcast are those of the panelists and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Volcker Alliance or Penn IUR.

The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA) is the most significant climate legislation in United States history—$370 billion in climate and clean energy investments could help cut U.S. greenhouse gas emissions roughly 40 percent by 2030. The IRA will transportation and building electrification, invigorate the U.S. clean energy supply chain, and enhance U.S. global competitiveness. But, how will it help average households and consumers? What does it mean for worrkers and the  economy? And what's required to ensure successful implementation? Tune in to hear from two experts who will explain how consumers, workers, and the economy will benefit from IRA electrification provisions!Guest Bios: Jessica Eckdish is the Vice President of Legislation & Federal Affairs with the BlueGreen Alliance, where she directs the Alliance's federal legislative, policy, and partnerships on climate, energy, and infrastructure issues. Prior to this role, she worked with the Sierra Club as Washington Representative, working on a range of federal issues including public health and clean air and water protections. She holds a B.A. in Political Science and International Relations from UC Santa Barbara and an M.A. in Global Environmental Policy from the School of International Service at American University. Mark Kresowik is a Senior Policy Director with the American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy (ACEEE) where he works at the local, state, utility, and federal levels to accelerate ambition for improving energy efficiency and center those most historically overburdened and underserved in our communities. Previously, Mark managed federal and international policy for RMI's Carbon-Free Buildings Program and led clean energy campaigns with the Sierra Club. Mark graduated with honors from the University of Iowa. To Dig in Deeper, Check out these Must-Read Resources:Implementing the Inflation Reduction Act: A Roadmap for State Electricity Policy (Energy Innovation)Implementing the Inflation Reduction Act: A Roadmap for Federal and State Transportation Policy (Energy Innovation)Fact Sheet: Clean Energy Tax Credits in the Inflation Reduction Act (BGA)Fact Sheet: Clean Manufacturing Investments in the Inflation Reduction Act (BGA)Fact Sheet: Clean Vehicle Provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act (BGA)Inflation Reduction Act and Bipartisan Infrastructure Law Resource Center (BGA)A User Guide to the Inflation Reduction Act (BGA)Home Energy Upgrade Incentives: Programs in the Inflation Reduction Act and Other Recent Federal Laws (ACEEE)

On this month's episode of The Voice of Oregon's Workers we bring you a captivating panel discussion from the 2022 Oregon AFL-CIO convention titled The Clean Energy Future MUST Be Union Made. The panelists on this episode are Ranfis Villatoro from the Blue Green Alliance, Rick Levy, President of the Texas AFL-CIO, Carol Zabin from the UC Berkeley Labor Center and Micah Mitrosky from the IBEW.  In Oregon and across the country, we recognize that the clean energy future is upon us and as union members, we have a strategic and moral imperative to be at the center of those conversations.   Climate change and its policy responses touch all of us as workers and clean energy can and should affect us all. We must make sure that workers are at the table, forming policy solutions that will work for all of us – from fair and just job transitions and retraining to making sure clean energy jobs are union jobs with fair pay, good benefits, and the safest working conditions possible.

Jason Walsh stops by to tell us about the infrastructure plan and what is can do to help us combat the climate emergency, and also how the real climate policy is in the Build Back Better package that still needs to pass. Want more #RickShow? Go to https://www.thericksmithshow.com The Rick Smith Show streams live every weeknight from 9p-11p EST on YouTube, and you can catch up on what you miss twice a week on Free Speech TV: Wednesday night @ 9pm EST Saturday night @ 6pm EST Be sure to add the FSTV channel on Apple TV or Roku or find us in the regular channel lineup on DirecTV or Dish. Radio listeners – You can find us in most major markets, including New York City on WBAI 99.5 FM, Los Angeles on KPFK 90.7 FM, Chicago on WCPT AM 820, and many others. Check your local listings. Questions or comments? Email Rick@thericksmithshow.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Chuck Rocha, Democratic operative and founder of Solidarity Strategies, may have the most interesting and unusual story of ascent in politics. From a 19-year old single father working a union job at a rubber plant in East Texas, to the political director of the national Steelworkers' Union, to a senior advisor to both Bernie Sanders' campaigns, and founder of the largest Latino-owned political consulting firm. Chuck's stories, insight, and advice match his unconventional path in the industry...this is a great conversation with one of the most distinctive voices in American politics.IN THIS EPISODE… Chuck talks navigating both the Mexican and Anglo sides of his family…Chuck talks his first job out of school working in a rubber factory…Chuck's eyes are opened once he starts working in his local union…The Chuck Rocha 101 of Political Organizing…Chuck's early intersection with Ann Richards campaigns…Chuck cuts his teeth on Martin Frost's campaigns in Texas…Chuck's path from the factory floor to the National Political Director of the Steelworkers…How Chuck makes the decision to start his own firm, Solidarity Strategies…Chuck learns important lessons after making a professional mistake…Chuck's advice for anyone starting their own political business…Chuck helps elect an underdog insurgent Mayor of Providence, RI…Chuck talks the different vibes in pitching the presidential campaigns of Hillary Clinton vs Bernie Sanders…Chuck talks how the mistakes and experiences from Bernie 2016 led to the early Bernie 2020 momentum…Chuck's advice as to how local campaigns can replicate the Bernie 2020 organizing success…Chuck's insight into Bernie Sanders' the person that the rest of us don't know…Who had the best Bernie impression on the campaign?Chuck stars the innovative Nuestro Super PAC?Chuck's advice to help Democrats better connect with Latino voters…Chuck talks the importance of cultural competency in communicating with Latino voters…Chuck's career advice for the next generation of operatives…The new habit that is “changing Chuck's life”…AND…Luis Alcauter, aspirational messaging, beepers, the Blue Green Alliance, Buddy Cianci, Larry Cohen, economic populism, eggheads, El Charro's, Jorge Elorza, Jim English, Martin Frost, Eileen Garcia, Daysi Gonzalez, Goodyear Tire, Google translate, Maria Hinojosa, Yvette Herrera, keyboard warriors, Matthew McConaughey, John Nash, Nuestro PAC, Vinny Panvini, Ari Rabin-Havt, rapid-response fax machines, rednecks in East Texas, Ann Richards, Jon Soltz, Larry Scanlon, Terry Turner, Tio Bernie, Tortilla Coast, Vote Vets, Jeff Weaver, woke white consultants, & MORE!

Jason Walsh of the nonprofit BlueGreen Alliance says careful planning is needed to build a clean-energy economy that supports workers. Learn more at https://www.yaleclimateconnections.org/

One promise of civ-gov tech is that it helps optimize democratic government, particularly in the cities where most people live. This panel explores how well that promise is being kept and how to improve things if it's not. SPEAKERSAmanda Brink is a Wisconsin-based political operative with over 12 years of experience in the field. A utility infielder, happy to assist with campaign management, overall strategy, fundraising, organizing, operations, compliance, digital, press, training, recounts, logistics, advance, and more. Former O.F.A., H.F.A., Tony for WI, Burns for W.I., Dems in Philly, D.N.C., WisDems, Raj for Madison, and more. Currently working for Organizing Empowerment, helping organizations put relationships back into organizing. Michelle Kobayashi M.S.P.H. is the Senior Vice President for Innovation for Polco/National Research Center. She began her career as a research analyst for the City of Boulder in 1989 and then helped to found National Research Center (N.R.C.) in 1995. Michelle has 30 years of experience conducting research, surveys, and policy studies for local, state, and federal government. She has authored numerous journal articles, book chapters, and books on research techniques and trained hundreds of government and non-profit workers on evaluation methods, survey research, and uses of data for community decisionmaking and performance measurement. Last year, N.R.C. and Polco, a tech company providing a digital engagement platform, merged, creating new opportunities for Michelle to modernize her survey work and the methods she uses to bring residents and stakeholders' voices into local governing. Micah L. Sifry is the Founder and President of Civic Hall, curator of the annual Personal Democracy Forum, and editor of Civicist, Civic Hall's news site. From 2006-16 he was a senior adviser to the Sunlight Foundation, which he helped found. Micah currently serves on the boards of Consumer Reports and the Public Laboratory for Open Technology and Science. He is the author or editor of nine books, most recently Civic Tech in the Global South (co-edited with Tiago Peixoto) (World Bank, 2017); A Lever and a Place to Stand: How Civic Tech Can Move the World (PDM Books, 2015), with Jessica McKenzie; The Big Disconnect: Why the Internet Hasn't Transformed Politics (Yet) (OR Books, 2014); and Wikileaks and the Age of the Transparency (OR Books, 2011). In 2012, Micah taught "The Politics of the Internet" as a visiting lecturer at Harvard's Kennedy School. From 1997-2006, he worked closely with Public Campaign, a non-profit, non-partisan organization focused on comprehensive campaign finance reform, as its senior analyst. Before that, Micah was an editor and writer with The Nation magazine for thirteen years. He is the author of Spoiling for a Fight: Third-Party Politics in America(Routledge, 2002), co-author with Nancy Watzman of Is That a Politician in Your Pocket? Washington on $2 Million a Day (John Wiley & Sons, 2004), co-editor of Rebooting America, and co-editor of The Iraq War Reader (Touchstone, 2003) and The Gulf War Reader (Times Books, 1991). MODERATORJoel Rogers is the Sewell-Bascom Professor of Law, Political Science, Public Affairs, and Sociology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where he also directs COWS, a national resource and strategy center on high-road development that also operates the Mayors Innovation Project, State Smart Transportation Initiative (with Smart Growth America), and ProGov21. Rogers has written widely on party politics, democratic theory, and cities and urban regions. Along with many scholarly and popular articles, his books include The Hidden Election, On Democracy, Right Turn, Metro Futures, Associations and Democracy, Works Councils, Working Capital, What Workers Want, Cites at Work, and American Society: How It Really Works. Joel is an active citizen as well as an academic. He has worked with and advised many politicians and social movement leaders and has initiated and helped lead several progressive N.G.O.s (including the New Party [now the Working Families Party], EARN, W.R.T.P., Apollo Alliance [now part of the Blue Green Alliance], Emerald Cities Collaborative, State Innovation Exchange, and EPIC-N (Educational Partnership for Innovation in Communities Network). He is a contributing editor of The Nation and Boston Review, a MacArthur Foundation Fellow, and identified by Newsweek as one of the 100 living Americans most likely to shape U.S. politics and culture in the 21st century.

We took a couple weeks off for the Holidays but we're back with a brand new episode and a new name, Change in the Coalfields!! This week we have a virtual conversation with Jason Walsh. Jason is Executive Director of Blue Green Alliance and is currently based out of Washington D.C. You can find more information about Blue Green Alliance and Jason's work with them by going to https://www.bluegreenalliance.org/Check out our social media pages to see some video clips of the conversation and let us know what you think of this format! We will be releasing new episodes bi-weekly, sometimes even more regularly, for the remainder of 2021! https://coalfield-development.org/

Features a replay of an interview with Jessica Koski, Policy Director with Blue/Green Alliance, Washington State, & Part 1 of an interview with Restaurant Workers Council organizers Music includes Steve Earle. and The Dubliners Opening with The Decemberists "This Is Why We Fight"

All Things Co-op welcomes back Michael Peck,Exec Director of 1 Worker 1 Vote and former International Delegate (USA) for the Mondragón Co-operative Corporation (1999 –2019), for a fascinating and inspiring conversation about co-ops, union co-ops and other hybrid ownership models, the critical emphasis on ecosystem building, the inequalities revealed by Covid-19 and how the pandemic shows we need a cultural reset, and the promising snowballing effect of the cooperative movement with bi-partisan support. Peck's wealth of experience and knowledge in the cooperative field enables him to give many concrete examples of initiatives, movements, and practical applications of these ideas all across the country, and from the Mondragon Corporation. Michael Peck is the Executive Director of 1 Worker 1 Vote, and describes himself as a movement organizer, dedicated to putting more power on the table for workers and to bringing workplace democracy and equity to frontline populations and economies, pushing back on all the embedded structural inequalities that are driving this nation into the disaster zone. He is also a co-founder of The Virtuous Cycle Collaboratory (tvc2) – a MBE worker cooperative & social enterprise whose mission is to “flatten the curves” with virtuous cycles, former International Delegate (USA) for the Mondragón Co-operative Corporation (1999 –2019), board secretary for the American Sustainable Business Council, and Blue Green Alliance corporate advisory board member

American Federation of Teachers Vice President Melissa Cropper was the first featured guest on America’s Work Force Union Podcast today. With election season in full swing, Cropper covered topics such as state school board elections in Ohio, the incumbents up for reelection in the Ohio Supreme Court, the Presidential election and a bus tour through Ohio. The second guest was BlueGreen Alliance Executive Director Jason Walsh who covered a wide range of topics. He offered some background about the organization, organizing the wind and solar industries, fundamental labor law reform, President Trump’s broken promises to the coal mining industry and how a second term for President Trump may cause a major crisis for workers and worker rights.

President Trump calls himself a "great environmentalist” while at the same time gutting environmental protections and questioning the science around climate change. He often explains his actions by claiming regulations are job killers that hurt the economy. But even with the rollbacks, traditional blue-collar jobs like those in the coal industry are being lost. And some labor unions actually see efforts to stem climate change as their future. Enter the BlueGreen Alliance, a coalition of labor unions and environmental organizations that pushes for green job growth. It was created by a couple of odd bedfellows - the United Steelworkers union and the Sierra Club in 2006. Jason Walsh is the executive director. On this episode, we talk with Walsh about the election and how the future of the labor and environmental movements is tied together.

The Maine Climate Council is charged with developing a new statewide Climate Action Plan that will grow Maine’s economy by reducing carbon pollution and transitioning to clean energy. In this episode, we speak with Mike Williams, Deputy Director of the BlueGreen Alliance and member of the Climate Council’s Transportation Working Group, about how the Climate Council can support and uplift working people in Maine. The BlueGreen Alliance is a national partnership of labor unions and environmental organizations.

This week’s episode we take a look at a recent BPC/Rockefeller Foundation national survey that shows the economic impact of the pandemic on communities of color. We will also explore the needs of our nation’s essential infrastructure work force and how they can be best protected going forward.  The coronavirus pandemic has exasperated long-standing economic challenges for Black and Hispanic households. They face higher rates of unemployment and reduction in hours worked compared to white families. Hear from our panelists and pollster, Rob Green, as they discuss what these findings mean for minority communities. Amid the pandemic, public attention to America’s essential workforce has drastically increased. In the segment, BPC’s Meron Yohannes guides us through a conversation with Hope Cupit, president and CEO of Southeast Rural Community Assistance Project, Billy Terry, director of the National Transit Institute at Rutgers University, and Jason Walsh, the executive director of the Blue Green Alliance, to explore strategies for protecting these workers and how to invest in their futures. 

Michael Alden Peck Discusses the Impact of COVID-19 and Next Steps for Recovery. From the paradigm shift that will inevitably occur in how we pay and view essential workers; to the revelations about the inequities that exist in our economy; to the consideration of the need to make the U S Postal Service a Worker Cooperative, and ultimately the resolution to abandon the trickle-down economic structure and create a Gusher-up (Bottom-up) economy. Michael is co-founder of 1worker1vote, and The Virtuous Cycle Collaboratory. In response to COVID-19, he became part of a team that is co-imagining/co-launching the People's Rising Sunshine Exchange (PRSE) - a digital platform for micro PPE purchases on behalf of front-line healthcare, home-care and emergency response workers - helping to save lives at risk of those saving others. Earlier this year, Michael co-founded The Virtuous Cycle Collaboratory (tvc2), a majority-minority, for-profit worker-cooperative domiciled in Alexandria/Virginia, that designs, launches and scales shared-values, purpose-driven and profit-seeking social enterprises and social enterprise ecosystems (start-ups, conversions, supply chains, tax and technology innovation, B2B and B2C platforms) for the emerging Stakeholder Economy. In 2015, Michael co-founded and serves as the executive director of the non-profit 1worker1vote movement (New York), with regional hybrid model, shared ownership ecosystems based in Cincinnati and Dayton, Ohio, and Central Brooklyn. Michael served as the International Delegate (USA) for the Mondragón Co-operative Corporation (1999 -2019 www.mondragon-corporation.com), and for the past decade has served as board secretary of the American Sustainable Business Council, as a Blue Green Alliance corporate advisory board member since its start in 2006, and as a co-founding (2019) board member of Citizens' Share Brooklyn (CSG).

With the next U.S. election just 15 months away, advocates of action on climate change are gearing up with fresh plans to address the issue and bring them to the attention of the American electorate. Among the biggest such efforts is the Beyond Carbon campaign launched recently by Bloomberg Philanthropies, the charitable-giving arm of former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg. In this edition of Columbia Energy Exchange, host Bill Loveless talks to Carl Pope, the senior climate advisor to Michael Bloomberg who has played a major role in developing the strategy behind the Beyond Carbon campaign. Bloomberg Philanthropies has put $500 million behind the campaign, which it calls the largest ever effort in the U.S. to fight climate change. Carl is well known in environmental circles, having led Sierra Club for more than 30 years before stepping down in 2010. He is also a founder of the BlueGreen Alliance and has served on the boards of the California League of Conservation Voters and the National Clean Air Coalition. He’s written three books as well, including one in 2017 with Michael Bloomberg called “Climate of Hope: How Cities, Businesses and Citizens Can Save the Planet.” Bill reached Carl by phone the other day at his office in San Francisco, where he is a Principal Advisor at Inside Straight Strategies. Among the topics they discuss are the goals of the Beyond Carbon campaign and why Bloomberg and Pope are now targeting natural gas, as well as other fossil fuels, for elimination in order to put the U.S. on a path to a 100% clean-energy economy.  Bill probes Carl, too, regarding the timing of Beyond Carbon ahead of the 2020 elections, his views on renewable energy and nuclear energy, whether putting a price on carbon makes sense, and how the media is covering climate change. Of course, with another round of debates for Democratic candidates for president about to take place, Bill also gets Carl's take on their positions on energy and climate issues.

Time to party like it’s 1988!  Joe Biden, yes that Joe Biden, was caught plagiarizing parts of his climate change plan.  Hitting control C and control V on your keyboard is not an acceptable climate change plan. The worst thing is that he’s plagiarizing from a Fossil Fuel industry-backed organization, the Carbon Capture Coalition as well as the labor and environmental group the BlueGreen Alliance. And this week, Biden says he’s for repealing the Hyde Amendment, then he’s against it. This morning his campaign says he’s for repeal again. He must have been watching Elizabeth Warren’s town hall on Wednesday and decided to steal some her strategy too. Recall that the Hyde Amendment poor, working class, and young women from using government-backed health insurance to help pay for safe and legal abortion. Speaking of Warren’s town hall, that’s how you do it. Democrats should take lessons in how to answer questions from Warren. Meanwhile, Bernie went to Wal-Mart shareholders meeting while calling on supporters to show up on picket lines in support of striking graduate student workers at the University of Chicago. The DNC is out on the vanguard again, saying they will absolutely not hold a debate on climate change that has been called for by Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) and former Obama cabinet official Julián Castro, along with the Sunrise movement. Worse still, the DNC threatened to ban Inslee from the official DNC debates is he participated in a debate on climate change held by another organization. Tom Perez must have missed a new report out of Australia says that “planetary and human systems [are] reaching a ‘point of no return’ by mid-century, in which the prospect of a largely uninhabitable Earth leads to the breakdown of nations and the international order.” Democrats fail to consider the political costs of NOT impeaching Trump. We’ll see how long Pelosi can stick to her line that she doesn’t want to impeach Trump, she wants him in prison. David Dayen’s got a great new piece in the latest edition of In These Times on how Amazon is taking over our lives. It’s an excellent report and analysis on why we’ve got to limit the power of these mega-corporations. A new report from the accounting group Deloitte shows that the net worth of Americans between the age of 18 and 35 has dropped 34% since 1996. Governor Wolf released his “Restore PA” plan that aims to rebuild Pennsylvania’s aging infrastructure.  The plan would lock in natural gas drilling for the next two decades. Progressive Democrats such as Elizabeth Fiedler, Daniel Otten, Sara Innamorato, and Summer Lee opted out of putting their names on the bill and climate scientist Michael Mann told the Capital Star that he “hopes [Governor Wolf] will reconsider this misguided plan. Daylin Leach goes full Trump by exonerating himself and leaking a preliminary version of the Senate investigation into his allegations of sexual abuse and misconduct.  His actions forced Jay Costa, Vincent Hughes, Art Haywood, Larry Farnese, Lindsey Williams, Tim Kearny, Maria Collett and everyone else in the Party to call for his resignation. The Pennsylvania Senate voted Mike Turzai’s egregious EITC tax credit and charter school give away legislation out of committee and just in time for the budget season.  The bill would add $100 million to the EITC tax credit program and would increase the administrative fees from 10% to 20% so billionaire-backed special interests groups like the Commonwealth Foundation can make more money off the backs of Pennsylvania’s poorest children. Plain View Project releases a report showing racist, misogynist, and violent Facebook post by 330 Philadelphia police officers. Summer Lee’s UNITE PAC gets the goods. U.S. Navy looking to get support for its new rail gun by tying it to NASA’s lunar base plans. The electromagnetic railgun will be tested on a U.S. warship soon, could be used to launch payloads off the moon toward Earth or into deep space without the use of chemical propellants. Free Will Brewery’s new release this weekend is Angel: Hop Blend no. 2 - the second iteration of their “No Boil IPA was brewed with local malt from Deer Creek Malthouse and heirloom bloody butcher corn from Castle Valley Mill.”   On Wednesday, June 12th, Free Will Brewing joins with Tré Locally Sourced to present "Grilled & Chilled" as their latest sour cellar series. Grilled and Chilled will be a 5-course pairing will feature some of your favorite brews and soon to be favorite dishes.

The U.S. is undergoing a boom in energy production as oil, natural gas and renewable energy set records for output, and electric utilities increasingly shift to cleaner fuels for power generation. So, what does this mean for jobs in energy sectors that are flourishing as well as some that are not?   In this edition of the Columbia Energy Exchange, host Bill Loveless talks to David Foster, the author of the newly released “U.S. Energy and Employment Report 2019.” It’s the product of the Energy Futures Initiative, a Washington-based think tank headed by former U.S. Energy Secretary Ernest Moniz, and the National Association of State Energy Officials.   The report, previously compiled by the U.S. Department of Energy, looks at employment in 2018 in five sectors: fuels; electric power generation; transmission, distribution and storage; energy efficiency; and motor vehicles. And it compares those numbers with those of the previous year.   As Bill and David discuss, the findings are generally positive, showing, for example, that employment in the traditional energy sectors, like fuels, electric power, and transmission, distribution and storage, as well as energy efficiency, increased 2.3% in 2018, adding almost 152,000 jobs, nearly 7% of all new jobs nationwide. This comes as the U.S. energy system continues to experience an evolution in which market forces, new technology, tax policy, and declining federal regulation affect the changing profile of the energy workforce.   David Foster is a distinguished associate at the Energy Futures Initiative, and previously was a senior adviser to Secretary Moniz from 2014 to 2017, where he designed the report when it was done at DOE.   Before that, he was the founding executive director of the BlueGreen Alliance, a partnership of unions and environmental organizations, and director of a United Steelworkers district covering 13 states. Now, he also sits on the boards of Kaiser Aluminum and Oregon Steel Mills.   The talk is timely as Washington and the rest of the U.S. grapple over the best way to address climate change, with the Green New Deal attracting so much attention.

A veteran leader in the environmental movement, Carl Pope is the former Executive Director and Chairman of the Sierra Club. He's now the principal adviser at Inside Straight Strategies, looking for the underlying economics that link sustainability and economic development. He serves as a Senior Climate Adviser to former NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg. He was a founder of the Blue-Green Alliance and America Votes. He has served on the Boards of Ceres, the California League of Conservation Voters, As You Sow, the National Clean Air Coalition, and California Common Cause. He is currently a member of the US-India Track II Climate Diplomacy project of the Aspen Institute. He writes regularly for Bloomberg View and the Huffington Post. Mr. Pope is also the author of three books: Sahib, An American Misadventure in India; Hazardous Waste in America; and co-author along with Paul Rauber of Strategic Ignorance: Why the Bush Administration Is Recklessly Destroying a Century of Environmental Progress, which the New York Review of Books called "a splendidly fierce book." In this episode, the topics discussed include: The clean energy revolution . The new reality: climate change can be solved with opportunity, no sacrifice necessary. Carbon emissions and food systems: shipping, storage, waste. The overuse of the word efficiency: legacy, creative, and innovative maybe better words. Cities and their role in solving climate change - they are a source and a solution to the problem. In lights of the U.S. pullout from the Paris Agreement, why should there be hope? The role of corporations in climate change. Corporate alignment with NGOs. Branding and labeling of sustainability initiatives. The current pace of commitment made by the U.S. for the Paris Agreement. The importance of employee engagement to a company’s innovation. NOTES Carl Pope Health co-benefits from air pollution and mitigation costs of the Paris Agreement: a modelling study Climate of Hope: How Cities, Businesses, and Citizens Can Save the Planet GLOBAL CLIMATE ACTION SUMMIT ABOUT PHILIP BEERE Philip is host of Corporate Sustainability; the podcast that explores companies and people who inspire innovation, improvement, and sustainable business practices through purpose-driven missions and initiatives. Philip is a longtime marketer, who consults companies on how to use stories and narrative to help build their brands.  He says sustainability stories are one of the most powerful ways companies can manage their reputations. Connect with him by clicking here.  

Carl Pope is the former executive director and chairman of the Sierra Club and a veteran leader in the environmental movement. He is now a senior climate advisor to former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg and the principal advisor at Inside Straight Strategies, where he focuses on the links between sustainability and economic development. A graduate of Harvard College, he is the author of three books, including Climate of Hope: How Cities, Businesses, and Citizens Can Save the Planet, which he co-authored with Michael Bloomberg. He was a founder of the BlueGreen Alliance and America Votes, and he served on the boards of the California League of Conservation Voters, Public Voice, the National Clean Air Coalition, California Common Cause, and Zero Population Growth. He is currently serving on the advisory board of America India Foundation and on the board of directors of Ceres and As You Sow. He writes regularly for Bloomberg View and Huffington Post.

Both or Neither - The emerging green economy promises to provide large-scale job creation while healing the Earth and building the middle class. Roxanne Brown, Assistant Legislative Director for the United Steelworkers and Steering Committee member of the BlueGreen Alliance, describes how this national partnership of major labor unions and environmental organizations is expanding the number and quality of jobs in the green economy. BlueGreen Alliance Director of Chemicals, Public Health and Green Chemistry Charlotte Brody portrays the real-time societal transformation underway when workers and environmentalists find common ground and also honestly acknowledge their differences.

Jason talks with Les Leopold on his new book: “How to Make a Million Dollars an Hour: Why Financial Elites get away with siphoning off America's Wealth.” In the interview, Les details just how hedge funds are making unthinkable amounts of money. Les Leopold co-founded and currently directs two nonprofit organizations, the Labor Institute of New York and the Public Health Institute. He designs research and educational programs on occupational safety and health, the environment and economics. He also serves as a strategic consultant to the Blue-Green Alliance which brings together trade unions and environmental organizations. One of Leopold's projects related to his environmental line of work was instrumental in forming an alliance between the United Steel Workers Union and the Sierra Club, two giants in their respective spheres of influence. He is a proud graduate of Oberlin College and Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (MPA 1975). Leopold also authored several other books about “The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi,” (Chelsea Green Publishing, 2006.) If you'd like to read more by Les, you can take a look at his articles published by AlterNet at http://www.alternet.org/authors/les-leopold-0 Check out this episode

Jason talks with Les Leopold on his new book: "How to Make a Million Dollars an Hour: Why Financial Elites get away with siphoning off America's Wealth." In the interview, Les details just how hedge funds are making unthinkable amounts of money.  Les Leopold co-founded and currently directs two nonprofit organizations, the Labor Institute of New York and the Public Health Institute. He designs research and educational programs on occupational safety and health, the environment and economics. He also serves as a strategic consultant to the Blue-Green Alliance which brings together trade unions and environmental organizations. Leopold designs research and educational programs on occupational safety and health, the environment, and economics and helped form an alliance between the United Steel Workers Union and the Sierra Club. He is a proud graduate of Oberlin College and Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (MPA 1975).  Leopold also authored several other books about "The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi," (Chelsea Green Publishing, 2006.) If you'd like to read more by Les, you can take a look at his articles published by AlterNet at http://www.alternet.org/authors/les-leopold-0

Would-be federal Green leadership candidate Sylvie Lemieux discusses her effort to replace Elizabeth May. United Steelworkers District Three director Steve Hunt talks about bringing the Blue-Green Alliance to British Columbia. Norman Farrell and Laila Yuile share their plan to put pressure on the business groups that tried to legally derail the anti-harmonized sales tax petition. And our rabble-rousing panel - Don Anderson, Eleanor Gregory, Bob Russell and Allan Warnke - debate the week that was in provincial and federal politics.

On Monday September 21st, the United Steelworkers hosted a panel discussion on solutions to climate change.  Panelists included representatives from the Steelworkers, the Alliance for Climate Protection, the Blue-Green Alliance, CLEAN (a clean energy group that advocates moving beyond nuclear and coal), and a speaker from a northern Indian indigenous group.  This section contains the introduction to the panel and brief intros of the panelists.

The Blue Green Alliance wants to protect jobs and the planet. David Foster Executive Director of the organization tells us about it.

On its face, the marriage of labor unions and environmental organizations may seem like the odd couple of politics. But when you think about it, and when you listen to this interview with Jason Walsh, Executive Director of Blue Green Alliance, it all begins to make sense. You'll be saying you ‘ship this duo that's working together to solve today's many environmental challenges, by the end. You'll also be able to say you understand quite a few enviro x political science terms you might've heard ‘round the headlines, but have been unsure of, by tuning in here. A few examples - what is clean infrastructure? What is OSHA? What is the EPA? This episode is part get up to speed on the basics and part get to understand an unexpected yet effective powerduo.BlueGreen Alliance: https://www.bluegreenalliance.org/Shop Girl and the Gov® x Social Goods: https://bit.ly/3xE6PxT#VIRAL by Girl and the Gov®: https://www.girlandthegov.com/newsletterBrand Ambassador Program: https://www.girlandthegov.com/the-ambassadors Fall/Winter Internship: https://www.girlandthegov.com/careers Shop our Etsy Store: https://etsy.me/3AyhGLTFollow us on social media:Instagram: @girlandthegov and @girlandthegovthepodcastTikTok: @girlandthegovYouTube: @girlandthegovLinkedIn: @girlandthegovAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy