Podcasts about industrial areas foundation

On this episode of Walk in Faith, Craig Syracusa is joined by author Dave Haberer to discuss his inspiring book, How Did I Get into This Pit, Practical Life Lessons from Joseph Life has its ups and downs. The ups can be wonderful, but the downs can be devastating—especially when one of your downs turns out to be a pit. Many people suddenly find themselves in the depths of almost unbelievable desperation and despair.“How did I get here?” They ask. “And how can I get out?” Perhaps it's a recent medical report, an issue at work, a financial catastrophe, a family relationship gone wrong—or a combination of events.https://www.amazon.com/How-Did-Get-into-This/dp/B0CZ8XL4VVWith over 40 years of ministry experience, David Haberer has pastored 3 urban churches, was a leader with the Industrial Areas Foundation, held evangelism training workshops with Lutheran Hour Ministries also editing their evangelism curriculum, and did extensive refugee resettlement of Southeast Asians and East Africans. Today he is a chaplain with Marketplace Chaplains and continues to be a community organizer.David has a BFA degree from the School of Visual Arts, and an MDiv from Alliance Theological Seminary. In his writing, preaching, and speaking, his desire is that people will know they can trust God even when ask

In this episode, we bring you a deep and reflective conversation from Theology Beer Camp focusing on the interlocking crises of democracy and religion in America. The panel took place on the Theology Nerd stage and was moderated by previous podcast guest, Aaron Stauffer from Wendland-Cook Program in Religion & Justice  at Vanderbilt University and features esteemed scholars Robert C. Jones, Diana Butler Bass, and Gary Dorrien. They explore various dimensions of liberal democracy, social democracy, and the historical and present impacts of religion and race on American politics. The discussion delves into personal histories, the influence of the black social gospel, and practical steps for communities and churches to combat current socio-political challenges, particularly emphasizing community organizing and educational initiatives. If you want to get info, updates, and access to pre-sale tickets for Theology Beer Camp 2025 you can signup here. For information on Wendland-Cook's Solidarity Circles, a program to build virtual peer-networks for faith leaders, organizers, clergy, and members of the community to build grassroots solidarity, head over here. Previous Podcast Conversations Theology for Action with Aaron Stauffer Theological Ethics & Liberal Protestantism with Gary Dorrien James Cone and the Emergence of Black Theology with Garry Dorrien Truth & Kindness in the Public Square with Diana Butler Bass (a bunch more are linked there) Aaron Stauffer is the Director of Online Learning and Associate Director of the Wendland-Cook Program at Vanderbilt University Divinity School. He earned his PhD in social ethics at Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York and has organized with the Industrial Areas Foundation in San Antonio, Texas and Religions for Peace. His work has appeared in Tikkun, Sojourners, The Other Journal, Political Theology, and CrossCurrents, as well as other scholarly and popular publications. Diana Butler Bass, Ph.D., is an award-winning author, popular speaker, inspiring preacher, and one of America's most trusted commentators on religion and contemporary spirituality. Gary Dorrien is Reinhold Niebuhr Professor of Social Ethics at Union Theological Seminary and Professor of Religion at Columbia University. He is also the author of Anglican Identities: Logos Idealism, Imperial Whiteness, Commonweal Ecumenism, Social Ethics in the Making: Interpreting an American Tradition, American Democratic Socialism and In a Post-Hegelian Spirit: Philosophical Theology as Idealistic Discontent. You won't want to miss his upcoming theological memoir Over from Union Road My Christian-Left-Intellectual Life. Robert P. Jones. Is the president and founder of Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) and the author of three books best-selling books, The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy and the Path to a Shared American Future , White Too Long: The Legacy of White Supremacy in American Christianity, The End of White Christian America . _____________________ Join my Substack - Process This! Join our upcoming class - THE RISE OF BONHOEFFER, for a guided tour of Bonhoeffer's life and thought. Go with me to Berlin to spend a week in Bonhoeffer's House! Follow the podcast, drop a review, send feedback/questions or become a member of the HBC Community. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Join Pastor Kelsey and Rev. Angela Tyler-Williams for a timely and important conversation about how our faith can guide our vote, particularly when it comes to values around Reproductive Justice. About SACReD: SACReD (SACReD Alliance of Communities for Reproductive Dignity) is a national alliance of multiracial, multifaith, multiethnic, mixed gender and sexual identity religious leaders, congregations, movement organizations, activists, academics, and directly impacted communities collaborating to advance Reproductive Justice through congregational education, culture change, community building, and direct service.Join SACReD for their Woven Together educational series: https://www.sacreddignity.org/2024/08/24/woven-together-registration-open/Learn more about Reproductive Justice here: http://www.sistersong.net/A note about Womanism:Womanism is a concept created by Alice Walker: The womanish girl exhibits willful, courageous, and outrageous behavior that is considered to be beyond the scope of societal norms. A woman who loves other women, sexually and/or nonsexually. Appreciates and prefers women's culture, women's emotional flexibility ... and women's strength. ... Committed to survival and wholeness of entire people, male and female. Not a separatist, except periodically, for health ... Loves music. Loves dance. Loves the moon. Loves the Spirit ... Loves struggle. Loves the folk. Loves herself. Regardless. Womanist is to feminist as purple is to lavender.About AngelaAngela Tyler-Williams (She/Her) is proud to serve as the Co-Executive Director for Movement Building at SACReD. Angela is a queer pastor ordained by the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) into her call to engage people of faith to speak publicly and politically in support of reproductive health, rights, and justice and LGBTQIA+ equality. Angela holds a Master of Divinity from Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary. The Center for American Progress named Angela as one of the 22 Faith Leaders to Watch in 2022. Angela learned about faith-based community organizing and building people power to create positive social change from the Industrial Areas Foundation. In her free time, Angela volunteers as a clergy counselor with Faith Aloud Talkline. She finds life in experiencing music, listening to podcasts, exploring creation, and engaging in theological discussions that go off the beaten path.Connect with us!Donate today and support our work!Sign up to receive a little Gospel in your inbox every Monday Morning with our weekly devotional.Join our FREE bookclubCheck out our website for various resources - including devotionals, journaling prompts, and even curriculumGet some Lady Preacher Podcast swag!Connect with us on Instagram and Facebook

In this episode of Tiny Pulpit Talks, Rev. T. J. FitzGerald hosts an inspiring conversation with Rev. Angela Tyler-Williams, co-Executive Director for Movement Building of SACReD (Spiritual Alliance of Communities for Reproductive Dignity). They delve into the power of bringing one's whole self into the intersection of faith and reproductive justice. Rev. Angela shares her journey as a Presbyterian pastor, her calling to justice work, and the vision behind SACReD's mission to equip a network of spiritual communities with liberative religious education & practices that shift our culture to advance Reproductive Justice. Together, they explore how faith-based action can promote dignity, health, and liberation for all. Register for Woven Together: Religion & Reproductive Justice - Learn more about SACReD - Register for the SACReD Course at First Unitarian Church of Dallas, starts October 7: 00:00 - Welcome Rev. Angela Tyler-Williams 01:21 - Overview of SACReD: Angela explains what SACReD does, including the SACReD Congregations program and national gatherings, media advocacy, and direct services. 02:55 - Angela describes SACReD's core team of three full-time staff and its board, emphasizing the organization's grassroots approach. 04:02 - Angela's journey into reproductive justice work: From her background as a Presbyterian pastor to her experiences in the Philippines and Washington D.C., Angela reflects on her call to justice. 07:03 - The Reproductive Justice Framework: Angela explains the four tenets of reproductive justice and its origins with 12 Black women in 1994. 09:00 - Wholeness in ministry: Angela discusses the importance of bringing her full self to her work, influenced by leaders like Audre Lorde, Angela Davis, and Shirley Chisholm. 13:13 - Creating sacred spaces: Angela and T. J. discuss the importance of churches creating spaces where people can share their reproductive and faith stories without shame or judgment. 17:31 - Action steps: Angela talks about how churches and communities can take specific actions based on their local needs, such as offering Plan B and other resources. About Rev. Angela Tyler-Williams: Angela is a queer pastor ordained by the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) into her call to engage people of faith to speak publicly and politically in support of reproductive health, rights, and justice and LGBTQIA+ equality. Angela holds a Master of Divinity from Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary. The Center for American Progress named Angela as one of the 22 Faith Leaders to Watch in 2022. Angela learned about faith-based community organizing and building people power to create positive social change from the Industrial Areas Foundation. In her free time, Angela volunteers as a clergy counselor with Faith Aloud Talkline. She finds life in experiencing music, listening to podcasts, exploring creation, and engaging in theological discussions that go off the beaten path. First Unitarian Church of Dallas is devoted to genuine inclusion, depth and joy, reason and spirit. We have been a voice of progressive religion in Dallas since 1899, working toward a more just and compassionate world in all of what we do. We hope that when you come here your life is made more whole through experiences of love and service, spiritual growth, and an open exploration of the divine. Learn more at Make your 2025 pledge here: New sermon every week. Subscribe here: Follow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/1stuchurch/ Follow us on Facebook: Watch the livestream on Sundays at 9:30am, 11am, & 7pm CST: Give - your support allows us to transform lives and make UU values real in our community and beyond: https://dallasuu.org/give-now

In this episode, we are joined by social ethicist Dr. Aaron Stauffer to guide us through the intersection of theology and community organizing. Aaron, a coordinator for the Wendland-Cook Program in Religion & Justice and author of Listening to the Spirit, explores the intertwining of theology, activism, and justice. Discover how faith has historically inspired activism and can energize current movements. The dialogue delves into sacred values, community organizing, and the transformation of religious and political landscapes. Topics include bipartisan politics, military spending, foreign policy, and the role of unions like the UAW. Reflect on the impact of historical social movements, the military-industrial complex, and theological perspectives on democracy and class solidarity. Learn about upcoming events like Theology Beer Camp and the concept of Solidarity Circles to build supportive networks of change-makers. This episode is a compelling blend of faith, practical efforts for social change, and community values. Aaron Stauffer is the Director of Online Learning and Associate Director of the Wendland-Cook Program at Vanderbilt University Divinity School. He earned his PhD in social ethics at Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York and has organized with the Industrial Areas Foundation in San Antonio, Texas and Religions for Peace. His work has appeared in Tikkun, Sojourners, The Other Journal, Political Theology, and CrossCurrents, as well as other scholarly and popular publications. About Solidarity Circles Building Solidarity by Deep Transformation Faith leaders, clergy, & organizers today feel more isolated than ever. We are over-resourced and under-connected. We need spaces and networks to organize together. Solidarity Circles are built to meet this need. These are virtual peer-networks for faith leaders, organizers, clergy, and members of the community who realize that the solidarity economy is essential for the flourishing of life and our faith communities. Solidarity circles are one way the Wendland-Cook Program is seeking to revitalize and build the church and Christian theology in positive ways. We believe that this work is deeply connected to the mission and vocation of Christian churches. Broadly understood, the cooperative and solidarity economy are ways of addressing longstanding economic inequalities within our society, including white supremacy and gender and sex inequities. We're so excited about the work we can do together. INFO HERE Watch the conversation on YouTube _____________________ Join my Substack - Process This! Join our upcoming class - THE GOD OF THE BIBLE: An Absolutely Clear and Final Guide to Ultimate Mystery ;) Come to THEOLOGY BEER CAMP. Follow the podcast, drop a review, send feedback/questions or become a member of the HBC Community. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Our love for the world around us and our passion for protecting that world can come from many different places. It can come from a connection to the land, or a magical experience we had with other people in a particular place, or our sense of awe from the beauty of the living creatures that inhabit these ecosystems. But that love and passion can also come from seeing or experiencing the destruction of the same ecological web, from pollution in the air that rains down onto a playground, or the clearing of a wildlife habitat to make way for a fossil fuel pipeline.Dave Cortez has been organizing for environmental justice in Texas for the better part of two decades. He lives in Austin now, but the love and passion that guides him came from the Rio Grande, the Sierra Madre Mountains and the high desert of West Texas. And from fighting a copper smelter and other threats to the land, air and water in and around his native El Paso. Dave has a fierce love for his El Paso Community. But cutting his teeth as an environmental justice organizer in his hometown wasn't easy. Dave is now Director of the Lone Star Chapter of the Sierra Club, where he's bringing his El Paso roots and years of experience on the streets and in the communities around Texas to the Sierra Club's statewide campaigns.I've known Dave for many years and used to regularly attend environmental justice meetings in Austin that he helped organize. I've seen him rise from an on-the-ground organizer to the leader of the Texas chapter of one of the oldest and largest environmental organizations in the world.Our conversation tracks his education as an environmental justice organizer. From the playgrounds of El Paso to the gentrifying neighborhoods of Austin, his story reflects the changing nature of the American environmental movement and the exciting possibilities of more robust connections between community-based frontline environmental justice struggles and the large and powerful environmental organizations with nationwide influence.You can listen on Substack, Apple Podcasts, and other podcast platforms.Please rate, review, and share to help us spread the word!Dave CortezDave Cortez is a 3rd generation El Pasoan now based out of Austin where he lives with his partner and six year old daughter. He grew up and learned organizing on the frontera, where industrial pollution, poverty, gentrification, racism and the border wall are seen as intersecting issues. Dave serves as the Director of the Sierra Club Lone Star Chapter, and has been organizing in the Texas environmental movement for 18 years. Dave is supporting staff and volunteers across Texas who are organizing for power by centering racial justice and equity alongside frontline communities directly impacted by polluting industries.Quotation Read by Dave Cortez"There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives. Malcolm knew this. Martin Luther King, Jr. knew this. Our struggles are particular, but we are not alone. We are not perfect, but we are stronger and wiser than the sum of our errors. Black people have been here before us and survived. We can read their lives like signposts on the road and find, as Bernice Reagon says so poignantly, that each one of us is here because somebody before us did something to make it possible. To learn from their mistakes is not to lessen our debt to them, nor to the hard work of becoming ourselves, and effective. We lose our history so easily, what is not predigested for us by the New York Times, or the Amsterdam News, or Time magazine. Maybe because we do not listen to our poets or to our fools, maybe because we do not listen to our mamas in ourselves. When I hear the deepest truths I speak coming out of my mouth sounding like my mother's, even remembering how I fought against her, I have to reassess both our relationship as well as the sources of my knowing. Which is not to say that I have to romanticize my mother in order to appreciate what she gave me – Woman, Black. We do not have to romanticize our past in order to be aware of how it seeds our present. We do not have to suffer the waste of an amnesia that robs us of the lessons of the past rather than permit us to read them with pride as well as deep understanding. We know what it is to be lied to, and we know how important it is not to lie to ourselves. We are powerful because we have survived, and that is what it is all about – survival and growth. Within each one of us there is some piece of humanness that knows we are not being served by the machine which orchestrates crisis after crisis and is grinding all our futures into dust. If we are to keep the enormity of the forces aligned against us from establishing a false hierarchy of oppression, we must school ourselves to recognize that any attack against Blacks, any attack against women, is an attack against all of us who recognize that our interests are not being served by the systems we support. Each one of us here is a link in the connection between anti-poor legislation, gay shootings, the burning of synagogues, street harassment, attacks against women, and resurgent violence against Black people. I ask myself as well as each one of you, exactly what alteration in the particular fabric of my everyday life does this connection call for? Survival is not a theory. In what way do I contribute to the subjugation of any part of those who I define as my people? Insight must illuminate the particulars of our lives." - Audre LordeRecommended Readings & MediaTranscriptIntroJohn Fiege  Our love for the world around us and our passion for protecting that world can come from many different places. It can come from a connection to the land, or a magical experience we had with other people in a particular place, or our sense of awe from the beauty of the living creatures that inhabit these ecosystems. But that love and passion can also come from seeing or experiencing the destruction of this same ecological web: from pollution in the air that rains down onto a playground or the clearing of wildlife habitat to make way for a fossil fuel pipeline.Dave Cortez has been organizing for environmental justice in Texas for the better part of two decades. He lives in Austin now, but the love and passion that guides him came from the Rio Grande, the Sierra Madre mountains, and the high desert of West Texas—and it came from fighting a copper smelter and other threats to the land, air, and water in and around his native El Paso. Dave has a fierce love for his El Paso community but cutting his teeth as an environmental justice organizer in his home town wasn't easy.Dave Cortez  Two of my close family members worked at the plant. My dad's brother worked at the plant and then worked at Chevron on the other side of town. And then his brother in law, worked at the plant and retired. And here I was, this younger punk, you know, sort of just not super close to the family, showing up at events and they asked what I'm doing and, oh, they think I'm a paid protester, you know, forget my education, forget what's at what I'm actually saying. You know, it's, deep cultural assimilation. It's deep colonization, sort of this Stockholm syndrome that develops out of poverty and repression. It's horrific, and it's sad to watch. People fiercely defend the only thing that has helped them in their eyes and not be able to acknowledge the harm that's been done. It's not different from, you know, addiction in that way, or depression.John Fiege  Or domestic abuse. Dave Cortez  Exactly. It's heartbreaking. It still hurts me to talk about. John Fiege  I'm John Fiege, and this is Chrysalis.Dave Cortez is now Director of the Lone Star Chapter of the Sierra Club, where he's bringing his El Paso roots and years of experience on the streets and in the communities around Texas to the Sierra Club's statewide campaigns.I've known Dave for many years and used to regularly attend environmental justice meetings in Austin that he helped organize. I've seen him rise from an on-the-ground organizer to the leader of the Texas chapter of one of the oldest and largest environmental organizations in the world.Our conversation tracks his education as an environmental justice organizer. From the playgrounds of El Paso to the gentrifying neighborhoods of Austin, his story reflects the changing nature of the American environmental movement and the exciting possibilities of more robust connections between community-based frontline environmental justice struggles and the large and powerful environmental organizations with nationwide influence.Here is Dave Cortez.ConversationJohn FiegeWell, you grew up in El Paso in Far West Texas, and it's right on the border of Mexico and New Mexico. Can you tell me a bit about growing up there, and your family and how you saw yourself in relationship to the rest of nature.Dave Cortez  I've got a little picture I'm looking at my my very first demonstration. It's a bunch of kids, kids meaning college kids, my my age at the time, about maybe 22, 23, and a big peace flag and we're hanging around what was called Plaza de Los Lagartos, Plaza of the Alligators. And we're there I think we're protesting, must have been continuing invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, but you know, I keep it up. And I keep pictures of the mountains of West Texas, the edge of the Rockies is what cuts into the central central part of El Paso, the Franklin Mountains. And then you have the Rio Grande, the heart and soul of that land. And on the other side of the river, those mountains continue into the Sierra Madres all the way down to the coast. It's majestic. It's, you know, that land is as colonized as is its people. You know, it's been, the river has been dammed up upstream in New Mexico, and two reservoirs to provide water for agriculture and farming and things like that, recreation. It was the only area of water that we we had access to when I was a kid. We would drive up to Truth or Consequences and load up on nightcrawlers and whatever other tackle and bait, and then take my dad's car and drive along somewhere, find a good spot. And fish from the shore for a couple of days at a time, camp, and, you know, that was a desert lake. It was wild for me, because we didn't have water, you know.John Fiege  So tell me about what you did. Dave Cortez  Well, we would just go up there. That was, that was our place to go get get access to water, you know, away from the desert, you know, growing up in El Paso, you just, it's It's dry, it's desert, we get, we used to average nine inches of rain a year, it's down now, you know, but the Rio was, it's always been sacred and it was special, it was a place you could go and see water. Not all year round, but most of the year and see it flowing and you look in any direction, away from the mountains, and you can see what feels endless, but it's actually you know, two or more hundred miles to the horizon, you see Thunder heads 30, 40, sometimes 45 or 50,000 feet high way far away, you think maybe you hope maybe those might come your way, maybe we'll get lucky and get a little bit of rain. Most times they don't. But with that sometimes you're blessed with the outflow that carries the smell of creosote, a native plant in the region that everybody's come to call the smell of rain. And, you know, even if you don't actually get the rain yourself, you might get some of those breezes and some of that wonderful smell. And it's, it's life giving, it's restorative. As a kid, you know, I was fortunate that my family made an effort to take us out into the desert quite a bit, we would go chase storms, we would watch lightning, my father would turn the AM radio to a blank station so we could hear the the lightning on the radio, the static pop. And we got a real kick out of that and we'd go off roading and find spots and park and you know, just hang out. And that was a pretty common thing for a lot of folks around town is just to get out into the desert. You know, my my heart and soul and my spirit is connected to that land, it is part of that land, I draw strength from those mountains, from that river. I worry about moving further away, what that might do to me, how how that might be a strain. Even just being here in Austin 600 miles away, it feels very far. You know, my family was middle class, I call it 80s middle class. And, you know, both my parents worked. I have two older siblings. And you know, we were all in public school and doing our thing. You know, everything seemed, you know, like The Wonder Years kind of situation. And you know, you don't when you're young, if you're fortunate, you don't see a lot of the issues around you. It wasn't until my teens, my parents split. And I was living with my mom and started to see a lot more other sides of life, some of the struggles, and just kind of notice more about the town, about the culture. But it was really when I moved back to El Paso after college, here in Austin at St. Edward's, where I studied political science and philosophy and environmental policy. When I moved back, it all started to come together how much I missed, how much I was removed from about my community and my culture in my youth. You know, so the language is the biggest example. We did not speak Spanish in my family. It was something my parents spoke to each other when they needed to talk about something that we didn't need to know about as kids. John Fiege  Right, right. Dave Cortez  You know, we didn't know about our indigeneity we weren't raised around that, we didn't know about the cultural connection to the land. I think in some way the spirit in my family drew us towards it. We would go spend time around those things, but we didn't really have conversations about it. And the biggest thing I didn't know about was how heavily polluted and contaminated the air was growing up. I tell a story about going into middle school. This time I was in in private school and Catholic school. Just being out on the playground it's a you know, concrete schoolyard kind of situation. And you run your hand on the on the railing and there's yellow chalk-like stuff and you don't think twice about it because it's like chalk. Or it's dust. Well, you know, in that part of town, downtown El Paso, it's because of the copper smelter. We had a 110 year old lead and copper smelting operation called Asarco that was less than two miles away from where I was going to school. And you know, you move on, maybe, you're a kid, maybe you wash your hands, maybe you don't. And it just, you know, when I moved back, I thought of that--I thought of all the times, I used to play in the dirt, like every other kid in El Paso does, you know, you don't got Barton Springs to go to or Greenbelt Creek, you play in the dirt, dig tunnels, and that stuff gets in you. And that's loaded with heavy metals, arsenic, cadmium, lead, you name it. It was it was a huge shock for me to learn that the land that I was around as a child, and the air that I was around as a child was just heavily contaminated. And I knew nothing about it. John Fiege  But what was the experience like when you were actually in college and getting more heavily into activism? Like what was motivating you? And how did you see yourself in relationship to other folks?Dave Cortez  Right on. Well, I can't leave out that the reason I came to Austin was because of my older brother and my older sister. I had never seen green, like this town, when I came to visit my sister in the summer. So I just was blown away, everything was green, there was water, it rained, I just felt like an oasis and I wanted to come here. So I went to St. Ed's, which ended up being, you know, expensive as hell, but really cool in the sense of, you know, an opportunity to learn, to be away from home. You know, and so, I didn't really know what to make of this town when I was here. I didn't know what to make of the people, the students, but by the grace of the Creator, in serendipity, I was thrown into a class on social movements. And that's a study in the 1960s. And so, you know, I developed a really foundational experience learning about the broader politic of American civil society, in that case, which blossomed into deeper learning around political theory and rhetoric, dating all the way back to some of the Greek philosophers, and modern day political thinkers, but I really got a ton of wild information into my head. In 2006, it wasn't here in Austin. It was on North Padre Island. The Austin Sierra Club was organizing a trip, there was a woman I liked at the time. And we were were fancying each other and were like, "Hey, let's go camping. I don't know what a crawfish is. But they're doing a crawfish boil. And they say they're going to clean up the beach." So we grabbed my SUV when we went and set up, and it was awesome to be out there around all these people we didn't know, you know, offering us free food and beer and just, you know, associating on this beach. And that, I really loved. Folks might not know this, it's like 60 plus miles of primitive Beach, outside of Corpus Christi. But I didn't quite understand what we're really doing until the next morning, right at dawn, when I was awoken by these huge sounds of tractor trailers hauling right by the water right in front of us. Just a caravan of them driving down to the other end of the beach to do gas drilling. You know, we get out of the tent, and we're watching this and I mean, you just want to, you know, throw something at those trucks, you know, and go put your body in front or something like "What the hell's going on?" And you're just watching the rubber, the plastic, you name it just fall off these trucks. And in their wake is just a mass of debris, and trash. And this is all in endangered Kemp's ridley sea turtle habitat, its nest a nesting area for the Kemp's ridley sea turtle. And that's why we were there. And so, you know, right after that we all commiserated and got to work and picked up more trash than I think, you know, I've ever picked up. And I'm still shocked that that was allowed. But that's really where I started to take a turn and understand more about how the state facilitates this destruction, the destruction of the land and for the profits of few. And shortly after that I graduated, and that was it for my time in Austin.John Fiege  So after you graduated from college, you went back to El Paso, and you became an environmental justice organizer for El Paso, ACORN. And it was shortly after your time there in 2009, that right wing activists did a big hit job on ACORN and brought down the organization in the US for the most part. An ACORN was was a powerful community organizing group at its height, and it had this unique community based organizing model. Could you talk a bit about the ACORN organizing model and how it, possibly, I assume, became part of your organizing DNA?Dave Cortez  Just like learning about the 1960s is a pillar of my practice. The  work with Acorn is right there with it. You know, it shaped me, maybe it's just because it's one of the first things I learned about, but it'll be with me, as long as I do this work and have breath in my lungs. You know, some people were quick to point to that it's built out of the school of the Industrial Areas Foundation and Saul Alinsky model of community organizing, and yeah, that's true. But, you know, I didn't know any of that. I didn't, you know, I was, I was just taken in by these folks. There was a guy, recovering addict, just trying to make his money doing his canvassing while I was hanging out at a coffee shop, kind of where I was living in El Paso, the university. And there's my day off and I'm out there hanging out. There's this dude, his name was Ken. Ken let me know how they were planning to reopen the ASARCO copper smelter, the big 120 820 foot tall smokestack that I grew up around, and I was shocked. And, and that's, you know, like I studied all these things. And I was like, wow, I cannot believe that that's right there, my mom lives over here, you know, she works there, I live over here. And, you know, I told them, whatever I can do to help: get more letters, spread a petition around, whatever I can do. And they invited me in to meet the team, which was a small team. And the first task they gave me was actually nothing to do with that it was just to go distribute information about free tax prep, helping people in a really poor community, not far from where I went to middle school in which is not far from the smelter, get access to tax prep, in English and Spanish. And at the time, I had a, I had a mohawk. I covered that thing up real fast. I wore a straw cowboy hat and went door to door knocking on people's doors, let them know about this. And Jose Manuel, the the lead organizer at the time, the director saw me and, you know, was into it. And, you know, they offered me a job after a few days of that. And the job was doing the same thing, plus inviting people to come to a community meeting about the reopening of ASARCO. So here's a way that we can help you. With some, you know, with your money, basically, your your bottom line, and also, there's a situation happening, that can affect and will affect your your health and well being, and the safety of your family. At the time, I didn't realize that there was a very intentional strategy there. But that strategy is essential to the work that we do as environmentalists and in climate justice activists around the country, and here in Texas, people are struggling, and you got to find ways to help them directly with what they're struggling with day to day, which is often their pocketbooks. And so if you can do that, you're going to build some trust, you can build some relationships, and then you might be lucky to talk to them about another bigger, more complicated issue.John Fiege  That seems to be, like, a really beautiful definition of the difference between environmental justice organizing, and traditional environmental organizing, where environmental justice organizing, you have to start with the community, and make sure everybody you know, you have to deal with everything, you can't just isolate an environmental issue. Would you agree with that?Dave Cortez  Absolutely. Absolutely. I don't know where that came from. I again, I'm not a I've read all the books about these things, but that, the model that was picked up by so many organizations and NGOs is is you know, it's it's almost like counter revolutionary, it's almost counterproductive. Like you're intentionally trying to marginalize your base in silos, you know, so, so whatever we do, you know, I try to espouse that in folks, some of the work we've done around Austin and other parts of Texas, that's the route we go, talk about bills, talk about bills every time and then, you know, start to figure out what else is going on, you know. With ACORN, a major flaw in the national model was that they would want to sign people up to be bank draft members, like you, you'd push a card onto them, "Hey, send this card in with your bank info or something. And we'll sign you up, you know, so you get access to our help." And obviously, I didn't do that. And as the work evolved, and we got more people canvassing and doing the work, we didn't do that either. It went against our values. Now, if there were middle class people, people with more means, yeah, we'd asked them to do that, too.John Fiege  To contribute a certain amount each month.Dave Cortez  Yeah. But we also did things differently, in the sense of, we organized, we found, you know, folks who are highly motivated by the issues, students, artists, residents in the nearby communities who wanted to contribute, and contribute their time, That theory in the ACORN model of, you got to get people financially bought in to be committed, I think can be challenged and there's lots of ways to get people plugged in. And so, one other key here was, you know, I wasn't brand new, this work wasn't brand new. There had been people fighting ASARCO before I was involved, obviously, and it had ebbed and flowed in terms of how much community opposition from just, like, working class people was centered. There was a lot of wealthier folks, politico types, you know, people who worked for legislators or senators or city people, you know, academics, things like that. And there was a handful of working class people in a smattering of workers from plant workers. So our job was really to find more just like students and people in the impacted communities, but it had been going on for so long that people were really drained. You know, parents who, whose children had MS as a result of this or had other health problems, they eventually backed off because it was just too exhausting to go up against the machine of the Texas State Government and go testify, and struggle, and they just couldn't do it anymore. You know, so we had to find new people and inject new life. You know, we made it a point to work with some of the younger folks to start a--not really an acorn chapter--but just a group on the campus called students for reform. And those kids are amazing, a couple dozen students, Chicanos, for the most part, all going off to do awesome things in their lives. But for three, three years, four years, they they led the fight, they're on campus challenging the administration to disclose more information and trying to represent student opposition to the reopening of the smelter.John Fiege  I was looking up some articles about ASARCO. I found this this one 2010 article from John Burnett, who's a NPR correspondent based in Austin. So he talks about in 2009, the US Justice Department announced the settlement of one of the largest environmental bankruptcies in US history, in which ASARCO would pay a record $1.79 billion to settle claims for hazardous waste pollution in you know, at 80 sites, as many as 20 states, including the copper smelting operation in in El Paso. And he quotes some interesting community members like an 82 year old former maintenance worker named Miguel Beltran, who says, "you can't get a job here in El Paso compared to ASARCO, ASARCO is the best place to work. We were just like a family." And John Burnett, also quotes an anti-smelter activist named Debbie Kelly, who says, "They marketed very well. And the people of El Paso were brainwashed believed that this was the most wonderful thing El Paso could possibly have, this tall polluting contaminating smokestack." And this is this classic tension and environmental justice organizing. The big polluter in town is often the biggest and best paying employer as well, especially for folks with limited education. And these working folks often side with the company in some ways, and then at some times, kind of accepting the environmental problems for the economic opportunities. And the smokestack itself is this shining symbol of progress and prosperity that goes way back to the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution. What was your experience with this tension between economic opportunity and environmental health in the organizing, and how that was represented in the media?Dave Cortez  Well, let's take a few cracks at it, because it's a big question. You know, I'll start with my family, two of my close family members worked at the plant, my dad's brother worked at the plant and then worked at Chevron on the other side of town. And then his brother in law, worked at the plant and retired. And here I was, this younger punk, you know, sort of just not super close to the family, showing up at events, and that's what I'm doing and "oh," they think, "I'm a paid protester," you know, forget my education, forget what I'm actually saying. You know, it's, it's deep cultural assimilation. It's deep colonization, sort of this Stockholm syndrome that develops out of poverty and repression. It's horrific. And it's sad to watch, you know, people fiercely defend the only thing that has helped them, in their eyes, and not be able to acknowledge the harm that's been done. It's not different from, you know, addiction in that way.  Or, or depression in that way. John Fiege  Right.  Or domestic abuse. Don't talk about it. Dave Cortez  Domestic abuse. Exactly. You know, it's heartbreaking. It still hurts me to talk about. But, you know, that was the case. And you know, in that situation, just try and make peace with your family just, you know, get through the gathering. And you go on in, you know, some of my family was very supportive, you know, like, "yeah, that stuff's bad, and we should do better." You don't get investments in the well being of a community that like say, in Austin and all this money flooding here and STEM education being invested in and, you know, pre K access and, you know, nature based education and Montessori education, things like that. All of this is part of that, that conflict that pushes you to try and find the best thing you can for your family. And any of the workers that I organized alongside say the same thing. They were so proud and happy--Daniel Adriano another sort of lead visible face against the reopening of smelter, he's a former steel worker, you know, he tells a story about like, his dad worked there, his uncle, his cousins, you know, it was just like a family thing, like everybody, if you could get a job at ASARCO, you knew you'd be okay. You could raise a family, maybe even your wife or your spouse, your partner wouldn't have to work. But, you know, behind that, that Golden Gate, there was a lot of things that people weren't being told. You know, things like, maybe you shouldn't be taking your work clothes home and washing them. Right. They sent people home to wash, and that's very common in heavy industry in the 80s 70s 80s and 90s, you know, these these companies do that. In Danny's case, his kids got sick, you know, and they developed health problems. And he points to that as part of the reason washing his clothes in the same machine with, as his kids clothes. His wife feels guilt about that. Heavy guilt. John Fiege  Yeah. That's hard. Dave Cortez  You know, it's violating. You know, they had them--that settlement came because they, well, in part because ASARCO was caught for illegally incinerating hazardous chemical weapons waste materials from Colorado, in the smelter in these men weren't told about it. And they shoveled this stuff in there and were exposed to, you know, not recycled waste, just direct waste from the Rocky Mountain Arsenal Wow facility, a weapons manufacturing facility, Dow Chemical weapons manufacturing facility. That stuff was burned and they were exposed. You know, it's infuriating. And once they learned that, and they were falling ill and they had some evidence, they tried to organize other workers, let them know former workers let them know what was going on. And, and they encountered the same thing that I encountered with my family: just like this, this wall of acceptance, this willful ignorance. You know, I don't know about that, you know, just like denial, denial. And that was really hard on them. They got ostracized, they lost a lot of friends. You know, and so they found allyship in other people whose families had been sick, residents on the other side of the river in the Colonias, whose children had been severely sick, who were bleeding every night because of bloody noses and heavy metal contamination. You know, they found allyship with Debbie Kelly in the current place, which is sort of a wealthier neighborhood, you know, the educated, more white affluent folks who didn't want the smelter around. And this, that's how the "Get the lead out" coalition really came together it was--you just had these different interests aligned around this lack of justice, but the worker piece was always--and the economic piece was always always, you know, the straw that would break our back. And when ASARCO hired a PR firm, Teresa Montoya, to build their campaign, their marketing campaign to reopen the smelter, that was their big thing. I want to work for ASARCO I want to work for ASARCO and they march out all these Chicanos and throw them in front of a plant in their hard hats and talk about the good jobs and the pay. You know, it's tough to compete with. I know the people in Port Arthur, in Corpus Christi, even down in Brownsville, you know, and you name it. John Fiege  It's the same story everywhere. It's the same story.Dave Cortez  In Appalachia, as well, with the coal miners. Absolutely. The amount of energy it takes to fight Goliath. You know, you never have enough you never have enough resources. You got a PR firm In, you know, this facility was owned and run ASARCO, Grupo Mexico owned by Carlos Slim, at the time the wealthiest man in the world, you know, like, you're never going to have enough just to stop the bad thing. How are you going to strategize and organize in a way where you're talking about building the good, and replacing it with something better and taking care of these people? It's doable, it absolutely is. But at the time, when you're in the sock like that, it's very hard to pivot. And it's very hard to motivate people who have resources to give you those resources to bring on people to pay them to do that work. It's a boxing match, take your hits, and wait for the time to throw a punch. You know, and I think one thing that really hurt people hurt ASARCO a lot, was when it came out that at their operations in Arizona, El Paso and elsewhere, in the 70s and 80s, they had been using health standards, health assessment screenings that were based on a false standard that black men and brown men had a 15% higher lung capacity than white men, therefore, they could be--they could work 15% longer, they could be exposed 15% more than white men. And that came out. And you know, we had some incredible, dedicated educated volunteers who were digging this information up, who were, you know, putting it to the to the news outlets. And without the news outlets putting that information out there, like the New York Times that put it out about the hazardous chemical weapons waste, you know, we wouldn't have been able to really punch back. But that stuff came out and then we could organize with it. We made materials out of it. I made sure everyone knew that, you know, this is the kind of crap that this place was built on, no matter what they say now you can't trust them. John Fiege  Right. Yeah. And this--another thing that John Burnett brought up in this NPR story is, he quotes some longtime community members who said that when the winds were blowing to the south toward Juarez in Mexico, the smelter would crank up production and send pollution directly into Mexico where they could, they could do nothing to regulate it or stop it even worse than in the US. And that's a pretty insidious and cynical route around US environmental regulations. American companies have this long history of sending their polluting factories and jobs overseas. But in El Paso, they could just send the pollution directly to Mexico while keeping the plant and the jobs in the US. Were you able to do any cross border organizing in El Paso to combat this kind of flagrant disregard for air pollution in Mexico?Dave Cortez  I wasn't able to myself, or it wasn't a choice I made to do myself on the broader scale. Marianna Chu, who worked at the time for the Sierra Club, and as an independent activist and organizer did a whole hell of a lot and deserves a ton of credit. Marianna, and others were also were able to build relationships in the Colonias and get to talk to people that were, you know, the definition of directly impacted, right on the other side of the river. You know, you drive through, you pass on I-10, and you look to the left where you're passing through downtown, and it's just colonias and that's Colonia Felipe and some students who we'd found and became acquainted with at UTEP and were filmmakers and they were able to get over into the colonias and document the lived experience of some of these folks, and it's horrific, and they made a short film, I'm happy to share called The Story of Cristo and it's a little boy, you know, who's like that, he's bleeding, bleeding every night, because he's got heavy metal contamination, two years old. You know, and that story spread. You know, it was similar to other families all throughout the Colonia. Dirt roads, just full of metal, not a lot that could be done unless there was funds provided for it. And part of that settlement in relation to the chemical weapons waste was that ASARCO would give money to an outfit in Mexico to pave those roads. You know, that's it. Accept no wrongdoing. No, no responsibility. We don't admit nothing but, here, take this and leave us alone.John Fiege  Literally, sweeping it under the rug. They're just laying asphalt over the dust.Dave Cortez  Absolutely. I mean, that's that's absolutely right. And, you know, one interesting intersection here with with the colonias there was, as we marched towards the end of 2007 and 2008. You know, we're still fighting the plant, it started to become more and more dangerous and people were less responsive, and less receptive to being interviewed on camera with our comrades, and the gangs, were starting to move in to the Colonia and control things more. And that was that it wasn't safe anymore you can, the last thing you should be doing is driving over there with a camera. And so those stories sort of drifted away, those folks. And we weren't able to really work with them a whole lot more, because the narco war was starting to take root.John Fiege  Because it's, it's how it's the same thing they do to fight you, they give your neighbor a job, and then and they get your neighbor working against you. Dave Cortez  Absolutely, I mean, you know, you're not going to go toe to toe with the same weapons, you got to find a way to find their weak spot and cut them at that weak spot. And, you know, I learned that, I learned that in this fight, you know, we weren't scared of these people. We weren't scared of their minions. We weren't scared of the, you know, the former workers who wanted the plant to open. We weren't scared of them. They tried. Everybody tried to intimidate you, you know, but I'll start with, with that part, first, as a critical strategy. My, you know, 23 year old high energy, Mohawk wearin' self, right, like, I thought I knew it all and was ready to go, just like against that jerk down on Red River Street in Austin. And, you know, the first public meeting, debate, whatever, that we helped organize, some of those, those workers were there outside and they were, you know, they pick a smaller person, a woman to argue with, and she ain't scared of them. But you know, soon enough, there's, there's four or five of them around her and oh, man, you know, machismo is something all of us from the border suffered from and that kicked in hard. You just get into it with these guys. But, you know, that is not the way, that is not the way. You know, arguing and fighting, especially with the people, even though they're trying to get you to do it. The people who want a job in these facilities, the community members who just want a better way for their life, you cannot let the people at the top pit us against each other. That's why it's so important to be anchored in community talking about the nuance, you know, how to step and where, what to look out for, and really trying to build together, it has to be at the forefront.John Fiege  Isn't that the history of American industrial capitalism, that for it to work, the, the industrialists need to pit various groups of people against one another, whether it's along lines of race, or income, or religion, or geography, or immigration status, or, or whatever. Like, that's, that's how it works. You need to divide people by those things, so they don't get together and they don't, they don't form a allegiances.Dave Cortez  That's right. That's right. I mean, it's, but it's not something that's created by the oligarchs and the industrial capitalists and the power holders. It's something that they exploit, right? It's a, it's a wound that's already there. And, you know, it's something that concerns me greatly about broader civil society, and our failures to build community, in relationship in brotherhood and sisterhood. You know, in a true spirit of mutual solidarity, the more that we neglect doing that work, the easier it is for something to divide us or someone to exploit it, we see it, there's an endless amount of examples we can point to. But if you start your work in trying to build something better, and build through a positive relationship, it's going to feed in the long run, it'll help you endure all of the struggles that are going to come the conflicts, you know, the the infighting, the personality disagreements, whatever, you got to have some foundation and I learned that from that, that night outside the UTEP Library arguing with these guys that, "No, we got to we got to find a way to work with these workers. We got to really center the fact that people need work in jobs." And and that's where, you know, I really started to become close with, not the guys I argued with, other workers who were already disaffected, Charlie Rodriguez, and Danielle Riano and Efrain Martinez and others. You know, they became, in some ways they already were but from my work, they became the center of what we're trying to do and focus on, that this is actually not what we want these, these jobs are not the kind that we need, because look what they did to me. And so that's one piece. We've got to find a way to get people more meaningfully involved with the policies we're trying to change, so there's just a far greater number of people pushing for positive investment in something that is, you know, not just like NGO staff, you know, like, the less NGO staff and those boardrooms, the better. You know, get every day, people in their meeting, pressing for these decisions, and calling for it, and that makes it much harder for the special interests to push push their own agenda.John Fiege  Well, that's a good transition to Occupy Wall Street. So in 2011, Occupy Wall Street began in New York City in Zuccotti Park. And then the movement quickly spread around the world, including to Austin. And I know you were heavily involved in Occupy Austin, and its campaign to get the city to divest from commercial banks. I participated in a couple of those occupy Austin Bank actions. And I don't think I'd met you yet. But, you know, as many people might remember, one of the big discussions and debates around Occupy was whether and how to organize and whether to make formal demands, which always makes me think of Frederick Douglass who famously said, "power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did. And it never will." But those words from Frederick Douglass, were not the guiding light of many occupy organizers and participants, I'd love to hear you talk a bit about your experience with Occupy Austin, and the internal debates and conflicts about what it was and how it should operate. And what you brought away from that whole experience that you put into your organizing work after that. Dave Cortez  Yeah, it was one of the most exciting times of my life so far, you know, to be able to three, four, sometimes five nights a week, meet up with 50 to 60 people not at a general assembly, but a working group meeting, and everybody's there ready to, you know, talk and break out and figure out the next step for getting people to close bank accounts. And, you know, organizing the rally and building the art and all those things. It was organic. I'm so happy that, I'm fortunate to have that experience in this city, and in this country. It was real, you see the romanticized version of uprisings in film, in writing, and on the news, different ways around the world. But, you know, this was that, at least the closest I've been to it, and it wasn't just the, you know, the sign holding, and, you know, petition gathering, we did all that. But it was, I mean, like people were, people were in, you know, the sacrifice time away from whatever they had going on around them to contribute to something better, and I have never seen an appetite, so large for participating and contributing to something that can change the world. I've seen it tried to be engineered a whole lot by NGOs. And it's laughable. It's insulting, you know, but for me at the time, it was it was like a dream come true. I remember a week before occupy launch, there was a meeting happening at Ruta Maya, and the room was full of people, and, you know, a bunch of white dudes, hippie yoga types on stage, you know, talking about some stuff, but I'm up there front row, just, you know, like, eager. And just like listening, I'm like, "This is great," you know, so they open the mic for everybody to come up and have something to say. And it was awesome. I'd just never seen it. You know, I was like, "wow, this is the Austin I always wanted to see," you know. Sure enough there was a meeting after that the next day, and the next day after that. And that kind of continued on for a few days. And then and then there was the day of the launch and lots of people packing City Hall. I mean, you couldn't move there were so many people out there and there were people talking for hours. Everybody was just willing to stay. And you know, I can't, I just can't believe how patient people were for weeks. And just like hanging out. You know, I think they just wanted something different. And they wanted to be part of something, like I said, Now, me, day one. I'm like, "yo, if we're gonna be out here, we need some data." And I got my clipboard. And my dear friend and former partner Betsy had been working for a group that was doing foreclosure organizing and getting people to move their bank accounts or close their bank accounts. And so, you know, I got some, some materials from her and took up like six clipboards, to the to the rally. And that was my whole shtick was just like, "Hey, y'all, we should close our corporate bank accounts," and people loved it. You know, it was like, "hey, here goes, put your name down, if you want to help out," and I mean, I filled up pages and pages of this thing, people who wanted to help out or close their bank accounts. And from that, you know, like, you'd find more people that were like, "Hey, I used, you know, I can help with that. And I used to work at a bank," or, you know, "I've got some time on my hands," you know. And so we, it was rad, because while all the noise was happening, the day to day that people were more familiar with Occupy Wall Street. You know, the the General Assemblies, the infighting, the conflicts with the unhoused folks and things like that, we had this parallel track of our bank action crew, which was doing, building switch kits, and, you know, trying to reach out to people to, you know, help walk them through how to close their bank accounts and stuff like that, or organize marches on the bank, so people could go in and come out and cut their credit cards, so we could all celebrate, you know, like, that was, that was great. That's classic organizing. I, you know, if you weren't down in City Hall, every day for that first month, you're missing out on something, you know, I don't think people appreciate enough how much work people invested into trying to maintain a space, like, maintaining a physical encampment is, you know, the people with the most knowledge on how to operate a small, little civil society is the people have been doing it before, which is our unhoused folks, you know. And there was a huge class conflict, that really emerged quickly, that the police and the city manager and others began to exploit, you know, by trying to bring more unhoused folks down to City Hall, allowing some to sell and distribute drugs, not enforcing any oversight, you know, we had women attacked, you know, and attempted assaults and things like that, that they were just looking the other way on. Because they wanted this to go away. And it was up to us to figure out how to manage that. And that really became the core of the non-bank action, kind of conversations. You know, everybody wanted to do solidarity with everything else. But it was really about, like, how do we keep this thing going? And how do we maintain our presence here? You know, do you negotiate with the city? Who negotiates? Who's responsible? Do we just say, you know, F-U, we're not going to talk to you all, you know, but like, through all that, like, some amazing friendships were developed, and I mean, like bonds, true, real friendships, and people may not be super close anymore, but all it would take is a phone call or text to bring people back together. You know, it's something I'll just value for the rest of my life.John Fiege  Yeah, totally. And in 2015, The Austin Chronicle named you the best environmental activist in Austin for your work as, "The heart and soul of Sierra Club's 'Beyond Coal' campaign in Central Texas." And I know you've done all kinds of work with the Sierra Club. But I wondered if you could talk about what the fight has been like to transition from dirty energy to clean energy in Texas, which, of course is the oil capital of the country. And looking over the years you've been doing this work, what stands out? What have you learned from this massive campaign?Dave Cortez  Like you said, it's Texas, we're the number one carbon emitter in the country, and a huge one in the world and the United States cannot meet the modest two week goals in the Paris Accords unless Texas gets its act together, you know, and we got some real problems here, not just from fossil fuel pollution, but from industrial and toxic pollution and just from our livelihoods, you know, there's another story out yesterday, you know, are we going to have power next week, because we're going to hit hit the peak of the summer. You know, it's hard to think about the fight for clean energy in Texas without thinking about the power of the fossil fuel and industrial industries. There's there's been a battle since 2000 and 2005 to stop new power plants and advocate for clean energy. The fuel type changes and you know, back then it was coal and then it is gas and and now, it's like, oh my god, we just don't have enough power. Now, how do we get it? But it's still the, you know, trade associations, the Association of Electric Companies in Texas, you know, Oncor, which is an electric distributor company, NRG, you go down the line, Energy Transfer Partners, all of these fossil fuel corporations, making billions and billions of dollars, still call the shots, they still influence, and basically direct, decision makers on what is going to be acceptable in terms of, even, discussion. You can't even get a hearing in the state legislature on flaring reduction, which is a very modest thing. Because they have enough influence to make sure that that conversation is not even going to happen. And their members, like Energy Transfer Partners, and others are some of the biggest donors to politicians in the state. So, you know, why shouldn't we listen to those people? Kelsy Warren, Dakota Access Pipeline CEO, behind Energy Transfer Partners, gave a million dollars, his largest donation ever to Governor Abbott, right immediately after the legislative session. And this is after his company made well over a billion dollars, I think it's closer to $2 billion, coming out of the winter storm, Energy Transfer Partners. While people died, these people decided it would make better financial sense and profit sense to go ahead and withhold supplies of gas to power plants and gas utilities, and let the price go up before they would deliver that gas and therefore make a ton of money. Forget that more than you know, some say 200, some say 700 people died, many of them freezing to death, many of them carbon monoxide poisoning during the storm, forget that. It's all about the money. And that's the biggest takeaway here, just like we would be fighting Carlos Slim, and ASARCO and other folks, you got to look at what the interest is, you know, why are people supporting this? Why are they facilitating this? I know, it's easy to just say, well, we just got to vote these people out. Well, you know, we've got to come up with strategies that will allow us to do that. We've got to come up with strategies that will make it so, in this state that's so heavily corrupt and captured by corporate interests, fossil fuel interests, industrial interests, that we're going to find a way to cut into their enabling electorate. Their enabling base. And it's more than just a voter registration strategy. It's more than just a mobilization strategy, or getting people to sign a petition, it gets back to what we started talking about with ACORN. What is their base? Where are they? What are their interests? And where does it make sense to try and make some inroads, and cut away? And unfortunately, we just don't have enough of that happening in Texas. There's an effort to try to build coalitions with, you know, some social justice and some youth focused organizations. But we're all part of that same progressive "groupthink" or Democratic base, that we're not actually doing much to expand, other than registering some new voters. And there's a lot of unpacking that needs to happen. You know, can we go talk to some steel workers or some people on the Texas-Mexico border, who started to vote more for Republicans and Trump, because they were worried about the Green New Deal? They're worried about losing their oil jobs. Why, I mean, like, to this day, we haven't made that pivot collectively as a movement, and it's hella frustrating.John Fiege  Yeah, it gets back to what we were talking about earlier with, you know, kind of the DNA of environmental justice orientation to this work, the work has to be intersectional if you want to transition Texas, the oil capital of the world, to to non-fossil fuel based energy, you know, you need to deal with, with voting rights, you need to deal with the bad education system, you need to deal with healthcare issues, you need to deal with police brutality, and you know, it's like it's all connected. To think that we can remove this issue of decarbonizing our energy source from all of that other, you know, what some people see as messy stuff is delusional, it just doesn't doesn't work, doesn't make sense. Especially, and it's so obvious in places like Texas, where, you know, what are they doing? They're just trying to, they're trying to suppress the vote, like, they know what the deal is, you know, they're they're losing numbers. They need to disenfranchise more voters in order to maintain this system. Dave Cortez  You know, there's an important caveat and distinction for environmentalists, environmental justice folks, or whatever. You know, if you talk to John Beard with Port Arthur Community Action Network, you know, he's a former steel worker. His whole pitch in Port Arthur is about youth engagement jobs, investing in the community. He's willing to talk to the companies, things like that. It's not environmental-first type of thinking. But the enviros, and you'll see this any legislative session, if you pay attention, we are on the far losing side of the losers. Okay, the Democrats being the losers, you know, Democrats in Texas carry House Bill 40, which is the ban on fracking bans. You know, Mrs. T, Senator Senfronia Thompson out of Houston, she authored that bill, Black Democrat, you know, revered for her work on voting rights and reproductive justice. You know, enviros, we are way, way out of the mix. And so even if we got those organizations doing the work you're talking about, to speak about climate change, speak about the grid, you know, pollution, things like that, we'd still be part of that losing side. And I'm not saying we need to need to be building out into red country, or rural country. It's a critique of the broader progressive movement that we aren't doing enough to find people, the greater majority of people that don't participate in our process, in politics, in voting, except in presidential elections. We are not doing enough to reach people who are just going about their lives and do not give a s**t about the things that we post online about our petitions or positions, or our op-eds, or whatever. That is where the fight is, we've got to draw more people in while the right wing tries to keep more people out. That's our only pathway. And so--John Fiege  What does a just transition mean to you?Dave Cortez  It's what we've been talking about, it's a whole shift in, you know, the operating system of a of a community, whether it's a town of 50,000 people or a state of, you know, 25 million. Just transition means that we're taking into full consideration, our triple bottom line, you know, our health, and shelter, and food, you know, our economics, our jobs, and ability to put, you know, bring income and get the things that we need. And, you know, just the land and our ecology. Just transition has to anchor that we are--that those things are connected, and that they're not--they can't be separated, that in order for our families, and our children and our neighbors and all that, to have a future and have a livelihood, we need to be concerned about our air quality, concerned about our water quality, but also about the quality of their education, the access to healthy food and grocery stores. If you were to talk to people and ask them to envision what, you know, their dream society looks like, which is a hard thing for people to do nowadays. You know, you'll hear some of these things and just transition is the process that we take to get there. It's not about you know, getting a worker from a fossil fuel job into a clean energy job.John Fiege  Well, and speaking of that, you know, in addition to your beyond coal and just transition work, you've done a lot of work with low income communities of color in Austin around a whole assortment of things: illegal dumping, access to green space, community solar and solar equity, green gentrification among among a bunch of other stuff. Can you talk about gentrification and how Austin has changed in the time you've been there and the tension that's emerged about Austin becoming one of the greenest but also increasingly one of the least affordable cities in the country? Dave Cortez  Yeah it's tough. People in Austin are largely still here to just party, have fun, make money. You know, they're really eager to do what they moved here for, you know, go do the cool thing and the restaurant, and the corporate soccer game and whatnot, you know, fine, whatever, I'm not trying to harp on people who want to have a good time, the problem is that there's no thread of the greater good of civil society, of trying to care for those in town that struggle and have the least. That doesn't exist here. It's just, it has lessened every year, it might be new people moving here might be more money here, and people being displaced. But you know, for the most part, with gentrification, the white wealthy middle class here is strong, you know, median family income is close to $90,000, you know, qualifying for affordable housing, you can make a ton of money and still qualify for affordable housing. And the people that move in, my brother calls them the new pilgrims. They're not super interested in learning what was there before, they're interested in what's around them now, and what might come in the future. And we do have a responsibility to make sure that we not just offer up but press on people at the doors, at community events, you know, cool, fun, s**t, barbecues and things like that, to learn what was there before they came, you know, sort of an onboarding into the neighborhood. And we did some of this in Montoplis, my old neighborhood that I lived in before I moved to South Austin, you know, people who I was like, "man, they're never going to help us," they're just, you know, part of that new white, middle class "new pilgrim." When I learned the history of the community, and the issues that were going on, I said, "Hell, yeah, whatever I can do," from, you know, cooking funding, speaking, writing letters, coming to meetings, you name it, you know, but we had to keep on 'em. And we had to give them a meaningful task. There is a lot of power, gentrification sucks. But I've really tried to work with myself on not being--automatically hating folks for just trying to move in into a home. But you do have to challenge folks on how they behave after they've moved in, you know, in Austin with our urban farming and desire for new urbanism and density and things like that, the culture of I know what's best is so thick, and it's really hard to stay patient. But I try to, even when I get mad and angry and frustrated, I try to remind people of what's called the Jemez Principles for Democratic Organizing, and the People's Institute for Survival and Beyond's Principles of Anti-Racism, encourage them to read them, and to do everything they can to just shut the F up, and go listen to the people that they're talking about in affected communities. And get a sense of where you might be able to build some common ground.John Fiege  I actually wanted to spend a minute on that because, you know, you started, or you were one of the organizers, who started environmental justice group in Austin years ago, and I went to a bunch of the meetings. And I feel like that's where, you know, we got to start hanging out a bunch for the first time. But you would always start the meetings with the Jemez Principles for Democratic Organizing. And, you know, those came out of this meeting hosted by the Southwest Network for Environmental and Economic Justice and Jemez, New Mexico back in the 90s. Can you talk more specifically about the principles and why they're important to the work you're doing?Dave Cortez  So when you're thinking about undoing racism, or being an antiracist or antiracism work, you know, you're acknowledging that you're confronting a built system, something that's built under a false construct, race, you know, and when you're going to combat that, there's, you know, there's a lot of issues to it or whatever, but the Jemez principles will help you see, how do you approach people and talk about it? You know, for example, listen, let people speak is one of the principles, you know, listen to the people on the ground. Don't barge in there don't don't come in with your your petition and your fancy stuff and, or be online and be a dick. You know, go try to introduce yourself and get to know people. You know, ask questions. That's okay. You know, people were very generous for the most part, whether they're Black or Brown or or Native or Asian, or you name it, you know? If you're able to ask questions and listen about an issue, people will likely talk, you know. Trying to work in solidarity and mutuality is another big one for me, you know, it's not just about like, "I'm here to help you," versus, "I'm here because our struggles are connected and intertwined. And for me and my family to be successful and get what we need, it depends on your family, and your people being successful and getting what you need. How can we work together to make sure that we everything we do reinforces that and that we lift each other up?" A lot of things that we see is very transactional in the advocacy and activism world, you know, sign this, and then we'll go do that for you, or will tell the person to do the thing and change? It's not so much how can what can we do to help you directly, like we talked about bills and taxes and things like that. But also, we have to know that, what is it we're gonna get out of it, it's not just this potential policy outcome. There's tremendous value in human relationships. And in culture and community building, you're going to learn about the people in your community, you're going to learn about the history, you're going to learn, you know, and make new friends and maybe some recipes, maybe, you know, some new music or something. It's limitless. You know, humans have tremendous potential in beauty. But we we rob ourselves of that by, you know, retreating into our silos in our, in our four walls. You know, Jemez can give something--these are short, short, little principles that can give people something to read and reflect on, they can be kind of abstract and theory based, but when you're advocating for change, and then you look at these and you ask yourself, "sm I doing this?" There's tremendous potential for learning, and changing how we do our work.John Fiege  And the Sierra Club is one of the oldest large-scale environmental groups in the world. And it's traditionally been a white organization. Its founder John Muir made racist remarks about Black and Indigenous people, and in 2020, the Sierra Club officially apologized for those remarks and the white supremacist roots of the organization. In Texas, with your work and your presence, I feel like you've really helped the Sierra Club evolve there, where you are, and you th

Vonda leads the Global Capital Strategies initiative, at the Center for Labor & a Just Economy at Harvard Law School, focusing on financial strategies in service of labor and human rights, and a just transition to a low carbon economy. She also supports the Capital Strategies for a Common Good initiative, researching ties between movements for workers' rights, environmental justice, and racial justice. Prior to joining CLJE, she led the Just Transition project and co-founded the Trustee Leadership Forum for Retirement Security (TLF) at the Initiative for Responsible Investment at the Harvard Kennedy School. Before her work at Harvard, Vonda was the Director of the Capital Stewardship Program at Service Employees International Union (SEIU), which was created to engage the capital markets and financial institutions in innovative ways. Prior to her time with SEIU, Vonda worked as a community organizer in Chicago, New York, and Boston with the Industrial Areas Foundation. She earned her B.A. from Calvin College and A.M. in Public Policy from the University of Chicago.

Until this month, one of Colorado's highest peaks was named for the former state governor who fostered and supported what became known as the Sand Creek Massacre in 1864. It took years of pressure and an awareness campaign to get the name changed. Still, support is not universal. We'll get the story on changing the Mount Evans name to Mount Blue Sky - and some updates on other important place name changes. GUESTS Fred Mosqueda (Southern Arapaho), Arapaho Language and Culture Program Coordinator for the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes of Oklahoma Chester Whiteman (Southern Cheyenne), Cheyenne coordinator of the Culture Program of the Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes Dr. David Lewis (Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde), assistant professor of Anthropology and Indigenous Studies at Oregon State University and blogs at NDN History Research  Roman Rain Tree (Dunlap Band of Mono Indians, Choinumni, Wukchumni), chief impact officer for Seeds of Sovereignty and community organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation Tom Rodgers (Blackfeet), senior advisor for the Rocky Mountain Tribal Council

This episode of Across The Margin: The Podcast presents an interview with author and political organizer Doug Greco. Greco has organized for over 15 years in Austin and San Antonio with the Industrial Areas Foundation, the nation's largest and longest-standing network of faith and community-based organizations. Before that, he served as Director of Programs with Equality California, the nation's largest statewide LGBTQ organization. His book, To Find a Killer: The Homophobic Murders of Norma and Maria Hurtado and the LGBT Rights Movement, is the focus of this episode. Despite monumental gains in legal equality over the past decade, the LGBTQ community still faces harsh disparities in physical and mental health, economic status, racial stratification, and hate crimes victimization. These factors compound for LGBTQ persons of color, low income individuals, immigrants, and members of the transgender community. In To Find a Killer — a finalist in the Writers' League of Texas 2021 Manuscript Contest for Nonfiction — Doug Greco explores the next phase of the LGBTQ rights movement and how issues of race, class, sexuality, gender identity, and economic status often intersect producing negative outcomes for members of the LGBTQ community. Beginning with a gripping, firsthand account of the 2011 anti-gay murder of twenty-four year-old Norma Hurtado, a student the Greco taught in an Austin high school ten years earlier, To Find a Killer employs a mix of narrative nonfiction and political analysis to uncover the intersectional nature of the disparities impacting the LGBTQ community. Drawing from his fifteen-years' experience as a grassroots organizer in Texas and California, Greco argues for the types of political organizations and public policies necessary to address these challenges. To Find a Killer charts a robust but pragmatic course for the LGBTQ movement today: investing in grassroots leadership development, rooting organizations in local civic and religious institutions, and focusing not just on legal equality, but a wider set of socio-economic issues. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode of the Hope and Heresy podcast, Rev. Peggy and Rev. Sarah are joined by Rev. Mary Katherine Morn, President of the Unitarian Universalist Service Committee, and Rev. Alicia Forde, Director of the International Office at the Unitarian Universalist Association, to discuss the question at the heart this season of the podcast: What is the Central Task for Humanity at this Moment in History?Topics that come up in this week's discussion include: What it means, and why it is important, to make both local and global connections; the radical potential of moving money; the concept of a God that is in the constant process of becoming; and the power of a justice-focused love.About this week's guests: After 30 years in faith-based leadership, the Rev. Mary Katherine Morn joined UUSC as President and Lead Executive Officer in 2018. She has helped to grow a number of progressive congregations serving their members and the larger community.Mary Katherine contributed to efforts for economic, racial, and social justice in Macon, Georgia at the Economic Opportunity Council/Headstart with the NAACP. She also worked deeply in the reproductive justice movement. In Nashville, Tennessee, she collaborated with the Interfaith Alliance and Industrial Areas Foundation. In Fairfax, Virginia, she worked with interfaith ministries addressing hunger and homelessness, collaborated with LGBTQI+ advocacy organizations, and served on the county's homelessness task force.The Reverend Alicia Roxanne Forde serves with the Unitarian Universalist Association as the Director of the International Office. She is a graduate of The Iliff School of Theology and currently lives in Longmont, Colorado. Alicia was born and spent her formative years in Trinidad and Tobago. She identifies as an African descent queer, cis-gender female with deep roots in Tobago. She considers herself bi-cultural and is grateful that her formative years enabled her to cultivate a global perspective. Alicia is a certified Spiritual Director and has a strong interest in health and wellness. When she's not hiking, you can find her reading, working-out, or podcast-walking.For the video version of this episode, click here: https://youtu.be/c2hNUa2hu8A.The Hope and Heresy podcast is produced by the Community Church of New York Unitarian Universalist.

AUSTIN, Texas - Valley Interfaith and other groups that make up the Industrial Areas Foundation in Texas are strongly opposed to tax giveaways to large corporations.In Austin, IAF is mobilizing opposition to House Bill 5, which supporters argue will boost economic development. In the attached audio interview, Rosalie Tristan and Joe Hinojosa, both organizers with Valley Interfaith, Joe Higgs from IAF, and Bob Fleming, an organizer with the Metropolitan Organization of Houston, say tax breaks for large corporations should not be paid for with monies that would otherwise go to public education. To read the new stories and watch the news videos of the Rio Grande Guardian International News Service go to www.riograndeguardian.com.

In this and the final episode of this second series I discuss the relationship between the Bible and organizing. The turn to Scripture to imagine and narrate politics is often assumed to be the preserve of authoritarian theocrats. But since the formal development of community organizing in the 1930s, and long before that, texts from the Bible are consistently used to both teach democratic organizing and envision the need for radical, democratic change. The use of Scripture in this way builds on long standing Jewish and Christian traditions of thought and practice.  I begin this episode by talking to Ernesto Cortes who was featured in episode 7 of the first series. In that episode he discusses his own formation as an organizer. Here he reflects on why he consistently turns to Scripture to frame the task of organizing and to train others in the work of building a more democratic society. The passage he unpacks is the story of Jethro and Moses in Exodus 18, which he reads as a way of envisioning democratic forms of leadership. In doing so, he self-consciously builds on Saul Alinsky's (S2.E2) use of Moses as a model for the role of the organizer. In the second part of this episode I talk to Marshall Ganz, another hugely influential figure in the contemporary development of grassroots democratic organizing. Marshall currently teaches at Harvard in the Kennedy School of Government. But he has a much storied career in organizing before that. He tells me about his involvement in various democratic movements as a way of narrating the role of Scripture and religion in his own life and the movements he contributed to. These include his involvement in the Civil Rights movement (and the role of the Black Church) and the United Farm Workers movement (and the role of the Catholic Church). He begins by reflecting on his Jewish upbringing. Later he talks through his re-engagement with Judaism and how this shaped the development of his influential public narrative approach which involves telling a story of self, us, and now. As a complement to Ernesto Cortes's meditation on leadership through the story of Jethro and Moses, Marshall reflects on the story of David and Goliath as a way of teaching strategy.GuestsErnesto Cortes, Jr. - for details see season 1 episode 7.Marshall Ganz is Rita E. Hauser Senior Lecturer in Leadership, Organizing, and Civil Society at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. He began organizing with the 1964 Mississippi Summer Project as part of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (see S2.E3). He then joined Cesar Chavez in his effort to unionize California farm workers, working with the United Farm Workers for 16 years (see S1.E3). During the 1980s he worked with grassroots groups to develop new organizing programs and designed innovative voter mobilization strategies for local, state, and national electoral campaigns. He eventually completed a PhD in sociology and came to teach at Harvard. His book, Why David Sometimes Wins: Leadership, Organization and Strategy in the California Farm Worker Movement was published in 2009, earning the Michael J. Harrington Book Award of the American Political Science Association. In 2007-8 he was instrumental in design of the grassroots organization for the 2008 Obama for President campaign. In association with the Leading Change Network he coaches, trains, and advises social, civic, educational, health care, and political groups on organizing, training, and leadership development around the world. For more information & relevant updates follow me on Twitter: @WestLondonMan For readings to download relevant to or discussed in an episode visit: https://ormondcenter.com/listen-organize-act-podcast

This episode discusses the work of the hugely influential political theorist, Hannah Arendt, and how it provides profound insights into the nature and purpose of both politics and democratic organizing. Arendt's books include the Origins of Totalitarianism, Eichmann in Jerusalem, The Human Condition, and On Revolution. These works, along with her numerous essays, are vital for understanding the politics both of her day and ours.  I discuss Arendt's understanding of politics, power, violence, and the resonance between Arendt's work and organizing with Leo Penta. If you know nothing about Arendt and her work, this episode is a great introduction. And if you are a veteran reader of Arendt, this episode opens up how Arendt's work connects to and is a key dialogue partner for existing forms of grassroots democratic politics.GuestLeo Penta is a Catholic priest, community organizer, and academic. His doctorate focused on Hannah Arendt's concept of power, a focus generated by his time as a community organizer in New York where he helped found the East Brooklyn Congregations (EBC) organizing coalition. He has continued to work as both a priest and organizer, first in the States and then, since 1996, in Germany.  While in the States, Penta spearheaded an effort of the Industrial Areas Foundation from 1990 to 1996 to develop “IAF Reflects”, an institute for reflection on organizing. The Institute conducted seminars with the participation of both well-known academics and renowned practitioners to deepen the theoretical base for the work of organizing. From 1996 to 2017 Leo Penta taught at the Catholic University of Applied Sciences in Berlin, developing a focus on community development. In conjunction with this, he developed the first community organizing initiative in Germany, called “Menschen verändern ihren Kiez/Organizing Schöneweide.” In 2006 he became the founding director of the German Institute for Community Organizing (DICO) which is dedicated to developing the practice of community organizing in Germany and training professional community organizers. He has continued to study Arendt's work and how it can help frame organizing throughout his career. For contact and further information: www.communityorganizing.de and www.dico-berlin.orgResources for Going DeeperHannah Arendt, “On Violence, part II" in Crises of the Republic (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co, 1972), 134-155.Hannah Arendt, “Action” in The Human Condition (various editions), Part 5.Hannah Arendt, “On Humanity in Dark Times: Thoughts about Lessing,” Men in Dark Times (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co, 1968), 3-32.Hannah Arendt, “Totalitarianism,” The Origins of Totalitarianism (various editions), Part 3“What remains?” Interview with Hannah Arendt on her life and work by Günter Gaus for German television (1964). With subtitles. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dVSRJC4KAiE

Building on the previous episode, this one continues to discuss the work of Bayard Rustin and the overlapping struggles that shaped his vision of democracy and his approach to organizing. I do so with Harry Boyte.  We focus on Rustin's practice as an organizer, his conception of nonviolence as a form of democratic politics, and how to understand Rustin's classic 1964 essay “From Protest to Politics,” as well as what Rustin has to teach us today. Along the way, Harry tells dramatic stories about his own work as an organizer and unfolds why Rustin's approach shows how distinctions between left and right or conservative and progressive are useless for thinking politically. Harry reflects on how all communities have democratic and authoritarian impulses. For him, the work of organizing is to identify and build up the capacity of the former and counter the work of conflict entrepreneurs who play on the latter.GuestHarry C. Boyte is a public intellectual, organizer, and theorist of the public work framework of civic engagement and participatory democracy. He worked as a young man for Martin Luther King's organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, reporting to Dorothy Cotton, director of the movement's 900 grassroots citizenship schools. From 1966 to 1972, following the suggestion of King, he organized poor white mill workers in Durham, North Carolina who built a community organization, ACT, which made connections with poor blacks in Durham. He was a co-founder of the New American Movement, a precursor to Bernie Sanders' Democratic Socialists of America, before he shifted to a democratic populist philosophy in the late 1970s. Boyte is now Senior Scholar in Public Work Philosophy at Augsburg, a Senior Associate of the Kettering Foundation, a cofounder of the Institute for Public Life and Work, and on the Scholars Council of Braver Angels.Asked by the University of Minnesota's Humphrey Institute in 1987 to organize a project on democracy, he translated what he called the “citizen politics” he had generalized from the organizing of the Industrial Areas Foundation into a variety of projects to democratize institutions, from schools and colleges to government agencies and nonprofits. In 1990, working with Dorothy Cotton and Jim Scheibel, he founded Public Achievement (PA) a youth political and civic education initiative based on community organizing practices and a larger view of democracy which has spread to more than 20 countries.From 1993 to 1995, Boyte coordinated Reinventing Citizenship, a cross partisan alliance of educational, civic, and philanthropic civic groups, which worked with President Clinton's White House Domestic Policy Council to analyze the gap between citizens and government and to advance the idea of “public work,” akin to what Nobel prize winner Elinor Ostrom later theorized as “polycentric governance” as an alternative to simple regulation or service delivery. In 2012-2013, on the invitation of Obama's White House Office of Public Engagement, he coordinated the American Commonwealth Partnership, a confederation of higher education and civic groups formed to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Morrill Act establishing land grant colleges.Harry Boyte has authored, coauthored, and edited eleven books on democracy, citizenship, and community organizing, including The Backyard Revolution (1980), Free Spaces with Sara Evans (1986, 1992); CommonWealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (1989) and Awakening Democracy (2018). His writings have appeared in more than 100 publications including New York Times, Political Theory, Chronicle of Higher Education, Public Administration Review, and Education Week.Resources for Going DeeperSee the show notes for the previous episode.

In this second part of the episode on Ella Baker, I talk to Gerald Taylor. We discuss the influence Baker's approach and vision had on him as an organizer, how he sees her understanding of organizing play out on the ground, and his own involvement in myriad grassroots democratic initiatives. Along the way, he recounts a compelling set of stories and reflections on what it means to do organizing in the spirit of Ella Baker. GuestGerald Taylor was a national senior organizer with the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) for  nearly 35 years, and for much of this time he was the IAF's Southeast Regional Director. In 2015, he co-founded Advance Carolina, the first state-wide Black led 501c (4) in North Carolina focused on building Black political power. His organizing career began as a teenager through involvement in the civil rights movement, with him eventually being elected as New York State President of the NAACP Youth and College Division at 17 years old. He then organized with the National Democratic Party of Alabama, an interracial third political party, in their historic election victories of 1970. He went to be involved in numerous organizing initiatives in the US, most notably in New York City, Baltimore, Memphis, Nashville, Atlanta, and Jackson, Mississippi. Immediately after Hurricane Katrina, he spent four years organizing African American communities along the Mississippi Gulf Coast to receive disaster relieve leading to the formation of a coalition that negotiated nearly one billion dollars in disaster relieve funding for these communities. He has trained thousands of leaders, including clergy, over the past forty years in community organizing and congregational development. He has also lectured at colleges and universities, including Shaw Divinity School, Hood Divinity School, North Carolina Central Law School, Duke Divinity School, Vanderbilt Divinity School, Garrett Evangelical Methodist Seminary, and UNC Chapel-Hill on theories of social change, community organizing, and leadership. He has also worked internationally with organizations such as Bread for the World, the Sidney Alliance in Australia, and been a consultant to democratization initiatives in Swaziland, Zimbabwe, and South Africa.Resources for Going DeeperSee the show notes for the previous episode

This two-part episode discusses the work of Saul Alinsky, the “dean of community organizing” and the different traditions and influences that shaped his democratic vision. The key texts discussed are his two books: “Reveille for Radicals” published in 1946, and his more well known latter book, “Rules for Radicals,” written in 1971. In this second part of the episode I to talk to Mike Miller. Mike started out in politics as part of the early stirrings of the student movement at UC Berkeley. From there he got involved in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), doing work in Mississippi but mostly organizing support for SNCC on the West Coast. That led him to working with Cesar Chavez as part of the Farmworker Movement. Coming off of all of that he ends up as a community organizer based in San Francisco, his home town, but organizing in different locations around the US for many decades until his retirement. His move from SNCC to organizing in the Bay Area was catalyzed by meeting Saul Alinsky who recruited him to work for the Industrial Areas Foundation for a while. I talk to Mike about his relationship with Alinsky and what he thinks was Alinsky's understanding of democracy.  Towards the end, Mike reflects on the different pathways organizing took after Alinsky died. Along the way, he draws some contrasts between the different kinds of organizing he has been involved in over the years.Guest:Mike Miller was a leader in the pre-1960s birth of the student movement at UC Berkeley, a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) field secretary, and director of a community organizing project initiated by Saul Alinsky. He has been a lead organizer, consultant, mentor and workshop leader in the field of community organizing over many decades. He has taught community organizing, social welfare, and urban politics at UC Berkeley, Stanford, Notre Dame, Lone Mountain, San Francisco State, University of Wisconsin/Milwaukee, and Hayward State. He has also written extensively on the subject and related matters in numerous magazines and journal articles. His books include “A Community Organizer's Tale: People and Power in San Francisco—the 1964 to 1972 story of the Mission Coalition Organization (MCO),” and most recently, a co-edited volume entitled “People Power: The Community Organizing Tradition of Saul Alinsky.” He currently directs the ORGANIZE Training Center: www.organizetrainingcenter.org

This Week's Guests: Rev. Dr Marcia Ledford Comedian Boris Khaykin The World's Famous comedy Cellar presents "Live From America Podcast" with Noam Dworman and Hatem Gabr. The top experts and thinkers of the world and the best comics in the Nation get together weekly with our hosts to discuss different topics each week, News, Culture, Politics, comedy & and more with an equal parts of knowledge and comedy! The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry focuses on Southwest Detroit's Latinx population — located at an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. She has dedicated her working life to the pursuit of justice because when one group of persons is diminished, we are all thus diminished. An Episcopal priest, Dr. Ledford studied theology at the Ecumenical Theological Seminary in Detroit, Michigan. While there, she engaged in urban studies for ministry and explored theologies of the marginalized from around the world. Dr. Ledford holds a Master of Divinity from the (Episcopal) Church Divinity School of the Pacific (CDSP). She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from the Pacific School of Religion (PSR). Both CDSP and PSR are member schools of the Graduate Theological Union, a preeminent global and interfaith consortium for theological study. In college, she majored in American History and Psychology at Albion College. These academic concentrations prepared her for exploring and understanding the psychographic nature of American history and how skin color dictates the American social agenda. Dr. Ledford earned her Juris Doctor from the University of Detroit School of Law, a Jesuit school. She adopted a foundation of Christian faith in legal jurisprudence plus the standard curriculum. Her ministry incorporates Catholic Social Teaching (CST) as its cornerstone. CST's Gospel emphasis protects every human being's dignity and works toward the common good to usher in God's Reign. The Episcopal Baptismal Covenant reflects the same emphasis. It requires the faithful to uphold the dignity of personhood and serves as the foundation for Dr. Ledford's teaching of political theology basics in her courses. Dr. Ledford's first career as a civil rights attorney concentrated on cases involving the First Amendment and Equal Protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. Her mission combines her love of the Gospel with expertise in the US Constitution to help others exercise their civil rights to establish a more just American society. Political Theology Matters, LLC, founded by Dr. Ledford, helps the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United, where she has a particular interest in racial reconciliation and immigration reform. Dr. Ledford is an award-winning documentary photographer, writer, blogger, keynote speaker, teacher, and preacher. She convenes the Public Theology Network for Province V (the Midwest) of the Episcopal Church. Follow Live From America YouTube www.youtube.com/channel/UCS2fqgw61yK1J6iKNxV0LmA Twitter twitter.com/AmericasPodcast www.LiveFromAmericaPodcast.com LiveFromAmerica@ComedyCellar.com Follow Hatem Twitter twitter.com/HatemNYC Instagram www.instagram.com/hatemnyc/ Follow Noam Twitter twitter.com/noamdworman?lang Follow Rev. Dr Marcia Ledford Website https://www.politicaltheologymatters.com https://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/media https://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/blog FB: Political Theology Matters Instagram: @docledford Twitter: @docledford https://www.amazon.com/Prayer-Journal-Action-Planner-devotional/dp/B09M5L43FD/ref=mp_s_a_1_11?crid=YGOVWJ2EMRIV&keywords=2022+prayer+journal&qid=1638636781&sprefix=2022+prayer+%2Caps%2C133&sr=8-11 #MarciaLedford #RoevWade #PoliticalTheology

“It's up to us to fully self-actualize, and one of the greatest ways to do that is to be engaged in social justice action.”   Dr. Marcia Ledford Now more than ever, a wider and deeper understanding of the church's role in social and political life is needed. Many church leaders continue to work towards providing important platforms from which people can deal with political, social and economic matters, as well as the relations between the state and wider society. Our guest today, Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford, has been working towards greater social justice by empowering people to act on social injustices faced by different groups. The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry is in Southwest Detroit's Latinx population—an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. An Episcopal priest, she holds a Master of Divinity from the Church Divinity School of the Pacific. She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from Pacific School of Religion. Dr. Ledford founded Political Theology Matters, LLC, to help the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United. PTM is a for profit company but is also an altruistic or philanthropic enterprise. Dr. Ledford want to inspire people to do good--to shock their potential for justice. She believes that she needs to make a living ethically and via positive contributions to society. Engaging in political theology, speaking faithfully in public, for social justice, represents the culmination of her life's work and experiences. She is passionate about achieving greater social justice in American society. Her message's foundation in progressive Christian theology intersects with the US Constitution, especially the First Amendment. She brings humor, poignant stories, and inspiration in her conversations. She sparks dynamic, vital conversations about the most important issues of our time--protecting civil rights and our beloved constitution and democracy. In today's episode, our guest will talk about her journey towards advocating for social injustices. She will also elaborate more about spiritual resistance and what it entails. Social media handles: http://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/   https://www.facebook.com/politicaltheologymatters   https://linkedin/marcialedford   https://www.instagram.com/docledford   https://www.twitter.com/docledford   I write, speak, teach and preach to help people get better equipped to be faith based advocates in the public square for social justice. [3:32] Political theology is taking your faith formation and using that as a basis for calling out injustice and demanding greater equality across our social spectrum. [3:49] My mission came to be after my being absolutely appalled at what our archaic immigration laws are doing to Latino families in southwest Detroit. [4:43] We want to be sure and get our demands in with respect to pathways to citizenship. [5:45] Spanish, like the romance languages are all inflected, meaning that nouns can have a gender assigned to them. [6:51] The practice has been adapted to start saying Latin x, which is neutral, and is intended to include everybody. [7:07] This has been an ongoing effort to be more inclusive when terms from this inflected language are used. [7:30] When I was coming of age in the late 70s and early 80s, I came out as a lesbian. [10:09] I had been very involved in my church growing up and so I had a really difficult coming out process, at least, with my own personal struggle. [10:20] I felt like I had to choose between my faith and being who I was and this is very true even today. [10:44] I had to navigate the society as a lesbian which means that I couldn't access some things. [11:14] I recognize that my white privilege affords me certain benefits and give me opportunities that I wouldn't ordinarily have as a person of color. [11:56] I still was a second class citizen in many of the fundamental ways that we regard being an American. [12:14] Over time, I became more sensitive to the call to ministry that I had experienced from when I was a teenager. [12:32] I wasn't seeing women and I certainly wasn't seeing lesbians up at the pulpit in the altar but I finally agreed to go do this and be ordained and asked for help from the holy spirit. [12:44] I became ordained in the Episcopal Church, where I serve the Latin x community. [13:06] It was a combination of my love of the gospel, and my experience as a civil rights attorney, that really fueled this mission. [13:16] Even though I don't know exactly what it's like to be a person of color, I decided that if we didn't do anything about the ills, it wasn't going to stop. [14:06] I think sometimes people think that when a law is made that it's carved into stone. [15:35] Our Congress has the power to change those laws, and if they won't change them, then we need to put people in there who will. [16:27] The fact that all these voter suppression bills are pending throughout the country is an indicator that elected people know that they are in danger of being voted out for not doing the will of the people. [17:18] What I advocate for is the First Amendment which gives us a place to go where everybody can talk and not have to worry about slandering the crown. [19:03] I wanted to create a place for us to work stuff out and that means that our best chance of doing that is when as many voices come together as possible to say their piece. [19:52] By talking about it, we identify the problems and the issues, and we try to work out a solution that serves the majority of the people. [20:12] Once people realize that they can do it, then we have to instill confidence and provide tools and resources to get people basically off their doffs and go advocate for justice. [20:47] Commercial break. [21:17] The immigration issues affect our country on a national basis and so if immigration is something that you want to work on, you certainly can. [23:32] I really believe in what's called the spirituality of resistance. [23:48] Things bother us, but we feel like they are such big complex problems and I don't really know what to do about it. [24:01] We're all human beings and have a human connection to one another and therefore we got to have everybody. [24:29] The spirituality of resistance involves two things which are digging deep into yourself to determine what issues really bothers you, and finding a group that works on these issues to work with them. [25:23] It is one of the most empowering things I have ever experienced in my life, which is why I work with Michigan united. [26:19] If you feel like your representatives in the Congress are not doing what you want them to do, then you need to be in touch. [28:09] There's lots of ways to be involved even if you're super busy and feels overwhelming. [29:14] One of the mottos I try to live by is we don't get a dress rehearsal and it's up to us to fully self-actualize, and one of the greatest ways to do that is to be engaged in social justice action. [30:27] …………………..….. TopDog Learning Group, LLC is a leadership, change management, and diversity and inclusion consulting firm based in Orlando, FL, USA but with “TopDoggers” (aka consultants) throughout North America and beyond. They focus on training programs (both virtual and face-to-face), keynotes and “lunch and learns,” group and 1:1 coaching, and off-the-shelf solutions. One such solution is their Masterclass on The Top 3 Strategies to be Resilient in Times of Change. This thoughtful self-paced online training will guide you through three tactics you can immediately use to—not just survive—but thrive when change comes at you. Use the code RESIL50OFF for 50% off the program! Just go to https://bit.ly/3a5mIS6 and enter the code RESIL50OFF, in all capitals, to redeem your 50% off coupon. The link and code will be available in our show notes for easy access.

Marcia writes, speaks, teaches, and preaches about the need for progressive Christians to speak faithfully in public for social justice. The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry has been in Southwest Detroit's Latinx population—an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. An Episcopal priest, she holds a Master of Divinity from the Church Divinity School of the Pacific. She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from Pacific School of Religion. Dr. Ledford founded Political Theology Matters, LLC, to help the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United. Emailmarcia@miptm.comWebsitehttps://www.politicaltheologymatters.comMedia Resourceshttps://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/mediaThe Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's bloghttps://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/blog Harvard Implicit Bias Testing (on numerous topics)https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/education.htmlCivil Discourse Training offered via The Episcopal Church For Individuals:https://www.churchnext.tv/library/instruments-of-peace-a-guide-to-civil-discourse/109671/about/ For Groups: https://www.churchnext.tv/library/instruments-of-peace-a-guide-to-civil-discourse/10

Sermon by the Rev. Jarrett Kerbel for the fifteenth Sunday after Pentecost, Proper 18.Today's readings are:Proverbs 22:1-2, 8-9, 22-23 Psalm 146 James 2:1-10, [11-13], 14-17 Mark 7:24-37 Readings may be found on LectionaryPage.nethttps://www.lectionarypage.net/YearB_RCL/Pentecost/BProp18_RCL.htmlTranscript: Gracious God, we give you thanks for the example of the syrophoenician woman who cracked open the covenant to include all gentiles thereafter. We thank you for her persistence and her faith that in your abundance there was enough for all. In Christ's name we pray. Amen. Please be seated. So, in the early 1990s I was just starting out as a priest as a youth minister. What do you do with a priest in his twenties? Youth Minister. Luckily I loved it and had a lot of fun with it. This is also the time when in youth ministry there was this great outburst of bracelets: friendship bracelets and cross bracelets, and one of the most popular ones with my group was the one that said “WWJD?” “What Would Jesus Do?” And I wore one to go along with the group, and it was a lot of fun, but when I read the story of the syrophoenician woman I wanted a second bracelet to put on top of it, and that one would say “DDWJJD.” “Don't Do What Jesus Just Did.” Because here we have in this wonderful Gospel of Mark, a very uncomfortable reading. Very uncomfortable for anyone who loves Jesus to see him acting as crabby and nasty and bigoted as can be. I could apply other words but we're in church. It's a very upsetting passage. He refers to the syrophoenician woman as a small female dog. We know there's another translation for that in English. That's how shocking this is. What is going on with this reading and how do we approach it? Well, I approach it in two ways. One, I celebrate the syrophoenician woman. That's my focus. Her wonderful persistence, her wonderful insistence that there was room enough at the table for her and her daughter, to me is the voice of prayer and faith in the story. She's the example of what faith is, and I believe she is the gate opening moment for all gentiles who come into the covenant. She breaks open the covenant by agitating Jesus. She agitates Jesus in the most clever and subtle of ways, which to me feels like she had heard about this feeding of the five thousand, which had happened in chapter six in the Gospel of Mark (we're now in chapter seven) and she took that message to heart, that in the abundance of God's mercy there was room for her to be fed and healed as well. The second thing I do with the story is I read it from the perspective of the gentile outsider. I read it from the perspective of the gentile outsider, which I am a gentile outsider. And from that perspective it opens up in a different way because Jesus's behavior to me looks like a gentile's fears of how the God of Israel would behave. It feels to me there's a message here to the new gentiles in the church, who are trying to understand how accessible God is, and this story gives them hope. So for example, it's a very strange story. Jesus goes all the way outside of Israel to Tyre and the first thing he does is goes into a house and tries not to be disturbed. I picture him going in, shutting the door, and seeking privacy. Jesus, as the story goes on, as I said, is crabby, judgmental, aloof, inaccessible, and favoring one group of people over another, showing favoritism, partiality - and these are all the things that the gentile audience feared were true. But the gentile audience gets the syrophoenician woman who challenges Jesus. Really challenges him and holds him accountable to his true character and nature, and she pushes him to do this other thing that the God of Israel does. This other thing that is characteristic of the God of Israel. Jesus repents. Jesus repents from drawing his line too harshly, and allows for the healing, and allows ultimately for the extension of the promise of life in God, past the original covenant, with room enough for all. So first let's give thanks to the syrophoenician woman. She persisted and she opened up the covenant that includes us now. I speak as a gentile in that sense. And what we have after this revelation in the Gospel is its application in the letter of James. Now take a step back, use your imagination. Remember that these letters to early church communities were read out loud to the community. These are not private correspondence. This letter was read out loud to that community. Imagine a gathering of the poor and the rich - the oppressed and the oppressor - who heard the letter of James together. That is a shocking confrontation. The struggle going on in their midst is named. They are acting like the unredeemed world when they gather in their assembly for worship. When they gather around the table of Christ they're bringing in the practices of the world to this place where they don't apply anymore. The wealthy are being treated with more regard and being allowed to treat the poor with disregard. “Sit at my feet”...the kind of things you can't say at the Lord's table. And James is confronting them with this very difficult but true word, that in the Kingdom of God all the citizens of that kingdom are equal. And this is a shocking word just said right out there in the open, because for those with more status that's going to feel like a demotion, and for people in the unredeemed world with less status that's going to feel like a promotion. So they can meet as equals in Christ. How does that play out? What is that spiritual struggle like? To sit in that early community and hear those words, depending on what side of the spectrum you're on, it's a wonderful gift of liberation no matter which side of the spectrum you're on. I know this conundrum firsthand and practically speaking. When I worked in Chicago I did trainings with the Industrial Areas Foundation where we trained leaders from all over Chicagoland (South, North, West, Eastside) to do delegations to meet with elected leaders to advocate on the basis of our faith for certain changes like universal health care, for example, or school funding, and one of our big training agendas was always helping our members not to give away their power. Not to give away their power. They had been trained over the years that when they met with an elected official they should defer and just be grateful to be in the powerful person's presence. They should be indirect and careful and meek. And I saw it happen over again and over again, and I participated. I'm from a military family - “yes sir,” “ no sir,” “yes ma'am,” “no ma'am.” I can defer with the best of them. And we had to work together on this notion taught in James that we are equals in the citizenship we have in the Kingdom of Christ, and in that dignity we can speak the truth we need to speak to the powerful. It only took a few times when we got shunted off to the congressional aide who just got out of college, while we watched the pharma executive or the big donor go into the senator's office, for my people to get the message and sit down and say, “We'll wait for the senator, thank you very much.” This is the strange world of the Gospel where we are called into this equal dignity in Christ and depending on where we find ourselves in the status hierarchies of the world around us, this may induce a journey either of humility and humbling, or a journey of growth and claiming dignity, so we can meet together in that equality of children of God. Amen. Permission to podcast/stream the music in this service obtained from One License with license #A-701187. All rights reserved. Video, photographs, and graphics by the Church of St. Martin-in-the-Fields. Episcopal Church of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 8000 St. Martin's Lane, Philadelphia, PA 19118. 215.247.7466. https://www.stmartinec.org

The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry is in Southwest Detroit's Latinx population—an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. An Episcopal priest, she holds a Master of Divinity from the Church Divinity School of the Pacific. She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from Pacific School of Religion. Dr. Ledford founded Political Theology Matters, LLC, to help the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United. Connect with Marcia here https://www.politicaltheologymatters.com/ Insta: https://www.instagram.com/DocLedford/ FB: https://www.facebook.com/politicaltheologymatters/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/DocLedford YT: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCvIgWMtYhhL51H9rtvjnObw Brandon Handley 0:43 321 Hey, there's spiritual dope. Today I am on with the Reverend Dr. Marsha Ledford, who is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. Her ministry is in southwest Detroit's Latinx population and international port with an aggressive regional ice director. Yeah, I think I could what that is an Episcopal priest she holds a master of divinity from the church Divinity School on the Pacific of the Pacific. She earned her doctorate of ministry in political theology from Pacific School of religion. Dr. Ledford founded political theology matters, LLC to help the faithful develop public theology mission for greater social justice. Marsha teaches speaks and preaches about political theology and very forums. Marsha, so glad to have you here with us today. How are you? Marcia 1:33 I'm good. And I'm delighted to be with you, Brandon. Thank Brandon Handley 1:36 you. Absolutely. So I always like to start these off with this, this kind of idea that we're we're vessels for source creative energy, the divine right, as it were, and you know, as it is, you and I are having this conversation, but somebody on the other end is listening in and they're gonna get a message that just, I don't know, lights up that divine spark within them today that's going to be delivered through you. What is that message today? Marcia 2:06 That we can work for the greater good, even though it seems like our problems are super complex, because we can tap into our spirituality to empower us. Brandon Handley 2:17 I love that right? The idea that I'm tapping into our spirituality, I think it's um, and I'd love to get your perspective, especially as you said, you come from a marginalized population. Hmm. I feel I from my perspective, anyways, our spirituality is just vastly over neglected. Right. And we don't look at it as this resource that can help propel us to this divine space. Right, right. So in this community that you're serving, how do you? What are some of the tools or ways that you're teaching them to tap into that source? Marcia 3:00 Well, and it's really not just a parochial ministry, my full time work is teaching everybody how to tap into our spirituality of resistance. So you know, it's, like I said before, it seems like it's super complicated, but in some respects, it's not, we just have to do some inner work. And we have to join voice forces with others to do this work. So and I apologize, I kind of lost your question. Brandon Handley 3:37 It's quite alright, so the idea, right, so sorry, you know how so? Yes, connecting to that divine right, so that they can, yeah, leverage that source for themselves? So when you say do some inner work and join forces with some others? What's that look like? Right? Marcia 3:53 That's a great question. And so Roger Gottlieb, who is a professor of philosophy, and is active in his Judah ism, wrote a book called The spiritual spirituality of resistance A few years ago, and his primary focuses on creation care, climate change us, you know, stopping that. But the techniques that he has written about I have really embraced. And essentially, there are two things. And when you when you do this, you can apply it to any issue that is important to you. So it's not limited to climate change or anything else. So you do the inner work, you spend some time with yourself, do some reflection, take some take a course on meditation. Write down what's important to you. That sounds like overly simplified but when you listen to the news every day, you know What really gets sticks under your craw, What makes you say to yourself, I've got to do something about this. And then incorporate that into your meditative practice and listing out things that concern you and that you want to work a list out your skills and abilities. Take a personality inventory, like Myers Briggs or something, doing a Nia Graham, there are lots of resources out there for you to do some of this inner work that I call it. And the other there's another inventory type of inventory that you can do, which is conflict, like, what is your threshold for conflict? Because I get questions, sometimes people will say, Well, you know, I can't be out on the front line of a protest, I am just super uncomfortable doing it, it's not my thing. And my responses, you know, there are all kinds of activities that are required to pull off a protest, or to testify in front of a governmental body or start a ministry or whatever it may be. So there's a place for all of us, we all have gifts that complement one another. Then the second part of doing spiritual resistance is finding a group of people that want to work on issues that are important to you, and bring those skills to the table. We're so much more powerful in numbers. And we know when we know what we're good at, and what's important to us, that makes us even more powerful. And we can join forces with others who can do things that we can't, and we can do things that they can't. And we work together primarily, my recommendation is through community organizing, I think it's the best way for a spirituality of resistance, Brandon Handley 6:56 right? I think that, um, you know, normally with spiritual spirituality of resistance means it means Marcia 7:08 two things happen to us, when we live in such a complex world, we either try to avoid what's going on, or we try to deny it. So the spirituality of resistance, takes that head on, and says, I'm not going to avoid stuff, and I'm not going to deny that it's happening, I'm going to lean into the needle as it were, which is a pretty nice analogy right now. Because even if you're afraid of needles, you got to lean into that. That vaccination, in order that we get this pandemic wrestled to the ground once and for all. So you lean into that, which bothers you. When we avoid things, Gottlieb has this is his expression. And so I'm going to credit him, but he talks about how we have a tendency to put stuff that bothers us or we don't like under the floorboards of our consciousness. Okay, so when we are going to stop avoiding things, we pull that stuff out from under the floorboards and we start dealing with it, and we name it, that's a very important part of the spirituality of resistance. To name What is wrong, because as soon as you do that, you take a little bit of its power away. And then as you continue to work to eradicate whatever this wrong is, obviously, over time, it becomes even more disempowered. So that's avoidance. That's when like, pretending that stuff is not as bad as it is or that, you know, pretending it's not there. And the other thing about avoiding stuff is it takes a lot of our energy that we could put into positive forces positive works. So when we spend a lot of time doing this, and pretending we're wasting our energy and our gifts and talents, does that make sense? Brandon Handley 9:17 It does make sense. So okay. And what I wrote down there tos is the idea of when we avoid these things, or deny them either way, we have an awareness of them. Yeah. Right. And it's the idea of our brains being kind of like computer programs in the sense that if or I think other people refer to it as like, your browser having too many tabs open. Yeah, right. And so you've got all these tabs up, right? You've got all these tabs open and but like, I'm not gonna go back to that page. I'm not ready for it yet. So that tabs like sitting there, sucking up resources that like if you go back over to it, and if you label it as you're saying It takes its power away. But it also says to that this, this has now been identified, right? You've categorized it, you've identified it. And now once it's got a label or a category, you've got the, hopefully, right, you've got some tools that you can leverage with, with those labels and categories, right? So you, right? Or, or you could at least go to somebody and say, hey, look, I've got a couple of these things. Can you help me with this? Because I think another thing that you mentioned is this whole idea of community, building it, or being a part of it, or leaving it was Western societies all? I've got to be the hero in every movie, right? And every scene, if I don't do this all myself, then did I do it at all? Right. Right. And so, you know, I think that when, when you're talking about this person who says that they've, you know, they don't see themselves on the forefront of the line? You know, what, and they think that that's the only way it can be, but you're saying that they can get involved in so many other ways? Oh, yeah. Marcia 11:02 Right. Okay, you know, maybe your speech, or maybe you write great speeches, maybe your graphic designer, and you know, you, whatever project you're doing, need some outreach material. And so you can, you can participate in, it's just as important, as you know, the extroverts out on the front lines, the, the, you know, the the background stuff, the preparation is just as important. I was on a show recently with a really interesting and insightful young man who's a disability advocate, and he's on the autistic spectrum. But I was talking to him about when you're doing the group work, you have to do a power analysis, and you have to study and prepare. And he immediately went to the rope, a dope example with the Frazier Ali fight in 1974. And, you know, at the time, foreman was knocking people out before the fifth, Unknown Speaker 12:00 fifth Marcia 12:03 round. And so Muhammad Ali studied the film, and he realized that while he delivered these thunderous blows, he got tired fast. And so he just barely decided he was going to just go to the ropes and observe some abdominal blows, and just kind of wear him out. And it worked. He knocked him out. And I'm not a huge fan of boxing. But I think the analogy is really important, because it's about studying your opponent together doing power analysis, which is a very specific community organizing activity, figuring out who maybe are the decision makers, because that's where you've got to go. But, and in that sense of persistence in resistance, where you just keep working until you wear them out. And that's all a part of the spirituality of resistance as well. Now, I mentioned denial. We have seen this in this country, we have seen a degree of denial that is really goes beyond description. You know, 80 million people denying that the election was legitimate. a president that lied 33,000 times in the course of a four year term, half of which occurred last year. You know, we have developed a very strange and foreign relationship with the truth. And so when people deny that things are happening, we create an alternate reality. And we absolutely have seen this happen this this past year, and it's strangely enough, still seems to be having some steam to it, even though as the months roll on a beat these conspiracy theories and fantasy assessments of our culture are being proven wrong. So you see the power of denial, and what it can do in terms of undermining good social change. Brandon Handley 14:24 Right. And I think that that's, you know, your your application of the spiritual resistances for social change. Is that, you know, kind of way Yes. Right. And so, let's talk a second about how do you go from practicing kind of, I guess I'll call it a material law. Right. I mean, I don't know what I know, the standard law. Yeah. spiritual law. Right. I think this is an interesting, it's an interesting shift. You know, talk a little bit about kind of the differences and how they kind of you know, how they align Marcia 14:59 for you. They're actually aligned very easily. So when I was coming out in the late 70s and early 80s, first, I sensed a call to ordination, when I was about 15 years old. But of course, back then I wasn't seeing a whole lot of women at the pulpit or the altar. So I decided to become an attorney because I wanted to work to help people. And so I became a civil rights attorney. But that call of the Holy Spirit never left. And in fact, started getting louder as I got older. And I got frustrated, because you can't really argue the gospel of compassion and mercy in a court of law and expect to have a successful legal career because it doesn't really work that way. So, you know, there's, there's no precedent for the gospel. So I decided to go to seminary in my late 40s, along with a lot of other women who experience the same thing because of our, you know, or our common age. And so, when you are an attorney, you read texts, sometimes you write them, you write persuasive arguments, you interpret the law, you do all those things. You do the same thing. As a priest or pastor. It's all about reading texts, and interpreting them and preaching or teaching whatever it may be. But, and, and I, Martin Luther was a lawyer before he became a priest, I am in no way comparing myself to Martin Luther. But you know, that's a famous example of somebody. Brandon Handley 16:55 It's interesting, you put it that way. And I think just as you're saying it, you know, it's kind of dawning on me that Yeah, exactly. Right. It's because I think I did like all maybe three months of business law. And I was like, this is for the birds. I was like, because it's not logical. Yes. No, there's no real logic in it, you really have to have an understanding of a whole bunch of other pieces. Yeah, to be able to interpret it. And I was like, I don't have time for this right now. Yeah. Marcia 17:25 To is really so subject to interpretation. Unknown Speaker 17:29 Right? Yeah. My God, it was mind boggling. I couldn't I couldn't, I did. I'm sure I could have if I really cared enough to, but I didn't. Brandon Handley 17:38 So one of the things that we were talking about, too, was the idea of, um, you know, Christianity and and spirituality. Are they really separate? Or are they, you know, how do they How do they, you know, kind of walk hand in hand, because I hear people always separating religion from spirituality. I'm like, I don't, you know, helped me out there. Marcia 18:00 Well, I think that's a really interesting and excellent question. I think most religions have a component of spirituality in and of course, it's going to vary depending on what that tradition is. Christianity is a very spiritual tradition. And in fact, you know, going back to the Old Testament, and the prophets, having conversations with God, having, you know, this direct relationship, and then seeing Jesus continue that. And as a matter of fact, often the disciples would lose track of him because he went off somewhere to pray. And we see this particularly in the Gospel of Luke, which is, I think, a very spiritual gospel. Jesus is off praying very often. And he's helping, so he goes and prays, and then he goes, and he helps somebody. So Christianity, as a tradition, I think, is very, very spiritual. Unfortunately, and this bothers me a lot. And it's one of the reasons that I started political theology matters, is to underscore that to look back to the Gospels of Jesus and what he did, he prayed and healed. And he challenged unjust systems, and then he healed somebody. You know? That's not what we're seeing in the public square right now. And Christianity is looking is melded, if you will, say to January 6, you know, there's all these flags waving Jesus saves as people are storming the capital of the United States of America. that bothered me greatly, greatly greatly. So it's, it's really important that we bring this idea of spirituality back to the fore I think the American American people, I'm going to make a very broad based statement here, this is my opinion. But I think the American people are just parched for spirituality, they're parched for reconnecting with their Creator, the divine being this, you know, whatever it is that you call it. We don't respect that in public in society. And we should, Brandon Handley 20:28 I'm going to, I'm going to agree with you. And I think that we're seeing a lot of that research. And since I could, it could be, of course, that I've just gone through myself in the middle of all of it. And that's the only people I talked to pretty much outside of outside of work, you know, because but the other thing is, we're seeing it in the workplace. We're seeing, you know, wellness, we're seeing meditation, we're seeing yoga, we're seeing breathwork, we're seeing all this other stuff show up in the workplace, you know, without calling it specifically, you know, you know, reconnecting with source or anything, right. But the surge of people that are running towards it, and embracing it. That's, That, to me indicates that, that what you're saying is 100% true, right? The idea of that the idea of this thirst for it, it exists right now. And of course, it always makes me think of, and I don't know, the Bible for nothing. But you know, it makes me think of makes me think of the line of, you know, I've got bread that are meats that you know, not have, right, that's the nourishment that yes, we're seeking the spiritual nourishment and right that that, you know, will feed us to sustain us that, you know that that's, that's why we're parched. Right. That's why we're hungry, because we haven't been. And we're banished. Marcia 21:53 There's a in the fourth chapter of john, the gospel of john, there's one of the most amazing stories in the whole Bible, and it's when Jesus is at the well with the Samaritan woman. And he says to her, I will giving I'll give you a living water, and you will never thirst again. And of course, she wants this water. And she's taking him much more literally than what he's talking about. But I think that when people and then by extension individuals and by extension of community are more tied into the spiritual, mystical, you know, part of life, I think our regard for other human beings will go up. One of the reasons I think we're seeing these, this episode, we are in a pandemic of police shootings. And I think one of the reasons that we are seeing this is because instead of connecting spiritually, and praying and recognizing that we're all children of God, there's just a lot of fear and power plays. And that's not spirituality, spirituality is getting in touch with our Creator, and by extension, the folks that we share this planet with and in creation. Brandon Handley 23:15 And would you also say that we can eliminate some of that fear if we have some faith? And in our Creator? Of course, I would say that, yeah. You know, but it you know, it goes, it goes to the brain up all the time, it's, you know, it's this, this this kind of idea of let go and let God it releases a lot of these fears. Yes, right. Yeah, you can, you can look at that. And I, I put it into a bunch of different frameworks. But I think that, once you make that statement work for you, and you see in action, there is my book, salming surrender effect was the thing that you feel, and you're like, why haven't I've been doing this all my life, right? Because, you know, there's this resistance to the institution of church and religion. I think that that's what's that's what keeps a lot of people from trying to make that way forward. So, Marsha, we were down to, we're down to kind of get into the end here. We've got political theology matters, right? Yeah. I want to know, a couple of questions. We're gonna do like a couple of spiritual speed dating questions. Okay, so this is like, you know, hey, you and I are at the table. I want to date you, but I'm not quite sure if you're the right spiritual as a line person, for me. And so you know, what's let's take a let's take a couple, take a couple of these questions and see if we can come up with okay. To do what is wisdom and how do we gain it? Marcia 24:52 Well, I think wisdom basically is knowing right and wrong. I think it just boils right down to that, you know, having a moral through line in your life that guides you in terms of your thoughts and conduct and the decisions that you make. And, and we, I think we acquire this as we live longer for a reason. Because as we experience life, it helps us understand what our moral through line is, and should be even greater as we age. Brandon Handley 25:27 Like that. You know, I was always a wise ask growing up as a kid, right. But that wasn't the wisdom that it served. Marcia 25:36 wasn't always asked is different than wisdom, who, you know, you Brandon Handley 25:39 still still put the two in there? Yeah, put the two in there. I was Marcia 25:42 the wiser as to so there you go. That's just a bit. This Brandon Handley 25:45 is part of the journey. Right? I'm going from thinking that you know, everything to knowing that you know, nothing. Yeah. Right. Marcia 25:53 humility, that's part of wisdom. For sure. Brandon Handley 25:56 Yeah. Is current religion serving its purpose? Marcia 25:59 No. Tell me more? Well, yes. And no. I think we're seeing it, I'm going to talk about Christianity, because that's what I know, I really have no business talking about any other tradition. But Christianity has lost its way, and is much more concerned, at least certain corners of Christ's vineyard are more concerned about power than they are about people, and about judgment, and damning people because they're this or that, or they're not this or that. And dictating the terms of that individual's relationship with their Creator, which I think is crazy. And I quit doing that, we got to stop this horizontal stuff. Alright, you did this. So you're bad, you're going to hell, or whatever, like anybody really has the right to say that to somebody else. Our relationship needs to be like this. You know, we need to dictate a relationship with our Creator, or we need to craft it and follow our tradition, and our Creator, and not let society get in between. And I think that's really bad. I think that's where Christianity is failing. The most. Are there any Brandon Handley 27:27 churches, groups, communities and Christianity that you feel like are doing it right, right now? Marcia 27:34 Well, of course, I would have to put in a plug for the Episcopal Church. I am a priest ordained in the Episcopal Church. And I'm, I'm a lesbian. So I didn't have a lot of choices outside of mainstream Protestantism, to become ordained. But I'm still really glad that I'm where I am. Because we have an incarnational theology, which means that God chose to send Jesus to walk the earth with us to understand our lives and to understand what we go through, in order to reach out to us and invite us into the reign of God. And so I, that really works for me, we are very inclusive, we are dating, obviously, we are dating LGBT people. As a matter of fact, we specifically passed a, you know, a resolution a few years ago at our general convention to ordain trans people. So we're on the cutting edge of the LGBTQ issues. But we're also very active in lobbying for greater social justice. reconciliation, racial reconciliation, climate care, you name it, and we are involved on the progressive and of Christianity, and I'm very proud of that. I wouldn't be an Episcopal priest if I was a Brandon Handley 29:01 class. Fantastic. And you know, it's it's great to hear, you know, called sex they called branches. I don't know what they're called. denominations. That's what they are. Right? Marcia 29:10 Yes. denominations. And several that are in company with us. It's not just us, but Brandon Handley 29:16 right right now, but it's great to hear that. There's this kind of release of judgment. Right. Yeah. And there's this acceptance of calm as you are, right? Because, I mean, that's kind of what it's supposed to be about. Right? Come as you are, you're accepted no matter who, what, where you are, right, what you've done. who, you know, you feel like you've wronged I mean, you know, as a parent myself, right. And I can only imagine like, as you know, you know, you know, God, Jesus, whoever, whoever, you know, the creator is that's our eternal parent, you know, doesn't want us to, like, you know, sit their misery over the fact that I don't know yeah, you know, if you Have cause an accident, like by running into a car like that. That doesn't mean you're damned to hell, you know? Like, hey, you made a pretty shitty mistake, right? But go ahead and come on in, we're gonna we're gonna work through this right? Let's talk about this. Let's know, let's, where can we go from here, Marcia 30:15 there's, in my opinion, way too much emphasis on being strictly sinful create creatures of constant failure. And, you know, disappointment. God created us, we're told, because God didn't want to be alone and wanted to be with us in community. And Jesus was all about community. And I think that we have to remember that we are also children, a God created in God's image. And so what we can do then is stop focusing so much on how faulty we are all the time. Recognize that we are children of God, but also recognize that Jesus created avenues for us to seek and receive forgiveness so that we could stay in relationship with God. And that's just incredibly important with that. Brandon Handley 31:08 I mean, I've heard some people call that the way, right there's like, Yeah, right. Yeah. So, so, so much fun to have you on today. Thanks for thanks for stopping on. Really appreciate it much. Yeah. Appreciate it. Where can people go to have more Marsha? Marcia 31:24 Okay, so my website is called political theology. matters.com. I know that's kind of long. We'll put it in the show notes. You can email me at Marsha m AR c IA at MMI. PTM. PTM for political theology. matters.com. So that's the shortened version. Marsha, at my PTM calm. Thank you so much for being on today. And oh, more. Would you like me to send you info when the book drops? Absolutely, absolutely. So yeah, you've Brandon Handley 32:01 got you've got a book coming out. You're working on it. And you're expected to come out this year? Marcia 32:05 Yeah, at the end of next the end of this year. And I'll be sure that Brandon knows when it is. And you can get more information. It's about it's a book about how to do faith based advocacy for social justice. Brandon Handley 32:19 That's great. And I love it. Thank you so much for being on today. Marsha, my pleasure. Marcia 32:22 Thank you, Brandon. Unknown Speaker 32:23 We really hope you enjoyed this episode of the spiritual dove podcast. stay connected with us directly through spiritual dove co You can also join the discussion on Facebook, spiritual and Instagram and spiritual underscore go. If you would like to speak with us, send us an email there Brendan at spiritual dove calm. And as always, thank you for cultivating your mindset and creating a better reality. This includes the most thought provoking part of your day. Don't forget to like and subscribe to stay fully up to date. Until next time, make on your zone and trust your intuition. Transcribed by https://otter.ai

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

Anna Eng, a senior organizer for the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), explains from experience how faith-based community organizing works. David Beckmann argues that the faith-based community organizing movement has contributed to increasing political participation among low-income Americans. He also talks about the Poor People's Campaign and the positive impact of social media. Series: "UC Public Policy Channel" [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 36993]

What will it take to depolarize our politics? At the heart of organizing is investing in deep relationships -- ones that help people develop their own power and potential. No one can describe what that takes like Stephen Roberson, Director of Organizing at Community Voices Heard. During this episode, he and George talk about the curiosity and compassion it takes to dismantle division at the most meaningful level: person to person. You can learn more about Stephen and his work at peoplesaction.org/nextmove.Stephen Roberson came up through the United Farm Workers, where he worked directly with Cesar Chavez as well as Chavez's own mentor, Fred Ross, Sr. During the late `80s, while working as Lead Organizer and National Staff with the Industrial Areas Foundation, he spearheaded the Nehemiah Project, which built 1000 homes with low-income families in Brownsville, Brooklyn. After seven years as Associate Director of Organizing with SEIU Local 32BJ's New York headquarters, Stephen now directs organizing at Community Voices Heard. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This episode discusses the process of identifying an issue, developing a campaign to address that issue, and the kinds of public action a successful campaign involves.  How organizing develops and conducts campaigns is different to how many other kinds of campaign are run, whether that be an election campaign or an advertising campaign. To discuss with me the distinctive approach to campaigns and how they constitute a form of public action that not only wins change, but also builds up a community better able to act for itself rather than simply be acted upon is Jonathan Lange and Janice Fine. The conversation with Jonathan and Janice focuses on the initiation, development, and then subsequent spread of the Living Wage Campaign, a campaign in which Jonathan played a key role and that Janice researched and wrote on extensively. The focus on the Living Wage Campaign, which originated in Baltimore, serves as a case study through which to stage a wider discussion of what campaigns are, how they develop creative policy proposals, and their broader role in organizing.GuestsJonathan Lange comes from what he describes an old fashioned Jewish socialist family. His grandfather and father were active union members. It was in the labor movement that he got his start, organizing with the Clothing and Textile Workers Union in the 1980s.  He then became a community organizer with the IAF and has since organized in both work based and place based forms of organizing for over 40 years. As we shall hear, he was the lead organizer of the first ever Living Wage Campaign. A key aspect of his work has been training other organizers and leaders around the world, particularly in the United Kingdom and Germany which is where I met him over 15 years ago now.Janice Fine is Professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at the School of Management and Labor Relations at Rutgers University. She is also the co-founder and Director of Research and Strategy at the Center for Innovation in Worker Organization (CIWO). Fine teaches and writes about forms of collective action among low-wage workers in the U.S including innovative union and community organizing strategies. She also studies historical and contemporary debates within labor movements regarding such issues as immigration policy, labor standards, privatization, and government oversight.  Much of this is addressed in her book Worker Centers: Organizing Communities at the Edge of the Dream. Prior to becoming an academic she worked as a community and labor organizer for over twenty years.Resources for Going DeeperCampaigns:Mike Gecan, “Part II: The Habit of Action,” Going Public: An Organizers Guide to Citizen Action (New York: Anchor Books, 2002), 49-126; Joan Minieri and Paul Getsos, “Part Three: Developing and Running Campaigns,” Tools for Radical Democracy: How to Organize for Power in Your Community (San Francisco: John Wiley & Son, 2007), 35-124; Luke Bretherton, Resurrecting Democracy: Faith, Citizenship and the Politics of a Common Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), Chapters 4 & 5; Taylor Branch, “The Montgomery Bus Boycott,” Parting the Water: America in the King Years, 1954-63 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), Chapter 5; Saul Alinsky, “They sit to conquer,” John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1949), Chapter 6.The Living Wage Campaign:Janice Fine, “Community Unions and the Revival of the American Labor Movement,” Politics & Society, Vol. 33 No. 1 (2005), 153-199; Dennis Deslippe, “BUILD, Baltimore's Working Poor, and Economic Citizenship in the 1990s,” Journal of Civil and Human Rights 6.1 (2020), 31-60.

As Pastor Neil heads into retirement in June,Kenny and Pastor Neil will examine his journey that brought him to the present and his gems of optimism for the road ahead. Questions of the week:-What's the music that spoke to you during your teen years?-What do you think about the theory "culture of poverty"?-What is a productive way to do the work in communities being from the outside?-Who were those historical figures when you were a child that you looked up to?-Where there any historical figures that you read about that made you question [things]?Gems of the week:-"On a spiritual level, [it's] about breaking through the barrier of the self."-"Communication in the deepest sense is a breaching of the wall that holds each of us hostage behind our own eyes."-"[The professor was a white guy.]  [I told him] "this is not something like you understand." He said "I've worked in Latin America and worked with poor people." I said "Look I don't think you can say - you have been personally damaged by the system,you are a person who benefits from the system. I'm a person who has to confront the system in a different way and has in fact been assaulted in various ways - personal and political. I don't think you're qualified to argue with me about this." -"[It] never works with those folks that come into any community with pre-conceptions to  "what is going to be helpful."  Even their efforts to solicit suggestions from others, from the people they want to help, doesn't work either because ultimately they are being condescending. Because in their hearts they do feel superior. They may deny to your face, they may deny it to their own mirror's reflection. The fact of the matter isthat they believe themselves in being superior. That will never allow them to actually give somebody else the opportunity to do something for themselves."-"We spoke about it - so many things would be done effectively if there was no credit to give. You just do it."-"More so than that what I loved about Malcolm [X] is that he wrote aboutself-empowerment. There was that theme there. You don't need to beg. The point is to be empowered and have a sustainable living."-"He's part of a national organizing group - Industrial Areas Foundation - they go to a community...they get people in the community & organize around leaders. The [leaders] pick specific issues that are significant to that community. Strategy involves giving people a taste of victory. You go over something small such as a speed bump near a school. If you get that, it's something you can celebrate. You try to cultivate leaders."-"The organizer really really tries to stay in the backburner. His or her name is never used in any publicity releases. You really have to self effacing to do the work. There is something pretty spiritual about that. That takes a special type of person to make that his/her career."-"It was something I believed in because I knew it was right not because I felt indoctrinated. I never rebelled against progressive ideas because I know they're right."-"The struggle ends when the gratitude begins."Honorable Mentions:Tom RushJimi Hendrix - Freedom Bob Dylan - Blonde on Blonde2pac - ChangesAutobiography of Malcolm XWalter Isaacson Woody Guthrie

This episode focuses on popular education, discussing what it is and why it's key to good democratic organizing with Ernesto Cortes, Jr. Alongside organized money, organized people, and organized action, building power to effect change requires organized knowledge. Organized knowledge generates the frameworks of analysis and understanding through which to re-narrate and reimagine the world, destabilizing the dominant scripts and ideas that legitimate oppression. But rather than be driven by ideological concerns, popular education as an approach to organizing knowledge begins with addressing and seeking to solve real problems people face where they live and work. This entails informal, self-organized forms of learning.  Another way to frame popular education is as a grounded approach to addressing the epistemic or knowledge-based dimensions of injustice and creating policies that put people before top-down programs of social engineering (whether of the left or the right).GuestErnesto Cortes, Jr. is currently National Co-Director of the Industrial Areas Foundation and executive director of its West / Southwest regional network. Beginning in the United Farmworker Movement, he has been organizing in one form or another for nearly half a century, helping to organize or initiate innumerable organizing efforts and campaigns. The organizing work he did in San Antonia in the 1970s in many ways set the template for community organizing coalitions in the IAF thereafter. The fruits of his work have been much studied and he has been recognized with numerous awards and academic fellowships, including a MacArther Fellowship in 1984, a Heinz Award in public policy in 1999, and an honorary Doctor of Laws degree from Princeton University in 2009.Resources for Going DeeperSaul Alinsky, “Popular Education,” Reveille for Radicals (various editions), Ch. 9; Charles Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: the Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle(University of California Press, 1995), Ch. 3. Details the organizing and popular educational work of Septima Clark, Ella Baker, and Myles Horton in the formation of the civil rights movement; Myles Horton and Paulo Freire, We Make the Road by Walking: Conversations on Education and Social Change (Temple University Press, 1990); Stephen Brookfield and Stephen Presskill, Learning as a Way of Leading: Lessons from the Struggle for Social Justice (Jossey-Bass, 2008), see especially Chapters 4 & 5;Michael Oakshott, “Political Education,” The Voice of Liberal Learning (Yale University Press, 1989), 159-188. 

The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry focuses on Southwest Detroit's Latinx population—located at an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. She has dedicated her working life to the pursuit of justice because when one group of persons is diminished, we are all thus diminished. An Episcopal priest, Dr. Ledford studied theology at the Ecumenical Theological Seminary in Detroit, Michigan. While there, she engaged in urban studies for ministry and explored theologies of the marginalized from around the world. Dr. Ledford holds a Master of Divinity from the (Episcopal) Church Divinity School of the Pacific (CDSP). She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from the Pacific School of Religion (PSR). Both CDSP and PSR are member schools of the Graduate Theological Union, a preeminent global and interfaith consortium for theological study. In college, she majored in American History and Psychology at Albion College. These academic concentrations prepared her for exploring and understanding the psychographic nature of American history and how skin color dictates the American social agenda. Dr. Ledford earned her Juris Doctor from the University of Detroit School of Law, a Jesuit school. She adopted a foundation of Christian faith in legal jurisprudence plus the standard curriculum. Her ministry incorporates Catholic Social Teaching (CST) as its cornerstone. CST's Gospel emphasis protects every human being's dignity and works toward the common good to usher in God's Reign. Her first career as a civil rights attorney concentrated on cases involving the First Amendment and Equal Protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. Her mission combines her love of the Gospel with expertise in the US Constitution to help others exercise their civil rights to establish more just American society. Political Theology Matters, LLC, founded by Dr. Ledford, helps the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United with a particular interest in racial reconciliation and immigration reform. Dr. Ledford is an award-winning documentary photographer, writer, blogger, keynote speaker, teacher, and preacher. 

The Rev. Dr. Marcia Ledford's ministry focuses on Southwest Detroit's Latinx population—located at an international port with an aggressive regional ICE director. Dr. Ledford is a civil rights attorney representing society's most marginalized. She has dedicated her working life to the pursuit of justice because when one group of persons is diminished, we are all thus diminished. An Episcopal priest, Dr. Ledford studied theology at the Ecumenical Theological Seminary in Detroit, Michigan. While there, she engaged in urban studies for ministry and explored theologies of the marginalized from around the world. Dr. Ledford holds a Master of Divinity from the (Episcopal) Church Divinity School of the Pacific (CDSP). She earned her Doctor of Ministry in political theology from the Pacific School of Religion (PSR). Both CDSP and PSR are member schools of the Graduate Theological Union, a preeminent global and interfaith consortium for theological study. In college, she majored in American History and Psychology at Albion College. These academic concentrations prepared her for exploring and understanding the psychographic nature of American history and how skin color dictates the American social agenda. Dr. Ledford earned her Juris Doctor from the University of Detroit School of Law, a Jesuit school. She adopted a foundation of Christian faith in legal jurisprudence plus the standard curriculum. Her ministry incorporates Catholic Social Teaching (CST) as its cornerstone. CST's Gospel emphasis protects every human being's dignity and works toward the common good to usher in God's Reign. Her first career as a civil rights attorney concentrated on cases involving the First Amendment and Equal Protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. Her mission combines her love of the Gospel with expertise in the US Constitution to help others exercise their civil rights to establish more just American society. Political Theology Matters, LLC, founded by Dr. Ledford, helps the faithful develop public theology mission and broadcast messaging for greater social justice. She is trained for community organizing through the Industrial Areas Foundation and volunteers with Michigan United with a particular interest in racial reconciliation and immigration reform. Dr. Ledford is an award-winning documentary photographer, writer, blogger, keynote speaker, teacher, and preacher. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/odell-glenn-jr/support

This episode discusses power, defined simply as the ability to act. It focuses on the relationship between power and democratic politics, the distinction between "power over" or unilateral power and "power with" or relational power, and questions such as who has power, how should it be analyzed, is anyone really powerless, the nature of self-interest, and how does organizing build power to effect change.GuestsRobert Hoo is the Lead Organizer and Executive Director for One LA-IAF. He has fifteen years of organizing experience with the Industrial Areas Foundation in Las Vegas, Los Angeles and Sacramento. And before that served as an AmeriCorps member in Connecticut.Ben Gordon is senior organizer with Metro IAF which he joined in 2016. He currently works with the IAF organizations in Boston, Connecticut, Milwaukee, as well as several labor union partners. Prior to joining Metro IAF, he was Director of Organizing for the Civil Service Employees Association (CSEA), a 200,000-member affiliate of the public employees union (AFSCME). He began his professional organizing career in 1987 with the Southern Region of the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union organizing clothing factory workers in the Southeast.Resources for Going DeeperFrederick Douglas, “West India Emancipation” (1857). A key statement of the importance of power in radical democratic politics. Available online: https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/1857-frederick-douglass-if-there-no-struggle-there-no-progress/ Bayard Rustin, “From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement.” Discussed in this and other episodes.  Available online: https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/1965-bayard-rustin-protest-politics-future-civil-rights-movement-0/ Robert Caro, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Vintage, 1975). Considered a classic, this book gives an account of the urban planner Robert Moses. Organizers consistently refer to this book as a detailed and very revealing case study in how to gain power even when you don't hold an official or elected post, how power operates institutionally, how to get things done, and how to analyze power; Saul Alinsky, John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography (New York: Vintage, 1970). Another case studies in how power is built up and wielded effectively, this time in a non-state focused form of politics, that of union organizing; The distinction between “power with” and “power over” originates with Mary Parker Follett, Creative Experience (New York: Longmans, Green, 1930 [1924]); Hannah Arendt also sketched a conception of relational power in her essay “On Violence.” See Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (London: Penguin Books, 2006 [1963]), 105–98; Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World of Domination (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992). A reading of the New Testament and the ministry of Jesus as exemplifying creative, non-violent resistance and the use of relational power to bring change; Amy Allen, “Feminist Perspectives on Power,” in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (on-line), https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminist-power/ Gives a helpful overview and evaluation of different modern social theories of power.

In this, the first episode, I talk to Keisha Krumm and Mike Gecan about what is community organizing, what it involves, and why it matters.  Community organizing can also be referred to as broad-based organizing, institution-based organizing, faith-based organizing, or neighborhood organizing. Keisha and Mike prefer just to talk about organizing as the work of enabling people to come together to build power to effect democratic change where they live and work. As you will hear, boundaries between labor and community organizing and between movement building and community building work are fluid. What is constant is the need for relationally driven, bottom up forms of democratic politics.Guests: Keisha Krumm and Mike Gecan are two very experienced organizers with the Industrial Areas Foundation. Keisha recently became lead organizer with Greater Cleveland Congregations having been an organizer in Milwaukee for a number of years before that. And Mike has been an organizer for over forty years, written extensively on organizing, and done much to shape its contemporary practice. They each tell something of their story at the beginning of the episode.Resources for Going Deeper:Saul Alinsky. Reveille for Radicals (various editions), Chapter 11; Luke Bretherton, "The origins of organizing: an intellectual history," Resurrecting Democracy: Faith, Citizenship and the Politics of a Common Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), Chapter 1; Bernard Crick, In Defence of Politics (London: Continuum, 2005); Lee Staples, “‘Power to the People' Basic Organizing Philosophy and Goals,” Roots to Power: A Manual for Grassroots Organizing, 3rd edn (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2016), 1-14, 21-35; Mark Engler and Paul Engler, This is an Uprising: How Nonviolent Revolt is Shaping the Twenty-First Century (New York: Nation Books, 2017), 251-284.

Mike Gecan is a 45 year veteran organiser based in the United States. He is the former National Co-Director of the first, largest and oldest community organising network in the world - the Industrial Areas Foundation. He talks to us about what organising is, and what it is not. He shares stories about how he learnt about power, and explores some of the differences between social change traditions like mobilising and organising. He also gives us a fresh take on the upcoming Trump v Biden 2020 US Presidential Election. Go to our website link for additional reading, materials and links referred to in the podcast. https://changemakerspodcast.org/mike-gecan-changemaker-chatSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Mike Gecan is a 45 year veteran organiser based in the United States. He is the former National Co-Director of the first, largest and oldest community organising network in the world - the Industrial Areas Foundation. He talks to us about what organising is, and what it is not. He shares stories about how he learnt about power, and explores some of the differences between social change traditions like mobilising and organising. He also gives us a fresh take on the upcoming Trump v Biden 2020 US Presidential Election. Go to our website link for additional reading, materials and links referred to in the podcast. https://changemakerspodcast.org/mike-gecan-changemaker-chat See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of the podcast, we are joined by Marya Bangee. Marya started her journey as a community organizer in the Muslim-American community, including leading a national advocacy campaign for the protection of free speech on college campuses. Through her organizing, she has often represented the Muslim-American voice in national media like the New York Times and NPR. After completing her baccalaureate degrees in English and Sociology at UC Irvine, she served as a Project Director at UCLA, working to increase access to higher education in impoverished areas of the city. Seeing the need for communal solutions to the challenges posed by poverty, she completed a six-month residency with the Industrial Areas Foundation. There, Marya studied the works of Saul Alinsky and Marshall Ganz while helping organize a mayoral town hall with a thousand Angelenos and carrying out a series of mobile enrollment clinics for the Affordable Care Act with low-income communities. Marya was selected for the prestigious Coro Fellowship in Public Affairs, where she worked on a national senate campaign, staffed California's Speaker of the Assembly, and helped develop part of the ten-year strategic plan for the California Community Foundation. Marya graduated as a Dean’s Merit Scholar from the University of Southern California (USC) with her Masters in Public Administration in 2015, specializing in nonprofit management and public policy. In 2017, she was selected by the Ford Foundation as a Public Voices Fellow, which aims to dramatically increase the impact of spokespeople from underrepresented communities. _______ Oaktree Institute is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization focused on leadership and organizational development. We aim to improve the performance of Muslim community leaders and nonprofit organizations so that they can make a greater impact on others. Our mission is to develop value-driven, action-focused, and result-oriented leaders. If you need help with your organization, please email us at requests@oaktreeinstitute.org or schedule a call with us at bitly.com/otimeeting Links and contact information: Join our Servant Leaders Facebook Group: facebook.com/groups/otiservantleaders Connect With Oaktree Institute: linktr.ee/oaktreeinstitute or requests@oaktreeinstitute.org Connect With Rami Kawas: linktr.ee/ramikawas or rami@oaktreeinstitute.org Connect With Marya Bangee: https://www.silaconsulting.co or marya.bangee@gmail.com Subscribe to the podcast for more episodes. Thank you for listening. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/oaktreepodcast/message

Find Rabbi Paula here:Temple Beth El tbeaptos.orgRabbi Paula Marcus received her BA in Judaic Studies from SUNY Binghamton. She received her rabbinic ordination and her masters from the Academy of Jewish Religion in 2004. Rabbi Marcus sees activism and social justice as an important part of Jewish values. She served on the National Board of T'ruah:  The Rabbinic Call for Human Rights and has facilitated workshops for Jewish Funds for Justice, Communities Organized for Relational Power in Action, (the local Industrial Areas Foundation affiliate), and the National Religious Action Center. She is one of the co-founders of Out in Our Faith (an interfaith LGBTQ network) and a leader in the Santa Cruz Tent of Abraham Project.--- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/appSupport this podcast: https://anchor.fm/speakforchange/supportSupport the show (Http://Www.patreon.com/speakforchangepodcast)

Dr. Libby Cohen, Director of Advocacy and Outreach at Raise Your Hand Texas, discusses the advocacy team and approach she is building to support public education across the state. Learn about Libby, the RADs, and advocacy. Click to find out about the upcoming For the Future events.Libby joined the Raise Your Hand Texas Foundation in August 2018 to lead the organization’s efforts to develop a grassroots advocacy network across the state. Previously, Libby worked as an organizer with the Industrial Areas Foundation in Baltimore, Maryland. There she worked with top neighborhood and institutional leaders to restore deep funding cuts to public schools; win a standards-setting community benefits agreement attached to the new Under Armour world headquarters; secure millions of dollars in improvements for West Baltimore neighborhoods; and clear interstate markets for illegal drugs, among other efforts.Libby holds a PhD in economic and social history from the University of Oxford, where she was a Rhodes scholar. She earned a bachelor’s degree in English and public policy at the University of North Carolina, where she was a Morehead-Cain scholar.Originally from Dallas, Libby is a sixth generation Texan and is delighted to have the opportunity to strengthen public institutions in her native state. She is a lifelong student of ballet and fan of baseball, and she loves exploring the Austin barbecue scene with her husband, Jake.

Amber interviews Shawna Foster, a Unitarian Universalist minister and Army veteran about religion, social justice, and anti-war organizing. Episode transcript: https://drive.google.com/file/d/1SKmNwq4hmAZjEEetx3cT9ZQjQ2MgsVTq/view?usp=sharing Show notes: Fiasco, Thomas Ricks: https://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/25/books/25kaku.html Iraq Veterans Against War (Now known as About Face): https://aboutfaceveterans.org/ GI Rights hotline: https://girightshotline.org/en/ Industrial Areas Foundation: http://www.industrialareasfoundation.org/ Shawna’s podcast: Itunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/rev/id1293878122?mt=2 Another podcast, The Inner Game, that Shawna has been a guest on: https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kdnk/the-inner-game/e/57081739

Tim Conder is the founding pastor of Emmaus Way in Durham, NC. He is also a PhD Candidate in Cultural Studies at the University of North Carolina. He is an active community organizer with Durham CAN (Congregations, Associations, & Neighborhoods) which is part of the Industrial Areas Foundation. He is also deeply active in the NAACP’s “Forward Together Moral Movement”... Read more » The post 72: Tim Conder appeared first on Sermonsmith.

Arnie Graf of the Industrial Areas Foundation, gives the 2015 Clement Atlee Memorial Lecture. He was introduced by Marc Stears, Tutorial Fellow in Politics; Professor of Political Theory at University College.

Welcome to the 322nd edition of Tranquility du Jour. Today's show features Ashley Goff on Feminine Spirituality. You'll get an inside peek into the life of an urban farming, yoga-loving, passion-filled minister.  Featured Guest: Ashley Goff is Minister for Spiritual Formation at Church of the Pilgrims (PCUSA) and ordained in the United Church of Christ. Ashley graduated with a Masters of Divinity from Union Theological Seminary in NYC where she fell in love with the art of liturgy.  She lives with deep gratitude for several communities which have formed her along the way: Denison University, the Jesuit Volunteer Corps, the Open Door Community, and Rikers Island NYC Jail.  Ashley has completed training in community organizing with the Industrial Areas Foundation and couples counseling with Imago Relationship Therapy.   Ashley also finds life in Springsteen music, beekeeping, urban farming, vinyasa yoga, valuable friends, her three kids and loveable spouse. "Om-ing" at Tranquil Space since 2005, Ashley completed TS's level 1 teacher training in January 2014. Ashley blogs about yoga, urban farming, and liturgy at godofthesparrow.com.     Savvy Sources: Website: God of the Sparrow Facebook: facebook.com/ashleykgoff Twitter: twitter.com/goffashley Seasonal online book club pick: 10% Happier Penning in Paris {1 spot left} Tranquility du Jour iPhone and Android app   Stay Au Courant: New? Peruse my FAQs. Join moi for a retreat, workshop, e-course, or seasonal podcast. Find moi on Goodreads. Connect on Facebook. Follow on Twitter.  View pics on Instagram @tranquilitydujour. Browse my books. Join the Tranquility du Jour weekly museletter. Read about my passion for pigs. Write a review on iTunes.   Techy: To listen, click on the player at the top of the post or click here to listen to older episodes. New to podcasting? Get more info at Podcast 411. Do you have iTunes? Click here and subscribe to the podcast to get the latest episode as released. Get the Tranquility du Jour apps to get the podcast automagically on iOS or Android.