Podcasts about Kobayashi

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's armor offensives at Nomohan. Following heavy Japanese losses in May and June, General Georgy Zhukov arrives in June, reorganizes the Soviet 1st Army Group, and bolsters it with tanks, artillery, and reinforcements. The July offensive sees General Komatsubara's forces cross the Halha River undetected, achieving initial surprise. However, General Yasuoka's tank assault falters due to muddy terrain, inadequate infantry support, and superior Soviet firepower, resulting in heavy losses. Japanese doctrine emphasizing spiritual superiority clashes with material realities, undermining morale as intelligence underestimates Soviet strength. Zhukov learns key lessons in armored warfare, adapting tactics despite high casualties. Reinforcements pour in via massive truck convoys. Japanese night attacks and artillery duels fail, exposing logistical weaknesses. Internal command tensions, including gekokujo defiance, hinder responses. By August, Stalin, buoyed by European diplomacy and Sorge's intel, greenlights a major offensive. Zhukov employs deception for surprise. Warnings of Soviet buildup are ignored, setting the stage for a climactic encirclement on August 20.   #191 Zhukov Steel Ring of Fire at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha River into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. Two weeks of nightly Soviet sound effects had paid off: Japanese perimeter troops failed to distinguish the real deployment from the frequently heard simulations. Zhukov's order of battle was as follows: "Northern force, commanded by Colonel Alekseenko—6th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 601st Infantry Regiment (82nd Division), 7th Armored Brigade, 2 battalions of the 11th Tank Brigade, 82nd Artillery Regiment, and 87th Anti-tank Brigade. Central force, where Zhukov was located, commanded by his deputy, Colonel Petrov—36th Motorized Infantry Division, 82nd Infantry Division (less one regiment), 5th Infantry Machine Gun Brigade. Southern force, commanded by Colonel Potapov—8th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 57th Infantry Division, 8th Armored Brigade, 6th Tank Brigade, 11th Tank Brigade (less two battalions), 185th Artillery Regiment, 37th Anti-tank Brigade, one independent tank company. A mobile strategic reserve built around the 212th Airborne Regiment, the 9th Mechanized Brigade, and a battalion of the 6th Tank Brigade was held west of the Halha River." The Soviet offensive was supported by massed artillery, a hallmark of Zhukov's operations in the war against Germany. In addition to nearly 300 antitank and rapid-fire guns, Zhukov deployed over 200 field and heavy artillery pieces on both sides of the Halha. Specific artillery batteries were assigned to provide supporting fire for each attacking infantry and armored unit at the battalion level and higher. In the early hours of August 20, the sky began to lighten over the semiarid plain, with the false promise of a quiet Sunday morning. The air was clear as the sun warmed the ground that had been chilled overnight. General Komatsubara's troops were in no special state of readiness when the first wave of more than 200 Soviet bombers crossed the Halha River at 5:45 a.m. and began pounding their positions. When the bombers withdrew, a thunderous artillery barrage began, continuing for 2 hours and 45 minutes. That was precisely the time needed for the bombers to refuel, rearm, and return for a second run over the Japanese positions. Finally, all the Soviet artillery unleashed an intensive 15-minute barrage at the forwardmost Japanese positions. Komatsubara's men huddled in their trenches under the heaviest bombardment to which they or any other Japanese force had ever been subjected. The devastation, both physical and psychological, was tremendous, especially in the forward positions. The shock and vibration of incoming bombs and artillery rounds also caused their radiotelegraph keys to chatter so uncontrollably that frontline troops could not communicate with the rear, compounding their confusion and helplessness. At 9:00 a.m., Soviet armor and infantry began to move out along the line while their cover fire continued. A dense morning fog near the river helped conceal their approach, bringing them in some sectors to within small-arms range before they were sighted by the enemy. The surprise and disarray on the Japanese side was so complete, and their communications so badly disrupted, that Japanese artillery did not begin firing in support of their frontline troops until about 10:15 a.m. By then, many forward positions were overrun. Japanese resistance stiffened at many points by midday, and fierce combat raged along the front, roughly 40 miles long. In the day's fighting, Colonel M. I. Potapov's southern force achieved the most striking success. The 8th MPR Cavalry Division routed the Manchukuoan cavalry holding Komatsubara's southern flank, and Potapov's armor and mechanized infantry bent the entire southern segment of the Japanese front inward by about 8 miles in a northwesterly direction. Zhukov's central force advanced only 500–1,500 yards in the face of furious resistance, but the frontal assault engaged the center of the Japanese line so heavily that Komatsubara could not reinforce his flanks. Two MPR cavalry regiments and supporting armor and mechanized infantry from Colonel Ilya Alekseenko's northern force easily overran two Manchukuoan cavalry units guarding the northern flank of the Japanese line, about 2 miles north of the Fui Heights. But the heights themselves formed a natural strong point, and Alekseenko's advance was halted at what became the northern anchor of the Japanese line. As the first phase of the Soviet offensive gathered momentum, General Ogisu, the 6th Army's new commander, assessed the situation. Still unaware of Zhukov's strength, he reassured KwAHQ that "the enemy intends to envelop us from our flanks, but his offensive effectiveness is weak… Our positions in other areas are being strengthened. Set your mind at ease." This optimistic report contributed to Kwantung Army's delay in reinforcing the 23rd Division. Some at KwAHQ suspected this might be another limited Soviet push, like Aug 7–8, that would soon end. Others worried it was a diversion prior to a larger offensive and were concerned but not alarmed about Komatsubara's position. On Aug 21–22, Potapov's southern force pierced the Japanese main defense line at several points, breaking the southern sector into segments that the attackers sealed off, encircled, and ground down. Soviet armor, mechanized infantry, and artillery moved swiftly and with deadly efficiency. Survivors described how each pocket of resistance experienced its own hellish period. After the Japanese heavy weapons in a pocket were neutralized, Soviet artillery and tanks gradually tightened the ring, firing at point-blank range over open sights. Flame-throwing tanks incinerated hastily constructed fortifications and underground shelters. Infantry mopped up with grenades, small arms, and bayonets. By the end of Aug 23, Potapov had dismembered the entire Japanese defensive position south of the Holsten River. Only one significant pocket of resistance remained. Meanwhile, Potapov's 8th Armored Brigade looped behind the Japanese, reaching southeast of Nomonhan, some 11 miles east of the river junction, on the boundary claimed by the MPR, and took up a blocking position there athwart the most likely line of retreat for Japanese units south of the Holsten. In those two days, the Japanese center yielded only a few yards, while the northern flank anchored at Fui Heights held firm. Air combat raged over the battlefield. Soviet air units provided tactical support for their armor and infantry, while Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group strove to thwart that effort and hit the Soviet ground forces. Before Nomonhan, the Japanese air force had not faced a modern opponent. Japanese fliers had roamed largely unchallenged in Manchuria and China from 1931 to 1939. At Nomonhan, the Soviets enjoyed an advantage of roughly 2:1 in aircraft and pilots. This placed an increasingly heavy burden on Japanese air squadrons, which had to fly incessantly, often against heavy odds. Fatigue took its toll and losses mounted. Soviet and Japanese accounts give wildly different tallies of air victories and losses, but an official Japanese assessment after the battle stated, "Nomonhan brought out the bitter truths of the phenomenal rate at which war potential is sapped in the face of superior opposition." As with tank combat, the Soviet air superiority was qualitative as well as quantitative. In June–early July, the Soviet I-16 fighters did not fare well against the Japanese Type 97 fighter. However, in the lull before the August offensive, the Soviets introduced an improved I-16 with armor-plated fuselage and windshield, making it virtually impervious to the Type 97's light 7.7-mm guns. The Japanese countered by arming some planes with heavier 12.7-mm guns, which were somewhat more effective against the new I-16s. But the Soviet pilots discovered that the Type-97's unprotected fuel tank was an easy mark, and Japanese planes began to burn with horrendous regularity. On Aug 23, as Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow to seal the pact that would doom Poland and unleash war in Europe, the situation at Nomonhan was deemed serious enough by Kwantung Army to transfer the 7th Division to Hailar for support. Tsuji volunteered to fly to Nomonhan for a firsthand assessment. This move came too late, as Aug 23–24 proved the crucial phase of the battle. On Tue night, Aug 22, at Japanese 6th Army HQ, General Ogisu ordered a counterattack to push back the Soviet forces enveloping and crushing the Japanese southern flank. Komatsubara planned the counterattack in minute detail and entrusted its execution to his 71st and 72nd Regiments, led by General Kobayashi Koichi, and the 26th and 28th Regiments of the 7th Division, commanded by General Morita Norimasa. On paper this force looked like two infantry brigades. Only the 28th Regiment, however, was near full strength, though its troops were tired after marching about 25 miles to the front the day before. This regiment's peerless commander was Colonel Morita Toru (unrelated to General Morita). The chief kendo fencing master of the Imperial Army, Morita claimed to be invulnerable to bullets. The other three regiments were seriously understrength, partly due to combat attrition and partly because several of their battalions were deployed elsewhere on the front. The forces Kobayashi and Morita commanded that day totaled less than one regiment each. It was not until the night of Aug 23 that deployment and attack orders filtered down to the Japanese regiment, battalion, and company commanders. Due to insufficient truck transport and the trackless terrain, units were delayed reaching their assigned positions in the early morning of Aug 24, and some did not arrive at all. Two battalions of the 71st Regiment did not reach Kobayashi in time; his attack force that morning consisted of two battalions of the 72nd Regiment. Colonel Sumi's depleted 26th Regiment did not arrive in time, and General Morita's assault force consisted of two battalions of the 28th Regiment and a battalion-equivalent independent garrison unit newly arrived at the front. Because of these delays, the Japanese could not reconnoiter enemy positions adequately before the attack. What had been planned as a dawn assault would begin between 9:30 and 10:00 a.m. in broad daylight. The light plane carrying Tsuji on the final leg of his flight from Hsinking-Hailar-Nomonhan was attacked by Soviet fighters and forced to land behind the 72nd Regiment's staging area. Tsuji managed to reach General Kobayashi's command post by truck and on foot, placing him closer to the fighting than he anticipated. Just before the counterattack began, a dense fog drifted across part of the battlefield, obscuring visibility and limiting artillery effectiveness. Using the fog to mask their movement, lead elements of the 72nd Regiment moved toward a distant stand of scrub pines. As they approached, the trees began to move away—the stand was a well-camouflaged Soviet tank force. The tanks then maneuvered to the south, jeopardizing further Japanese advance. As the fog cleared, the Japanese found themselves facing a much larger enemy force. A vastly heavier Soviet barrage answered their renewed artillery fire. Kobayashi and Morita discovered too late that their counterattack had walked into the teeth of far stronger Soviet forces. One account calls it "The Charge of Two Light Brigades."   Kobayashi's 72nd Regiment encountered the Soviet T-34, with its thick sloped armor and 76-mm gun—the most powerful tank in 1939. In addition, the improved Soviet BT-5/7 tanks, powered by diesel, were less prone to ignition. On gasoline-powered vehicles, the Soviets added wire netting over the ventilation grill and exhaust manifold, reducing the effectiveness of hand-thrown gasoline bombs. Japanese infantry regiments suffered near 50% casualties that day. Nearly every battalion and company commander was lost. Kobayashi was gravely wounded by a tank shell fragment and nearly trampled by fleeing troops. He survived the battle and the Pacific War but died in a Soviet POW camp in 1950. Morita's 28th Regiment fared little better. It was pinned down about 500 yards from the Soviet front lines by intense artillery. Unable to advance and not permitted to retreat, Morita's men dug into the loose sand and withstood the bombardment, but were cut to pieces. Shortly after sunset, the remnants were ordered to withdraw, but both regiments were shattered. Tsuji, a survivor, rejoined Komatsubara at his command post. Upon receiving combat reports from the 72nd and 28th Regiments, General Komatsubara "evinced deep anxiety." 6th Army chief of staff Major General Fujimoto Tetsukuma, at Komatsubara's command post, "appeared bewildered," and announced he was returning to headquarters, asking if Tsuji would accompany him. The major declined and later recalled that he and Komatsubara could barely conceal their astonishment at Fujimoto's abrupt departure at such a time. Meanwhile, at the northern end of the line, Colonel Alekseenko's force had been hammering at Fui Heights for 3 days without success. The position was held by about 800 defenders under Lieutenant Colonel Ioki Eiichiro, consisting of two infantry companies; one company each of cavalry, armored reconnaissance, and combat engineers; and three artillery batteries (37-mm and 75-mm guns). The defenders clung tenaciously to the strongpoint created by the heights and their bunkers, inflicting heavy losses on Alekseenko's force. The unexpectedly strong defense disrupted the timing of the entire Soviet offensive. By Aug 23, Zhukov was exasperated and losing patience with the pace in the north. Some of Zhukov's comrades recall a personable chief who played the accordion and urged singing during happier times. Under stress, his harshness and temper surfaced. Zhukov summoned Alekseenko to the telephone. When the northern commander expressed doubt about storming the heights immediately, Zhukov berated him, relieved him on the spot, and entrusted the attack to Alekseenko's chief of staff. After a few hours, Zhukov called again and, finding that the new commander was slow, fired him as well and sent a staff member to take charge. Accounts record that his tirades sometimes included the phrase "useless bag of shit," though others note harsher language was used toward generals who did not meet expectations. That night, reinforced by the 212th Airborne Regiment, heavier artillery, and a detachment of flame-throwing tanks, the northern force renewed its assault on Fui Heights. The battered Japanese defenders were thoroughly overmatched. Soviet artillery fired at two rounds per second. When the last Japanese artillery was knocked out, they no longer could defend against flame-throwing tanks. From several miles away, Colonel Sumi could see the heights shrouded in black smoke and red flames "spitting like the tongues of snakes."  After Aug 22, supply trucks could no longer reach Fui Heights. The next afternoon, Colonel Ioki's radio—the last link to the 23rd Division—was destroyed. His surviving men fought on with small arms and grenades, repelling Soviet infantry with bayonet charges that night. By the morning of Aug 24, Ioki had about 200 able-bodied men left of his original 800. Soviet tanks and infantry had penetrated defenses at several points, forcing him to constrict his perimeter. Red flags flew on the eastern edge of the heights. Ioki gathered his remaining officers to discuss last measures. With little ammunition and almost no food or water, their situation seemed hopeless. But Ioki insisted on holding Fui Heights to the last man, arguing that the defense should not be abandoned and that orders to break out should come only with reinforcements and supplies. Some subordinates urged retreat. Faced with two dire options, Ioki drew his pistol and attempted suicide, but a fellow officer restrained him. Rather than see his men blown to bits, Ioki decided to abandon Fui Heights and retreat east. Those unable to walk received hand grenades with the injunction to blow themselves up rather than be captured. On the night of Aug 24–25, after moonrise, the remaining resistance at the heights was quelled, and Soviet attention shifted south. Ioki's battered remnant slipped out and, the next morning, encountered a Manchukuoan cavalry patrol that summoned trucks to take them to Chaingchunmiao, forty miles away. Russians occupying Fui Heights on Aug 25 counted the corpses of over 600 Japanese officers and men. After securing Fui Heights, the Soviet northern force began to roll up the Japanese northern flank in a wide arc toward Nomonhan. A day after the fall of Fui Heights, elements of the northern force's 11th Tank Brigade linked up with the southern force's 8th Armored Brigade near Nomonhan. A steel ring had been forged around the Japanese 6th Army. As the Japanese northern and southern flanks dissolved under Zhukov's relentless assaults, Komatsubara's command ceased to exist as an integrated force. By Aug 25 the Japanese lines were completely cut, with resistance remaining only in three encircled pockets. The remnants of two battalions of General Morita's "brigade" attempted a renewed offensive on Aug 25, advancing about 150 yards before being hammered by Soviet artillery and tanks, suffering heavier casualties than the day before. The only hope for the surrounded Japanese troops lay in a relief force breaking through the Soviet encirclement from the outside. However, Kwantung Army was spread thin in Manchuria and, due to a truck shortage, could not transport the 7th Division from Hailar to the combat zone in time. By Aug 26 the encirclement had thickened, with three main pockets tightly invested, making a large-scale breakout nearly impossible. Potapov unleashed a two-pronged assault with his 6th Tank Brigade and 80th Infantry Regiment. Japanese artillery from the 28th Regiment temporarily checked the left wing of the armored attack, but the Soviet right wing overran elements of Sumi's 26th Regiment, forcing the Japanese to retreat into a tighter enclave. Morita, the fencing-master commander who claimed to be immune to bullets, was killed by machine-gun fire while standing atop a trench encouraging his men. The Japanese 120-mm howitzers overheated under the August sun; their breech mechanisms swelled and refused to eject spent casings. Gunners had to leap from behind shelter to ram wooden rods down the barrels, drastically reducing rate of fire and life expectancy. Komatsubara's artillery units suffered a bitter fate. Most were deployed well behind the front lines with their guns facing west toward the Halha. As the offensive developed, attackers often struck the batteries from the east, behind them. Even when crews could turn some guns to face east, they had not preregistered fields of fire there and were not very effective. Supporting infantry had already been drawn off for counterattacks and perimeter defense. One by one, Japanese batteries were smashed by Soviet artillery and tanks. Crews were expected to defend their guns to the last man; the guns themselves were treated as the unit's soul, to be destroyed if captured. In extremis, crews were to destroy sensitive parts like optics. Few survived. Among those who did was a PFC from an annihilated howitzer unit, ordered to drive one of the few surviving vehicles, a Dodge sedan loaded with seriously wounded men, eastward to safety during the night. Near a Holsten River bridge he encountered Soviet sentries. The driver hesitated, then honked his horn, and the guards saluted as the sedan sped past. With water supplies exhausted and unable to reach the Halha or Holsten Rivers, the commander of the easternmost enclave ordered his men to drain radiator water from their vehicles. Drinking the foul liquid, at the cost of immobilizing their remaining transport, signaled that the defenders believed their situation was hopeless. On Aug 27 the rest of the Japanese 7th Division, two fresh infantry regiments, an artillery regiment, and support units totaling barely 5,000 men—reached the northeastern segment of the ring around Komatsubara. One day of hard fighting revealed they lacked the strength to break the encirclement. General Ogisu ordered the 7th Division to pull back and redeploy near his own 6th Army headquarters, about 4 miles east of Nomonhan and the border claimed by the enemy. There would be no outside relief for Komatsubara's forces. Throughout Aug 27–28, Soviet aircraft, artillery, armor, and infantry pounded the three Japanese pockets, compressing them into ever-smaller pockets and grinding them down. The surrounded Japanese fought fiercely and inflicted heavy casualties, but the outcome was inevitable. After the remaining Japanese artillery batteries were silenced, Soviet tanks ruled the battlefield. One by one, major pockets were overrun. Some smaller groups managed to slip through Soviet lines and reach safety east of the border claimed by the MPR, where they were left unmolested by the Red Army. Elements of Potapov's 57th and 82nd Divisions eliminated the last remnants of resistance south of the Holsten by the evening of Aug 27. North of the Holsten, during the night of Aug 28–29, a group of about 400 Japanese tried to slip east through the Soviet lines along the riverbank. They were spotted by the 293rd Regiment (57th Division), which struck them. The fleeing Japanese refused to surrender and were wiped out attempting to recross the Holsten.   Japanese soldiers' refusal to surrender is well documented. Surrender was considered dishonorable; the Army Field Manual was silent on surrender. For officers, death was not merely preferable to surrender; it was expected, and in some cases required. The penal code (1908, not revised until 1942) stated that surrender was dereliction of duty; if a commander did his best to resist, imprisonment could follow; if not, death. Stemming from Bushido, regimental colors were treated as sacred. On the afternoon of Aug 28, with much of his 64th Regiment destroyed, Colonel Yamagata saw no alternative but to burn the regimental colors and then commit suicide. Part of the flagpole had been shattered; the chrysanthemum crest damaged. Yamagata, Colonel Ise (artillery regimental commander), an infantry captain, a medical lieutenant, and a foot soldier—the last survivors of the headquarters unit—faced east, shouted "banzai" for the emperor, drenched the pennant in gasoline, and lit it. Yamagata, Ise, and the captain then shot themselves. The flag and crest were not entirely consumed, and the unburned remnants were buried beneath Yamagata's unmarked body. The medical officer and the soldier escaped and reported these rites to 6th Army HQ, where the deaths of the two colonels were mourned, but there was concern over whether the regimental colors had been entirely destroyed. On Aug 29, Lieutenant Colonel Higashi Muneharu, who had taken command of the 71st Regiment, faced the same dilemma. The regimental standard was broken into four pieces and, with the flag and chrysanthemum crest, drenched with fuel and set on fire. The fire kept going out, and the tassels were especially hard to burn. It took 45 minutes to finish the job, all under enemy fire. Afterward, Higashi urged all able to join him in a suicide charge, and the severely wounded to "kill themselves bravely when the enemy approached." Soviet machine-gun fire and grenades felled Higashi and his followers within moments. When it became clear on Aug 29 that all hope was lost, Komatsubara resolved to share the fate of his 23rd Division. He prepared to commit suicide, entrusted his will to his aide, removed his epaulets, and burned his code books. General Ogisu ordered Komatsubara to save himself and lead as many of his men as possible out of the encirclement. Shortly before midnight on Aug 30, the bulk of the Soviet armor briefly pulled back to refuel and resupply. Some of the Soviet infantry also pulled back. Komatsubara and about 400 survivors of his command used the opportunity to slip through the Soviet lines, guiding wounded by starlight to safety at Chiangchunmiao on the morning of Aug 31. Tsuji was among the survivors. In transit, Komatsubara was so distraught he needed to be restrained from taking his own life. A fellow officer took his pistol, and two sturdy corporals helped to support him, preventing him from drawing his sword. On August 31, Zhukov declared the disputed territory between the Halha River and the boundary line through Nomonhan cleared of enemy troops. The Sixth Army had been annihilated, with between 18,000 and 23,000 men killed or wounded from May to September (not counting Manchukuoan losses). The casualty rate in Komatsubara's 23rd Division reached 76%, and Sumi's 26th Regiment (7th Division) suffered 91% casualties. Kwantung Army lost many of its tanks and heavy guns and nearly 150 aircraft. It was the worst military defeat in modern Japanese history up to that time. Soviet claims later put total Japanese casualties at over 50,000, though this figure is widely regarded as inflated. For years, Soviet-MPR authorities claimed 9,284 casualties, surely an underestimate. A detailed unit-by-unit accounting published in Moscow in 2002 put Soviet losses at 25,655 (9,703 killed, 15,952 wounded), plus 556 MPR casualties. While Soviet casualties may have exceeded Japanese losses, this reflects the fierceness of Japanese defense and questions Zhukov's expenditutre of blood. There was no denying, however, that the Red Army demonstrated substantial strength and that Kwantung Army suffered a serious defeat. Knowledgeable Japanese and Soviet sources agree that given the annihilation of Komatsubara's forces and the dominance of Soviet air power, if Zhukov had pressed beyond Nomonhan toward Hailar, local Japanese forces would have fallen into chaos, Hailar would have fallen, and western Manchuria would have been gravely threatened. But while that might have been militarily possible, Moscow did not intend it. Zhukov's First Army Group halted at the boundary line claimed by the MPR. A Japanese military historian notes that "Kwantung Army completely lost its head." KwAHQ was enraged by the battlefield developments. Beyond the mauling of the Sixth Army at Nomonhan, there was anxiety over regimental colors. It was feared that Colonel Yamagata might not have had time to destroy the imperial crest of the 64th Regiment's colors, which could have fallen into Soviet hands. Thousands of dead and wounded littered the field. To preserve "face" and regain leverage, a swift, decisive counterstroke was deemed necessary. At Hsinking, they decided on an all-out war against the USSR. They planned to throw the 7th, 2nd, 4th, and 8th Divisions into the Sixth Army, along with all heavy artillery in Manchukuo, to crush the enemy. Acknowledging shortages in armor, artillery, and air power, they drafted a plan for a series of successive night offenses beginning on September 10. This was viewed as ill-advised for several reasons: September 10 was an unrealistic target given Kwantung Army's limited logistical capacity; it was unclear what the Red Army would be doing by day, given its superiority in tanks, artillery, and air power; autumn would bring extreme cold that could immobilize forces; and Germany's alliance with the Soviet Union isolated Japan diplomatically. These factors were known at KwAHQ, yet the plan proceeded. Kwantung Army notified AGS to "utilize the winter months well," aiming to mobilize the entire Japanese Army for a decisive spring confrontation. However, the Nomonhan defeat coincided with the Hitler-Stalin pact's diplomatic fallout. The push for close military cooperation with Germany against the Soviet Union was discredited in a single week. Defeated and abandoned by Hitler, pro-German, anti-Soviet policy advocates in Tokyo were furious. Premier Hiranuma Kiichiro's government resigned on August 28. In response, more cautious voices in Tokyo asserted control. General Nakajima, deputy chief of AGS, went to Hsinking with Imperial Order 343, directing Kwantung Army to hold near the disputed frontier with "minimal strength" to enable a quick end to hostilities and a diplomatic settlement. But at KwAHQ, the staff pressed their case, and Nakajima eventually approved a general offensive to begin on September 10. The mood at KwAHQ was ebullient. Upon returning to Tokyo, Nakajima was sternly rebuked and ordered to stand down. General Ueda appealed to higher authority, requesting permission to clear the battlefield and recover the bodies of fallen soldiers. He was denied and later relieved of command on September 6. A reshuffle followed at KwAHQ, with several senior officers reassigned. The Japanese Foreign Ministry directed Ambassador Togo Shigenori to negotiate a settlement in Moscow. The Molotov-Togo agreement was reached on September 15–16, establishing a temporary frontier and a commission to redemarcate the boundary. The local cease-fire arrangements were formalized on September 18–19, and both sides agreed to exchange prisoners and corpses. In the aftermath, Kwantung Army leadership and the Red Army leadership maintained tight control over communications about the conflict. News of the defeat spread through Manchuria and Japan, but the scale of the battle was not fully suppressed. The Kwantung Army's reputation suffered further from subsequent punishments of officers deemed to have mishandled the Nomonhan engagement. Several officers were compelled to retire or commit suicide under pressure, and Ioki's fate became a particular symbol of the army's dishonor and the heavy costs of the campaign. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In August 1939, Soviet General Georgy Zhukov launched a decisive offensive against Japanese forces at Nomonhan. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the Halha River, unleashing massive air and artillery barrages on August 20. Fierce fighting ensued, with failed Japanese counterattacks, the fall of Fui Heights, and annihilation of encircled pockets by Soviet tanks and infantry. 

Show Notes 0:00: Justin and Helen decide to talk about the news that’s popped up instead of what they’ve been up to as they have many licenses and an anime season to talk about! Starting with Alphapolis acquiring a CG studio, which suggests they’re trying to ramp up their anime production line. News 3:50: The World’s End Harem: Fantasia manga is back after a lengthy hiatus, and it’ll also be released weekly until the manga ends; meanwhile one series that returned — Kai-Hen Wizards — will go back on hiatus after it returned not too long ago. 6:12: My Unique Skill Makes Me OP even at Level 1 will go on hiatus due to artist Mawata’s health issues; Yūgo Kobayashi’s preparing for the new series that he will launch in Shogakukan’s Weekly Big Comic Spirits magazine, so Fermat no Ryōri is going on a temporary hiatus after its 26th chapter; and Kazue Katō announced that her Blue Exorcist manga is going on hiatus as she prepares the manga’s final chapter — this will also involve some changes in her environment. 8:15: There are two anime that Doga Kobo’s involved in that were planned to come out this year. Well, one’s getting moved to 2027 (Roshidere S2) as Inept Villainess will not air in Spring, it’ll instead air in Summer. 10:35: Terminator Zero Season 1 happened and was watched, but not watched enough, as showrunner Mattson Tomlin announced there will be no more seasons of the anime; The talent agency Intention announced that voice actor Kenichi Suzumura is going on hiatus to recover from adjustment disorder. Licenses 12:23: Yen Press decided to announce they licensed this many titles last week: Yuji Iwahara's Clevatess: The King of Dark Beasts, the Baby, and the Undead Hero Rin Minato's Hand in Hand with Mu-chan: Lessons from My Autistic Daughter Yūshi Ukai, BanzaiKotobukiDaienkai, & necometal's Playing Death Games to Put Food on the Table manga  Kiyomi Sugishita's Deep-Sea Aquarium Magmell Yukiaki Kurando & Sōsō Sakakibara's Then Shall I Kill in Your Stead? Yuki Azuma's The Blood-Crawling Princess of a Ruined Country Mamoru Hosoda's Scarlet (Yen On) Nikita Kitagawa's My Yandere Girlfriend Hiding in the Dungeon Kills Me Over and Over Again (Yen On)   Shina Inoguchi's Don’t Confuse Me, Yamori-kun Haruichi & FromSoftware, Inc's Elden Ring: Distant Tales Between Risako Natade & Toshiko Machida's The Demon Bride: “I Love You” Are Frightening Words Petos & Kōji Megumi's Golden Man A collector's edition of Tsukumizu's Girls’ Last Tour 17:31: J-Novel Club also had a lot to announce for whatever reason, which also includes titles in print: The light novel & manga of Hanmenkyoushi’s Starting on Hard Mode: God Levels, Got Problems Yuu Tanaka, Watarinica, & Llo’s The Accursed Chef and His Pair of Furry Foodies manga Yuki Kashirome & icchi’s Fired? But I Maintain All the Software! Mary=Doe & Kuga Huna’s Proud to Be the Villainess: If My Doom Can Be Her Happily Ever After, So Be It! Byakushi & Falmaro’s Reborn to Reign: Imposing My Rules with My Mastery of Magic Satou & Hitakiyuu’s The Path of an S-Rank Adventurer: From Deadweight to Weapon Master Sty & Tumeki’s Return of the Corpse King: Reining in My Cringe Secret Society Ryou Yuuki & Nakamura’s The Reincarnated Mastermind: Sundering Fate with Magic Swords Tama Masaki & Kureta’s Miss Medic’s Diary at War Hachigatsumori & Nat.’s Unsung Epics of the Hero’s Journey Kazuki Minamoto’s All Eyes on Nekoyashiki-kun! Notice Me, Not My Characters (J-Novel Knight) J-Novel Heart imprint Adachi & Kyozip’s Sister Mafioso: O God, Let This Lie Stand Yuji Yuji, Roharu Kai, & Nami Hidaka’s The 100th Time’s the Charm She Was Executed 99 Times, So How Did She Unlock “Super Love” Mode! manga (Print) Fuyu Aoki, Yuyu Kouhara, & Minori Aritani’s Safe & Sound in the Arms of an Elite Knight manga (Print) The light novel and manga of Tadashi Kubou's The Water Magician light novel & manga (Print)  Gabihime & Reine Kuwashima’s The Young Lady Is the Substitute Harvest Goddess in print Will re-release Fuminori Teshima & COMTA’s An Archdemon’s Dilemma: How to Love Your Elf Bride as an Omnibus Edition 22:39: Kodansha had some additions to their Kodansha Print Club line, but interestingly enough one of the titles is new: Shikiso Utsuzawa, Mokuba Matsu, & Pukyunosuke's Because I, the True Saint, was Banished, that Country is Done For! Kana Nakatsuki's Don’t Tempt Me, VP! Akamaru Enomoto's I Have a Crush at Work Akiko Higashimura's Tokyo Tarareba Girls Returns Kazuto Mihara's The World Is Dancing Satoshi Morie's Killing Line Miko Senri's A Kiss with a Cat (will be released as 2-in-1 omnibuses) Ayumu Nagisa's Omega of the Divine (was never released by Kodansha in the US) 24:13: Seven Seas had a Yuri day, and announced the following titles: Kon Fukaumi’s A Love Yet to Bloom Masakazu Ishiguro’s Sleeping Idiot Puebro’s A Couple Drifting in the Wind Inori & Hanagata’s I’m in Love with the Villainess: Come on and Notice Me Already (Airship) Teren Mikami’s There’s No Freaking Way I’ll be Your Lover! Unless… Short Stories (Art by Eku Takeshima) & There’s No Freaking Way I’ll be Your Lover! Unless… Spin-off Collection (Art by Musshu) 26:14: TOKYOPOP finally made time to announce they've licensed the following: Neko Kiirono's Nagi & Hayasaki Natsuwo Ichikawa's Beneath the Fallen Camellia Blooms Sai Asai's 300 New Days With You Ishiko's The Devil’s in the Lunch Deals Odayaka & Comic Room's Sanctuary Princess Rokakoen's Ugly Girls Macho Tako's Ghoul Work, Kurose Kappe Hoshi's Better the Devil You Know Than the Devil You Don’t Know Tomo Kitaoka's Chibon Kaburi: The Masked God Kororiyo's 365 Days with the Yokai Nashi's Six Ryō Koshino's Dr. Ashura 27:40: Hanashi Media announced too many titles as well, but they’re at least distinct since most of their announcements have long names: Shizuru Minazuki & Yamakawa's A Journey Through Another World: Raising Kids While Adventuring Umee & Kawaku's The Disfavored Prince is a Genius Alchemist: All I Want is to Spoil My Little Siblings take4 & Hinaco Hino's It Was Supposed to Be My Second Life, but It Turned Out to Be My Third So I’ll Change History with Knowledge and Reform Cancellara & Riv's Reincarnated as a Poor Farmer: Building a Castle Brick by Brick Yо̄suke Akano & hakusai's Reincarnated Onmyoji: Powered by the King of Hell I Refuse to Return to Hell Masanobu Serizawa & Kyou Kitazawa's The Vampire and the Chocolatier: A Genius Alchemist’s Sweet Obsession Rerux & Ryūta Fuse's I Was Banished from the Royal Capital So I’m Building the Ultimate Golems with My Hero Disciples Yuyushita Sasuga & Tamagonokimi's The Guy Who Thought He Was the Hero Used the Real Hero as a Stepping Stone and Won Mesopo Tamia & Carimarica's A Dumped Villainess Married Me, a Lazy Villain Noble—and We Became the Ultimate Power Couple Torisuke & nyanya's I Was Reborn as a Refugee Girl, So I’m Working Toward Citizenship from Scratch Takumi Yanai & Kurojishi's GATE: Thus the JSDF Fought There! 32:14: More manga have been announced for Abrams Comicarts‘ Kana imprint, which includes a new Inio Asano title; New publisher Crossed Hearts licensed for their new Yuri imprint TaaRO’s Borrowing Your Textbook 175160; MANGA Plus added a couple new series to their service, which includes a new Karuho Shiina work; Ichiha Hiiragi & Nagi Ōkawa’s Playing the Vixen to Find Happiness is now on K MANGA; Nobuko Takekawa’s Yuko, the Ghost in My Room is now on MANGA Up. 36:06: And in final licensing news, Helen and Justin remark over 2018 Captain Tsubasa getting released…in DVD format! Streaming News 39:41: Whatever the Kodansha-Disney deal was supposed to mean, Justin at least doesn’t know since the newest Ghost in the Shell anime will be streamed on Prime this summer; Chainsaw Man: Reze Arc will stream on Crunchyroll this Spring but Justin of course will make this about Demon Slayer; And not surprisingly, things don’t get cheaper, they get more expensive so Crunchyroll upping the subscription price for all tiers is not a shock. 44:43: GKIDS acquired the North American theatrical rights to Shōji Kawamori’s original animation film Labyrinth and it will be in theaters for two days in May; The 76th Berlin International Film Festival is screening a 4K restoration of Ninja Scroll; and Oceanveil continues branching out from what they’re usually known for, and now has Haigakura & Scum’s Wish on their service. Main Topic: Winter Anime 2026 First Impressions 48:04: Justin and Helen discuss a very packed Winter Anime season, which means you should find a lot to like, whether it’s sequels (Frieren S2, Jujutsu Kaisen S3) to thoughtful and dense shows (Journal With Witch) or hilarious romcoms (Tamon's B-Side, You and I Are Polar Opposites). Just don’t do what Justin’s doing and watch objectively bad anime because you liked the original source (Roll Over and Die at 53:03, Tune in to the Midnight Heart at 1:07:47). Weird News 1:57:24: The year of reviving old material continues, as now Chie Shinohara’s Red River is getting an anime adaptation, so once again Justin implores everyone to let their dreams be dreams and put out in the universe what you want to become an anime! 2:03:51: You wouldn’t think a collaboration between artists would generate any controversy, but if it involves China and My Hero Academia, then yes, there will be controversy; if you like spicy foods and Hatsune Miku, Thailand’s got something for you; And finally, Mamoru Oshii has too much time on his hands since he’s logged way too many hours on Fallout, why would he share this with anyone (meanwhile Justin reveals how many hours he’s logged into Fire Emblem: Three Houses) If there’s anything you’d like to share, please feel free to reach out to us on Twitter (@TheOASG) or comment below with your thoughts! The post TheOASG Podcast Episode 237: The Longest Talk We’ve Done Yet! (Probably) appeared first on TheOASG.

Elevation Space is a Japanese startup working on downmass – bringing things back from space to Earth – leveraging Japan's strong heritage in reentry and recovery technologies. CEO and co-founder Ryohei Kobayashi in our guest. Enjoy!  

Concursurile de sărituri cu schiurile de la trambulina normală de la Jocurile olimpice nu aveau cum să nu se soldeze cu surprize. La individual, pe primul loc s-a situat un german care recunoaște că are frică de înălțime. În proba mixtă de sărituri, românii au terminat pe locul 12, ceea ce este încurajator ținând cont că Festivalul Olimpic al Tineretului European se va organiza la anul la Brașov. La Jocurile olimpice de iarnă de la Milano-Cortina avem parte de performanțe uimitoare. De exemplu, Philipp Raimund, a devenit campion olimpic la sărituri cu schiurile deși nu era considerat favorit. Ce-i drept, germanul concurează la cel mai înalt nivel din 2019, dar nu a obținut niciodată vreo victorie în Cupa Mondială sau alte competiții importante. Cele mai bune rezultate ale sale au fost 4 prezențe pe podium, prea puțin pentru ca cineva să-l fi inclus pe lista favoriților la Predazzo, acolo unde se desfășoară săriturile. În plus, în sesiunea de antrenamente, Raimund a avut rezultate modeste. La concurs însă, exact când a contat cel mai mult, a reușit să-și depășească limitele. Sportivul originar din Oberstdorf, în vârstă de 25 de ani, a impresionat prin constanță și execuții sigure, cu sărituri de 102 și 106,5 metri, suficiente pentru a-l propulsa pe cea mai înaltă treaptă a podiumului olimpic. Philippe are frică de înălțime! Ceea ce depășește orice imaginație este faptul că Philippe stă rău la un capitol la care toți cei care s-au apucat de acest sport nu au vreo problemă. Germanul, are, nici mai mult nici mai puțin, rău de înălțime. Boala se numește acrofobie și o suferă cei care au o teamă intensă de situații care implică înălțimi, cum ar fi să se afle pe munte, la un etaj înalt într-o clădire sau când folosesc o scară. Chiar Philippe a recunoscut că are această fobie, una care în trecut l-a împiedicat să ia startul în anumite competiții. Ultima dată când s-a retras din cauza fricii de înălțime a fost acum mai puțin de un an, la o etapă de Cupă Mondială, cea de la Planica în Slovenia. Atunci, neamțul a explicat că pe trambulinele mici, cum a fost și cea de la Predazzo, nu prea are probleme, dar când trebuie să sară de pe trambulinele foarte mari, care se folosesc mai ales la Cupa Mondială, în concursurile de zbor cu schiurile, uneori nu-și mai poate controla corpul. El a povestit că de obicei e sigur pe el, dar sunt și situații când are probleme la zbor. Practic, corpul său reacționează fără să-l poată controla și de aceea nu riscă în condițiile în care nu știe dacă mai este el pilotul. Dacă poate reacționa sau se lasă în voia sorții. Vă dați seama cât de umilitor este pentru un săritor să ia telescaunul și la coborâre, nu numai la urcare. Cum s-or uita ceilalți competitori la el? Raimund a obținut rezultatul carierei La Pedrazzo pe trambulina normală de 90 de metri, Philippe Raimund nu a avut nicio problemă cu frica de înălțime, ba chiar a obținut rezultatul carierei cu un total de 274,1 puncte. Acesta l-a depășit cu 3,4 puncte pe Kacper Tomasiak, un polonez de numai 19 ani, care nu ajunsese niciodată nici măcar în manșa a doua a unei etape din Cupa Mondială. Bronzul a fost împărțit de un japonez și un elvețian care nu sunt în top 10. Slovenul Domen Prevc, marele favorit, a terminat abia pe locul 6. Deși e clar că alcătuirea podiumului în primul concurs masculin de la Jocuri e o surpriză, rezultatul are o explicație. În Cupa Mondială se concurează foarte rar pe trambuline atât de mici cum e cea normală de la Predazzo, astfel că marile staruri cum ar fi Prevc, Kobayashi, Lanisek, Tschofenig, Hoerl sau Kraft nu sunt obișnuite și nu reușesc să se adapteze la timp. Aceștia își pot lua revanșa în concursul pe trambulina mare, cea de 160 de metri, de la Jocurile Olimpice, care va avea loc luni, 16 februarie. România pe locul 12 la proba pe echipe mixte Cât despre români, aceștia au obținut un rezultat onorabil în proba de echipe mixte la sărituri cu schiurile, pe trambulina normală HS107, aceeași pe care a evoluat și germanul Raimund la individual. România a ocupat locul 12, un loc obținut după prima manșă, cu 393,1 puncte, ratând calificarea în manșa finală în care au intrat primii 8. Este pentru prima dată la o ediție de Jocuri Olimpice, când România a aliniat la start o echipă completă în această probă mixtă, unde a reușit să califice câte doi sportivi, atât la feminin, cât și la masculin. Echipa a fost formată din doi sportivi cu experiență olimpică: Daniela Toth, aflată la a treia participare la Jocuri, și Daniel Cacina, cu două prezențe la Olimpiadele albe. Alături de ei au concurat doi sportivi care au trăit pentru prima dată emoțiile unei întreceri olimpice: Mihnea Spulber și Delia Folea. Toți cei patru au contribuit cu câte o săritură și au arătat că pot face față atmosferei și rigorilor unei competiții olimpice. Acest rezultat marchează o premieră și dă mari speranțe pentru viitor, având în vedere că suntem la prima participare de acest gen, iar la anul, la Festivalul olimpic al tineretului european care se va desfășura în România, săritorii români pot obține rezultate bune pe trambulina de la Râșnov.

When is a trout a steelhead and when is it a rainbow? Are steelhead just rainbow trout that migrate to the ocean?  Is it something in their genes or just random chance? And in a given population of rainbow trout, will only some of them migrate to the ocean? And according to a biologist, are the Great Lakes "steelhead" truly steelhead? My guest fisheries biologist Katie Kobayashi [32:13] has studied these fish down to the genetic level and has some exciting information on their life histories. In the Fly Box this week, we have some great questions that I think will be helpful to many of you, including: If I hook a trout in the back behind the dorsal fin, will it survive OK? And can I count this fish as "caught"? What is the most useful saltwater fly line for inshore species? For my smaller creeks in Pennsylvania, would an 8 ½ foot 4-weight or 7 1/2-foot 3-weight be better? Have you used articulated flies? Have you had success with them? Are there articulated subsurface flies other than streamers? I have an 8-weight rod for flats fishing in salt water and want a second rod for bigger stuff.  Should I get a 9-weight or a 10-weight? For fishing in a Colorado tailwater, when should I use an indicator setup and when should I Euro-nymph? And when Euro nymphing, how can I get a tiny size 22 nymph down into the right zone?

Marci and Meilin discuss the deep connection between Japanese landscape, culture, and history, emphasizing the importance of learning from cultural symbols like the goddess Izanami no Mikoto and the wisdom of ancient sites. They highlight the growing interest in Japan's heritage as a source of inspiration for personal balance and mindfulness. Marci, who has lived in Japan for over 30 years, continues to explore and engage with its culture, underscoring the lifelong learning and appreciation of its rich heritage. Through her book 'Finding Yoyu', Marci Kobayashi shares authentic stories and personal vulnerabilities, encouraging readers to embrace their true selves amidst societal pressures. Additionally, they explore the concept of 'yo yu' and the rejuvenating power of nature, illustrating how connecting with natural energy lines can provide guidance and strength in navigating life's challenges.Timestamped Outline: (00:04:11) Celebrating Izanami no Mikoto: Japanese Heritage (00:06:05) Continuous Learning and Engagement in Japanese Culture (00:13:15) Embracing Authenticity and Sensitivity Through Writing (00:15:55) Finding 'Yo Yu' for Life's Abundance (00:24:58) The Power of Patience in Problem-Solving (00:35:11) Tapping into Nature's Energy for Renewal (00:36:28) Tapping into Nature's Energy for Strength (00:37:02) Harmonizing with Earth's Energy for Guidance Find out more about Marci Kobayashi and her book 'Finding Yoyu' on her website: https://marcikobayashi.com ~ * ~ ~ * ~ ~ * ~ ~ * ~You are invited to bring your wisdom and powerful energy over to our Fb group where you can share it with us and others. Feel welcomed and comforted in our community. https://www.facebook.com/groups/movingtooneness You can request a topic of your choice to be spoken about or a song to be sung for you on a future podcast. Just let us know. :) Email me: meilin@MovingToOneness.comFollow the show on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCzEWKXR957EmpmXvG9YgbhwIn Love and Light, Your host, Meilin Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Tony Jenkins in conversation with David Eastaugh  https://www.facebook.com/kbsbookstore https://theportlandarms.co.uk/wp/product/the-loft-the-kobayashi-bookstore-29th-may-26/

Ski Jumping: Kobayashi Ends 6th in Oberstdorf Four Hills Tournament Opening Leg

Last time we spoke about the Russian Counter Offensive over the Heights. On the Manchurian frontier, a Japanese plan hatched in the hush before dawn: strike at Hill 52, seize the summit, and bargain only if fate demanded. Colonel Sato chose Nakano's 75th Regiment, delivering five fearless captains to lead the charge, with Nakajima rising like a bright spark among them. Under a cloak of night, scouts threaded the cold air, and at 2:15 a.m. wires fell away, revealing a path through darkness. By dawn, a pale light brushed the crest; Hill 52 yielded, then Shachaofeng did, as dawn's demands pressed forward. The Russians responded with a thunder of tanks, planes, and relentless artillery. Yet the Japanese braced, shifting guns, moving reinforcements, and pressing a discipline born of training and resolve. The battlefield fractured into sectors, Hill 52, Shachaofeng, the lake, each demanding courage and cunning. Night winds carried the buzz of flares, the hiss of shells, and the stubborn clang of rifles meeting armor. The Russians tried to reweave their strength, but Japanese firepower and tenacious assaults kept the line from bending. By nightfall, a quiet resolve settled over the hills; the cost was steep, but the crest remained in Japanese hands.   #182 The Second Russian Counteroffensive over the heights Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The Japanese retained their hard won positions despite fierce Russian counterattacks. For the Japanese command structure at the front, 3 August was of prime importance. Suetaka concluded that he could not merely direct the fighting around Changkufeng nor abandon Kyonghun, given his need to manage relations with Korea Army Headquarters and central authorities, as well as the special characteristics of these battles and his grave concerns about the Wuchiatzu front to the north. By 5 p.m., the newly arrived 37th Brigade commander, Morimoto Nobuki, was assigned control of all sectors from Hill 52 and Changkufeng to Shachaofeng, establishing his command post at the former site of the 75th Regiment at Chiangchunfeng. The Japanese estimated losses from the Soviet counterattacks on 2–3 August as follows: Hill 52-Changkufeng, at least 300 Soviet casualties and four tanks; Shachaofeng, about 300 casualties and several tanks, plus several heavy machine guns knocked out. By 17:00 on 3 August, Russian strength committed to the front and immediate rear was assessed at ten infantry battalions, 40 artillery pieces, and 80 tanks. Japanese casualties on the 2nd and 3rd totaled 16 killed and 25 wounded. Suetaka judged the Soviet bombardments on 3 August powerful, but their infantry assaults were not particularly bold, likely due to their heavy losses on the 2nd. Even though morale was not high, there were signs of reinforcements from elite units, including armor and large artillery formations. Suetaka concluded the Russians would again attempt to retake the Shachaofeng sector and positions around Changkufeng. During the night of 3–4 August, the 75th Infantry, still on alert against resumed enemy counterattacks, intensified security and worked energetically to strengthen defenses. K. Sato remained at Chiangchunfeng to complete the turnover to the 37th Brigade and to brief Morimoto. The regiment established its new command post for the right sector at the foot of Fangchuanting. Throughout the night, Soviet vehicles with blinking lights were observed moving south along the high ground east of Khasan, and a new buildup of mechanized forces and artillery appeared in the area. At 05:30, 36 tanks were seen advancing to Hill 29, followed by the apparent withdrawal of 50–60 Russian horsemen into the same area. At 07:00 on 04 August, Soviet artillery began a bombardment. Although there was a lull around noon, by 14:00 intensity peaked, described as "like millions of lightning bolts striking at once." After another quiet spell, enemy guns renewed their tempo at 19:30, targeting Hill 52 and Changkufeng. The Russians' artillery was not precisely zeroed in; "many of the shells plopped into the Tumen, which delighted us considerably." Beginning on the 4th, Soviet artillery sought to cut lines of communication by bombarding the river crossing site, disrupting daytime supply. Japanese artillery records add: "Until today, this battalion had been fired on only by field artillery; now 122-mm. howitzers went into action against us. We sustained no losses, since the points of impact were 100 meters off. Apparently, the Russians conducted firing for effect from the outset, using data provided by the field artillery in advance." Around midnight, Ichimoto, the old commander of the 1st Infantry Battalion, arrived at the 75th Regiment Headquarters to resume command. He was "itching to fight." K. Sato described the casualties in detail, but "he didn't look beaten at all." "To the contrary, the colonel was strong and in excellent spirits. Yet while he wasn't pessimistic, one could not call him optimistic." At the battalion site, about 100 men were in operational condition out of an original 400. Some soldiers were hauling ammunition, rations, and position materiel; others were cremating the dead, since corpses would rot in the August heat. Japanese casualties on 4 August were light: the 75th Infantry lost five killed and three wounded; among attached engineers, the platoon leader and two men were wounded. Ammunition expenditure was very low. The Japanese press noted that although the Russians had been reported retreating behind the lake to the northeast, investigation showed a redeployment forward from south of Changkufeng. An American observer in Tokyo stated that "the best information obtainable is that the Russians now occupy the lower slopes of Changkufeng, while the Japanese still occupy the heights." From this period dates a series of pleas from the 19th Division for the dispatch of long-range artillery from the Kwantung Army. Suetaka believed that the addition of long-range artillery was necessary and feasible. As Kitano predicted, Suetaka submitted his recommendation at 05:00 on 5 August for the attention of the Korea Army commander and the AGS deputy. As dawn approached on 5 August, the Korea Army received Suetaka's request. A message was dispatched to the vice minister of war and the AGS deputy, and an inquiry was sent to Hsinking. The note detailed Soviet artillery on the Changkufeng front, eight to ten batteries of field and mountain guns, including 10-cm cannons and two or three 15-cm howitzers, and described how these long-range pieces kept up a slow fire beyond Japanese firing range. Overnight, Soviet traffic pressed along the high ground east of Khasan, and by 06:30 the horizon brimmed with new threat: 48 tanks concentrated near Hill 29, with fresh artillery deployed once the Russians realized their own guns were receiving scant challenge from the Japanese. Movement across the lake suggested continued armor in play; at dawn, 10 to 15 tanks lingered on the Crestline, while closer still, six Russian tanks prowled near the southern edge of Khasan. By 03:00, Changkufeng came under bombardment again. K. Sato urged the mountain artillery to answer dawn with counterfire against the high ground east of Khasan and against Hill 29. Between 05:00 and 05:40, the artillery struck armor concentrations, knocked out two tanks, and forced the rest toward the east of Hill 29. Observation posts were neutralized, and cavalry was driven north. At the same hour, the Soviet barrage against the Japanese rear intensified, targeting lines of communication across the Tumen. The Sozan link failed by day, and telephone lines to the artillery battalion were severed, though signalmen managed to restore communications. The river crossings, Fangchuanting, Hill 52, and Shachaofeng bore the brunt of the shelling, with 15-cm blasts jolting the frontline. "From today enemy shellfire was coned and grew increasingly accurate, until every area along our front was deprived of its dead angles and our casualties mounted." The Hill 52 zone endured a slow siege, but tank fire from the eastern heights remained severe. Noguchi's company, positioned south of Changkufeng, found itself trapped in crossfire from positions across the lake. Suetaka, his front-line subordinates, and their worries about artillery superiority pressed onward. He did what he could with the resources at hand, and, in the morning, shifted a two-15-cm howitzer battery from Kyonghun to the sector opposite Changkufeng, a modest increment in reach but a needed one. At 10:00, Suetaka ordered replenishment of frontline strength. He calculated the enemy's power and their own limits: the Russians had deployed three or four infantry battalions, around 120–130 tanks, 50–60 armored cars, about 1,000 mounted troops, and three or four artillery battalions. Yet he found a glimmer in their morale; "the morale of our own units has risen, as we have been dealing grievous blows to the foe on occasion and have been steadily breaking hostile intentions." By 5 August, he noted, fifty enemy tanks had already fallen. Morimoto watched the ominous lull that threatened another attritional test and warned that the situation demanded constant vigilance. "Even if the front seems quiet, we must tighten security, reinforce positions, and not give the foe even the slightest advantage to exploit." The 5th saw only four Japanese soldiers wounded, three from the 75th and one from the mountain artillery, while ammunition usage remained low. Anti-aircraft guns west of Sozan drove off two aircraft that appeared over Changkufeng at 11:45, triggering a counterbarrage from the northeast of Khasan. A few Soviet planes skimmed over Hill 52 and Changkufeng in the afternoon, but their flights felt more like reconnaissance than threat. Across the line, the Russians continued to probe the east side. Northeast of Khasan, waves of infantry and trucks, dozens at a time, slipped south, while roughly 20 tanks began their own southern march. The Russians worked to erect new positions along the Khansi heights. In the meantime, conversations in Moscow pressed toward a decision, with intelligence predicting that a breakthrough would come by noon on the 5th. Around midnight on 5 August, Morimoto observed that the Russians' forward elements seemed to have been pulled back and the front lay quiet. He ordered vigilant guard duties, stressing that crossing the border, trespassing, and fomenting trouble were prohibited by all units and even by scouts. Meanwhile, the Japanese had been preparing for night attacks and consolidating positions. Throughout the foggy night, mechanized units moved on the Crestline east of Khasan. At daybreak, a platoon leader north of Changkufeng reported tanks heading toward Hill 29, estimating the total force at about 70 tanks and 50 troop-laden trucks. Japanese observers at Hill 52 detected new artillery positions on both sides of Hill 29 and 40 tanks on the Crestline south of the hill. By 07:00, the high ground was covered by no fewer than 100 tanks, with 8 or 9 infantry battalions deployed ahead and behind. As early as 03:00, K. Sato had urged his artillery liaison officer to ensure friendly guns fired at daybreak against the Hill 29 sector to thwart the enemy's intentions in advance. When morning fog lifted a bit at 06:00, Kamimori's mountain artillery battalion "hit the tanks very well," and front-line officers spotted shell impacts, though visibility improved only until 10:00, when mist again hampered observation. By 07:00, Soviet guns began firing from near Hill 29, triggering a duel in which the Japanese outranged them. Around 09:00, as the fog lifted from the higher crest of Changkufeng, Japanese gunners added their fire against the 40 Russian tanks near Hill 29. From Fangchuanting, the lone Japanese mountain piece also engaged armor and troop-laden trucks around Hill 29. As time wore on, the Soviet artillery showed its power, and Hill 52 became a beehive of shelling. From 11:00 onward the defenders began to suffer more and more casualties, with works shattered in succession. Flank fire from Gaho and heavy guns from Maanshan took a toll. The 100 tanks deployed on the Crestline north and south of Hill 29 delivered furious low-trajectory fire, gradually turning the front walls of our firing trenches into something resembling a saw. Russian shellfire pounded defenses at Hill 52, Noguchi Hill, and Changkufeng. Between 02:00 and 05:00 the Russian shells had been dispersed; now they concentrated their bombardment. They even struck the rear headquarters of the 37th Brigade and the 75th Regiment. The crossings at Sozan and Matsu'otsuho took heavy hits, and Sato worried that friendly batteries would become exposed to counter-battery fire if they opened up too soon. A peak of intensity arrived near 13:30 as the Soviet ground assault began. Now 30 Soviet aircraft bombed Changkufeng, Fangchuanting, and Hill 52, and Russian tanks moved toward Hill 52, with infantry 300–400 meters behind. To blunt the assault, Hirahara ordered ammunition caches and instructed troops not to open fire prematurely. The Soviet infantry and tanks pressed to a line about 900 meters from the Japanese, paused briefly, then continued. By 14:00, the advance resumed, led by three battalions and 50 tanks. Lieutenant Saito, commanding the 3rd Battalion's antitank battery, waited until tanks were 800 meters away and then opened fire with his three pieces. In a furious exchange between 13:50 and 14:30, as armor closed to 300 meters, the Japanese stopped 14 tanks and seriously damaged others in the rear. One antitank squad leader, a corporal, would later receive a posthumous citation for destroying more than ten tanks. Several tanks fled into a dip near Khasan; some Soviet troops were reportedly crushed by their own tanks in the melee. Supporting Saito's fire were Hisatsune's regimental guns and the captured antitank gun at Changkufeng, which the Japanese used to engage armor along the lake's slopes. Noguchi's unit fired battalion guns against the tanks while the attached mountain pieces bombarded the Russians despite intense counterbattery fire. At Hill 52, liaison lieutenant Fuji'uchi observed the shelling and coordinated infantry–artillery actions with a platoon leader, never flinching even after being buried in trenches three times by shell blasts; he was killed near 14:00. Captain Shiozawa, the mountain battery commander, took charge of directing fire and also was also slain. The Russians' assault pushed forward; 16 tanks followed behind the vanguard, moving along the Crestline behind Hill 52, and joined the tanks in firing but did not advance further. To the rear, a large force moved along the lake north of Hill 52 until checked by fire from Noguchi's positions. A dozen Russian tanks converged southwest of Khasan at 16:00. Master Sergeant Kobayashi, acting platoon leader of the engineers, proposed a close-quarter demolition attack since Japanese antitank strength was limited. After approval from Hirahara, at around 16:30 he and 13 men crept forward 300 meters undetected. Twenty meters from the tanks, Kobayashi urged his men: "One man, one tank! Unto death for us all!" The assault wrecked six to eight (or possibly ten) of the 12 enemy tanks and killed many crew members inside and outside the vehicles, but Kobayashi and seven of his men were killed; only one soldier, Kabasawa, survived to perform a posthumous rescue of a fallen comrade. Of the 60 Russian tanks and at least four battalions that rushed to Hill 52, only one tank charged into the hill positions. At 17:30, this machine reached within 150 meters of the 11th Company lines but was destroyed by armor-piercing heavy machine-gun fire. Back at the 75th Regiment command post, K. Sato received reports from the line units, but hostile fire cut communications with Hill 52 in the afternoon. His antitank guns were increasingly inoperable, and casualties mounted. He reinforced Hill 52 first with heavy machine guns and then with an infantry company. North of Hill 52, Noguchi had been in position with an infantry platoon, a machine-gun platoon, and the battalion gun battery. By 09:30, enemy bombardment forced him to pull back temporarily to the lower Scattered Pines area to avoid needless casualties. At Akahage or "Red Bald" Hill, Noguchi left only lookouts. Around 16:00, about two enemy companies were observed moving toward Changkufeng. Noguchi redirected fire to meet the threat. The Japanese, pinned by infantry and four tanks approaching within 150 meters, endured infantry guns and other tanks in a protracted exchange. Shelling continued until sundown. Casualties mounted; the machine-gun platoon leader, Master Sergeant Harayama, fell with 20 of his men. "It was a hard battle, but we retained our positions, and the enemy advance toward Changkufeng was checked." After sunset there were occasional fire exchanges; tanks remained visible burning. Soviet troops attempting to breach barriers faced hand-grenade assaults. A great deal of noise signaled casualties being evacuated and tanks salvaged behind enemy lines, but no fresh assaults followed. The effective barrage by the 2nd Mountain Artillery Battalion helped deter further attempts.  Around 13:30 the advance began. Soviet ground troops laid down a barrage of field, heavy, and mountain gunfire against Hill 52, Noguchi Hill, and Fangchuanting until sunset. Casualties were heaviest between 15:00 and 17:00. Soviet cutoff fire against the Tumen crossings continued even after the sun went down. Japanese close-support artillery attracted instantaneous counterbattery fire. Enemy planes also seemed to be bombing in quest of the artillery sites. On the sector defended by T. Sato, throughout the night of 5-6 August, Russian movements had been frequent on the Kozando-Paksikori road and east of Khasan, trucks and tanks making round trips. The roar of engines and rumbling of vehicles were especially pronounced on the lake heights. Headlights shone brightly, causing Japanese lookouts to speculate that the Russians were putting on a demonstration to suggest that their main offensive effort was being aimed against Hill 52. Nevertheless, the left sector unit was ready for an enemy dawn assault, which did materialize around 06:00. One or two Soviet battalions struck forward, encountered a torrent of fire at 300 meters, and fled, leaving 30 bodies behind. Near 09:00 the left sector experienced a fierce series of bombardments; all of the men except lookouts took cover in trenches. The Soviet guns thundered unrelentingly, apparently in preparation for an offensive. At 14:30 several dozen bombers struck. Simultaneously, a wave of 60 tanks moved forward, followed by three battalions of infantry. Major Obo, battalion commander on the right wing, had his heavy machine guns, battalion guns, and line companies engage the foot soldiers, while antitank and regimental guns concentrated against armor. The tanks fanned out and approached within 700 meters, stopping to fire on occasion in "mobile pillbox" fashion. Despite unrelenting enemy tank and artillery shelling, the Japanese regimental guns, and the rapid-fire pieces in particular, shifted position and laid down raiding fire. In conjunction with heavy weapons belonging to Takenouchi's battalion, Obo's men succeeded in stopping 20 tanks. The rest of the armored group continued to push forward. The Russian infantry had pressed on another 200 meters behind the tanks, but eventually they lost momentum 400 meters from the Japanese positions. Having managed to separate the tanks from the infantry, the Japanese units staged close-in assaults in concert with heavy weapons and smashed ten more tanks. Thirty machines had been immobilized by now after a furious struggle lasting five hours. Although Lieutenant Ikue was killed by machine-gun fire, his mountain artillery platoon, emplaced at Shachaofeng, rendered yeoman service, stopping 20 tanks. The forward elements of Soviet infantry, still firing from 400 meters behind the tanks, had apparently abandoned the attack. Second-line forces seemed to have pulled far back, northeast of the lake.   Several dozen Soviet bombers struck Takenouchi's left-wing battalion around 14:30 and lost one plane to machine-gun fire. At the same time, 50 Soviet tanks closed to 800 meters. Engaging this armored formation were battalion guns, heavy field artillery, and mountain artillery attached to the sector unit, as well as heavy weapons firing from the neighboring battalion. In succession the tanks were knocked out, perhaps 20 in all. Under cover of artillery and bombing, a battalion of Soviet infantry, who had been advancing behind the tanks, got as close as 30 or 40 meters before being checked by guns firing from the Nanpozan area and by the vigorous resistance of the defenders. The enemy withdrew 600 meters and began to dig in. T. Sato noted at 19:00 that, although the Russians on the right and left sectors seemed to have sustained considerable losses, they apparently were "planning something at point-blank range in front of our positions." The 73rd Infantry would therefore cope with a twilight or night attack by the one battalion and several tanks immediately facing it. On 06:08, immediately after large-scale air attacks involving four-engine bombers between noon and 14:00, enemy barrages began. Enemy artillery positions, 6,000–7,000 meters away, were not engaged by the Japanese since their gunners were trained only at 1,000 meters. Longer ranges were ineffective, would betray the guns, and would waste ammunition. Near 16:00 50 tanks appeared at 3,000 meters, and infantry could also be seen, wearing high boots and marching around the lake. Although the Russians may have closed to 200 or 300 meters, Tominaga received no impression that their foot soldiers were particularly aggressive. Soviet armored tactics were poor: some tanks were moving, some stopped, but they did their firing from rises, which made them easy targets. Perhaps it was because of the terrain, undulating and swampy. Without armor-piercing rounds, the Japanese guns could not penetrate the heaviest armor, so they aimed at the treads or at the belly when the tank was on a rise. Tominaga's weapons were aided by rapid-fire pieces and machine guns and by the 15-cm howitzers from across the river. Of the ten targets which came within effective range, Tominaga's battery claimed five light tanks. Major Takenouchi remembered a tank-led Soviet attack that day on Takenouchi's sector. The enemy infantry deployed in good order four kilometers from the defenses. As the formations drew closer, the Japanese counted more than 40 tanks and 3,000 ground troops. The commander knew he had a serious problem, for there were only 20 antitank shells for the rapid-fire guns. When the Russians got within 4,000 meters, the Japanese opened fire with all available heavy weapons. The attackers hit the ground and continued to advance in creeping formation, although the terrain consisted of paddy fields. All the Japanese could see were Russians, wearing reddish-purple trousers and carrying rifles, deployed every 200 meters behind the front lines and apparently exhorting the soldiers. These must have been the "enforcers." The Japanese let the tanks close to 800 meters before opening fire with their precious antitank ammunition. Both the lead and the last tanks were knocked out, but there were by now only four or five shells left, and the firing had to be stopped. Fortunately for the Japanese, the tanks never again advanced, perhaps because of the wet terrain. The Soviet infantry, however, pressed forward tenaciously all day and wormed their way close to the front edge of the barbed wire under cover of artillery and machine guns. Throughout the day, pleas for reinforcement were made frequently by the two Japanese line companies, but the battalion had no reserves, only the few soldiers in the command team. Requests were met with the reply to "hold on for a while; help is coming." Luckily, there was no close-quarter fighting by the time night fell, but the Russians did lay down concerted machine-gun fire after dark. When dawn broke without a Soviet assault, Major Takenouchi surmised that the barrage of machine-gun fire laid down by Russian infantry the evening before must have been intended to cover disengagement from the lines or to check a Japanese attack. Now, in daylight, Russian assault troops which had closed to the entanglements the day before had pulled back to a distance of 400 or 500 meters and could be seen constructing positions. At 19:10 Morimoto warned that while the Soviet offensive had bogged down, "all units are to be wary of attacks after twilight and are to crush them in good time." Ito, in charge at Changkufeng, was consequently alert, although regimental headquarters did not particularly share his concern. Ito had only two infantry squads from the 6th Company and Hisatsune's regimental gun battery, 121 men in all. A little after 20:00, Ito received a report from lookouts that enemy troops were advancing onto the southern skirt. At 20:30 two Soviet companies attacked the advanced lines, hurling grenades. One Japanese squad was almost wiped out; "they died heroic deaths, leaping into a hostile force which outnumbered them 20:1." Immediately, the Russians surged toward the main Japanese positions farther up the hill, while other strong elements sought to encircle the crest on the left. Accompanying the Soviet troops were "wardens." From north, east, and south the Japanese defenses were being overrun, and the regimental guns were in jeopardy. Wounded men fell back and down the hill, one by one. Lieutenant Hisatsune personally sought to repulse the Russians. Taking his command team, a dozen men under a master sergeant, and the two regimental gun squads which possessed only captured rifles, he led a desperate charge at 21:10. With fixed bayonets, the Japanese rushed forward, yelling loudly and hurling rocks, since there were not enough grenades. The Russians retreated in confusion, pursued by the Japanese. Hisatsune cut down several Russians, was wounded badly by grenades, but plunged into the enemy one last time before meeting a "matchlessly heroic death" at 21:40. Almost all of the noncoms and soldiers fell with him. Suddenly, at 21:20, Ito's antitank squad leader staggered to the 75th Regiment command post at Fangchuanting, his face mangled. "Changkufeng is in danger! Avenge us!" Nishimura and the reinforcements had to run 1,200 meters to reach the hill. Major Ichimoto also worked desperately to retrieve men from logistical chores; somehow he assembled 45. Grabbing every grenade available at the command post, Ichimoto ran with his men to the relief of Changkufeng. Next, Regimental Aide Suko sent 10 soldiers, the last being headquarters clerks and runners. When 16 men from the 2nd Company turned up, having delivered their supplies, Suko rushed them out, also. At regimental headquarters there now remained only a dozen soldiers and one heavy machine gun. By then, the Russians had climbed up and across Changkufeng peak and were pushing halfway down the Japanese slope of the hill. Enemy machine guns fired fiercely, but it was mainly grenades that felled Murakoshi's unit; although few were killed, half of the lead platoon was wounded. Murakoshi, struck by a grenade fragment, tied a cloth around his knee and kept on running. Clinging to Changkufeng, Ito now had little more than 50 men left—only seven of his own soldiers, the rest gunners. The latter had lost their pieces, however, and had never been armed with rifles in the first place. The survivors had to use stones, picks, and shovels to grapple with the foe in the trenches.  A little before 22:00, the 17-man contingent under Nishimura arrived. Ten minutes later, Ichimoto rushed up with his 45 men, bunched closely. The survivors, inferior to the reinforcements in numbers, were heartened immensely. Soon afterward, at 22:30, the regimental warrant officer, Nishizawa, caught up with another dozen soldiers, and Murakoshi brought 16 more at 23:00. Wild fighting ensued, furious grenade exchanges, the crisscrossing of fire, and shouts and flashes. Ichimoto remembered that by the time he arrived, the last remnants of Ito's company were fighting hand-to-hand in the trenches on the north side in utter darkness. Thirty meters from the peak, he and Nishimura scouted the situation. Then, having combined the 120 reinforcements into one line, Ichimoto drew his sword and led the charge. In the constant flashes, shapes could be discerned rather well. The Russian machine guns were firing "crazily," all tracers, probably to warn away their own troops. But the firing was very high, sometimes ten meters over the heads of the Japanese, perhaps because of the darkness, the 40-degree slope near the crest, and the angle of the guns. Much of the fire was considerably lower, but the Japanese had only to observe the roots of the tracer fire and stay down, ducking behind boulders. The Soviets had been committing new troops steadily, and a considerable amount of heavy weapons had been emplaced. Near midnight the Russians were driven south, down the cliff, but most of the Japanese had been killed or wounded, and ammunition was exhausted. The mere dozen unscathed survivors were pushed back, but Master Sergeant Isobe and his platoon from Inokuma's company reached the crest in the nick of time at 02:00. With this reinforcement, Ichimoto led a new charge and again drove the enemy below the cliff.  At 22:50 P.M., Inokuma set out with only 49 men, crossed the border, and headed for the enemy's rear. First to be encountered, probably at 01:00, were several dozen Soviet soldiers, armed with machine guns, who were surprised and almost destroyed, abandoning more than 20 corpses. Inokuma veered north along Khasan, cutting down Russian phone lines on the way. The Japanese detected no evidence of enemy retreat. Instead, voices and the sound of oars on the lake could be heard from the eastern foot of Changkufeng, perhaps they came from Soviet reinforcements. Inokuma decided that the best course would be to plunge ahead and take the Russians by surprise. On his own initiative, he began his new operation, although by now he had lost permanent touch with the assault teams. At 02:00, Inokuma's unit broke silently through the "imperfect" lines of barbed wire and charged through another enemy force of company size which was equipped with machine guns. Next, Inokuma directed an attack against a concentration just behind the company location, a unit estimated to number two battalions massing west of the Khasan crossing. The Russians were "stunned" by the assault. According to Akaishizawa, the enemy were killing their own men by wild firing. A portion fled north, leaving over 30 bodies behind. At the same time, the foe called down fire from all areas, causing very heavy Japanese casualties. Inokuma charged, managed to scatter the foe, and seized the cliff. By now he had only a half-dozen men left. His own sword had been shattered and his pistol ammunition exhausted; he picked up a Russian rifle and bayoneted several enemy soldiers. Now the Soviet troops, who had fallen back once, were approaching again from the right rear. Inokuma charged once more, shouting. The Russians retreated to the foot of the heights on the northeast. Daybreak was near. Already hit several times, Inokuma sought to resume the attack, this time from the rear of hostile forces desperately engaging Ichimoto's elements on Changkufeng crest. Akaishizawa said his last orders were, "Ito is just ahead. Charge on!" Although he had only a few soldiers left, Inokuma was trying to move forward when a bullet or a grenade fragment struck him in the head, and he died at 03:00. Sergeant Okumura, although wounded seriously, had remained with Inokuma to the last and defended the positions that had been reached. He saw to it that Inokuma's corpse was recovered first and next struggled to evacuate the wounded. Only then did he withdraw. Around 07:00, Okumura got back to Fangchuanting with one unscathed and two badly wounded soldiers. A day later, the seriously injured but indestructible M. Saito appeared at the regiment command post, somehow dragging a rifle and light machine gun with his one good arm, for "we were always trained to respect our weapons." It was estimated that, during the fighting throughout 6 August, the Russians lost 1,500 killed and wounded as well as 40 tanks knocked out in K. Sato's right sector alone. Japanese casualties were heavy on the 6th. The 75th Infantry lost three officers; 44 enlisted men were killed and 85 wounded. In the engineer platoon seven were killed and five wounded out of 19 men. The 54 killed and 90 wounded in the right sector amounted to 17 percent of the 843 men available. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Japanese leadership under Colonel Sato assigned Nakano's 75th Regiment for a dawn assault, seizing Hill 52 and Shachaofeng despite fierce Soviet counterattacks,tanks, aircraft, and heavy artillery. 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Last time we spoke about the beginning of a conflict between the USSR and Japan. In the frost-hardened dawns by the Chaun and Tumen, two powers eye a ridge called Changkufeng, each seeing a prize and fearing a trap. On the Soviet side, weary front-line troops tighten their grip, while Moscow's diplomats coaxed restraint through Seoul and Harbin.  As July unfolds, Tokyo's generals push a dangerous idea: seize the hill with a surprise strike, then bargain for peace. Seoul's 19th Division is readied in secret, trains loaded with men and horses, movement masked, prayers whispered to avoid widening the rift. Japanese scouts in white Hanbok disguise, peering at trenches, wire, and watchful Russians. Russian border guards appear as shadows, counters slipping into place, yet both sides hold their fire. On July 29, a skirmish erupts: a platoon crosses a shallow line, clashes flare, and bodies and banners ripple in the cold air.    #178 Night Attacks and Diplomatic Strains: The Lake Khasan Conflict Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. A second troop train was scheduled to depart Agochi for Nanam on the night of 29 July, carrying back the initial elements of the 75th Infantry. At Haigan, regimental commander Sato was pulling on his boots at 16:00 when the division informed him that fighting had broken out near Shachaofeng since 15:00 and that the Russians were assembling forces in that area. Suetaka ordered Sato's 3rd Battalion, which had not been slated to leave until the following night, to proceed to Kucheng; the remainder of the regiment was to assemble at Agochi. After consulting with Division Staff Officer Saito at Agochi, Sato returned to Haigan with the conclusion that "overall developments did not warrant optimism, it was imperative to prepare to move the entire regiment to the battlefield." One of Sato's first actions was to telephone a recommendation to the division that he be allowed to occupy Hill 52, which commanded the approaches to Changkufeng from south of Khasan. Suetaka approved, and at 17:30, Yamada's company was ordered to proceed to Shikai along with Hirahara's battalion. Meanwhile, Suzuki's 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment, which had been among the last units ordered to leave, had finished loading at Agochi by about 15:00. Sato recommended to Suetaka that a portion of Suzuki's regiment be attached to him; this was why Suetaka decided to transfer one of the two batteries to the 75th Infantry. The rest of the heavy artillery concentrated at Kyonghun. Suetaka's orders, issued at 18:20, called for Sato to have two of his battalions, the 1st and 3rd, cross the Tumen as soon as possible, with engineer support. Attached was Narukawa's heavy battery. Sato's mission was twofold: to assist Senda and to watch the enemy in the Changkufeng area. Sato arrived at 21:15 in Shikai. There, he assembled a number of his officers, including Yamada, and explained his plan: the 1st Company plus machine guns were to cross the Tumen from Sozan ahead of the other units, occupy Hill 52 with an element, and concentrate the main body at the foot of Fangchuanting to await Hirahara's battalion. A portion of the 19th Engineers would go to Sozan to assist the 1st Company with its river crossing. Amid heavy rain and darkness, the various units set out at 22:15. The platoon sent to Hill 52 arrived before dawn on the 30th, the rest of the forces somewhat later, though Sato had intended to move everybody across the river by the early hours. On the 29th the engineer regiment commander, Kobayashi, had also arrived at Shikai. He ordered Captain Tomura to handle the crossing in the vicinity of Sozan, as well as preparations for a future offensive with the main body. When Kobayashi reached Kucheng, he learned from Hirahara not only about the front-line situation but also about Sato's important plans: "The K. Sato force is going to cross the river tonight, 29–30 July. A night attack will be launched against Changkufeng on the night of 30–31 July." Kobayashi issued orders to his two commanders to assist the crossing by Nakano's infantry unit, 1st Battalion, 75th Regiment at Matsu'otsuho and Sozan, and, in addition, to cooperate with the position attack by Nakano and help in the assault at Hill 52. Most of these young officers, such as Seutaka dishing out orders were performing what the Japanese termed "dokudan senko" or "arbitrary or independent action". Japanese operational regulations actually contained a section dealing with dokudan senko, by which initiative, not imperiousness, was meant. Two elements were involved: control but encouragement of self-reliant thinking. This subject became important in training officers, all of whom, including such infantry experts as Suetaka, were well acquainted with the requirements. Combat missions were stipulated in operations orders, but, if these were not realistic, initiative was to come into play, though only when there was no time to contact superiors. By the same token, commanders had to be ready to assume full responsibility if matters turned out adversely. "We were disciples of the 'Moltke' system of AGS control, with dual authority vis-à-vis the local forces and the chief of staff."  The Korea Army's version of events on 29 July, there was no mention of any report received from the division prior to 17:30. Details did not reach Seoul, in the form of printed divisional intelligence reports and operational orders, until 1 August. The late afternoon report from Kyonghun provided the Korea Army authorities with little solid information, but Seoul had to notify higher headquarters immediately. Kitano sent messages to Tokyo and Hsinking at 19:15. The command and Kwantung Army were told that, in addition to Senda's assault party, 40 Japanese soldiers were deployed west of Changkufeng and at Yangkuanping. The division's main forces had begun the rail pullback from the 28th, leaving behind only two infantry battalions and a mountain artillery battalion for the time being. At 21:20 on 29 July, Korea Army Headquarters received the text of Suetaka's full report, which concluded: "With a view toward a possible emergency, the division suspended movement back of the 75th Regiment and is making necessary arrangements to have them advance instead. The latest affair derives sheerly from the enemy's unlawful challenge. It is my firm belief that the nature of this incident differs completely from the one at Changkufeng and should be handled separately. At present, since communication with the forward lines is not good, Lieutenant Colonel Senda (who is at the front) has been entrusted with command, but I assume entire responsibility for the consequences." Instead of boarding their trains at Agochi, Sato's regiment and supporting engineers moved to the Manchurian side of the Tumen as soon as possible. Suetaka called Sato's 2nd Battalion to Kyonghun as divisional reserve. Subsequent dispatches claimed that: (1) Senda's unit, which had driven off intruders in the Shachaofeng area once, was engaged against new Soviet forces (sent at 18:20, 29th);  (2) Senda's unit had expelled trespassers, and a combat situation had developed near Shachaofeng (22:00, 29th);  (3) fighting was going on in the vicinity of Shachaofeng (06:40, 30th).  Korea Army Headquarters, however, obtained no more important communication concerning the events of 29 July than a report, sent that evening by Suetaka, that revealed his concern about a possible Soviet attack in the Wuchiatzu sector near the neck of the long Changkufeng appendix.  After the clash at Shachaofeng, a general officer, Morimoto, happened to be visiting Colonels Okido and Tanaka in Nanam. Both of them were said to be of the pronounced opinion that no troubles ought to be provoked with the USSR while the critical Hankow operation lay ahead; yet Suetaka apparently had some intention of striking at the Soviet intruders, using the 75th Regiment. They urged that this policy not be adopted and that Suetaka be approached directly; the channel through Y. Nakamura, the division chief of staff, was hopeless. Although in agreement, General Morimoto declined to approach Suetaka; since the latter seemed to have made up his mind, it would be inappropriate to "meddle" with his command. Suetaka was functioning as an operations chief at that time. Apart from the mobilization staff officer, who was not enthusiastic about aggressive action, the only other officer who may have affected the decisionmaking process was the Hunchun OSS chief, Maj. Tanaka Tetsujiro, a positive type who shared Suetaka's views and was probably with him on the 29th as well as 30th. Although developments at Suetaka's command post were known more as the result of silence than of elucidation, we possessed considerable information about thinking at the Korea Army level: "Suetaka contacted us only after his men had driven out the enemy near Shachaofeng. Till then, the front had been relatively quiet and we were of the opinion all or most of the deployed forces were on their way home. We at Seoul had no foreknowledge of or connection with the 29 July affair. Reports came in; we never sent specific orders. Triggered by the affray at Shachaofeng, the division attacked on its own initiative. It was our understanding that very small Japanese forces had been committed to evict a dozen enemy scouts and that, when a platoon of ours got atop the hill, they observed surprisingly huge hostile concentrations to the rear. This was probably why the platoon pulied back, although much has been made of the desire to obey the nonaggravation policy to the letter. We at Seoul felt that this was a troublesome matter—that our side had done something unnecessary. When the division finally made its report, the army had to reach some decision. There were two irreconcilable ways of looking at things. We might condemn what had been done, and the division ought to be ordered to pull out promptly, having arbitrarily and intolerably acted against the known facts that Imperial sanction for use of force had been withheld and Tokyo had directed evacuation of the moved-up units. The opposing, eventually predominant view was that the division commander's course of action ought to be approved. Perusal of small-scale maps of the locale indicated a clear violation of the frontier, something not proved in the case of Changkufeng. We shared the division commander's interpretation. His BGU had its mission, and he was acting with foresight to solve matters positively and on his own, since he was the man closest to the problem. General Nakamura felt that the latest development was inevitable; our units did not cross the Tumen until the Soviets attacked us in force. Therefore, the division's actions were approved and a report was rendered promptly to Tokyo. It could be said that our outlook served to "cover" the division commander, in a way. But if IGHQ had ordered us to desist, we would have".  Nakamura added: "I was of the opinion the only solution was to drive the Soviet troops outside Manchukuoan territory; therefore, I approved the action by the division." Such sanction had been granted on the basis of information supplied to Seoul by Suetaka on the evening of 29 July, again post facto. At 01:20 on the 30th, Nakamura wired Suetaka a message characterized by gracious phrasing that suggested his grave concern: "One ought to be satisfied with expelling from Manchurian territory the enemy attacking our unit on the . . . heights southwest of Shachaofeng. It is necessary to keep watch on the enemy for the time being, after having pulled back to the heights mentioned above, but we desire that matters be handled carefully to avoid enlargement; in case the foe has already pulled back south of Shachaofeng . . . he need not be attacked." Nakamura also sent a wire to the AGS chief, the War Minister, and the Kwantung Army commander. After conveying the information received from Suetaka, Nakamura continued: "In spite of the fact that our troops have been patient and cautious . . . this latest incident [near Shachaofeng] started with Soviet forces' arrogant border trespassing and . . . unlawful challenge. Therefore, I am convinced that this affair must be dealt with separately from the incident at Changkufeng. Nevertheless, I shall endeavor to handle matters so that the incident will not spread and shall make it my fundamental principle to be satisfied with evicting from Manchurian territory the hostile forces confronting us. The Korea Army chief of staff is being dispatched quickly to handle the incident".  The Korea Army, "painfully slow to act," says a Kwantung Army major, was merely the intermediary link, the executor of Tokyo's desires. In the case of remote Shachaofeng, there was an inevitable gap between on-the-spot occurrences and AGS reactions. By then, Arisue, Kotani, and Arao, Inada's observers, had returned to Japan—an important fact, given the "Moltke" system of staff control. Nevertheless, their return must have exerted significant effects on central operational thinking. Kotani remembered that his AGS subsection had given him a welcome-home party on the night of 29 July when an emergency phone call was received from the duty officer. "It was about the clash at Shachaofeng. The festivities came to an abrupt end and I headed for the office. From then till the cease-fire on 11 August, I remained at the AGS night and day." Since the 19th Division had furnished higher headquarters with minimal information, Tokyo, like Seoul, had only a few ostensible facts to act upon. But this had been the first combat test for the Korea Army, which needed all the encouragement and assistance possible. Although Japanese field armies, notably the Kwantung Army, were notorious for insubordination, one could not overemphasize the fact that the Korea Army was meek and tractable. If Nakamura had concluded that Suetaka acted properly (which reports from Seoul indicated), the AGS could hardly demur. It would have been unrealistic to think that Tokyo, although cautious, was "softer" about the Russian problem than front-line forces. There had been no concern over time lags; details were Seoul's province. Reaction took time at every level of the chain of command. Decision making in the Japanese Army had been a many-layered process. The Army general staff had been of the opinion that initial guidance ought to have been provided to the Korea Army soon, particularly since there had been evidence of failure to convey intentions promptly to the front and no high command staff officer remained to direct matters. After hearing from Seoul twice about the Shachaofeng affair, the responsible Army general staff officers conferred at length. Stress had been laid on the indivisibility of the Shachaofeng and Changkufeng incidents. It had also been evident that further information was required. On that basis, a "handling policy for the Shachaofeng Incident" was drafted, and Tada notified the Korea and Kwantung armies accordingly on 30 July. Nakamura had received the telegram at 16:50 and had its contents retransmitted to Kitano, then at Kyonghun: "Shachaofeng Incident is progressing along lines of our policy, leave things to local units, which have been adhering to the principle of nonenlargement. Have them report on front-line situation without fail."  The Army general staff and the Korea Army were calling for prudence, but the division, well down the rungs of the ladder of command, was initiating actions that jeopardized the government's basic policy. Earlier quibbling about restraints on "unit-size" elements crossing into Manchuria had been abandoned after the firefight near Shachaofeng on 29 July. At 15:30, Takenouchi's battalion, part of the 76th Regiment, had been directed to assist Senda near Yangkuanping; at 18:20 Suetaka was ordering the 75th Regiment to head for the Kucheng sector and be ready to assault the Russians in the Changkufeng area. Support was to be provided by Kobayashi's engineers, by Iwano's transportation men, and by Suzuki's heavy guns. Of particular interest had been Suetaka's acceptance of Sato's recommendation that elements be sent to occupy Hill 52, a measure linked with a possible Japanese attack against Changkufeng.   Sato had decided by evening that the new situation required rapid deployment of his forces across the river. At Shikai, he conducted a briefing of his officers. Suetaka's orders conveyed orally by staff officers had stipulated: "The division will take steps to secure the border line immediately, even if the situation undergoes change. The Sato unit will advance immediately to the left shore, reinforce Senda's unit, and maintain a strict watch on the enemy in the Changkufeng area." Around 23:20, the last elements ordered forward arrived at Shikai station. Sato instructed only his headquarters and the Ito company to get off. The rest of the troop train primarily the 1st [Nakano's] Battalion was to move on to Hongui. From there, the soldiers proceeded to the Tumen near Sozan. With his staff and Ito's company, Sato trudged in silence through the mud from Shikai to the shore at Matsu'otsuho, starting at 00:30 and reaching the crossing site at 03:00. Reconnaissance had proved satisfactory, Sato remembered.  At the crossings, the hardworking engineers rowed his 1st and 3rd battalions across, company by company. Near dawn, around 04:30, he traversed the river. The movement had been completed in about an hour. When Sato's infantry finally got across, they proceeded to the skirt of Fangchuanting and assembled in secrecy. Not until about 08:00 did the regimental headquarters, Ito's company, and Hirahara's battalion reach Hill 147, already held by Noguchi's company west of Changkufeng. By then, plans had fallen behind schedule by at least several hours because of difficulties in train movement forward. Sato also remembered torrential rains; other officers mentioned darkness. Members of Nakano's battalion pinpointed a shortage of engineer boats from Kucheng. Engineers rowed some boats downstream during the night, but six of them were kept at Matsu'otsuho. This left only three boats for moving the 400 men of the 1st Battalion, the unit slated to storm Changkufeng, across the river at Sozan. Sato had wanted all of his troops across well before dawn on the 30th. A division staff officer rightly thought that Suetaka had already advised Sato, in secret, to "attack at an opportune time," and that the night of 29–30 July had been intended for the surprise assault. "Perhaps there was not enough time for all the attack preparations." Kobayashi's engineers admitted problems in moving boats to Sozan: "Although the water level had gone up because of daily rains recently, there were still many shallows and the current was irregular. Not only was it hard to move downstream, but dense fog also complicated the work. Nevertheless, the units at both sites were able to accomplish the river-crossing operation approximately as scheduled".  Meanwhile, after reconnoitering Soviet defenses along the Manchurian bank, Suzuki, commander of the 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment, crossed the Kyonghun Bridge on 30 July with his 1st Battery and established positions on the edge of Shuiliufeng Hill. Once Captain Narukawa was attached to the 75th Infantry on 29 July, he dispatched his 2nd Battery by train to Shikai that night. Although firing sites had been surveyed northwest of Sho-Sozan, the battery had to traverse two weak, narrow bridges in the darkness. With two 15-centimeter howitzers to haul, plus five caissons and wagons, the unit faced tense moments. The gun sites themselves were worrisome: they were scarcely masked from observation from Changkufeng, and the single road to them from the unloading station ran through a paddy area and was similarly exposed. By 1200 hours on 30 July, Sato exerted operational control over the following units: his own forces, Nakano's battalion east of Fangchuanting; Hirahara's reinforced battalion west of Chiangchunfeng; a platoon from Nakajima's infantry company on Hill 52; and Noguchi's company on Hill 147; and from other forces, Senda's 2nd (Kanda) BGU Company; two reinforced companies from Takenouchi's battalion of Okido's 76th Regiment near Shachaofeng; and a 75-mm half-battery from the 25th Mountain Artillery on the Manchurian side with Sato. On the Korean shore, another half-battery comprising two 15-centimeter howitzers from Narukawa's unit of the 15th Heavy Field Artillery was in place. The 19th Engineers operated near the crossing sites, though one platoon remained at Fangchuanting. Sato said, "We were now deployed at last, to cope with any situation." His command post was set in foxholes on open ground at Chiangchunfeng, a central hill that offered excellent observation and control over actions around Changkufeng to the east and Shachaofeng to the north. Not content with suspending the pullout of units and deploying additional combat troops across the Tumen, Suetaka decided to recall division headquarters, mountain artillery, cavalry, signal, medical, and veterinary personnel from Nanam. At dawn on 30 July, Nanam issued orders for Colonel Tanaka to move 500 men and 300 horses to Agochi by rail; most of the increment came from Tanaka's horse-drawn 25th Mountain Artillery. The colonel reached the Korean side of the Tumen at 05:00 on 31 July. The preceding emergency measures were being implemented by Suetaka, even as he received Nakamura's calming telegram of 30 July enjoining nonexpansion. Changkufeng Hill was not even mentioned. Nakamura's concern was typified by Kitano flying to the front. At 10:00 on 30 July, Kitano sent the division chief of staff a cautious follow-up cable: "Based on the consistent policy for handling the Changkufeng Incident and on the army commander's earlier telegram, kindly take steps to ensure careful action in connection with the affair in the Shachaofeng vicinity lest there be enlargement." At 13:45, Nakamura transmitted another restraining message to Suetaka: "The division is to secure … Chiangchunfeng and … the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, using present front-line units. Unless there is an enemy attack, however, resort to force will depend on separate orders." Several hours later, at 16:50, Nakamura received instructions from Tada: the Shachaofeng case was being left to the local forces, who were pursuing the desired policy of nonenlargement, but prompt reporting was desired. At 19:30, the retransmitted message was received by Kitano, already at the front with Suetaka at Kyonghun. After his units had crossed the Tumen on 30 July, Sato Kotoku ordered a strict watch and directed preparations for an assault based on the plans. He conferred with Senda at Chiangchunfeng and observed the enemy. Even after dawn, the frontline commanders who had crossed the river remained uncertain about when the attack would be staged. While Sato's force conducted reconnaissance to prepare for a daytime offensive, orders arrived around 08:00 indicating, "We intend a night attack, so conceal your activities." Daytime movements were prohibited. Sato then explained the impression he had derived from Senda and the intelligence on which he based his estimates: " Exploiting the impasse in diplomatic negotiation, the enemy side had steadily reinforced front-line offensive strength and trespassed anew near Shachaofeng. They now had a battalion and a half of infantry plus 20 artillery pieces in the area, some south of Shachaofeng and the others at four positions immediately east of Lake Khasan. At least a dozen (maybe 20) tanks were deployed in the sector opposite us. About 300 well-armed, active Russian troops were at Changkufeng. I decided that an attack ought to be staged that night. First of all, we were going to chill the insolent enemy by a courageous night assault—a method characteristic of the Imperial Army. Then all kinds of fire power were to be combined in a surprise attack against the positions. Our intention was to jo lt the Russians, demonstrate the true strength of our combat fire, and, by a combination of night and dawn attacks, cut down losses which our left-flank units would have incurred if a night assault alone were staged. We had considered two plans—a night attack against Changkufeng by the 3rd Battalion from the north, or by the 1st Battalion from the south. On 30 July, I decided to execute the second plan, using my 1st (Nakano's) Battalion, to avoid simultaneous involvement around Shachaofeng where the foe was by now alerted."  The Japanese Army ordinarily favored surprise assaults without supporting guns, since firepower was regarded as secondary in close combat and artillery was in short supply. According to the regimental journal, telephone contacts from the morning of the 30th indicated that the division commander shared the same line of thinking as Sato. By noon, Suetaka made his stance explicit. A phone call from Kucheng conveyed to Sato the gist of a critical division order: first, a detailed briefing on Soviet troop concentrations and dispositions, firing positions, troops, and armor south of Shachaofeng; entanglements and forces at Changkufeng; large concentrations behind west of Khasan; tanks and ground formations moving north of the lake; a heavy concentration near the lake to the northwest; one confirmed and two suspected positions along the eastern shore and another with artillery far to the south. Then the order stated that K. Sato's forces, including the Takenouchi battalion from the 76th Infantry, one mountain artillery platoon, and one engineer platoon were to strengthen their positions and, at the same time, promptly evict from Manchurian territory the intruding and advancing enemy. However, pursuit must not be pushed too far lest the border be crossed. Shortly after noon, Suetaka issued another order to form a new force under Senda, who was to strengthen border security along the Shuiliufeng–Hunchun line. As with Sato, Senda was to eject the intruding and advancing enemy from Manchurian soil but not pursue them across the border. By midafternoon, Sato knew not only what he wanted to do but also Suetaka's intentions. At 15:30, he assembled all subordinate officers at Chiangchunfeng and dictated minute attack instructions. Intelligence indicated that the enemy continued to fortify points of importance along the Changkufeng–Shachaofeng line. Sato's plan was to annihilate hostile elements that had crossed the border north and south of Changkufeng. His concept went beyond a frontal assault. While Nakano's battalion would jump off south of Changkufeng, one reinforced company, Takeshita's 10th was to attack north. Since the sun rose at about 05:00, Sato intended to wipe out the enemy during three hours of darkness. Another battalion, Hirahara's 3rd would be held in reserve, with Ito's 6th Company ready to launch a night attack against Changkufeng from the northwest if necessary. Small forces deployed southeast at Hill 52 were to block the arrival of Soviet reinforcements around the southern shores of Khasan. Only after Changkufeng was secured and fire swept the high ground south of Shachaofeng would a reinforced battalion, Takenouchi's 1st from the 76th Regiment undertake a dawn assault to clear the Russians from that sector. An engineer platoon would assist both the night and dawn assault battalions with obstacle clearing. There would be no artillery support until dawn, when the available guns were to provide maximum coverage. Notably, even the movement of a single antitank gun warranted mention. Sato concluded the attack order by directing that each unit mask its intentions after sunset. Takenouchi was to act to check the enemy as soon as the sun went down. In connection with the dawn barrage against the enemy southwest of Shachaofeng, key personnel were to study the best way to exploit sudden fire described as gale and lightning. They were also to be ready to destroy enemy tanks. A green star shell would be fired to signal the success of the night attack. The code words were shojiki "honesty" and ydmo "bravery". At midnight, the regiment commander would be at the northwest foot of Chiangchunfeng. The order stressed typical night-attack precautions: secrecy and concealment, avoidance of confusion, antitank defense, and flare signaling of success. Sato added his own flair with his daily motto as code words and the reference to "whirlwind" fire. Impending action times were explicitly set when the order was issued at 15:30 on the 30th, more than ten hours before the 1st Battalion was to jump off. The key to success in a night assault lay in an absolute prohibition on firing by their side, and bold, courageous charging. Sato reminded his men that life is granted again after death. Nakano then assembled his company commanders east of Fangchuanting and issued his battalion order at 18:30. A few hours after Sato's briefing of the assault commanders, Suetaka arrived at the 75th Regiment command post. This visit late on 30 July is central to allegations that Sato, not Suetaka, conceived and executed the night attack on his own initiative. Divisional orders giving Sato his core mission had already been conveyed by telephone. After 16:00, Suetaka boarded a motorboat at Kucheng and went to the Manchurian side to verify front-line conditions. Soviet snipers south of Yangkuanping fired several shots, but his craft reached the Matsu'otsuho landing and proceeded to Chiangchunfeng to meet Sato. Sato described the situation: "frontline enemy forces had been reinforced steadily and had begun a vigorous offensive. The foe was provoking us, and the matter had grown very serious. I had already issued orders at 15:30 to take the initiative and deal the enemy a smashing blow." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On a frost-bitten dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, Russia and Japan lock eyes over Changkufeng. Diplomats urge restraint, yet Tokyo's generals push a bold gamble: seize a hill with a surprise strike and bargain later. Japanese divisions, engineers, and artillery edge toward the border, while Soviet sentries brace for a confrontation that could widen the war. 

Today's poem may be triggering for anyone who has had to endure a vacation they didn't plan or really even want to go. Happy reading. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit dailypoempod.substack.com/subscribe

     This week- four tales of shivering fright to carry you through a chilly autumn night.     Kayako Saeki, with her son Toshio and cat Mar, is murdered by her jealous husband. Her anger and sorrow turn them all as onryo and place an insatiable curse on the house. Soon Toshio's teacher Kobayashi, the Murakami family, and all others who venture in will find nothing but misery. The first feature length entry in a thirteen entry franchise with entries on both sides of the globe, Takashi Shimizu's Ju-on: The Curse.     Three drug dealers try to buy some drugs found by an eccentric funeral director. As they walk to through the building, they are regaled with stories of terror and the supernatural. Rusty Cundieff's second feature is full of pointed social commentaries about police brutality, child abuse, racism, and gang violence. A 90s cult classic, backed by several fantastic performances, which would get a pair of sequels over twenty years later, Tales from the Hood.     Mark is a wannabe cinematographer living in Los Angeles. He struggles to establish his career, only finding work filming short pornographic scenes for a man he despises, and unable to form connects with women, often ending with brutal violence. All of that may change when he meets Michelle, a young woman he meets at work in a committed relationship with a similar background and interests. A rediscovered psychotronic exploitation that might be among the best of the subgenre. The first and tragically only feature written and directed by Christina Hornisher, Hollywood 90028.     Professor Hildern returns from an expedition in New Guinea with a remarkable discovery- a giant humanoid skeleton older than any previously recovered and twice as advanced. This is just the beginning of the puzzle as the Professor discovers exposure to water will cause rapid regeneration of tissue and cell which will change everything we know, a similar line of research that his psychiatrist brother is perusing. Directed by Hammer and Amicus regular Freddie Francis and starring the legends of British horror, Peter Cushing and Christopher Lee, The Creeping Flesh.     All that and Dave games on, Kevin wallows in the cinema room, Tyler gets his warm fuzzies on, and Craig cackles at the sights he has to show us all. Join us, won't you?   Episode 435: Skeleton Gelatin (and Further Tales from the Hood)

The Boys are on their own this week as Cale trauma dumps all of his podcast ideas. Starring Cale Evans, and Jacob Brayton Music by Josh Brayton The Podcast From Hell is a fully improvised comedy podcast featuring creatures from the worlds of Mythology, Lore, Legends, and the minds of North Carolina's okayest improvisors.

Send us a textDay eight of the shutdown, no data, no scoreboard, just thunder over St Barts and my voice in the dark. The Philly Fed whispers life and the Fed's month-old minutes somehow steal the show: dovish, nervous, and oddly triumphant. I talk about Stephen Miran's population shocks: millions arriving, then vanishing, the beat that moves jobs and rents faster than the Fed can blink. I take you from Malta to Tokyo, from tariffs to the Kobayashi test, asking why America leads, Japan staggers, and everyone else watches the credits roll. It's macro as theatre, humour, and confession.Objective of Acid BreathTo turn every trading day into a human story. Memory, irony, and mischief in place of market jargon.Why listenBecause Acid Breath makes the world's madness sound like music and might even teach you how to dance with it.Support the show⬇️ Subscribe on Patreon or Substack for full episodes ⬇️https://www.patreon.com/HughHendryhttps://hughhendry.substack.comhttps://www.instagram.com/hughhendryofficialhttps://blancbleustbarts.comhttps://www.instagram.com/blancbleuofficial⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Leave a five star review and comment on Apple Podcasts!

Send us a textAcid Breath - Kobayashi Test - 7 October 2025Government shut, data feed dead, and the market is whispering its sins. I open today's Acid Breath by reading price as confession, not scripture. Regional banks are mating for survival as Fifth Third reaches for Comerica, a fear of dying small dressed up as synergy. A trillion dollars threatens to seep from emerging world vaults into dollar stablecoins, sovereign power seeping through circuitry, not warships. Stellantis vows 10 billion to resurrect itself. Fools. This is a suicide pact with a countdown clock. Then Japan takes center stage, a forty percent yen slide and a Nikkei that feels like a séance, the no win Kobayashi test for policy where every choice bleeds. Dots connect to form a melt up that flatters before it flays, with crypto and gold crowned as strange refuges when trust itself is scarce. This is provocation, not permission, a field guide to Tuesday's hangover and tomorrow's reckoning. Listen in, breathe deep, send me your heresies.Acid Capitalist™

Sydni Kobayashi is a mother and entrepreneur from the island of O'ahu. She is the sister of Hannah Kobayashi, the girl from Hawai'i who voluntarily disappeared last year and was found in Mexico. In this episode we talk about growing up in Hawai'i with Hannah, the events leading up to Hannah's disappearance, finding out Hannah was missing, her dad passing away, finding Hannah, moving forward after the traumatic weeks, being put in the spotlight, future goals, and so much more.Find Sydni here:https://www.instagram.com/4forty4hawaii/Buy our merch on:Official website: https://keepitaloha.com/Support us on:Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/kamakadiasFollow us on:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/keepitalohapod/Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/keepitalohapodTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@keepitalohapod

想實際體驗日語會話裡的智慧家電嗎？

In this powerful message, we're reminded that our minds are battlefields, where a constant war rages between spiritual and carnal thoughts. The key verse from Romans 8 emphasizes the stark contrast: 'To be carnally minded is death, but to be spiritually minded is life and peace.' We're challenged to prepare for this ongoing spiritual war, recognizing that our enemy is experienced and knows our weaknesses. The encouraging message of Exodus 23 reminds us that God works 'little by little' in our lives, gradually helping us take possession of the promised land - which, for us today, represents taking control of our minds. This process requires us to increase in knowledge and understanding through education and, more importantly, through Bible study. We're called to discern between right and almost right, as the subtle deceptions of the enemy can easily lead us astray if we're not grounded in God's truth.

On this episode of The Weekly Scroll Podcast, we sit down with game designer Alexandre "KOBAYASHI" Jeannette to talk about The Black Sword Hack, going fulltime as a game designer, and their current project on Kickstarter—FALLEN BLADES ENDLESS STARS, a mark of the odd space opera zine where you play space knights battling an evil empire. Back Fallen Blades, Endless Stars here: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/alexandrekobayashi/fallen-blades-endless-stars-a-space-opera-rpg-zineFind Kobayashi here: https://alexandre-kobayashi.itch.io/and here: https://www.drivethrurpg.com/en/publisher/12338/livres-de-l-ours0:00 Start21:06 Fallen Blades Endless Stars47:09 EndAll our links here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://linktr.ee/theweeklyscroll⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠YouTube: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.youtube.com/@theweeklyscroll⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitch: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.twitch.tv/theweeklyscroll⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/the.weekly.scroll⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Bluesky: ⁠⁠⁠https://bsky.app/profile/theweeklyscroll.com⁠⁠⁠Discord: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://discord.gg/SQYEuebVab⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Merch: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.bonfire.com/store/the-weekly-scroll/

(0:00) Alex Barth & George Balekji begin Hour #3 recapping Joey Chestnut's epic return to glory - winning the Nathan's Hot Dog Eating Contest for a record 17th time. Barth highlights Chestnut's dominance. Former hot dog eating Champion, Kobayashi gets mentioned. The duo get consumed by food talk. (10:34) MLE Records with Alex Barth - Incredible/Outlandish Major League Eating records for the panel of George's to guess the mark. Cannoli's, glazed doughnuts, hard-boiled eggs, soft tacos, chicken nuggets, bacon strips and more. (23:49) Food talk continued. Barth deems Joey Chestnut to be the "Tom Brady" of Major League Eating. Where does Joey Chestnut rank on list of All-Time Champions? (30:29) Reports indicate Masataka Yoshida is set to be called up to the big league club for the start of the Red Sox next home stand. What's the approach for inserting Yoshida into the lineup? Is it at 1B? DH? Who's the odd man out at the expense of Yoshida? Does this trigger a trade? - Alex & George break down the dynamics of the Yoshida call-up. ------------------------------------------- FOLLOW ON TWITTER/X: @RealAlexBarth | @GeorgeBalekji | @jorgiesepulveda

Which research methods are better, quantitative or qualitative? What is more important, getting a richer picture of what goes on in organizations, or seeking generalizable insights about causality? This debate has raged at the very least since Glaser and Strauss popularized the grounded theory method in the mid twentieth century. In 2025, we want to put this debate to rest. We asked one of the best econometric scholars we know () and one of the best qualitative scholars we know () to fight this debate on air and come up with their very own end-of-all arguments. The result? It may surprise you: We all ought to get mad.   Episode reading list Chang, H. (2008). Inventing Temperature: Measurement and Scientific Progress. Oxford University Press. Burtch, G., Carnahan, S., & Greenwood, B. N. (2018). Can You Gig It? An Empirical Examination of the Gig Economy and Entrepreneurial Activity. Management Science, 64(12), 5497-5520. Greenwood, B. N., Kobayashi, B. H., & Starr, E. P. (2025). Can You Keep a Secret? Banning Noncompetes Does Not Increase Trade Secret Litigation. SSRN, . Kraemer, K. L., Dickhoven, S., Tierney, S. F., & King, J. L. (1987). Datawars: The Politics of Modeling in Federal Policymaking. Columbia University Press. Roth, J., Sant'Anna, P. H. C., Bilinski, A., & Poe, J. (2023). What's Trending in Difference-in-Differences? A Synthesis of the Recent Econometrics Literature. Journal of Econometrics, 235(2), 2218-2244. Matherly, T., & Greenwood, B. N. (2024). No News is Bad News: The Internet, Corruption, and the Decline of the Fourth Estate. MIS Quarterly, 48(2), 699-714. Levitt, S. D., & Dubner, S. J. (2005). Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything. William Morrow. Greenwood, B. N., & Wattal, S. (2017). Show Me the Way to Go Home: An Empirical Investigation of Ride-Sharing and Alcohol Related Motor Vehicle Fatalities. MIS Quarterly, 41(1), 163-187. King, A. A. (2025). Does Corporate Social Responsibility Increase Access to Finance? A Commentary on Cheng, Ioannou, and Serafeim (2014). Strategic Management Journal, forthcoming. . Seidel, S., Frick, C. J., & vom Brocke, J. (2025). Regulating Emerging Technologies: Prospective Sensemaking through Abstraction and Elaboration. MIS Quarterly, 49(1), 179-204. Pentland, B. T. (1999). Building Process Theory with Narrative: From Description to Explanation. Academy of Management Review, 24(4), 711-725. Lee, J., & Berente, N. (2013). The Era of Incremental Change in the Technology Innovation Life Cycle: An Analysis of the Automotive Emission Control Industry. Research Policy, 42(8), 1469-1481. Anderson, P., & Tushman, M. L. (1998). Technological Discontinuities and Dominant Designs: A Cyclical Model of Technological Change. Administrative Science Quarterly, 35(4), 604-633. Brynjolfsson, E., & Hitt, L. M. (1996). Paradox Lost? Firm-Level Evidence on the Returns to Information Systems Spending. Management Science, 42(4), 541-558. Noe, R. (2025). Moral Incoherence During Category Emergence: The Contentious Case of Connected Toys. Harvard Business School Working Paper, 24-071, . 

For more of my latest content, subscribe to my YouTube channel, Dark Asia with Megan and join our awesome community. Your support means everything, and I can't wait to share more Asian cases with you! On Other Platforms: • TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@darkasiawithmegan • Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/darkasiawithmegan • Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/darkasiameganlee

In this week's episode of Joint Action, Professor David Hunter is joined by Dr Sarah Kobayashi, a lecturer in anatomy and osteoarthritis researcher, to talk about the power of walking - especially for people with osteoarthritis.Sarah shares her insights into the many health benefits of walking, why it's so important for joint health, and how to overcome common barriers to getting started. She also introduces the CASCADE-OA study (Community bAsed phySical aCtivity AnD sElf-management for OsteoArthritis), a 12-month clinical trial exploring the effectiveness of a self-directed walking program, Walk With Ease Australia, in improving physical activity levels and managing symptoms for those with hip or knee osteoarthritis.Whether you're new to walking or looking to establish a sustainable routine, this episode offers practical advice and motivation to help you take that first step.RESOURCES Learn more about the CASCADE-OA study and check your eligibility:CASCADE-OA Study Overview: www.osteoarthritisresearch.com.au/cascadeoa-study-overviewAsk your local arthritis organisation about Walk With Ease or the CASCADE-OA study: Arthritis Australia – www.arthritisaustralia.com.au/state-offices/Additional resources:Versus Arthritis Walking Guide (UK): www.versusarthritis.org/about-arthritis/exercising-with-arthritis/exercises/walkingHeart Foundation Walking Groups (Australia) – walking.heartfoundation.org.auParkrun Australia: www.parkrun.com.auCONNECT WITH US Twitter: @ProfDavidHunter @jointactionorgInstagram: @osteoarthritisresearchgroupEmail: osteoarthritis.research@sydney.edu.auWebsite: www.jointaction.info/podcast Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On this Salcedo Storm Podcast:GOP timidity or duplicity has finally pushed Chris over the edge. In his effort to talk with Sean about anything but government and poltics, Captain James T. Kirk is invoked. 

“Understand the cultural sensitivities to really engage people — It is so critical to create an inclusive atmosphere for better decision making and influencing.”Koji Kobayashi is Coca Cola's Head of Human Insights for Japan and Korea. Koji San is a global marketing and insights leader who's worked across the U.S., Japan, and Southeast Asia, on categories ranging from affordable every day consumer products to luxury goods. Koji San got his start at P&G, where he spent 14 years as a CMK leader, working Prestige Skin Care, Beauty Care, and Household Care, across Singapore, Asia, and the United States. He's also passionate about giving back, supporting children's education and health through amazing organizations like Save the Children and UN Women. You'll enjoy this candid conversation of experiences across multiple cultures from Japan to Singapore to the United States — and how influence can look very different across individualistic and collective cultures and lessons on how leaders can architect inclusiveness into their teams. This episode is hosted by P&G Alum Sudha Ranganathan, who's spent over 19 years in diverse Marketing leadership roles at companies like P&G, PayPal, and LinkedIn where she's honed her passion for customer-centric marketing and talent development.

Cult Babes! This week we're discussing the bizarre disappearance, and reappearance?! of Hannah Kobayashi. Call the Hotline: 747-322-0273Buy my book: prh.com/obitchuaryMerch! Merch! Merch!: wonderyshop.com/cultliterCome see me on tour: obitchuarypodcast.com Write me: spencer@cultliter.comSpencer Henry PO Box 18149 Long Beach CA 90807 Follow along online: instagram.com/cultliterpodcast instagram.com/spencerhenryJoin our patreon: Patreon.com/cultliterCheck out my other show OBITCHUARY wherever you're listening now! Sources: https://apnews.com/article/missing-woman-hawaii-hannah-kobayashi-237f5a7131079d4666aa5b0e77dd783ehttps://apnews.com/article/hannah-kobayashi-voluntary-missing-9acafd23f4bc6d8f400e8e0ad6ad123dhttps://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-12-03/how-hannah-kobayashi-case-led-to-mexico-and-new-revelationshttps://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-11-25/hannah-kobayashi-father-dead-suicidehttps://www.the-sun.com/news/12973366/missing-hannah-kobayashis-family-venmo-payments-scam/https://www.the-sun.com/news/13011124/hannah-kobayashi-missing-mexico-video/https://nypost.com/2024/11/25/us-news/conspiracy-theories-may-have-sparked-tragic-twist-in-hannah-kobayashis-case/https://nypost.com/2024/11/29/us-news/hannah-kobayashis-friends-think-final-texts-before-disappearance-were-faked-because-they-dont-include-emojis/https://people.com/hannah-kobayashi-update-hawaiian-woman-crossed-mexico-border-on-foot-8748262?utm_source=chatgpt.comhttps://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-14153013/hannah-kobayashi-gofundme-donors-answers-missing-update.htmlhttps://www.reddit.com/r/hannahkobayashi/https://lamag.com/news/investigators-want-to-know-if-hannah-kobayashi-is-involved-in-green-card-marriage-scamhttps://people.com/hannah-kobayashi-spent-10-hours-with-man-she-met-at-lax-before-going-to-border-8757898See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

On November 8th, 2024, Hannah Kobayashi she from Honolulu to Los Angeles for a very short layover en route to New York City. Hannah never made her connecting flight, and her family became worried about her. Over the next few days, she sent out a series of mysterious texts. Join Mike and Morf as they discuss Hannah Kobayashi. What started as a disappearance case turned into a web of mysteries. Hannah's location, two green card marriages, and the reasons behind what she did would soon begin to emerge. You can help support the show at patreon.com/criminology   An Emash Digital production

This week we have good news in the case of Hannah Kobayashi, a woman from Hawaii who was reported missing by her family in early November. We're also discussing the recent drone sightings in the skies of New Jersey and the Northeast... Try our coffee!! - www.CriminalCoffeeCo.com Become a Patreon member -- > https://www.patreon.com/CrimeWeekly Shop for your Crime Weekly gear here --> https://crimeweeklypodcast.com/shop Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/c/CrimeWeeklyPodcast Website: CrimeWeeklyPodcast.com Instagram: @CrimeWeeklyPod Twitter: @CrimeWeeklyPod Facebook: @CrimeWeeklyPod

30-year-old Hannah Kobayashi was traveling to New York from her home in Hawaii for work and to visit family in November of 2024. After missing her connecting flight after a layover in Los Angeles, Hannah's family started receiving strange text messages from her. Then, she disappeared. This prompted police to conduct a full search for Hannah, but what no one expected was the shocking twists that were to come, including a tragic death… Omaha Steaks Go to https://www.OmahaSteaks.com and use Promo Code AE at checkout for an extra $30 off.  Helix Visit https://www.HelixSleep.com/Serialously and get 25% off plus 2 free Dream Pillows with your mattress purchase Rocket Money Go to https://www.RocketMoney.com/AE to cancel your unwanted subscriptions and reach your financial goals faster Robody Go to https://www.ro.co/ae to find out if you're covered for free Factor Head to https://www.FACTORMEALS.com/50ae to get 50% off your first box plus free shipping Shop the Merch: www.annieelise.com Follow the podcast on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@serialouslypodcast Follow the podcast on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/serialouslypod/ Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/annieelise All Social Media Links: https://www.flowcode.com/page/annieelise_ SERIALously FB Page: https://www.facebook.com/SERIALouslyAnnieElise/ About Me: https://annieelise.com/ For Business Inquiries: 10toLife@WMEAgency.com    Sources: NY Post CNN NBC Los Angeles Daily Mail The Mirror Fox News Newsweek E Online People

Missing Hannah Kobayashi speaks to her family, Luigi Mangione might be gay, UNC hires Bill Belichick, Borgwardt returns, Mark Gastineau wants his sack back from Brett Favre, and Mr. Skin's Top 10 Nude Scenes of 2024. Nobody cares about the Golden Globes nominations because no one knows any of the films. Drew thinks the n-word is the biggest crutch in all of rap. Tim Walz's daughter Hope Walz won't date anyone that listens to Joe Rogan. UHC CEO assassin Luigi Mangione's sister has a nice rack. Luigi has no chicks in in life… and might be a closeted gay. Luigi hates the healthcare industry. Kim Kardashian needs to be his lawyer. Drew believes Luigi has body odor. Why is he charged with 2nd Degree Murder in New York? Mr. Skin drops by to sum up his The Top 10 Nude Celeb Scenes of 2024! Former Heisman Trophy winner Johnny Manziel has a podcast. He had a previous one, but he podfaded. He was a good football player even when he was hungover. He's posting odd photos from the shower with his girlfriend Josie Canseco. Bill Belichick is taking his much younger girlfriend to college, as he accepts the head coaching position at the University of North Carolina. Hannah Kobayashi has been found safe in Mexico. She finally calls her family that has been searching for her for over a month. Buffalo Bills DB Damar Hamlin's mom is super rich. Ryan Borgwardt is finally back in Wisconsin and has been arrested. Reporter Paul Steeno steals the show. MGK and Megan Fox break up after getting pregnant. Good move. Britney Spears is really mad Sam Asghari has moved on without her. Joey Lawrence and his wife have called off their divorce. WHOA! Farrah Abraham's face looks weird. Don Jr. dumped Kimberly Guilfoyle for a much younger model. He had his daddy can give her an ambassadorship to Greece to get rid of her. Rachel Maddow's MSNBC ratings are in the toilet. Jay-Z's bastard son is ashamed of his father. Jay-Z and Diddy go way back. Accusing attorney Tony Buzbee is being sued. Former lovers of Shawn Carter are speaking out. Sports: Rich Rod is returning to West Virginia. Mark Gastineau confronts Brett Favre for letting Michael Strahan break his single season sack record. RIP Rocky Colavito. Juan Soto signs 15-year $765M deal. The Detroit Tigers sign P Alex Cobb. Visit our presenting sponsor Hall Financial – Michigan's highest rated mortgage company. If you'd like to help support the show… consider subscribing to our YouTube Channel, Facebook, Instagram and Twitter (The Drew Lane Show, Marc Fellhauer, Trudi Daniels, Jim Bentley and BranDon).

Episode 1602, brought to you by our incredible sponsors: Chubbies: For a limited time, our friends at Chubbies are giving our listeners 20% off with the promo code HARDFACTOR20 at checkout at chubbiesshorts.com. Kalshi: Go to Kalshi.com/hardfactor to get $20 free credit when you deposit $50 in the first and only legal prediction market in the US Hims: Start your free online visit at Hims.com/hardfactor for your personalized ED treatment options Prize Picks: Download the PrizePicks app today and use code HARDFACTOR and get $50 instantly when you play $5!! Timestamps: 00:03:01 World War 3 board game 00:05:54 United Healthcare CEO assassinated 00:22:46 Werewolf babies 00:28:03 Kobayashi update 00:30:41 Sex crazed VA facility 00:35:22 Defense Secretary appointee Hesgeth might be out 00:37:08 Michelin Star pies stolen Thank you for listening, go to Patreon.com/HardFactor to support the pod and get access to discord chat and bonus podcasts.... But MOST Importantly, HAGFD!! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

30-year-old Hannah Kobayashi left her home in Hawaii on November 8 with an ex-boyfriend. Her plan was to visit New York, but while on a layover in Los Angeles, she missed her connecting flight, and her ex-boyfriend continued without her. In the days since, she has sent strange texts and traveled unpredictably, eventually being seen crossing the U.S. border to Mexico. Now, her family grapples with grief, still not knowing where Hannah is or if she will come home. Information on our next Criminal Coffee funded case: https://unidentified-awareness.fandom.com/wiki/Harris_County_Jane_Doe_(1992) https://www.namus.gov/UnidentifiedPersons/Case#/2655?nav Try our coffee!! - www.CriminalCoffeeCo.com Become a Patreon member -- > https://www.patreon.com/CrimeWeekly Shop for your Crime Weekly gear here --> https://crimeweeklypodcast.com/shop Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/c/CrimeWeeklyPodcast Website: CrimeWeeklyPodcast.com Instagram: @CrimeWeeklyPod Twitter: @CrimeWeeklyPod Facebook: @CrimeWeeklyPod 

On Friday, November 8, 2024, a 30-year-old Maui woman on her way to New York missed her connecting flight in Los Angeles. While attempting to get on a standby flight for the weekend, she ventured out into Los Angeles, having been spotted around the city. But when Monday arrived, her family received some strange text messages from her before she was caught on surveillance footage with an unknown man Downtown. Her family is adamant that she is in danger, as she hasn't been heard from since. GOFUNDME: https://www.gofundme.com/f/4fmxej-support-the-search-for-hannah-kobayashi If you have ANY information regarding her whereabouts, PLEASE contact the Los Angeles Police Department at 1-877-527-3247. Those wishing to remain anonymous are urged to call the Los Angeles Regional Crime Stoppers at 1-800-222-8477, or go to lacrimestoppers.org. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The Ringer's Bill Simmons is joined by Sheil Kapadia to ask the question "What is going on with the Eagles?" before Sheil gives his five biggest bummer seasons through three weeks (1:35), Then Bill talks with Dave Chang about Jayden Daniels's incredible performance on 'MNF' vs. the Bengals, finally having a QB in Washington, Joey Chestnut vs. Kobayashi, and more before Bill fires off some food takes (36:13). Finally, Bill talks with David Shoemaker about the making of the new Netflix documentary 'Mr. McMahon,' premiering Wednesday, September 25 (1:21:23). Host: Bill Simmons Guests: Sheil Kapadia, Dave Chang, and David Shoemaker Producer: Kyle Crichton The Ringer is committed to responsible gaming. Please visit www.rg-help.com to learn more about the resources and helplines available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Football is back and we have another blind poll to dig into this time by agents. Is having urgency for a quarterback good (00:00:00-00:35:08)? The finale of Mt Rushmore season with the Mt Rushmore of things in a college guy's apartment (00:35:08-01:05:04). Tom Fornelli and Brandon Walker join us to break down the upcoming 2024 CFB season with some hot take, playoff picks and Heisman + we have a competition between the two to decide our college expert (01:05:04-02:13:56). Joey Chestnut joins the show ahead of his eat off with Kobayashi and to talk about what happened this summer (02:13:56-02:30:37). We finish with Fyre fest of the week (02:30:37-02:51:19).You can find every episode of this show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or YouTube. Prime Members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. For more, visit barstool.link/PardonMyTake