Podcasts about janata

V prosinci 2023 skokan na lyžích Štěpán Janata bojoval o život. Reprezentant klubu z Lomnice nad Popelkou se v Harrachově rozjel k jednomu z mnoha tréninkových skoků. Jenže na něj už se nepamatuje.Všechny díly podcastu Vybrali jsme pro vás můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Nobody who could resurrect a party from the train-wreck of the Janata in 1980 and then lift it from two seats in 1984 to nearly 200 in 1999 and to national power for six years can be written off by history. In so many ways, he is truly an original. As LK Advani is to be bestowed with Bharat Ratna, watch #NationalInterest, --- drawn from article originally published on Aug 30, 2009--- with ThePrint Editor-In-Chief Shekhar Gupta.----more----Read the Article here: https://theprint.in/opinion/the-making-of-the-flaw-purush/365741/

Zbyněk Janata a Václav Švéda, dva ze členů skupiny bratří Mašínů, kteří nedošli do Západního Berlína a skončili na oprátce. Příběhy nejmladšího a nejstaršího člena odbojové skupiny přiblíží Portréty.Všechny díly podcastu Portréty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Here are the most prominent News Highlights of Sri Lanka. Manoj Udatiyawala reports - SBS සිංහල සේවය ගෙනෙන "මවුබිමෙන් පුවත්" - මාධ්‍යවේදී මනෝජ් උදටියාවල ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ සිට වාර්තා කරයි.

V noci z 3. na 4. října 1953 odešli členové protikomunistické odbojové skupiny bratří Mašínů z Československa do Východního Německa. Ctirad neboli Radek Mašín, Josef Mašín, Milan Paumer, Zbyněk Janata a Václav Švéda mířili na Západ – jak se brzy ukázalo, čekala je téměř měsíční strastiplná cesta a boj s mnohatisícovou přesilou.Všechny díly podcastu Příběhy 20. století můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Dr. Oskar Janata diskutiert mit Univ.-Prof. Dr. Florian Thalhammer über das Thema Sepsis - Screenen, kombinieren & messen.

Brzy uplyne 70 let od chvíle, kdy členové odbojové skupiny bratří Mašínů uprchli z Československa. V noci z 3. na 4. října 1953 přešli Ctirad Mašín, Josef Mašín, Milan Paumer, Václav Švéda a Zbyněk Janata přes hranice do Východního Německa. První tři jmenovaní se probojovali na Západ, ačkoli proti nim stála obrovská přesila komunistických bezpečnostních složek (později vstoupili do americké armády), Švéda a Janata byli dopadeni.Všechny díly podcastu Příběhy 20. století můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Protože Dominik je spontánní blázínek, po dlouhé době tu máme nového hosta. Do studia zábavy a poučení k nám přišel skladatel (hudby, ne uhlí) Lukáš Janata, který si v Česku aktuálně dává pauzu od svého působení v San Franciscu. Protože tzv. vážné hudbě rozumíme jako koza petrželi, ptali jsme se, co to vlastně "vážná hudba" je, jestli je jenom pro chytrolíny a jestli byl Mozart Avril Lavigne své doby.Po první půlce, kde kromě výše zmíněného řešíme kvalitu české hudební výchovy (spoiler: nic moc) a Dominikovu desku, kterou s Lukášem už asi pět let připravuje, se na herohero.co/starnoucimilenialove dostáváme k vašim všetečným dotazům z instagramu. Michal zjišťuje, jestli mu Lukáš nemůže naladit klavír a co říká na film Tár, Dominik pouští Michalovu gymnaziální kapelu Kaluž a zjišťujeme, co je ve vážné hudbě ekvivalent Shreka. Díl je tentokrát dlouhý a obsahuje i opravdové informace, snad se nám to nebude dít moc často!

This week's podcast features Kevin Janata, the head boys basketball coach at Howells-Dodge (NE). Coach Janata has built a consistent winner at Howells-Dodge, and we discuss his half-court offensive and defensive philosophy, along with coming home to coach, helping players through personal lost and tragedy and much, much more. Great discussion!

Become a Patron! Help to support the show at: https://www.patreon.com/TheCommute Climbing aboard the tour bus today is a musician from a band that shot out of the gate with so much potential--but then got dropped (unceremoniously) by their label (Polygram). Guitarist from the band, Janata, Mike Lustig joins the show! An amazingly interesting chat about the way the industry works, and how so many forces have to work together to make it big. Oh, not to mention: Janata played at Stevie Ray Vaughan's last show EVER. Listen in...

V listopadu 2022 přivezl profesionální řidič autobusu Lukáš „Šakal“ Janata na Ukrajinu Tatru 815. Pořídil ji na bazaru a půl roku opravoval, aby mohla pomáhat Ukrajincům zasaženým válkou. „Tatrovky jsou úžasná auta. Co projede tank, to projede tatrovka. Uvezou neuvěřitelně moc. Zatím se s nimi dělaly projekty, které slouží k zábavě. Ale dnešní doba na zábavu není moc udělaná. Teď to bude chtít spíš řešit krize a pomáhat,“ říká Lukáš Janata.Všechny díly podcastu Host Radiožurnálu můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Happy Independence Day!- Pranay Kotasthane and RSJThis newsletter can often seem pessimistic about India. That isn’t true, though. Every year, on Independence Day, we remind ourselves and our readers why we write this newsletter. This is how we ended the Independence Day edition of 2020:“What we have achieved so far is precious. That’s worth reminding ourselves today. We will go back to writing future editions lamenting our state of affairs.We will do so because we know it’s worth it.”  This year we thought it would be fun (?) to run through every year since 1947 and ask ourselves what happened in the year that had long-term repercussions for our nation. This kind of thing runs a serious risk. It can get tedious and all too familiar. Most of us know the landmark events of recent history and what they meant for the nation. Maybe. Maybe not. We’ve given an honest try (of over 8000 words) to see if there’s a different way of looking at these familiar events and their impact on us. Here we go.1947 - 1960: Sense Of A Beginning 1947Perhaps the most significant “What, if?” question for independent India surfaced on 17th August 1947 when the Radcliffe Line was announced. The partition of the Indian subcontinent has cast a long shadow. What if it had never happened? What if Nehru-Jinnah-Gandhi were able to strike a modus vivendi within a one-federation framework? These questions surface every year around independence.The indelible human tragedy of the partition aside, would an Akhand Bharat have served its citizens better? We don’t think so. We agree with Ambedkar’s assessment of this question. In Pakistan or the Partition of India, he approaches the question with detachment and realism, concluding that the forces of “communal malaise” had progressed to such an extent that resisting a political division would have led to a civil war, making everyone worse off. The partition must have been handled better without the accompanying humanitarian disaster. But on the whole, the partition was inevitable by 1947.“That the Muslim case for Pakistan is founded on sentiment is far from being a matter of weakness; it is really its strong point. It does not need deep understanding of politics to know that the workability of a constitution is not a matter of theory. It is a matter of sentiment. A constitution, like clothes, must suit as well as please. If a constitution does not please, then however perfect it may be, it will not work. To have a constitution which runs counter to the strong sentiments of a determined section is to court disaster if not to invite rebellion.” [Read the entire book here]1948What if Mahatma Gandhi wasn’t killed that year? How would the course of our history change? Gandhi spoke like an idealist and worked like a realist. He was possibly the most aware of the gap between the lofty ideals of our constitution and the reality of the Indian minds then. He knew the adoption of the constitution was only half the work done. He’d likely have devoted the rest of his life to building a liberal India at the grassroots level. His death pushed a particular stream of right-wing Hindu consciousness underground. We still carry the burden of that unfinished work.1949The Constituent Assembly met for the first time in December 1946. By November 26th 1949, this assembly adopted a constitution for India. Even a half-constructed flyover in Koramangala has taken us five years. For more context, Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly began work on 10th August 1947, and their first constitution came into force in March 1956, only to be abrogated two years later. India’s founding fathers and mothers were acutely aware that they were elite, unelected, and unrepresentative of the median Indian. They dared to imagine a new nation-state while grappling with that period's harsh economic, social, and political realities. Their work should inspire us to strengthen, improve, and rebuild—but never to give up on—the Republic of India.For more, check out the miracle that is India’s Constitution in our Republic Day 2021 special edition.1950We have written about our Constitution a number of times. It is an inspiring and audacious document in its ambition to shape a modern nation. It has its flaws. Some consider it too liberal; others think it makes the State overbearing. Some find it too long; others feel it comes up short. This may all be true. However, there is no doubt our constitution has strengthened our democracy, protected the weak and continues to act as a tool for social change. It is our North Star. And a damn good one at that. 1951Few post-independence institutions have stood the test of time as the Finance Commission (FC), first established in 1951. In federal systems, horizontal and vertical imbalances in revenue generation and expenditure functions are commonplace. Closing the gap requires an impartial institution that is well-regarded by various levels of government and the people. The Finance Commission is that institution.It’s not as if it didn’t face any challenges. As a constitutional body established under article 280 of the Constitution, it was sidelined by an extra-constitutional and powerful Planning Commission until 2014. But we have had 15 FCs in total, and each key tax revenue-sharing recommendation has become government policy.1952Our Constitution adopted a universal adult franchise as the basis for elections. Every citizen was to be part of the democratic project. There was to be no bar on age, sex, caste or education. And this was to be done in one of the most unequal societies in the world. The ambition was breathtaking. To put this in context, women were allowed to vote in Switzerland only in 1971. Not only did we aim for this, but we also moved heaven and earth to achieve it in 1952. In his book India After Gandhi, Ram Guha describes the efforts of the government officials led by the first Election Commissioner, Sukumar Sen, to reach the last man or woman for their ballot. The elites may lament vote bank politics or cash for votes scams and question the wisdom of universal franchise. But we shouldn’t have had it any other way. And, for the record, our people have voted with remarkable sophistication in our short independent history. 1953 For a new nation-state, the Republic of India punched above its weight in bringing hostilities on the Korean peninsula to an end. Not only did the Indian government’s work shape the Armistice Agreement, but it also chaired a Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission (NNRC) that was set up to decide the future of nearly 20,000 prisoners of war from both sides. This experience during the Cold War strengthened India’s advocacy of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).  1954Article 25 guaranteed the freedom of conscience and the freedom to profess, practice, and propagate religion to all citizens. But how does one define a religious practice? And can a practice under the garb of religion breach the boundary of individual rights or public morality? This is a familiar conflict zone in secular States and would inevitably show up in India because everything in India can be construed as a religious practice. Like Ambedkar said during the constituent assembly debates:“The religious conceptions in this country are so vast that they cover every aspect of life from birth to death…there is nothing extraordinary in saying that we ought to strive hereafter to limit the definition of religion in such a manner that we shall not extend it beyond beliefs and such rituals as may be connected with ceremonials which are essentially religious..."In 1954, the Supreme Court gave a landmark judgment on what constitutes a religious practice in what’s known as the Shirur Math case. It held that the term religion would cover all practices integral to that religion. Further, the Court will determine what practice will be deemed essential with reference to doctrines within that religion itself.This test of ‘essentiality’ in religion has kept the public, the legislature and the courts busy since (entry of women in Sabarimala, headscarf in Islam, to name two). The outcome has bent towards individual liberty in most contexts, but the ambiguity in the definition of essential means it could go the other way too.1955Another wild "What, if” moment that we like to recall relates to Milton Friedman’s visit to the Indian finance ministry in 1955. What shape would India’s economy have taken had his seminal document “A Memorandum to the Government of India 1955” been heeded?In this note, Friedman gets to the root of India’s macroeconomic problems—an overburdened investment policy, restrictive policies towards the private sector, erratic monetary policy, and a counterproductive exchange control regime. Being bullish about India’s prospects was courageous when most observers wrote epitaphs about the grand Indian experiment. But Friedman was hopeful and critical both.The Indian government, for its part, was humble enough to seek the advice of foreigners from opposing schools of thought. At the same time, it was too enamoured by the Soviet command and control model. In fact, many items from Friedman’s note can be repurposed as economic reforms even today.Here’re our points from Friedman’s note.1956The idea of One Nation, One ‘X’ (language, election, song, tax, choose any other) is both powerful and seductive. It is not new, however. Back in the 50s, there was a view that we must not strengthen any identity that divides us. So when the question of reorganisation of the colonial provinces into new states came up, an argument was made that it must be done on factors other than language. Nehru, ever the modernist, thought the creation of language-based states would lead us down the path of ethnic strife. The example of nation-states in Europe built on language in the 19th century and the two devastating world wars thereafter were too recent then. So, he demurred.Agitation, hunger strikes and deaths followed before we chose language as the primary basis for reorganising the states. It was perhaps the best decision taken by us in the 50s. As the years since have shown, only a polity assured of its heritage and identity will voluntarily accept diversity. The melding of our diversity into a single identity cannot be a top-down imposition. We should never forget this.1957India’s economic strategy of state-led industrialisation through deficit financing in pursuit of import substitution took off with the Second Five-Year Plan. Heavy industries needed imported machinery, inflating India’s import bill. Since the exchange rate was pegged to the British pound, it meant that Indian exports became pricier. This imbalance between rising imports and flagging exports was financed by running down the foreign exchange reserves. By 1957, India witnessed its first foreign exchange crisis. This event had a significant effect on India’s economy. Instead of devaluing the rupee, the government opted for foreign exchange budgeting - every investment in a project needed government approval for the foreign exchange required to buy foreign inputs. The immediate crisis in 1957 led to controls that worsened India’s economic prospects over the next 35 years.1958The government nationalised all insurance companies a couple of years earlier. India hadn’t gotten into a socialist hell yet, so this was a bit of a surprise. The proximate cause was a fraud that few private life insurers had committed by misusing the policyholders’ funds to help their industrialist friends. A run-of-the-mill white-collar crime that should have been dealt with by the criminal justice system. But the government viewed it as a market failure and moved to nationalise the entire industry. It would take another 45 years for private players to come back to insurance. Insurance penetration in India meanwhile remained among the lowest in the world.  Also, in 1958, Feroze Gandhi took to the floor of Lok Sabha to expose how LIC, the state insurer, had diverted its funds to help Haridas Mundhra, a Calcutta-based businessman. The same crime that private insurers had done.The government would repeat this pattern of getting involved where there was no market failure. The outcomes would inevitably turn out to be worse. Seven decades later, we remain instinctively socialist and wary of capital. Our first reaction to something as trifling as a surge price by Ola or a service charge levied by restaurants is to ask the State to interfere.1959“The longest guest of the Indian government”, the 14th Dalai Lama pre-empted the Chinese government’s plans for his arrest and escaped to India. Not only did India provide asylum, but it also became home to more than a hundred thousand Tibetans. Because of the bold move by the Indian government in 1959, the Central Tibetan Administration continues its struggle as a Nation and a State in search of regaining control over their Country to this day. This event also changed India-China relations for the decades to come.1960Search as hard as we might; we hardly got anything worth discussing for this year. Maybe we were all sitting smugly waiting for an avalanche of crisis to come our way. Steel plants, dams and other heavy industries were being opened. The budget outlay for agriculture was reduced. We were talking big on the international stage about peace and non-alignment. But if you had looked closer, things were turning pear-shaped. The many dreams of our independence were turning sour.The 60s: Souring Of The Dream1961The Indian Army marched into Goa in December 1961. The 450-year Portuguese colonial rule ended, and the last colonial vestige in India was eliminated. It took this long because Portugal’s dictator Antonio Salazar stuck to his guns on controlling Portuguese colonies in the subcontinent, unlike the British and the French. Portugal’s membership in NATO further made it difficult for the Indian government to repeat the operations in Hyderabad and Junagadh. Nevertheless, that moment eventually arrived in 1961. This was also the year when India’s first indigenous aircraft, the HAL HF-24 Marut, took its first flight. Made in Bengaluru by German designer Kurt Tank, the aircraft was one of the first fighter jets made outside the developed world. The aircraft served well in the war that came a decade later. It never lived up to its promises, but it became a matter of immense pride and confidence for a young nation-state.1962Among the lowest points in the history of independent India. We’ve written about our relationship with China many times in the past editions. The 1962 war left a deep impact on our psyche. We didn’t recover for the rest of the decade. The only good thing out of it was the tempering of idealism in our approach to international relations. That we take a more realist stance these days owes its origins to the ‘betrayal’ of 1962.1963ISRO launched the first sounding rocket in November 1963. Over the years, this modest beginning blossomed into a programme with multiple launch vehicles. The satellite programmes also took off a few years later, making India a mighty player in the space sector. 1964If you told anyone alive in 1964 that less than 60 years later, Nehru would be blamed for all that was wrong with India by a substantial segment of its population, they would have laughed you out of the room. But here we are in 2022, and there’s never a day that passes without a WhatsApp forward that talks about Nehru’s faults. It seems inevitable that by the time we celebrate the centenary of our independence, he would be a borderline reviled figure in our history. But that would be an aberration. In the long arc of history, he will find his due as a flawed idealist who laid the foundation of modern India. 1964 was the end of an era.1965As the day when Hindi would become the sole official language of the Indian Union approached, the anti-Hindi agitation in the Madras presidency morphed into riots. Many people died in the protests, and it led to the current equilibrium on language policy. The “one State, one language” project moved to the back burner, even as Hindi became an important link language across the country. The lesson was the same as in the case of the 1956 states reorganisation: melding our diversity into a single identity cannot be a top-down imposition.1966The two wars in the decade's first half, the inefficient allocation of capital driven by the second and third five-year plans, and the consecutive monsoon failure meant India was on the brink in 1966. The overnight devaluation of the Rupee by over 50 per cent, the timely help with food grains from the US and some providence pulled us back from it. The green revolution followed, and we have remained self-sufficient in food since.The experience of being on the brink taught us nothing. We still believe in the Pigouvian theory of market failure, where government policies are expected to deliver optimality.  Strangely, the idea that we reform only in crisis has only strengthened. There cannot be worse ways to change oneself than under the shadow of a crisis. But we have made a virtue out of it.1967This was the year when the Green Revolution took baby steps, and the Ehlrichian prediction about India’s impending doom was put to rest. But it was also the year when the Indian government made a self-goal by adopting a policy called items reserved for manufacture exclusively by the small-scale sector. By reserving whole product lines for manufacturing by small industries, this policy kept Indian firms small and uncompetitive. And like all bad ideas, it had a long life. The last 20 items on this list were removed only in April 2015. We wrote about this policy here. 1968In the past 75 years, we have reserved some of our worst public policies for the education sector. We have an inverted pyramid. A handful of tertiary educational institutions produce world-class graduates at the top. On the other end, we have a total failure to provide quality primary education to the masses. It is not because of a lack of intent. The National Education Policy (NEP) that first came up in 1968 is full of ideas, philosophy and a desire to take a long-term view about education in India. But it was unmoored from the economic or social reality of the nation. We often say here that we shouldn’t judge a policy based on its intentions. That there’s no such thing as a good policy but bad implementation because thinking about what can work is part of policy itself. NEP is Exhibit A in favour of this argument.1969 The nationalisation of 14 private-sector banks was a terrible assault on economic freedom under the garb of serving the public interest. The sudden announcement of a change in ownership of these banks was challenged in the courts, but the government managed to thwart it with an ordinance. Fifty years later, we still have low credit uptake even as governments continue to recapitalise loss-making banks with taxpayer money.1970The dominant economic thinking at the beginning of the 70s in India placed the State at the centre of everything. But that wasn’t how the world was moving. There was a serious re-examination of the relationship between the State and the market happening elsewhere. The eventual shift to a deregulated, small government economic model would happen by the decade's end. This shift mostly passed India by. But there were a few voices who questioned the state orthodoxy and, in some ways, sowed the intellectual seeds for liberalisation in future. In 1970, Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai published their monograph, India: Planning for Industrialisation, which argued that our economic policies since independence had crippled us. It showed with data how central planning, import substitution, public sector-led industrial policy and license raj have failed. But it found no takers. In fact, we doubled down on these failed policies for the rest of the decade. It was a tragedy foretold. What if someone had gone against the consensus and paid attention to that paper? That dissent could perhaps have been the greatest service to the nation. It is useful to remember this today when any scepticism about government policies is met with scorn. Dissent is good. The feeblest of the voice might just be right.The 70s: Losing The Plot1971Kissinger visited China in July 1971 via Pakistan. Responding to the changing world order, India and the USSR signed an Indo–Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in August of that year. India had become an ally of the USSR. Four months later, the India-Pakistan war pitted India and the USSR against Pakistan, China, and the US. The Indian strategic community came to internalise USSR as a super-reliable partner and the West as a supporter of India’s foes. It took another three decades, and the collapse of the USSR, for a change in this thinking. Even today, Russia finds massive support in the Indian strategic establishment. We had problematised this love for Russia here. 1972India won the 1972 war with Pakistan and liberated Bangladesh. India’s unilateral action stopped a humanitarian disaster. The victory was decisive, and the two parties met in Simla to agree on the way forward. This should have been a slam dunk for India in resolving festering issues on the international boundary, Kashmir and the role of the third parties. But international diplomacy is a two-level game, and Bhutto played that to his advantage. We explained this in edition 30. We paid a high price for giving away that win to Bhutto.1973The Kesavananda Bharti verdict of the Supreme Court rescued the Republic of India from a rampaging authoritarian. The basic structure doctrine found a nice balance to resolve the tension between constitutional immutability and legislative authority to amend the constitution. Bibhu Pani discussed this case in more detail here. 1974You are the State. Here are your crimes. You force import substitution, you regulate the currency, you misallocate capital, you let the public sector and a handful of licensed private players produce inferior quality products at a high cost, you raise the marginal tax rate at the highest level to 97 per cent, you run a large current account deficit, and you cannot control Rupee depreciation.Result?People find illegal ways to bring in foreign goods, currency and gold. And so was born the villain of every urban Bollywood film of the 70s. And a career option for a capitalist-minded kid like me. The Smuggler.But the State isn’t the criminal here. The smuggler is. And the State responded with a draconian law to beat all others. An act the knowledge of whose expanded form would serve kids well in those school quizzes of the 80s. COFEPOSA — The Conservation of Foreign Exchange and Prevention of Smuggling Act. A predatory state's defining feature is how it forces ordinary citizens to do unlawful activities. COFEPOSA was the mother of such laws. It has spawned many children. 1975This blank editorial by the Indian Express says it all. 1976We view our population as a core problem. The politicians, the public servants and the ordinary citizens share this view. We don’t want to acknowledge our governance deficit. Calling population a problem allows us to shirk the responsibility of running a functioning State. We have written about the flaw in thinking about the population as a problem on many occasions.How far could we go to control the population? Well, in 1976, during the peak of the Emergency, the State decided to sterilise male citizens against their wishes. This madness ended when the Emergency was lifted. But even today calls for population control keep coming back. 1977The first non-Congress union government was an important milestone for the Indian Republic. While Morarji Desai’s government did reverse the worst excesses of the Emergency rule, its economic policies were less successful. This period went on to witness a demonetisation in search of black money (2016 from the future says Hi!), and the same old counter-productive policies in search of self-reliance.1978Despite all available evidence that statist socialism was an abject failure, the Janata government that came to power decided to double down on it. One of the great ideas of the time was to force MNCs to reduce their stake in their Indian subsidiaries to below 40 per cent. A handful agreed, but the large corporations quit India. One of those who left was IBM in 1978. The many existing installations of IBM computers needed services and maintenance. In a delightful case of unintended consequences, this led to the nationalisation of IBM’s services division (later called CMC). Domestic companies started to serve this niche. Soon there were the likes of Infosys, Wipro and HCL building a business on this. CMC provided a good training ground for young engineers. And so, the Indian IT services industry got underway. It would change the lives of educated Indians forever.1979In a classic case of violating the Tinbergen rule, the Mandal Commission recommended that the reservation policy should be used to address relative deprivation. While the earlier reservations for oppressed castes stood on firm ground as a means for addressing unconscionable historical wrongs, the Mandal Commission stretched the logic too far. Its recommendation would eventually make reservation policy the go-to solution for any group that could flex its political muscles. We wrote about it here. 1980After ditching the Janata experiment and running out of ideas to keep Jan Sangh going, the BJP was formed. It wasn’t a momentous political occasion of any sort then. A party constitution that aimed for Gandhian socialism and offered vague promises of a uniform civil code and nationalism didn’t excite many. Everything else that would propel the party in later years was to be opportunistic add-ons to the ideology. The founding leaders, Advani and Vajpayee, would have been shocked if you told them what the party would be like, four decades later.The 80s: A Million Mutinies Now1981This year witnessed a gradual shift away from doctrinaire socialism in economic policymaking. “The Indira Gandhi government lifted restrictions on the expansion of production, permitted new private borrowing abroad, and continued the liberalisation of import controls,” wrote Walter Anderson. The government also “allowed” some price rises, leading to increased production of key input materials. The government also permitted foreign companies to compete in drilling rights in India. All in all, a year that witnessed changes for the better. 1982The great textile strike of Bombay in 1982 was inevitable. The trade unions had gotten so powerful that there was a competitive race to the bottom on who could be more militant. Datta Samant emerged intent on breaking the monopoly of RMMS on the city's workers. And he did this with ever spiralling demands from mill owners in a sector that was already bloated with overheads and facing competition from far eastern economies. There was no way to meet these demands. The owners locked the mills and left. Never to come back. The old, abandoned mills remained. The workers remained. Without jobs, without prospects and with kids who grew up angry and unemployed. The rise of Shiv Sena, political goondaism and a malevolent form of underworld followed. Bombay changed forever. It was all inevitable.1983The Nellie massacre in Assam and the Dhilwan bus massacre in Punjab represent the year 1983. Things seemed really dark back then. It seemed that the doomsayers would be proved right about India. Eventually, though, the Indian Republic prevailed. 1984Her Sikh bodyguards assassinated India Gandhi. The botched Punjab policy of the previous five years came a full circle with it. An unforgivable backlash against innocent Sikhs followed. A month later, deadly gas leaked out of a Union Carbide factory in Bhopal, killing and paralysing thousands. 1984 will rank among the worst years of our republic. There were two silver linings in retrospect. One, we would learn to manage secessionist movements better from the harrowing Punjab experience. Two, had Indira continued, would we have had 1991? Our guess is no.1985This was an eventful year in retrospect. Texas Instruments set up shop in Bangalore. It was to begin one of modern India’s true success stories on the world stage. This was also the year when the Anti-defection law transformed the relationship between the voter and her representative. Political parties became all-powerful, and people’s representatives were reduced to political party agents. We have written about this changing dynamic here. This was also the year when the then commerce minister, VP Singh, visited Malaysia. The visit was significant for India because it served as a reference point for Singh when he visited that country again in 1990, now as the Prime minister. Surprised by Malaysia’s transformation in five years, he asked his team to prepare a strategy paper for economic reforms. This culminated in the “M” document, which became a blueprint for reforms when the time for the idea eventually came in 1991.1986Who is a citizen of India?  This vexing question roiled Assam in the early 80s. The student union protests against the widespread immigration of Bangladeshis turned violent, and things had turned ugly by 1985. The Assam accord of 1985 sought to settle the state's outstanding issues,, including deporting those who arrived after 1971 and a promise to amend the Citizenship Act. The amended Citizenship Act of 1986 restricted the citizenship of India to those born before 1987 only if either of their parents were born in India. That meant children of couples who were illegal immigrants couldn’t be citizens of India simply by virtue of their birth in India. That was that, or so we thought.But once you’ve amended the definition of who can be a citizen of India, you have let the genie out. The events of 2019 will attest to that.1987Rajiv Gandhi’s ill-fated attempt to replicate Indira Gandhi’s success through military intervention in another country began in 1987. In contrast to the 1971 involvement, where Indian forces had the mass support of the local populace, the Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) got itself embroiled in a bitter Sri Lankan civil war. Not only did this involvement end in a failure, it eventually led to Rajiv Gandhi’s brutal murder in a terrorist attack. The policy lesson internalised by the strategic community was that India must stay far away from developing and deploying forces overseas.1988Most government communication is propaganda in disguise. However, there are those rare occasions when government messaging transcends the ordinary. In 1988, we saw that rare bird during the peak era of a single government channel running on millions of black and white TV sets across India. A government ad that meant something to all of us and that would remain with us forever. Mile Sur Mera Tumhara got everything right - the song, the singers, the storyline and that ineffable thing called the idea of India. No jingoism, no chest beating about being the best country in the world and no soppy sentimentalism. Just a simple message - we might all sing our own tunes, but we are better together. This is a timeless truth. No nation in history has become better by muting the voice of a section of their own people. Mile Sur Mera Tumhara, Toh Sur Bane Hamara, indeed.  19891989 will be remembered as the year when the Indian government capitulated to the demands of Kashmiri terrorists in the Rubaiya Sayeed abduction case. It would spark off a series of kidnappings and act as a shot in the arm of radicals. 1990VP Singh dusted off the decade-long copy of the Mandal Commission report and decided to implement it. This wasn’t an ideological revolution. It was naked political opportunism. However, three decades later, the dual impact of economic reforms and social engineering has increased social mobility than ever before. Merit is still a matter of debate in India. But two generations of affirmative action in many of the progressive states have shown the fears of merit being compromised were overblown. The task is far from finished, but Mandal showed that sometimes you need a big bang to get things going, even if your intentions were flawed.1990 also saw the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits (KPs) from the valley. A tragedy that would bookend a decade of strife and violence in India. The only lesson one should draw from the sad plight of KPs is that the State and the people must protect minority rights. We’re not sure that’s what we have taken away from it. And that’s sad.The 90s: Correcting The Course1991With the benefit of hindsight, the 1991 economic reforms seem inevitable. But things could well have been different. In the minority government, powerful voices advocated in favour of debt restructuring instead of wholesale reforms. In the end, the narrative that these changes were merely a continuation—and not abandonment—of Nehru and Indira Gandhi’s vision for India carried the day. This political chicanery deserves some credit for transforming the life of a billion Indians. 1992Harshad Mehta scammed the stock markets. It wasn’t a huge scam. Nor did it hurt the ordinary Indians. Fewer than 1% invested in markets back then. Yet, the scam did something important. It set in motion a series of reforms that made our capital markets stronger and safer for ordinary investors. Notably, over the years, Mehta came to be seen as some kind of robber baron figure. Capitalism needed an anti-hero to catch the imagination of people. Someone who could reprise in the 90s the Bachchan-esque angry young man roles of the 70s. Mehta might not have been that figure exactly, but he helped a generation transition to the idea that greed could indeed be good.Also, Babri Masjid was brought down by a mob of kar sevaks in 1992. It will remain a watershed moment in our history. The Supreme Court judgement of 2019 might be the final judicial word on it. But we will carry the scars for a long time.1993The tremors of the demolition of the Babri Masjid were felt in 1993. Twelve bombs went off in Bombay on one fateful day. The involvement of the city’s mafia groups was established. The tragic event finally led to the government rescuing the city from the underworld. Not to forget, the Bombay underworld directly resulted from government policies such as prohibition and gold controls. 1994One of the great acts of perversion in our democracy was the blatant abuse of Section 356 of the constitution that allowed the union to dismiss a state government at the slightest pretext. Indira Gandhi turned this into an art form. S. R. Bommai, whose government in Karnataka was dismissed in this manner in 1988, took his case up to the Supreme Court. In 1994, the court delivered a verdict that laid out the guidelines to prevent the abuse of Section 356. It is one of the landmark judgments of the court and restored some parity in Union and state relationship.Article 356 has been used sparingly since. We are a better democracy because of it.1995India joined the WTO, and the first-ever mobile phone call was made this year. But 1995 will forever be remembered as the year when Ganesha idols started drinking milk. This event was a precursor to the many memes, information cascades, and social proofs that have become routine in the information age. 1996Union budgets in India are occasions for dramatic policy announcements. It is a mystery why a regular exercise of presenting the government's accounts should become a policy event. But that’s the way we roll. In 1996 and 1997, P. Chidambaram presented them as the FM of a weak ragtag coalition called the United Front. But he presented two budgets for the ages. The rationalisation of income tax slabs and the deregulation of interest rates created a credit culture that led to the eventual consumption boom in the next decade. We still carry that consumption momentum.1997The creation of the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) is an important public policy milestone for India. By no means perfect, the setting up of TRAI helped overturn a norm where government departments were both players and umpires. TRAI made the separation of “steering” and “rowing” functions a new normal. That template has been copied in several sectors thereafter, most recently in the liberalisation of the space sector. 1998India did Pokhran 2, which gave it the capability to build thermonuclear weapons. We faced sanctions and global condemnation. But the growing economy and a sizeable middle class meant those were soon forgotten. Economic might can let you get away with a lot. We have seen it happen to us, but it is a lesson we don’t understand fully.Also, in 1998, Sonia Gandhi jumped into active politics. The Congress that was ambling towards some sort of internal democracy decided to jettison it all and threw its weight behind the dynasty. It worked out for them for a decade or so. But where are they now? Here’s a question. What if Sonia didn’t join politics then? Congress might have split. But who knows, maybe those splinters might have coalesced in the future with a leader chosen by the workers. And we would have had a proper opposition today with a credible leader.1999This was a landmark year for public policy. For the first time, a union government-run company was privatised wholly. We wrote about the three narratives of disinvestment here. 2000We have a weak, extended and over-centralised state. And to go with it, we have large, unwieldy states and districts that make the devolution of power difficult. In 2000, we created three new states to facilitate administrative convenience. On balance, it has worked well. Despite the evidence, we have managed to create only one more state since. The formation of Telangana was such a political disaster that it will take a long time before we make the right policy move of having smaller states. It is a pity.The 2000s: The Best Of Times2001Not only was the Agra Summit between Musharraf and Vajpayee a dud, but it was followed by a terrorist attack on the Indian parliament. It confirmed a pattern: PM-level bilateral meetings made the Pakistani military-jihadi complex jittery, and it invariably managed to spike such moves with terrorist attacks. 2002There was Godhra and the riots that followed. What else is there to say?2003The Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act and the Civil Services Pension Reform are two policy successes with many lessons for future policymakers. We have discussed these on many occasions. 2004The NDA government called for an early election, confident about its prospects. India Shining, its campaign about how good things were, wasn’t too far from the truth. It is how many of us felt during that time. The NDA government had sustained the reform momentum of the 90s with some of the best minds running the key departments. Its loss was unexpected. Chandrababu Naidu, a politician who fashioned himself like a CEO, was taken to the cleaners in Andhra Pradesh. Apparently, economic reforms didn’t get you votes. The real India living in villages was angry at being left out. That was the lesson for politicians from 2004. Or, so we were told.Such broad narratives with minimal factual analysis backing them have flourished in the public policy space. There is no basis for them. The loss of NDA in 2004 came down to two states. Anti-incumbency in Andhra Pradesh where a resurgent Congress under YS Reddy beat TDP, a constituent of NDA. TDP lost by similar margins (in vote share %) across the state in all demographics in both rural and urban areas. There was no rural uprising against Naidu because of his tech-savvy, urban reformist image. Naidu lost because the other party ran a better campaign. Nothing else. The other mistake of the NDA was in choosing to partner with the ruling AIADMK in Tamil Nadu (TN) over DMK. TN was famous for not giving split verdicts. It swung to extremes between these two parties in every election. And that’s what happened as AIADMK drew a blank.Yet, the false lesson of 2004 has played on the minds of politicians since. We haven’t gotten back on track on reforms in the true sense. 2005The Right to Information Act and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act came into force in 2005. The “right to X” model of governance took root.2006In March 2006, George W Bush visited India and signed the Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement with Manmohan Singh. From facing sanctions in 1998 for Pokhran 2 to the 123 Agreement, this was a victory for Indian diplomacy and its rising status in the world. You would think this would have had bipartisan support among the political class in India. Well, the Left that was part of UPA and the BJP that worked on the deal when it was in power, opposed it. Many shenanigans later, the deal was passed in the parliament in 2008. It is often said there’s no real ideological divide among parties in India. This view can be contested on various grounds. But events like the opposition to the nuclear deal make you wonder if there are genuine ideological positions on key policy issues in India. Many sound policy decisions are opposed merely for the sake of it. Ideology doesn’t figure anywhere. 2007It was the year when the Left parties were out-lefted. In Singur and Nandigram, protests erupted over land acquisition for industrial projects. The crucible of the resulting violence created a new political force. As for the investment, the capital took a flight to other places. The tax on capital ended up being a tax on labour. Businesses stayed away from West Bengal. The citadel of Left turned into its mausoleum.2008Puja Mehra in her book The Lost Decade traces the origin of India losing its way following the global financial crisis to the Mumbai terror attack of 2008. Shivraj Patil, the home minister, quit following the attack and Chidambaram was shifted from finance to fill in. For reasons unknown, Pranab Mukherjee, a politician steeped in the 70s-style-Indira-Gandhi socialism, was made the FM. Mehra makes a compelling case of how that one decision stalled reforms, increased deficit and led to runaway inflation over the next three years. Till Chidambaram was brought back to get the house in order, it was too late, and we were halfway into a lost decade. It is remarkable how bad policies always seem easy to implement while good policies take ages to get off the blocks.2009The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) was established in January 2009 to architect a unique digital identity for persons in a country where low rates of death and birth registrations made fake and duplicate identities a means for corruption and denial of service. Under the Modi government, the digital identity — Aadhaar — became the fulcrum of several government services. This project also set the stage for later projects such as the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Abha (Health ID).2010There’s petty corruption everywhere in India. It is pervasive. Not surprisingly, it is one political issue leading to mass movements in India. The anti-corruption mood gripped India in 2010 on the back of the 2G spectrum scam, where the chief accountant of the government claimed a notional loss of about Rs. 1.8 trillion to the exchequer. Auctioning of natural resources wasn’t exactly a transparent process then. It was evident there was a scam in the allotment of the 2G spectrum. But the 1.8 trillion number was a wild exaggeration that anyone with a semblance of business understanding could see through. It didn’t matter. That number caught the imagination. UPA 2 never recovered from it. More importantly, the auction policy for resources was distorted forever. We still suffer the consequences.The 2010s: Missed Opportunity2011India’s last case of wild poliovirus was detected in 2011. Until about the early 1990s, an average of 500 to 1000 children got paralysed daily in India. The original target for eradication was the year 2000. Nevertheless, we got there eleven years later. India’s pulse polio campaign has since become a source of confidence for public policy execution in India. We internalised the lesson that the Indian government can sometimes deliver through mission mode projects. 2012If you cannot solve a vexing public policy issue, turn it into a Right. It won’t work, but it will seem like you’ve done everything. After years of trying to get the national education policy right, the government decided it was best to make education a fundamental right in the Constitution. Maybe that will make the problem go away. A decade later, nothing has changed, but we have an additional right to feel good about.2013This year saw the emergence of AAP as a political force via the anti-corruption movement. AAP combines the classic elements of what makes a political party successful in India - statist instincts, focus on aam aadmi issues, populism and ideological flexibility. Importantly, it is good at telling its own version of some future utopia rather than questioning the utopia of others. 2014The BJP came to power with many promises; the most alluring of them was ‘minimum government, maximum governance’. Over the past eight years it has claimed success in meeting many of its promises, but even its ardent supporters won’t claim any success on minimum government. In fact, it has gone the other way. That a party with an immensely popular PM, election machinery that rivals the best in the world, and virtually no opposition cannot shake us off our instinctive belief in the State's power never ceases to surprise us.2015The murder of a person by a mob on the charges of eating beef was the first clear indication of the upsurge of a new violent, majoritarian polity. It was also one of the early incidents in India of radically networked communities using social media for self-organisation. Meanwhile, 2015 also witnessed the signing of a landmark boundary agreement between India and Bangladesh, which ended the abomination called the third-order enclave. The two States exchanged land peacefully, upholding the principle that citizen well-being trumps hardline interpretations of territorial integrity. 2016There will be many case studies written in future about demonetisation. Each one of them will end with a single conclusion. Public policy requires discussion and consensus, not stealth and surprise. We hope we have learnt our lesson from it.2017Until 2017, many in India still held the hope of a modus vivendi with China. Some others were enamoured by the Chinese model of governance. However, the Doklam crisis in 2017, and the Galwan clashes in 2020, changed all that. Through this miscalculation, China alienated a full generation of Indians, led to better India-US relations, and energised India to shift focus away from merely managing a weak Pakistan, and toward raising its game for competing with a stronger adversary. For this reason, we wrote a thank you note to Xi Jinping here. 2018It took years of efforts by the LGBTQ community to get Section 377 scrapped. In 2018, they partially won when the Supreme Court diluted Section 377 to exclude all kinds of adult consensual sexual behaviour. The community could now claim equal constitutional status as others. There’s still some distance to go for the State to acknowledge non-heterosexual unions and provide for other civil rights to the community. But the gradual acceptance of the community because of decriminalisation is a sign that our society doesn’t need moral policing or lectures to judge what’s good for it.2019The J&K Reorganisation Act changed the long-standing political status quo in Kashmir. Three years on, the return to political normalcy and full statehood still awaits. While a response by Pakistan was expected, it was China that fomented trouble in Ladakh, leading to the border clashes in 2020. 2020We have written multiple pieces on farm laws in the past year. The repeal of these laws, which were fundamentally sound because of a vocal minority, is the story of public policy in India. Good policies are scuttled because of the absence of consultation, an unclear narrative, opportunistic politicking or plain old hubris. We write this newsletter in the hope of changing this. 2021The second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic left behind many bereaved families. People are still trying to pick up the pieces. The sadness was also interrupted by frustration because of the delays in getting the vaccination programme going. India benefited immensely from domestic vaccine manufacturing capability in the private sector. Despite many twists and turns in vaccine pricing and procurements, the year ended with over 1 billion administered doses. In challenging times, the Indian State, markets, and society did come together to fight the pandemic. So, here we are. In the 75th independent year of this beautiful, fascinating and often exasperating nation. We are a work in progress. We might walk slowly, but we must not walk backwards. May we all live in a happy, prosperous and equal society. Thanks for reading Anticipating the Unintended! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support our work. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

The challenge for Dhankhar, however, would be to persuade the government to allow the Opposition its say in the Rajya Sabha — his pre-BJP career as a Janata and Congress legislator should come in handy.

Welcome to “Analytically Speaking,” the new podcast from LCGC and Spectroscopy. Here in Episode 3, podcast host Jerry Workman talks to talks to Prof. Karl Booksh of the Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry at the University of Delaware, Newark, who is an expert in Raman and Raman imaging, LIBS, fluorescence, portable chemical sensors, miniaturization of analytical devices, and data driven science incorporating many chemometrics and data analytics techniques. He discusses a National Science Foundation workshop he is organizing with Prof. Barry Lavine entitled, “Data-Driven Measurements and Instruments for Chemistry.” We spoke to Prof. Karl Booksh about his organizing an NSF workshop to explore research on the development of portable chemical sensors for environmental, biomedical, and industrial process monitoring. Karl's own research is predicated on the belief that it is better to build small chemical sensors capable of reliable measurements in the field or in the process than to collect samples for future laboratory analysis. References and Further Reading: Karl Booksh faculty page: https://www.chem.udel.edu/people/full-list-searchable/kbooksh K.S. Booksh and B.R. Kowalski, Theory of analytical chemistry. Analytical Chemistry 66(15), 782A–791A (1994). https://doi.org/10.1021/ac00087a001 D.M. Wilson, S. Hoyt, J. Janata, K. Booksh, and L. Obando, Chemical sensors for portable, handheld field instruments. IEEE sensors journal 1(4), 256–274 (2001). https://doi.org/10.1109/7361.983465 D.M Wilson, S. Garrod, S. Hoyt, S. McKennoch, K.S. and Booksh, Array optimization and preprocessing techniques for chemical sensing microsystems. Sensors Update 10(1), 77–106 (2002). https://doi.org/10.1002/1616-8984(200201)10:13.0.CO;2-F J.P. Smith, E.C. Holahan, F.C. Smith, V. Marrero, and K.S. Booksh, A novel multivariate curve resolution-alternating least squares (MCR-ALS) methodology for application in hyperspectral Raman imaging analysis. Analyst 144(18), 5425–5438 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1039/C9AN00787C C.P. Celani, C.A. Lancaster, J.A. Jordan, E.O. Espinoza, and K.S. Booksh, Assessing utility of handheld laser induced breakdown spectroscopy as a means of Dalbergia speciation. Analyst 144(17), 5117–5126 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1039/C9AN00984A Connect with us on social media: • LCGC LinkedIn page: www.linkedin.com/company/lcgc/ • LCGC on Twitter: twitter.com/LC_GC • LCGC on Facebook: www.facebook.com/lcgcmagazine • Spectroscopy LinkedIn page: www.linkedin.com/company/spectroscopy-media/ • Spectroscopy on Twitter: twitter.com/SpectroscopyMag • Spectroscopy on Facebook: www.facebook.com/SpectroscopyMagazine Subscribe to LCGC or Spectroscopy magazine or our newsletters. • www.chromatographyonline.com/view/subscriptions • www.spectroscopyonline.com/view/subscriptions Email us at LCGCedit@mmhgroup.com. To advertise on the show, contact Ed Fantuzzi at efantuzzi@MJHlifesciences.com

Vycítí, že vám nic jiného nezbývá. Platí si lidi, aby z vás vytáhli co nejvíc peněz. A jakmile jednou uspějí, zkusí to znovu, říká o investičních podvodnících ekonom Dominik Stroukal. Investičních podvodů právě teď přibývá. Ubránit peníze před vysokou inflací je stále těžší a právě to tlačí lidi k tomu, aby své peníze svěřili i rizikovějším projektům, které ale slibují zázračný výnos. „Kdybychom si na svém spořicím účtu přišli na 10 % a inflace byla 12 %, tak se na investiční podvody vykašleme,“ říká ekonom Dominik Stroukal v aktuálním dílu podcastu Ve vatě. Jiné lidi dožene do náručí podvodníků vypjatá životní situace. Nezvladatelné faktury za elektřinu. Kupící se dluhy. „Když se řítíme do problémů a máme možnost se z nich magicky dostat, dost možná podlehneme podvodníkovi, když na nás začne naléhat. Doba je špatná, chceme se postarat o své blízké,“ míní Stroukal, který ví o motivech podvedených klientů své.Lákali na Jágra i miliardáře Právě na jeho tvář a jméno totiž před časem nalákali podvodníci k investování minimálně stovku klientů. Obdobný inzerát jako v jeho případě teď koluje po internetu, jen s tváří miliardáře Radovana Vítka. Další lidi okradli podvodníci prostřednictvím reklam se jmény sportovních ikon Jaromíra Jágra a Petra Čecha. „Jakmile jim lidé vyplní telefonní číslo, jsou ztracení,“ říká ekonom.Pochybné investice na nás přitom někdy už z dálky, jindy až při bližším pohledu, mávají varovnými rudými vlajkami. „Když nevidíš reálného člověka, který za tím je, nerozumíš tomu produktu a slibují ti 80 % ročně, to jsou tři vztyčené vlaječky,“ vypočítává hlavní varovné signály Stroukal.Dalo se poznat, že Ondřej Janata považovaný za investičního génia je podvodník? Jak nenaletět?  A je v kryptosvětě víc podvodů než ve standardních financích? Poslechněte si celý podcast Ve vatě.Zajímá vás další obsah o investicích a osobních financích? Podívejte se do naší rubriky Finance. Ve vatě. Podcast novinářky Markéty Bidrmanové. Poslechněte si konkrétní rady investorů a odborníků na téma investic, inflace, úvěrů a hypoték. Finanční „kápézetka“ pro všechny, kterým nejsou peníze ukradené. Vychází každé dva týdny. Poslouchejte na Seznam Zprávách, Podcasty.cz nebo ve všech podcastových aplikacích. V podcastu vysvětlujeme základní finanční pojmy a principy, nejde ale o investiční poradenství. O čem byste chtěli poslouchat příště? Co máme zlepšit? A co naopak určitě neměnit? Vaše připomínky, tipy i výtky uvítáme na adrese audio@sz.cz.

Episode-05. Hello Samsad_2079-02-13 {Madhesh pradesh_janata sanga savamukh}

Part of the International conference on Maharashtra in September 2021 - Aishwarya Walvekar, JNU, New Delhi Nostalgia is often defined as a ‘yearning for a past' (Boym), which circulates across time through memories materializing in oral cultures, texts and scriptures, theatre and performances. The circuit of its circulation is completed when that nostalgia materializes in the genealogies of its tradition and ‘surrogate' (Roach) and diffuse into different forms. The icon of Shivaji has been circulating across the political, social, cultural landscapes of Maharashtra since the seventeenth century and is appropriated by the different castes and ideologies. The economy of the circulation of the icon of Shivaji is vast and spread across different forms and mediums. Janata Raja, a three hour play by B. M. Purandare circulates the icon of Shivaji through its form of historical pageantry – catering to thousands of audiences at once on a large scale as well as involving the public sphere in the process of its embodiment. Open to all, the cast of the play is comprised of untrained enthusiasts eager to embody through the recorded voice and costumes a nostalgia of the seventeenth century past. In doing so, the idea of sovereignty is challenged due to the ‘dual-time' that the theatrical performance creates. This paper attempts to understand nostalgic past and its materialized presence in theatre circulating through the bodies of the actors and reorganizing the public sphere by its propagation. It argues that one needs to address historicism through the idea of circulation rather than a unidirectional approach by analyzing the case of Janata Raja

Why are companies shifting focus from CSR to ESG? Gloria Janata, President and CEO of TogoRun, discusses how the move impacts the role of the communications function. Gloria also dives into TogoRun's efforts on reducing disparities in healthcare. To share your feedback, contact: Doug Simon: dougs@dssimonmedia.com or news@dssimonmedia.com - 212.736.2727 For more info go to: https://www.dssimon.com

Profesor Jiří Janata je jedním z nejúspěšnějších českých chemiků působících v zahraničí. Několikrát vystřídal akademickou a soukromou sféru. Pracoval v Hanfordu, místě, které patřilo do projektu Manhattan a i po válce se v něm vyrábělo plutonium. Řešil, jak pomoci tamnímu poškozenému životnímu prostředí. Učil ho profesor Heyrovský, potkal se s Richardem Feynmanem. Přezdívá se mu doktor ChemFet, protože stojí za vynálezem senzoru na detekci chemických látek ve sloučeninách. https://www.ceskatelevize.cz/porady/10441294653-hyde-park-civilizace/221411058091120/

Uznávaný chemik, profesor Jiří Janata přijel do Brna z Ameriky, kam v roce 1966 odcestoval původně jen na stáž. Vrátit už se ale mohl až po roce 1989. Tatínka za války zatklo gestapo kvůli účasti v odboji, naštěstí se z vězení vrátil. Už jako děti se Janatovi chlapci přátelili s bratry Mašínovými. Bratr Zbyněk se pak v padesátých letech účastnil společných akcí i útěku přes hranice. Na rozdíl od Mašínů byl ale na útěku ve východním Německu chycen a o dva roky později v Praze popraven. Nepomohla ani žádost o milost. https://www.ceskatelevize.cz/ivysilani/1181680258-tyden-v-regionech-brno/321281381891023-tyden-v-regionech/obsah/871119-pametova-stopa-jiri-janata/

Learn how earworms could be helping your memory; how auroras are created; and what your cat should drink instead of milk. Maybe that song stuck in your head is helping your long-term memory by Cameron Duke Karen Michele Nikos-Rose. (2021, June 15). That Song Is Stuck in Your Head, but It's Helping You to Remember. UC Davis. https://www.ucdavis.edu/news/song-stuck-in-head-helps-remember  Kubit, B. M., & Janata, P. (2021). Spontaneous mental replay of music improves memory for incidentally associated event knowledge. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001050  We have the first experimental evidence for how auroras are created by Briana Brownell Physicists report definitive evidence how auroras are created. (2021). EurekAlert! https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2021-06/uoi-prd060321.php  ‌Auroral Electron Acceleration. (2021). Uiowa.edu. https://homepage.physics.uiowa.edu/~ghowes/research/aurora.html  Schroeder, J. W. R., Howes, G. G., Kletzing, C. A., Skiff, F., Carter, T. A., Vincena, S., & Dorfman, S. (2021). Laboratory measurements of the physics of auroral electron acceleration by Alfvén waves. Nature communications, 12(1), 1-9. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-021-23377-5.epdf A Feline Myth Debunked: Don't Give Your Cat Milk by Anna Todd Fries, W. C. (2009, July 17). Cats and Dairy: Get the Facts. WebMD; WebMD. https://pets.webmd.com/cats/guide/cats-and-dairy-get-the-facts#1  Bradshaw, J. (2019, May 20). Why can't cats drink milk? Plus 6 other feline myths. BBC Science Focus Magazine; BBC Science Focus Magazine. https://www.sciencefocus.com/nature/why-cant-cats-drink-milk-plus-6-other-feline-myths/  Causes and diagnosis of lactose intolerance. (2018, November 29). Nih.gov; Institute for Quality and Efficiency in Health Care (IQWiG). https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK310263/  Follow Curiosity Daily on your favorite podcast app to learn something new every day withCody Gough andAshley Hamer. Still curious? Get exclusive science shows, nature documentaries, and more real-life entertainment on discovery+! Go to https://discoveryplus.com/curiosity to start your 7-day free trial. discovery+ is currently only available for US subscribers. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

#KiranPrabha​​​​ ​ #MGRamachandran​​​​ ​ #MGR​​​​​ Maruthur Gopalan Ramachandran (17 January 1917 – 24 December 1987), popularly known as M. G. R., was an Indian politician and film actor who served as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu for over nine years between 1977 and 1987. He was also a philanthropist and a humanitarian icon. In 1988, M.G.R. was awarded India's highest civilian honor, the Bharat Ratna, posthumously. KiranPrabha narrates interesting incidents in MGR political life in the years 1979-1980 in this episode. This is Part 15 of the series. Some of the topics covered in this episode are - Birth of Congress(I) Party - Indira Gandhi arrest and jailed - Janata party government collapse in 1979 - Unexpected defeat of AIADMK in 1980 mid term parlment elections - MGR Government birth ruff by Indira Gandhi - MGR grand victory and second time CM of Tamil Nadu Many more details in next episode 16. Talk Shows List: https://koumudi.net/talkshows/index.htm --- Koumudi Magazine: https://www.koumudi.net

In 2007 this selection of Gorakh Pandey's poems was brought (as an audio CD) by Jan Sanskriti Manch under initiative of Sanjay Joshi. Poems were read and sung by various artistes and the music was designed by the renowned FM Radio Jockey Rajiv Saxena (Died in 2008) This Song Janata ke aave palataniya was sung by Maheshwar (for a video produced by me in 1990) --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/sm-irfan/message

It's been a year since we've been cooped up in fear of a fast-spreading virus. How have the job market, economy, and bourses reacted and adapted to this black swan event? ET's Deepshikha Sikawar, Saumya Bhattacharya, Nishanth Vasudevan, and Divya Rajagopal discuss. Janata curfew byte courtesy TOI Online.

Its been a year since India went into a complete lockdown to combat COVID-19. Lakhs of Indian's since have lost their lives, their loved ones, health, social circles and we all lost our daily routine. It's been a year of exercising at home, dining tables becoming the new classroom and workstations, and adopting new terms like “social distancing” and “herd immunity” in our vocabulary. Though the lockdown was taken as a public health measure, it also showed us the reality of our public healthcare system and the growing inequalities in India, with the exodus of thousands of migrant workers walking hundreds of kilometers back home, local businesses and industries shutting down, and billionaires still managing to increase their wealth during all the turmoil.As we still assess whether the lockdown was a success or failure a year after its announcement, the COVID-19 threat is far from over as India is witnessing a steady uptick of cases across the country in just the last 2 weeks, indicating, that we are in fact in a “second wave”. A total of 40,715 fresh cases were reported in the last 24 hours across the country to add to the tally of 1,16,86,796.It has been a year of calculated risk for many thus it is critical to look at not just what the lockdown did to prevent the spread of COVID-19 but also evaluate where we went wrong. Host and Producer: Himmat ShaligramGuest:Dr K Srinath Reddy, President of the Public Health Foundation of India. Editor: Shelly Walia Music: Big Bang FuzzListen to The Big Story podcast on:Apple: https://apple.co/2AYdLIl Saavn: http://bit.ly/2oix78C Google Podcasts: http://bit.ly/2ntMV7S Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2IyLAUQ Deezer: http://bit.ly/2Vrf5Ng Castbox: http://bit.ly/2VqZ9ur

Do studia RTL přišel věrný fanoušek Winnipegu Jets, Sparty, student Teritoriálních studií a veliký příznivec Patika Laineho - Jonáš Janata. V pikantní konverzaci došlo na témata Tinderu, aktuální situaci West Hamu United, ale i na situaci ve florbalové komunitě!

Former Chicago Bears and Tampa Bay Buccaneer, John Janata joins us for the first annual, The Shadows Podcast Bowl, available on over ten podcast platforms at: https://www.theshadowspodcast.com/ On the Shadows Podcast Bowl, John talks about: - His upbringings - Playing college football at the University of Illinois - Why he picked the Chicago Bears over the Los Angeles Raiders - What were those practices like with the early 80's Bears - He plays word association and shares behind the scenes stories about the members of the 1985 Super Bowl Champions Bears - Tells a comical story about his one-on-one conversation with Walter Payton - What went wrong during his stint with the Tampa Bay Buccaneers - Why he left the NFL - Life as a fire fighter - How he overcame his struggles with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder - His role with Merging Vets and Players in Las Vegas Please follow us on Instagram (@the_shadowspodcast) and like our Facebook page (@TheShadowsPodcast). Stay tuned for our new program, Ignite which is set to debut March 4! --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/shadows-podcast/support

The rise of Narendra Modi and the BJP to power was due to many factors - besides the personality cult of Modi and the disgust with the Congress... it was also the high octane campaign and the tall promises that the BJP made - wooed the people. However 2014 is long behind us and as 2021 kicks in - its important to review how many of those promises have been kept? In this Episode of the Deshbhakt, we just look at 6 main promises that the Govt had almost 6 years to deliver. ********** ChapterHeads **************** 00:00 - when the Janata did not forgive the Congress 01:27 - when Petrol prices really mattered to the Common Man 03:21 - there was a time when people were going broke due to inflation! 04:47 - everyone is employed these days - in outrage 05:33 - safety of women these days is like democracy :( 06:31 - the farmer is so happy - that he's celebrating at the border! 07:56 - education - when the Govt came after students and colleges ! *** Subscribe to #TheDeshBhakt to unlock Discord / Exclusive Chats / Content *** PATREON MEMBERSHIP - https://www.patreon.com/thedeshbhakt (International Credit Card / Debit Card) JOIN MEMBERSHIP ON YOUTUBE - https://www.youtube.com/thedeshbhakt/... INSTAMOJO - https://imjo.in/XU5arJ (Phone Pe / G Pay / PayTM / BHIM / CC / DC / Netbanking) PAYPAL - https://www.paypal.me/thedeshbhakt ****** Get the New DeshBhakt Merch! ******* India Shipping Only - https://kadakmerch.com/thedeshbhakt *********Follow us on ************ YouTube: - https://youtube.com/thedeshbhakt Twitter :- https://twitter.com/thedeshbhakt Instagram :- https://instagram.com/akashbanerjee.in Facebook :- https://www.facebook.com/akashbanerje... SoundCloud :- https://soundcloud.com/thedeshbhakt ********** More DeshBhakt Videos:************ The Deshbhakt Episodes: https://bit.ly/3eLgvLv EMERGENCY: https://bit.ly/3dM4Bj8 Bhakt Banerjee Rocks: https://bit.ly/2VuFQlf B&D Media and the Public: https://bit.ly/389jjzw India explained with TheDeshbhakt: https://bit.ly/2ZjNVKD Akash-Vaani: https://bit.ly/3eKvN3h **** FURTHER RESOURCES ****** https://www.outlookindia.com/newsscro... https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story... https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/b... https://www.indiatvnews.com/business/... https://www.livemint.com/politics/pol... https://www.newsclick.in/Fee-Hike-Mea... https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story... https://www.theweek.in/news/biz-tech/.... https://www.indiatoday.in/diu/story/h.... https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/... --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/thedeshbhakt/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/thedeshbhakt/support

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (25 December 1924 – 16 August 2018) was an Indian statesman who served three terms as the Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. A member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), he was the first Indian prime minister not of the Indian National Congress to serve a full term in office. He was also noted as a poet and a writer. He was a member of the Indian Parliament for over five decades, having been elected ten times to the Lok Sabha, the lower house, and twice to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. He served as the Member of Parliament for Lucknow, retiring from active politics in 2009. He was among the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), of which he was president from 1968 to 1972. The BJS merged with several other parties to form the Janata Party, which won the 1977 general election. In March 1977, Vajpayee became the Minister of External Affairs in the cabinet of Prime Minister Morarji Desai. He resigned in 1979, and the Janata alliance collapsed soon after. Former members of the BJS formed the BJP in 1980, with Vajpayee its first president. During his tenure as prime minister, India carried out the Pokhran-II nuclear tests in 1998. Vajpayee sought to improve diplomatic relations with Pakistan, travelling to Lahore by bus to meet with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. After the 1999 Kargil War with Pakistan, he sought to restore relations through engagement with President Pervez Musharraf, inviting him to India for a summit at Agra. The administration of Narendra Modi declared in 2014 that Vajpayee's birthday, 25 December, would be marked as Good Governance Day. In 2015, he was conferred India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, by the President of India, Pranab Mukherjee. He died on 16 August 2018 of age-related illness.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (25 December 1924 – 16 August 2018) was an Indian statesman who served three terms as the Prime Minister of India, first for a term of 13 days in 1996, then for a period of 13 months from 1998 to 1999, followed by a full term from 1999 to 2004. A member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), he was the first Indian prime minister not of the Indian National Congress to serve a full term in office. He was also noted as a poet and a writer. He was a member of the Indian Parliament for over five decades, having been elected ten times to the Lok Sabha, the lower house, and twice to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. He served as the Member of Parliament for Lucknow, retiring from active politics in 2009. He was among the founding members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), of which he was president from 1968 to 1972. The BJS merged with several other parties to form the Janata Party, which won the 1977 general election. In March 1977, Vajpayee became the Minister of External Affairs in the cabinet of Prime Minister Morarji Desai. He resigned in 1979, and the Janata alliance collapsed soon after. Former members of the BJS formed the BJP in 1980, with Vajpayee its first president. During his tenure as prime minister, India carried out the Pokhran-II nuclear tests in 1998. Vajpayee sought to improve diplomatic relations with Pakistan, travelling to Lahore by bus to meet with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. After the 1999 Kargil War with Pakistan, he sought to restore relations through engagement with President Pervez Musharraf, inviting him to India for a summit at Agra. The administration of Narendra Modi declared in 2014 that Vajpayee's birthday, 25 December, would be marked as Good Governance Day. In 2015, he was conferred India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, by the President of India, Pranab Mukherjee. He died on 16 August 2018 of age-related illness.

This is the third episode in which I discuss the essential phenomenon of groove with Petr Janata. He is a Professor in the Psychology Department and Center for Mind and Brain at the University of California, Davis. Janata incorporated functional neuroimaging methods into his music perception research. This talk complement the two previous episodes about groove.

Note: Anticipating The Unintended will be on its annual break over the next two weeks. Normal service will resume from Jan 3, 2021 This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration on all podcasting platforms courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.- RSJThe focus of this newsletter is to make public policy accessible to the public. That’s a claim we often make around here. There are thinktanks and public policy specialists to advise those who are in power. We are at the other end of the pipe. Trying to influence the demand side of the market of democracy. The hope is that an aware and an enlightened public will demand better from their representatives. Once the pattern of demand changes, supply will adjust itself. The reassuring bit about working at this end of the democratic pipe is the freedom to engage with and critique policies on their merits without tiptoeing our way around giant political or bureaucratic egos. Also, simplifying the language used in policy discourse is fun and enriching. Of course, the difficult part is getting people to listen to you. Not because it is difficult to reach them. Instead as we often realise, the public isn’t interested to know more. They interpret the world around them with limited information available to them and construct an imagined world in their heads. This constructed imagination is the lens through which they view all information they receive. This is what spurs them into political or social actions. There’s no good answer on who should a public policy newsletter try and influence? The powers that be or the general public? I realised last week while reading about the Lippman-Dewey debates, this is a century-old question. In the 1920s, the two were engaged in a fascinating duel of ideas and philosophy. While both believed in democracy, one saw it half-empty, the other half-full.  Lippman’s Scepticism About The Ordinary CitizenDemocracy is founded on the belief that public opinion matters. But as the society becomes more advanced, knowledge more specialised and a wider range of issues impact lives, citizens find it difficult to inform themselves about all the issues impacting their lives. The ordinary public can’t be ‘omnicompetent’. This is the problem of knowledge that Lippman probed in his two seminal books – Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925). As Lippman wrote:"The real environment is altogether too big, too complex, and too fleeting for direct acquaintance.”The ordinary citizen “lives in a world he cannot see, does not understand and is unable to direct.” This leads to an inevitable discrepancy between “the world outside and the picture in our heads.” This “pseudo environment” in our heads is what we use to form political and public opinions. This is what political parties and media work on to create narratives. For Lippman this was the flaw with the democratic ideal of public participation in decision making. They are coming at it with the “most inadequate picture”.Lippman though is empathetic to the ordinary citizen’s plight:“My sympathies are with [the citizen], for I believe that he has been saddled with an impossible task and that he is asked to practice an unattainable ideal. I find it so myself for, although public business is my main interest and I give most of my time to watching it, I cannot find time to do what is expected of me in the theory of democracy.”Democracy needs competent citizens. If the majority of voters aren’t able to make sense of the real world around them to make clear-headed judgments, what’s the point of it all?Lippman’s response to this problem was in the role of experts. Representative politics “cannot be worked successfully…..unless there is an independent, expert organization for making the unseen facts intelligible”. An enlightened oligarchy of experts is the answer. In Lippman’s prescription, the expert is a disinterested participant with deep mastery of an area who advises those in power within the government or administration. As Lippman writes:“The power of the expert depends upon separating himself from those who make the decisions, upon not caring, in his expert self, what decision is made.”For Lippman this separation of responsibilities is critical for the functioning of the democracy. The role of the ordinary public is restricted in mobilising themselves to elect their representatives on the basis of their performance (real or promised) which in turn depends on how they have used the experts to frame laws and policies. Lippman has no illusions about the capabilities of a popular government that sways to the mood of the public. They need guidance from experts. The citizens neither possess the knowledge or the competence on the wide range of issues that concern their world nor can this be taught to them. Education is a bit overrated and only the optimists see it as a solution. The media and the political parties will continue to construct reality for the citizens that will drive their decision making. The best hope for democracy therefore is to have detached experts who have the ears of those at the helm.   Dewey’s Democratic FaithThe riposte to Lippman came from political philosopher and a champion of public voice in democracy, John Dewey. While Dewey agreed with Lippman’s thesis about an omnicompetent citizen being an illusion, he questioned the need for such special capability. Instead, he argued there are ways in which citizens can acquire sufficient knowledge to participate effectively in a democracy. This to him was a better option than the tyranny of the experts that Lippman favoured. Dewey viewed knowledge as a kind of social capital that each individual possesses stemming from their participation in the society and from the long history of people gathering knowledge before them. To believe an individual has to know everything about the world around them is to ignore the accumulated knowledge that’s available and which people draw upon in their everyday lives. To him, as he wrote in The Public And Its Problems (1927), this knowledge is built-up through “association and communication; it depends upon tradition, upon tools and methods socially transmitted, developed and sanctioned.” Dewey gives the example of scientific progress made by humankind as an example of this kind of knowledge. As he wrote:“The development of tools into machines, the characteristic of the industrial age, was made possible only by taking advantage of science socially accumulated and transmitted.”And he was convinced this accumulation of knowledge was possible for the political sphere too. “Just as the specialized mind and knowledge of the past is embodied in implements, utensils, devices and technologies which those of a grade of intelligence which could not produce them can now intelligently use, so it will be when currents of public knowledge blow through social affairs.”The build up of this social knowledge happens over the years through experts who study this area. So, there is still a role of experts in Dewey’s thesis. However, unlike Lippman, Dewey sees their role is to focus on informing the public, not the experts. The experts must continue to study the complex world around us and the forces that shape them. They must then interpret this for the average citizen who can then act with foresight within their social and political environment. Dewey wrote:“…inquiry, indeed, is a work which devolves upon experts. But their expertness is not shown in framing and executing policies, but in discovering and making known the facts upon which the former depend.”For Dewey, the experts must be guided by public spirit and owe their allegiance to the public. They must share their knowledge directly with the public and not restrict it to those in positions of power. The citizen doesn’t need to be omnicompetent; they must know enough through the stock of social knowledge and the guidance of experts to contribute meaningfully to public life. We are no experts here. But as a public policy newsletter, we side with Dewey in these debates.  HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Article] A primer on Lippman-Dewey debates: Notes from Carl R. Bybee, 1997, Media, Public Opinion and Governance: Burning Down the Barn to Roast the Pig, Module 10, Unit 56 of the MA in Mass Communications, University of Leicester[Article] Sean Illing writing in the Vox: Walter Lippmann’s famous critique of democracy revisited. Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

Ruchir Sharma is an award-winning public policy and political advocacy professional with experience in police reform, counterterrorism, and climate change at the intergovernmental level and campaign strategy at the party-level.With an academic background in Marxist theory, the history of terrorism, and Cold War geopolitics, he has also worked as an advisor to a major political party and in recent years, he has been making waves with his piercing articles on history, culture, and international politics, in the Huffington Post, Firstpost, Swarajya, and Russia Insider.Time Stamps:00:00 - Intro, Ideology vs False Narrative, The Failure of Indian Education05:36 - How is the Indian situation unique?09:00 - How far is the first world wealth level for India?13:48 - Does a Unified Political Will not exist in India due to Diversity?15:45 - What is this 1940s idea of India? Did India move past it in the 2014 elections?20:53 - The real BJP, their purpose and decolonization attempt27:20 - Are our narratives trying to keep us unplugged from reality?34:59 - How do we move forward with these narratives?38:50 - Where and how did Ruchir Sharma learn his tools?42:50 - How did Indian History evolve? Expansionist Nationalism vs Local nationalism50:00 - Disillusionment in History and ideologies, and switching ideologies55:59 - Was Jai Prakash moving India towards the real, core changes?59:43 - Slavoy Zizek and India’s need for capitalism, Problem of Socialism1:05:40 - Jai Prakash and Janata party moving away from Post-Colonial India1:12:41 - New Leaders coming out of the Janata Party, Jai Prakash’s IdealsConnect with Ruchir Sharmaruchirsharma.euTwitter: ruchirsharma_1Connect with us onlinepgradio.com@pgradio.live on InstagramConnect with Prakhar Gupta:@prvkhvr on Twitteremail: pg@pgradio.com

Nebylo mu ještě ani třicet let, přesto ale Ondřej Janata již spravuje investiční fond s hodnotou přes jednu miliardu korun. Janata se netají tím, že by jednou chtěl být bohatší, než Petr Kellner. „Nemyslím, že je to příliš ambiciózní. Na první příčce je Kellner už docela dlouho a myslím, že už by ho postupně někdo mohl vystřídat. A proč bych to nemohl být zrovna já?“ říká mladý investor s tím, že lidé v Česku se investic bojí i proto, že jsou motivováni státem, který rovněž hlavně utrácí a neinvestuje.

Ein toter Großvater, der kein Großvater ist, ein verschwundenes Jagsgewehr, ein beschissenes Denkmal und ein geheimer Frauenbund. Das sind die Themen Sebastian Janatas erstem Roman "Die Ambassadorin". In der Lesung spricht Mona Ameziane mit ihm über das Burgenland in Österreich, über sein Leben als Schlagzeuger der Band "Ja, Panik" und über sein Bild von Feminismus.

Recorded live on August 13th, 2020   Two people making music on the fly… Bugs In The Basement creates improvised musical journeys from an array of vintage and handmade instruments to modern technologies. Recorded live from our basement studio in the Pacific Northwest, each week we experiment in the process of making exploratory music and soundscapes. Unmixed, unedited and unapologetic. www.bugsinthebasement.com

Music moves the mind. Your experiences with music involve many psychological & mental processes - from perceiving or hearing the music to the mental images that accompany a specific tune. Strong emotions can be tied to a particular song, & certain tunes can evoke powerful nostalgic experiences. A person’s relationship to a given song may be expressed as how familiar they are with the tune or the degree to which the song is associated with a personal memory. Tune in to learn about music, memory & emotion. Read the show notes: https://www.brainshape.ca/podcast/music-memory-and-emotion-petr-janata Visit our website: https://www.BrainShape.ca/ Follow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/BrainShapeTO/ Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/BrainShapeTO Like our Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/BrainShapeTO/

"Ja, Panik" heißt die Band, in der Sebastian Janata Schlagzeug spielt. Jetzt stellt der österreichische Musiker seinen ersten Roman vor. "Die Ambassadorin" ist ein Thriller aus der Provinz mit feministisch-utopischen Zügen. Sebastian Janata im Gespräch mit Gesa Ufer www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Kompressor Hören bis: 19.01.2038 04:14 Direkter Link zur Audiodatei

Sebastian Janata, Mitglied der Band Ja, Panik, wurde Ende der 80er Jahre im Burgenland geboren und ist dort aufgewachsen. Er schmiss die Schule und nach einer kurzen Station in Wien zog er nach Berlin, um sein Leben ganz der Musik zu widmen. In seinem Debütroman "Die Ambassadorin" kehrt er zumindest literarisch wieder zurück ins Burgenland. Zwischen Schilfgürtel und Kriegerdenkmälern erzählt der Roman eine sehr geheimnisvolle Geschichte.FALTER-Feuilletonchef Matthias Dusini hat dann noch zwei Buchtipps für Sie.Zu den Büchern:Die Ambassadorin (Sebastian Janata): https://shop.falter.at/detail/9783498092030Gegen die moderne Welt (Mark J. Sedgwick): https://shop.falter.at/detail/9783957575203Tschudi (Mariam Kühsel-Hussaini): https://shop.falter.at/detail/9783498001377Zur Moderatorin: Petra Hartlieb betreibt nicht nur zwei Buchhandlungen in Wien, sondern ist auch als Schriftstellerin überaus erfolgreich. Ihr Roman “Meine wundervolle Buchhandlung” wurde zum Bestseller und in acht Sprachen übersetzt. 2019 war sie Jurymitglied des Deutschen Buchpreises. Der Podcast "Besser lesen mit dem FALTER" erscheint alle zwei Wochen; Hartlieb spricht darin mit Autorinnen und Autoren über das Lesen, das Schreiben und das Leben an sich. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

India has surpassed the 1,000-mark in total number of confirmed Covid-19 cases, and the country has seen 29 related deaths. Globally, more than 724,000 people have been infected by the virus. Of them, 152,000 have recovered so far and over 34,000 have died. Last week, the United States had reported more than 16,000 cases of infected people in a single day, becoming the country with most cases of infection worldwide. Now, it has close to 143,000 cases. The next most affected are Italy, with nearly 98,000 infected people, and China with 82,000. Here’s the latest on coronavirus cases in India: Earlier, to tackle the spread of the virus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi called for a 14-hour Janata curfew on March 22. And later, a 21-day nationwide lockdown had to be enforced to contain the infections. Several measures have also been taken to support the slowing economy, and schemes to provide relief to the people whose livelihoods have been affected by the nationwide lockdown. However, in the absence of a source of income, migrant workers in big cities, especially New Delhi, have been forced to violate the lockdown and find a way to go back to their hometowns. These workers, mostly daily-wage earners, are finding it difficult to pay for their food, rent and daily expenses, despite state governments’ best efforts to provide for their immediate needs. A media report claimed the coronavirus pandemic is rapidly expanding its footprint in India and might have entered stage three. However, the government denied these claims. Besides, an extensive report after speaking to more than a dozen front-line physicians across the country showed that none had reported a spike in patients with respiratory ailments suggesting Covid-19 yet, even as all agreed it was just a matter of time. Talking of migrant workers’ exodus, these were seen mostly in industrial and commercial centres like Delhi, Noida, Ghaziabad, Thiruvananthapuram, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad, and Kolkata on Saturday, leading to fears that long queues of people jostling and pushing could lead to a surge in cases. “You fear the disease. But I fear hunger more, not corona,” said one of the migrant workers fleeing from the national capital to his hometown in Uttar Pradesh. Fearing a renewed surge of coronavirus (Covid-19) cases by the movement of migrant labourers, the central government cracked down on state administrations across India, and ordered that not only should labourers stay where they were, but that the administration must take steps to ensure their well-being. There also have been reports claiming the government might extend the lockdown beyond the stipulated 21 days, but the government has denied these reports, too. The Union Health Ministry has also stated that the course of Covid-19 tends to be more severe in the case of the elderly population, resulting in higher mortality. It has, therefore, issued a health advisory, listing some "dos" and "don'ts" for reducing the transmission of the virus among the aged sections. The number of active Covid-19 cases in India is 942 so far. 99 people have been cured and one person who tested positive has migrated out of the country.

Hindi podcasts Physio Mohit tell about about comfort zone how to deal how to sacrifice your dream how to overcome your overthinking depression and overall all of think about time table and the Janata curfew is all of you how to manage your time table and the ending time of your time management how you deal with the product in age Aaj and moreover sacrifices your laptop Follow me on Instagram! Username: physiomohit https://www.instagram.com/physio_mohitji?r=nametag --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/mohitchawla/support

In this episode, we talk about the recently announced 21 Day Lockdown in India. We talk about what all you can while in a Lockdown, a few funny excerpts from the JANATA CURFEW that took place on 22nd March in the entire nation and a few updates on the on going pandemic. Stay Home, Stay Safe!

This episode gives you an idea of the nature of the spread of the virus, and why it is extremely important that we maintain social distance. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/ramiyer/message

Will feel safer if no coronavirus case is detected till April 6: Himanta Biswa Sarma - Stressing importance upon social distancing to check the spread of the novel coronavirus Health Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma on Friday said that Assam will be considered ‘marginally safe' in case no person is found infected by the virus till April 6. ‘Janata curfew' No passenger trains on Sunday: Indian Railways - Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi's appeal for a ‘Janata curfew' on Sunday amid the novel coronavirus scare, the Indian Railways said on Friday that all passenger trains will remain cancelled during the period. President Ram Nath Kovind to undergo coronavirus test - President Ram Nath Kovind will undergo coronavirus test on Saturday, according to Rashtrapati Bhavan sources. Street Vendor Association of Assam demand daily wage post-eviction - The Street Vendor Association of Assam (ASVA) on Friday submitted a memorandum to Kamrup (Metro) DC demanding a daily wage of Rs. 500 for vendors who faced eviction during the ongoing GMC (Guwahati Municipal Corporation) eviction drive. Kamakhya Temple door shut for visitors due to coronavirus outbreak - In view of the coronavirus outbreak, the Kamakhya Temple has closed its doors for the devotees from March 20 to March 29. The order was announced by Doloi of Kamakhya Devalaya on Friday. Coronavirus: Assam Bharatiya Janata Party asks party workers to avoid meetings - In the wake of the outbreak of the novel coronavirus Assam BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) headquarters have advised all of its members, committees and office bearers to avoid having physical meetings from March 20 to March 29 GAD of Assam Govt. issued an advisory to install thermal scanners, sanitizers in offices - As a precautionary measure of the coronavirus the General Administration Department of the Assam Government has issued an advisory to install thermal scanners and mandatory placing of hand sanitizers at the entry of all government buildings. BTC poll deferred in view of coronavirus scare in State - Assam state Election Commission has postponed upcoming BTC election for indefinite period in view of the corona scare in the State. Covid impact: Budget session of Assam Assembly curtailed, restricted - In the wake of the coronavirus scare, the all-party meeting on Friday decided to continue the crucial Budget session of the State in a curtailed and restricted manner so as to pass the annual Budget. All India Bank Employees' Association & AIBOA called off March 27 strike - All India Bank Employees' Association (AIBEA) and All India Bank Officers' Association (AIBOA) – have called off their March 27 strike, a union leader said.

Rathinavani 90.8 Community Radio | CoViD 19 - Janata Curfew | Community People Opinion | PM Modi Speech Tamil Translation | Hosted by RJ Vicky & RJ Madan | RCAS

Special Focus On PM Modi Janata Curfew _ ABN 360.mp3

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday appealed to residents to witness a "Janata curfew" on Sunday, March 22. As an experiment works for social distancing over the subsequent few days to fight the spread of coronavirus. As a part of the self-curfew, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said everyone must stay home during Janata curfew from 7 am to 9 pm that day and continue by it. Prime Minister Narendra Modi also cautioned citizens against hoarding and panic-buying, ensuring that there would be no lack of essentials like milk, medicines, and food. Under this Janata curfew, no one should leave their home or gather in their neighborhoods. Only those related to essential services should go out, said Prime Minister Narendra Modi. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/latestnewssuno/support

Tentokrát jsme si do našeho pražského studia pozvali tradera Ondru Janatu, který se obchodování věnuje už od začátku střední školy. Povídali jsme si s ním především o tradingu. Jak totiž říká, obchodování na burze je jeho vášeň. Věnuje se zejména forexu, tedy směně měnových párů. V dnešním rozhovoru se dozvíte: – Jak Ondrovi pomohla znalost matematiky? – Jak se obchodování změnilo za posledních 10 let? – Je těžké na trzích uspět? – Jak se jako trader na forexu dívá na kryptoměny? – Prožíval těžce, kdy při obchodování poprvé ztratil peníze? – Jak vypadá typický Ondrův den? – Jak si vybrat brokera? ► Kde nás ještě najdete: Web • www.zralocisobe.cz Facebook • http://www.facebook.com/zralocisobe Instagram • http://www.instagram.com/zralocisobe Telegram • https://t.me/s/Zralocisobe

Interjú Janata Krisztával, aki tanácsadó, tréner, a szövegírás szenvedéllyel című könyv szerzője és a Metropolitan egyetem címzetes docense.

As a critic of Narendra Modi’s polarising politics, let me begin by heartily congratulating him on his stupendous victory. The outcome of the election to the 17th Lok Sabha was, first of all, a victory for India’s democracy, as it has always been since the first general elections in 1952. Irrespective of which party wins or loses, it is always the people’s verdict that has triumphed. Never has a people’s mandate been annulled in India, nor has our country ever seen a bloody transition of power, or capture of power by the generals, as has so often happened in our neighbourhood and beyond. This repeated victory of democracy (https://www.thequint.com/elections/pm-narendra-modi-amit-shah-address-media-election-results-2019) – despite all the flaws in our democratic system – has contributed immensely to the international community’s admiration for India. A test of one’s faith in democracy is that, even when your opponents win, you should not only gracefully accept the verdict of ‘Janata Janardhan’ (which is another way of saying, ‘Janata is the Maalik’ of all politicians) but also wish the victors well. It is in this spirit that even Modi’s opponents should commend him on his outstanding victory. For more podcasts from The Quint, check out our Podcasts (https://www.thequint.com/news/podcast) section.

The first non-congress government, rampant with factions, ego, and opportunism, could not even complete a full term. This episode discusses the situation in the Janata regime, the 1980 elections and how Indira returned to the power with a thumping majority.

Aadit Kapadia, Sunanda Vashisht and Pramod Kumar Buravalli discuss the Covert ops and the punitive action of the Indian army in part 1. In part 2 they give a special preview of the Bihar elections and talking about the Janata Parivar

In May, India completed the largest democratic election the world has ever seen. Over the course of five weeks, more than 800 million people turned out to cast their votes. The election of Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came as a surprise to many, especially since the incumbent Congress Party has held power for the majority of India's democratic history.The overwhelming support for the BJP may be a sign of changing priorities among voters. Rather than voting along religious, caste and other identity lines as has historically been the case, Indians voted for Modi's promise of economic reform and growth. However, religion remains a strong influence in Indian politics. Only 9% of Muslims voted for the BJP, which may reflect lingering concerns over the 2002 ethnic riots that took place in Gujarat while Modi was chief minister of the state.What does India's new leadership mean for the country's economic and foreign policy outlook? What are the implications of lingering religious and ethnic tensions in this vast democracy?The panel of speakers include: Pradeep Chhibber, Professor and Indo-American Community Chair in India Studies, University of California, Berkeley, Thomas Blom Hansen, Reliance-Dhirubhai Ambani Professor of South Asian Studies, Professor of Anthropology and Director, Center for South Asia, Stanford University, and Sunder Ramaswamy, President and Frederick C. Dirks Professor of International Economics, Monterey Institute of International Studies.The panel discussion will be moderated by David Arnold, President, Asia Foundation.For more information about this event please visit: http://www.worldaffairs.org/events/event/1314

Dr. Peter Janata, associate professor at University of California, Davis, and member of the Center for Mind and Brain talks with Steve Mencher about how the brain creates an autobiographical soundtrack from our memories.

Dr. Peter Janata, associate professor at University of California, Davis, and member of the Center for Mind and Brain talks with Steve Mencher about how the brain creates an autobiographical soundtrack from our memories.

Dr. Peter Janata, associate professor at University of California, Davis, and member of the Center for Mind and Brain talks with Steve Mencher about how the brain creates an autobiographical soundtrack from our memories.