Podcasts about Matsushima

Last time we spoke about the Changkufeng Incident. In a frost-bitten dawn along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, a border notched with memory becomes the stage for a quiet duel of will. On one side, Japanese officers led by Inada Masazum study maps, mud, and the hill known as Changkufeng, weighing ground it offers and the risk of war. They glimpse a prize, high ground that could shield lines to Korea—yet they sense peril in every ridge, every scent of winter wind. Across the line, Soviet forces tighten their grip on the crest, their eyes fixed on the same hill, their tents and vehicles creeping closer to the border. The air hums with cautious diplomacy: Moscow's orders pulse through Seoul and Harbin, urging restraint, probing, deterring, but never inviting full-scale conflict. Yet every patrol, every reconnaissance, seems to tilt the balance toward escalation.   #177 The point of no return for the USSR and Japan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Days passed and the local emissaries had not been released by the Russians. Domei reported from Seoul that the authorities were growing worried; the "brazen" actions of Soviet front-line forces infuriated the Manchurians and Japanese. From Seoul, too, came ominous news that villagers were preparing to evacuate because they feared fighting would soon begin in the Changkufeng area. While diplomatic activity continued in Moscow without effect, the Tokyo press continued to report intense military activity throughout the Soviet Far East—the greatest massing of troops in months, with planes, armored cars, and motorized equipment choking the Trans-Siberian railway. The press was dominated by commentary about the danger of war. One enterprising Tokyo publisher ran advertisements under the heading: "The Manchukuo-Soviet Border Situation Is Urgent—Ours Is the Only Detailed Map of the Soviet Far East: Newspaper-size, in seven clear colors, offset printed, only 50 sen." Although the Manchukuoan foreign office issued a statement on 20 July about the dire consequences the Soviets were inviting, it is probable that the next Russian actions, of a conciliatory nature, were reached independently. Either Moscow had taken almost a week to make the decision, or the diplomatic conversations there had had an effect. Local Japanese authorities reported inactivity on the Changkufeng front from the morning of 23 July. On the next day, word was received that the USSR proposed to return the two emissaries as "trespassers." At midday on 26 July, the Russians released the blindfolded agents at a border site along the Novokievsk road. After completing the formalities, the Japanese asked the Russians for a reply concerning local settlement of the incident. According to Japanese sources, the "flustered" Colonel Grebennik answered: "My assignment today was merely to turn over the envoys. As for any request about the Changkufeng Incident, our guard commander must have asked for instructions from the central government. I think this is the type of matter which must be answered by the authorities at Moscow through diplomatic channels." Grebennik's postwar recollection does not differ appreciably from the Japanese version. Soviet sources mention a second effort by the Japanese military to deliver a message under more forceful circumstances. On 23 July a Soviet border unit drove off a four-man party. Russian cavalry, sent to investigate, discovered that the Japanese had pulled down a telegraph pole, severed lines 100–150 meters inside Soviet territory, absconded with wire, and left behind a white flag and a letter. Undated, unsigned, and written in Korean, the message struck Grebennik as being substantively the same as the communication delivered formally by the emissaries on 18 July. Japanese materials make no reference to a second, informal effort by local forces, but there is little reason to doubt that such an attempt, perhaps unauthorized, was made. Although Japanese efforts at low-level negotiations came to naught, two observations emerged from the local authorities and the press. First, on-the-spot negotiations had broken down; it had been difficult even to reclaim the emissaries, and the Russians in the Posyet region were using various pretexts to refer matters to diplomatic echelons. Second, the Russians had released the men. Some interpreted this as the first evidence of Soviet sincerity; possibly, the USSR would even return Matsushima's body as a step toward settlement. Other Japanese observers on the scene warned the public that it was imperative to stay on guard: "All depends on how diplomacy proceeds and how the front-line troops behave." Yet the excitement in the Japanese press began to abate. It is difficult to ascertain the nature of the decision-making process on the Russian side after the Japanese attempted local negotiations. The Soviets contend that nothing special had been undertaken before the Japanese provoked matters at the end of July. Grebennik, however, admits that after receiving the two Japanese communications, "we started to prepare against an attack on us in the Lake Khasan area." He and a group of officers went to Changkufeng Hill and sent as many border guards there as possible. Although he personally observed Japanese troops and instructed his officers to do the same, he denied categorically that the Russians constructed trenches and fortifications. Only the observation of Manchurian territory was intensified while instructions were awaited from higher headquarters. For its part, the Korea Army was carrying out Imperial general headquarters first instructions while pursuing a wait-and-see policy. On 16 July, Korea Army Headquarters wired an important operations order to Suetaka. With a view toward a possible attack against intruders in the Khasan area, the army planned to make preparations. The division commander was to alert stipulated units for emergency dispatch and send key personnel to the Kyonghun sector to undertake preparations for an attack. Lt. Col. Senda Sadasue, BGU commander of the 76th Infantry Regiment, was to reconnoiter, reinforce nearby districts, and be ready for emergencies. Particular care was enjoined not to irritate the Soviet side. Maj. Gen. Yokoyama Shinpei, the Hunchun garrison commander, was to maintain close contact with the BGU and take every precaution in guarding the frontiers. Like Senda, Yokoyama was warned against irritating the Russians. Korea Army Headquarters also dispatched staff to the front and had them begin preparations, envisaging an offensive. Upon receipt of the army order, Suetaka issued implementing instructions from his Nanam headquarters at 4:30 A.M. on the 17th. The following units were to prepare for immediate alert: the 38th Infantry Brigade Headquarters, 75th Infantry Regiment, 27th Cavalry Regiment, 5th Antiaircraft Regiment, and 19th Engineer Regiment. The same instructions applied to the next units, except that elements organic to the division were designated: the 76th Infantry Regiment, 25th Mountain Artillery Regiment, and 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment. Another order enjoined utmost care not to irritate the Russians; Japanese actions were to be masked. Next came a directive to the forces of Senda and K. Sato. The former comprised mainly the 76th Infantry BGU and a cavalry platoon. The latter was built around the 75th Infantry Regiment, the Kucheng garrison unit, another cavalry platoon, two mountain artillery and one heavy field artillery battalion, and the 19th Engineers. Suetaka's idea about a solution to the border troubles had become concrete and aggressive. From the night of July 17, concentration would be accomplished gradually. The exact timing of the attack would be determined by subsequent orders; in Senda's area, there was no such restriction regarding "counteraction brought on by enemy attack." Division signal and intendant officers would conduct reconnaissance related to communications, billeting, food, and supplies. Sato and his subordinates were to reconnoiter personally. Having ordered the division to begin concentration and to stand by, Korea Army Headquarters was prepared the next morning, July 17, to direct the movement. Nevertheless, there was concern in Seoul that Suetaka's advance elements might cross the Tumen River into Manchurian territory, which could result in a clash with Soviet troops. Such an outcome might run counter to the principle established by Imperial general headquarters. Consequently, it was decided that "movement east of the river would therefore have to be forbidden in the Korea Army's implementing order." Nakamura transmitted his operational instructions to Suetaka at 6:00 on July 17: "No great change in latest situation around Lake Khasan. Soviet forces are still occupying Changkufeng area. Diplomaticlevel negotiations on part of central authorities and Manchukuoan government do not appear to have progressed. Considering various circumstances and with view to preparations, this army will concentrate elements of 19th Division between Shikai, Kyonghun, Agochi." Restrictions stipulated that the division commander would transport the units by rail and motor vehicle and concentrate them in the waiting zone in secret. Movement was to begin on the night of July 17 and to be completed the next day. Further orders, however, must govern unit advance east of the Tumen as well as use of force. The remainder of the division was to stay ready to move out. Troops were to carry rations for about two weeks.   Late that day, Suetaka received an order by phone for his subordinates in line with Seoul's instructions. Senda would handle the concentration of elements assembling at Kyonghun, and Sato would do the same for the main units arriving at Agochi. A communications net was to be set up quickly. Caution was to be exercised not to undertake provocative actions against the opposite bank of the Tumen, even for reconnaissance. The division would dispatch two trains from Hoeryong and four from Nanam. At 11:58 pm on 18 July, the first train left Hoeryong for Agochi. Concentration of units was completed by dawn. By that time, the Japanese had dispatched to the border 3,236 men and 743 horses. Past midnight on 20 July, Division Chief of Staff Nakamura wired headquarters that the division was ready to take any action required, having completed the alert process by 11 pm. Japanese scouting of the Changkufeng sector began in earnest after mid-July. Although the affair had seemed amenable to settlement, Sato took steps for an emergency from around the 14th. His thoughts centered on readiness for an attack against Changkufeng, which simultaneously required reconnaissance for the assault and preparation to pull the regiment back quickly to Hoeryong if a withdrawal was ordered. After arriving at Haigan on 18 July, Sato set out with several engineers. At Kucheng, the officers donned white Korean clothing, presumably the disguise directed by the division—and boarded native oxcarts for a leisurely journey southward along the Korean bank of the Tumen across from Changkufeng. The seemingly innocent "farmers" studied the river for crossing sites and Changkufeng Hill for the extent of enemy activity. On the hill's western slope, in Manchurian territory, three rows of Russian entanglements could be observed 300 feet below the crest. Only a handful of soldiers were visible, probably a platoon, certainly not more than a company. Infantry Captain Yamada Teizo conducted secret reconnaissance of the entire Changkufeng-Hill 52 sector for 314 hours in the afternoon of 18 July. Even after intense scanning through powerful binoculars, he could detect no more than 19 lookouts and six horsemen; camouflage work had been completed that day, and there were ten separate covered trench or base points. Barbed wire, under camouflage, extended about four meters in depth, yet even Yamada's trained eye could not determine whether there was one line of stakes or two. He jotted down what he could see and compared his information with that learned from local police. Artillery Colonel R. Tanaka shared the view that the Soviets had intruded. When he went reconnoitering along the Korean bank, he observed Russian soldiers entrenched around the hilltop, easily visible through binoculars at a range of two kilometers. Trenches had been dug 20 to 30 meters below the crest on the western slope. Eventually, there were three rows of barbed wire, the first just below the trenches and the lowest 100 meters under the summit. Tanaka estimated Soviet strength at two companies (about 200 men). Suetaka's intelligence officer, Sasai, recalls seeing barbed wire after Japanese units deployed to the front on 18–19 July; he had surmised then that the entanglements were being prepared out of fear of a Japanese assault.   To obtain first-hand information, the Gaimusho ordered a section chief, Miura Kazu'ichi, to the spot. Between 23 July and the cease-fire in August, Miura collected data at Kyonghun and transmitted reports from the consulate at Hunchun. On 28 July he visited Sozan on the Korean bank. He observed Soviet soldiers on the western slopes of Changkufeng, digging trenches and driving stakes. These actions were clearly on Manchukuoan territory even according to Soviet maps. Miura insisted that he saw no friendly troops on territory claimed by the Russians and observed no provocative actions by the Japanese. These statements are supported by a map drawn for him in early August by Division Staff Officer Saito Toshio, a sketch Miura retained as late as 1947. Miura's testimony is tempered by his assertion that he saw a red flag flying near the top of Changkufeng Hill. This contention conflicts with all evidence, as Russian lawyers at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East argued, it is improbable that a Soviet frontier post, highly interested in camouflage, would have hoisted a pennon so large that it could be seen from Sozan. Russian sources are unanimous in stating that no flag was put up until 6 August and that no trenches or entanglements were established by Soviet border guards in July, at least prior to the 29th. The two Army General staff consultants, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Seoul on 16 July, the day Korea Army Headquarters was ordering an alert for the 19th Division "with a view toward a possible attack against enemy intruders." Inada dispatched them mainly to inspect the frontline situation; but he had not fully decided on reconnaissance in force. At Shikai, Arisue and Kotani donned Korean garb and traveled by oxcart on the Korean side of the Tumen, reconnoitering opposite the Shachaofeng sector. Kotani was convinced that hostile possession of Changkufeng posed a serious threat to the Korean railway. He agreed with the division's estimate that, if the Japanese did decide to seize Changkufeng, it ought not to be too difficult. Arisue, as senior observer, dispatched messages from Kyonghun to Tokyo detailing their analysis and recommendations. Meanwhile, in Tokyo, on 17 July the central military authorities received a cable from the Japanese envoy in Moscow, Colonel Doi Akio, reporting that prospects for a diplomatic settlement were nil. The USSR was taking a hard line because Japan was deeply involved in China, though there were domestic considerations as well. The Russians, however, showed no intention of using the border incident to provoke war. It would be best for Japan to seize Changkufeng quickly and then press forward with parleys. Meanwhile, Japan should conduct an intensive domestic and external propaganda campaign. There was mounting pressure in the high command that negotiations, conducted "unaided," would miss an opportunity. Based on reports from Arisue and Kotani, that army seemed to be contemplating an unimaginative, ponderous plan: an infantry battalion would cross the Tumen west of Changkufeng and attack frontally, while two more battalions would cross south of Kyonghun to drive along the river and assault Changkufeng from the north. Inada sent a telegram on 17 July to Arisue for "reference." Prospects had diminished that Soviet troops would withdraw as a result of negotiation. As for the attack ideas Arisue mentioned, Inada believed it necessary to prepare to retake Changkufeng with a night attack using small forces. To avoid widening the crisis, the best plan was a limited, surprise attack using ground units. The notion of a surprise attack drew on the Kwantung Army's extensive combat experience in Manchuria since 1931.  The next morning, after the forward concentration of troops was completed, Suetaka went to the front. From Kucheng, he observed the Changkufeng district and decided on concrete plans for use of force. Meanwhile, Nakamura was curbing any hawkish courses at the front. As high-command sources privately conceded later, the younger officers in Tokyo sometimes seemed to think the commander was doing too good a job; there was covert sentiment that it might be preferable if someone in the chain of command acted independently before the opportunity slipped away. This is significant in light of the usual complaints by responsible central authorities about gekokujo—insubordination—by local commands. An important report influencing the high command's view arrived from Kwantung Army Intelligence on 19 July: according to agents in Khabarovsk, the USSR would not let the Changkufeng incident develop into war; Russians also believed there would be no large-scale Soviet intrusion into their territory. By 19 July, the Tokyo operations staff was considering the best method to restore control of the lost hill by force, since Seoul appeared to maintain its laissez-faire stance. On 18 July, Arisue and Kotani were instructed by Imperial General headquarters to assist the Korea Army and the 19th Division regarding the Changkufeng Incident. What the Army general staff operations officers sought was an Imperial General headquarters order, requiring Imperial sanction, that would instruct the Korea Army to evict the Russian troops from Changkufeng the way the Kwantung Army would, using units already under Nakamura's command. The sense was that the affair could be handled locally, but if the USSR sought to escalate the incident, it might be prudent for that to occur before the Hankow operation began. The IGHQ and War Ministry coordinated the drafting of an IGHQ order on 19–20 July: "We deem it advisable to eradicate Soviet challenges . . . by promptly delivering blow on this occasion against unit which crossed border at Changkufeng. That unit is in disadvantageous spot strategically and tactically; thus, probability is scant that dispute would enlarge, and we are investigating countermeasures in any case. Careless expansion of situation is definitely not desired. We would like you people also to conduct studies concerning mode of assault employing smallest strength possible for surprise attack against limited objective. Kindly learn general atmosphere here [Tokyo] from [Operations] Major Arao Okikatsu." The 20th of July proved to be a hectic day in Korea, and even more so in Tokyo. The division had informed the Korea Army that it was finally "ready to go," a message received in Seoul in the early hours. Then Arisue received a wire from Inada presenting limited-attack plans and noting that Arao was on the way. By that day, Japanese intelligence judged there were 400 Soviet troops and two or three mountain guns south of Paksikori. Russian positions at Changkufeng had been reinforced, but no aggressive intentions could be detected. Soviet ground elements, as well as materiel, appeared to be moving from Vladivostok and Slavyanka toward Posyet. Suetaka headed back to the front. Sato told him that it was absolutely necessary to occupy Chiangchunfeng Hill across the Tumen in Manchurian territory. Upon reaching the Wuchiatzu sector and inspecting the situation, Suetaka agreed to send a small unit to Chiangchunfeng on his own authority.  Colonel Sato Kotoku had ordered one company to move across the Tumen toward Chiangchunfeng on 21 July, a maneuver that did not escape the Russians' notice. On 24 July, the same day another Japanese unit occupied Shangchiaoshan Hill, Marshal Blyukher ordered the 40th Rifle Division, stationed in the Posyet area to be placed on combat readiness, with a force of regulars assigned to back the Soviet border guards; two reinforced rifle battalions were detached as a reserve. According to Japanese records, Russian border patrols began appearing around Huichungyuan, Yangkuanping, and Shachaofeng from 26 July, but no serious incidents were reported at that stage. At about 9:30 am on 29 July, Captain Kanda, the 2nd Company commander of Lieutenant Colonel Senda's 76th Border Garrison Unit, was observing the Shachaofeng area from his Kucheng cantonments. Through his glasses, Kanda observed four or five Soviet soldiers engaged in construction on high ground on the west side of Shachaofeng. Kanda notified Senda, who was at BGU Headquarters inspecting the forward areas. Senda transmitted the information to Suetaka. Deciding to cross the Tumen for a closer look, Senda set off with Kanda. A little after 11 am, they reached Chiangchunfeng Hill, where the men from Captain Noguchi's company were already located. Senda verified, to his own satisfaction, that as many as 10 enemy infantrymen had "violated the border" to a depth of 350 meters, "even by the Soviets' contention", and were starting construction 1,000 meters south of Shachaofeng. Senda decided to oust the Russian force "promptly and resolutely," in light of the basic mission assigned his unit. He telephoned Suetaka, who was in Kyonghun, and supplied the intelligence and the recommendation. Subordinates recalled Suetaka's initial reaction when the BGU reported a Soviet intrusion about a mile and a half north of Changkufeng. "The arrogant Russians were making fools of the Japanese, or were trying to. At stake was not a trifling hill and a few invaders, but the honor of the Imperial Army. In the face of this insult, the general became furious. He insisted upon smashing the enemy right away."  Kanda phoned 2nd Lieutenant Sakuma, who was still at Kucheng, and told him to bring his 25-man platoon across the river by 2 pm Sakuma crossed by boat and arrived at 1:30. Kanda set out from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20, took over Sakuma's unit, bore east, and approached within 700 meters of the enemy. He ordered the men not to fire unless fired upon, and to withdraw quickly after routing the Russians. It is said that the Japanese troops were fired upon as they advanced in deployed formation but did not respond at first. In a valley, casualties were incurred and the Japanese finally returned fire. Sakuma's 1st Squad leader took a light machine gun and pinned down the Russians facing him. Sakuma himself pressed forward with his other two squads, taking advantage of the slope to envelop the enemy from the right. At the same time, he sent a patrol to the high ground on the left to cover the platoon's flank. Thanks to the 1st Squad's frontal assault, the Russians had no chance to worry about their wings, and Sakuma moved forward to a point only 30 meters from the foe's rear. Kanda was now 50 meters from the Russians. When the enemy light machine gun let up, he ordered a charge and, in the lead, personally cut down one of the foe. Sakuma also rushed the Soviets, but when about to bring down his saber he was stabbed in the face while another Russian struck him in the shoulder. Grappling with this assailant, Sakuma felled him. Other Japanese attackers sabered two more Russians and shot the rest. By 3:10 pm the eight enemy "trespassers" had been annihilated. The covering patrol reported that five Soviet horsemen, with a light machine gun, were galloping up from Khasan. Sakuma had his platoon fire grenade dischargers, which smashed the enemy. Seventy more Russian soldiers now came, attacking from northwest of the lake and supported by fire from the east side. Using light machine guns and grenade dischargers, Sakuma checked them. Meanwhile, Miyashita's platoon, part of Noguchi's company, had departed from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20 pm and swung right until it reached the crestline between Changkufeng and Kanda's company. One squad faced 200 Russians on Changkufeng; the other faced the enemy south of Shachaofeng. Soviet forces opened intense machine-gun fire from Changkufeng and from the high ground east of the lake. After 20 minutes, Kanda's unit charged, two or three Russians fled, and Miyashita's platoon shot one down. Senda, who had gone with Miyashita, directed the platoon's movements and proceeded north, under fire, to Kanda's unit. Once the Russians had been cleared out, Senda forbade pursuit across the boundary and gradually withdrew his forces to the heights line 800 meters southwest. It was 4:30 then. By 5 pm Soviet reinforcements, apparently brought up from the Changkufeng and Paksikori sectors, advanced anew. With 80 men in the front lines, the enemy pushed across the border to a depth of at least 500 meters, according to the Japanese, and began to establish positions. Several tanks and many troops could be observed in the rear. Senda had Noguchi's company hold Chiangchunfeng. Kanda's unit, reinforced by 33 men from Kucheng, was to occupy the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, while Imagawa's company of the 76th Regiment was to occupy other high ground to the west. Senda then reported the situation to Suetaka in Kyonghun and asked for reinforcements. In Seoul, Army headquarters understood the developments reported by Suetaka as a response to the hostile border violation, and about 20 men of the Kucheng BGU under Lt. Sakuma drove the enemy out between 2:30 and 3 pm. Afterward, Sakuma pulled back to high ground two kilometers south of Yangkuanping to avoid trouble and was now observing the foe. Although Seoul had heard nothing about Japanese losses, Corp. Akaishizawa Kunihiko personally observed that Kanda had been wounded in the face by a grenade and bandaged, that Sakuma had been bayoneted twice and also bandaged, and that the dead lay on the grass, covered with raincoats. According to Suetaka "the enemy who had crossed the border south of Shachaofeng suffered losses and pulled back once as a result of our attack at about 2:30 pm". By about 4:30, Suetaka continued, the Russians had built up their strength and attacked the platoon on the heights southwest of Shachaofeng. Behind the Russian counterattack, there were now several tanks. Earlier, Suetaka noted ominously that several rounds of artillery had been fired from the Changkufeng area; "therefore, we reinforced our units too, between 5 and 6 pm., and both sides are confronting each other." Details as to the fate of Sakuma's platoon are not given, but it is now admitted that casualties were incurred on both sides. The Korea Army Headquarters consequently reported to Tokyo in the evening that, according to information from the division, 20 Japanese had driven out the Russians near Shachaofeng; 25 men from Senda's unit were occupying the heights 600 meters west of Changkufeng; and another 16 men were deployed in ambush at Yangkuanping. Such an enumeration would have tended to suggest that only a few dozen Japanese were across the Tumen on the 29th. But a review of the numbers of combat troops committed and the reinforcements sent by Senda reveals that Japanese strength across the river was in the hundreds by nightfall. In Moscow, Tass reported that on 29 July detachments of Japanese-Manchukuoan intruders had attempted to seize high ground apparently located 0.5 miles north of a Russian position. The assailants had been "completely repelled from Soviet territory, as a result of measures taken by Russian frontier guards," and instructions had been sent to the embassy in Tokyo to protest strongly. Walter Duranty, the veteran American correspondent in Moscow, heard that the Japanese press had published reports, likely intended for internal consumption, that hours of furious fighting had occurred at the points in question. Since the dispatches were unsubstantiated and "failed to gain credence anywhere outside Japan," Duranty claimed this may have forced the Japanese to translate into action their boast of "applying force" unless their demands were satisfied. "Now, it appears, they have applied force, unsuccessfully." The Soviet communiqué on the Shachaofeng affair, despite its firm tone, appeared unostentatiously in the following day's Pravda and Izvestiya under the headline, "Japanese Militarists Continue Their Provocation." The Japanese Embassy in Moscow heard nothing about the Shachaofeng affray until the morning of the 30th, when a wire was received from the Gaimusho that ten Russian soldiers had occupied a position northwest of Changkufeng and had begun trench work until ejected by frontier guards. Since the Russian communiqué spoke of afternoon fighting, American correspondents concluded that Soviet troops must have counterattacked and driven off the Japanese. No additional information was available to the public in Moscow on the 30th, perhaps because it was a holiday. Nevertheless, in the afternoon, Stalin's colleague Kaganovich addressed an immense crowd in Moscow on "Railroad Day" and at the conclusion of a long, vigorous speech said:  "The Soviet Union is prepared to meet all enemies, east or west." It certainly was not a fighting speech and there is no reason to suppose the Soviet will abandon its firm peace policy unless Japan deliberately forced the issue. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Diplomacy flickered as Moscow pressed restraint and Tokyo whispered calculated bravado. As July wore on, both sides massed troops, built trenches, and sent scouts across the river. A tense, hidden war unfolded, skirmishes, patrols, and small advances, until a fleeting moment when force collided with restraint, and the hill's future hung in the frost.

Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict. The border between Soviet Manchuria and Japanese-occupied territories emerges not as a single line but as a mosaic of contested spaces, marks, and memories. A sequence of incidents, skirmishes along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, reconnaissance sorties, and the complex diplomacy of Moscow, Tokyo, and peripheral actors to trace how risk escalated from routine patrols to calibrated leverage. On the ground, terrain functioned as both obstacle and argument: ridges like Changkufeng Hill shaping sightlines, river valleys shaping decisions, and markers weathered by snow, wind, and drift. In command tents, officers translated terrain into doctrine: contingency plans, supply routes, and the precarious calculus of restraint versus escalation. Both nations sought to establish firmer defensive barriers against the other. Inevitably they were destined to clash, but how large that clash would become, nobody knew.   #176 The Changkufeng Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we broke down a general history of the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict and how it escalated significantly by 1938. Colonel Inada Masazum serving as chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March of 1938 would play a significant role in this story. When the Japanese command's attention was drawn to the area of Changkufeng, consideration was given to the ownership and importance of the disputed high ground. Inada and his operations section turned to an appraisal of the geography. The officers had been impressed by the strategic importance of the Tumen, which served to cut off the hill country from North Korea. In the Changkufeng area, the river was a muddy 600 to 800 meters wide and three to five meters deep. Japanese engineers had described rowing across the stream as "rather difficult."  Russian roads on the left bank were very good, according to Japanese intelligence. Heavy vehicles moved easily; the Maanshan section comprised the Russians' main line of communications in the rear. To haul up troops and materiel, the Russians were obliged to use trucks and ships, for there were no railways apart from a four-kilometer line between the harbor and town of Novokievsk. Near Changkufeng, hardly any roadways were suitable for vehicular traffic. On the right, or Korean, bank of the Tumen, there were only three roads suitable for vehicular traffic, but even these routes became impassable after a day or two of rain. In the sector between Hill 52 to the south and Shachaofeng to the north, the most pronounced eminences were Chiangchunfeng and the humps of Changkufeng. Rocky peaks were characteristically shaped like inverted T's, which meant many dead angles against the crests. The gentle slopes would allow tanks to move but would restrict their speed, as would the ponds and marshes. In general, the terrain was treeless and afforded little cover against aircraft. Against ground observation or fire, corn fields and tall miscanthus grass could provide some shielding. Between Chiangchunfeng and the Tumen, which would have to serve as the main route of Japanese supply, the terrain was particularly sandy and hilly. This rendered foot movement difficult but would reduce the effectiveness of enemy bombs and shells. The high ground east of Khasan afforded bases for fire support directed against the Changkufeng region. Plains characterized the rest of the area on the Soviet side, but occasional streams and swamps could interfere with movement of tanks and trucks. The only towns or villages were Novokievsk, Posyet, Yangomudy, and Khansi. At Kozando there were a dozen houses; at Paksikori, a few. The right bank was farmed mainly by Koreans, whose scattered cottages might have some value for billeting but offered none for cover. On the left bank, the largest hamlets were Fangchuanting, with a population of 480 dwelling in 73 huts, and Yangkuanping, where there were 39 cottages. Shachaofeng was uninhabited. Japanese occupation of Changkufeng would enable observation of the plain stretching east from Posyet Bay, although intelligence made no mention of Soviet naval bases, submarine pens, or airstrips in the immediate area of Posyet, either in existence or being built in 1938. As Inada knew, the Japanese Navy judged that Posyet Bay might have another use, as a site for Japanese landing operations in the event of war. In Russian hands, the high ground would endanger the Korean railway. This line, which started from Najin in northeastern Korea, linked up with the vital system in Manchuria at the town of Tumen and provided a short cut, if not a lifeline, between Japan and the Kwantung Army and Manchuria from across the Sea of Japan. Even from relatively low Changkufeng, six or seven miles of track were exposed to Soviet observation between Hongui and Shikai stations. The port of Najin, with its fortress zone, lay 11 miles southwest; Unggi lay even nearer. It was not the danger of Japanese shelling of Vladivostok, at an incredible range of 80 miles that was at stake but the more realistic hypothesis of Russian shelling of the rail line, and Russian screening of the Soviet side of the border. Hills and questions were thought to have two sides. It was the consensus of Japanese that Changkufeng Hill's potential value to the Russians far outweighed its possible benefits to them, or at least that the Japanese had more to lose if the Russians took the high ground by the Tumen. Inada nurtured few illusions concerning the intrinsic value of the heights. Despite the fact that the high command always had good reasons for quiescence in the north, Inada believed that the latest border difficulty could not be overlooked. By mid-July 1938 Inada's thoughts crystallized. The Japanese would conduct a limited reconnaissance in force known as iryoku teisatsu in the strategic sense. Whereas, at the tactical schoolbook level, this might mean the dispatch of small forces into enemy territory to seek local combat intelligence, at the Imperial General Headquarters level the concept was far more sweeping. There would also be useful evidence of mobilization and other buildup procedures. The affair at Changkufeng was merely a welcome coincidence, something started by the Russians but liable to Japanese exploration. Inada had no intention of seizing territory, of becoming involved in a war of attrition at a remote and minor spot, or of provoking hostilities against the USSR. The Russians would comprehend the nature of the problem, too. If they were interested in interfering seriously with the Japanese, there were numberless better locations to cause trouble along the Manchurian front; those were the places to watch. The cramped Changkufeng sector, described as "narrow like a cat's brow," could too readily be pinched off from Hunchun to render it of strategic value to either side. The bog land to the north interfered with the use of armored forces, while artillery sited on the heights along the Tumen in Korea could as easily control the area as batteries emplaced east of the lake. It was Inada's professional opinion that the Russians could commit three or four infantry divisions there at most, with no mechanized corps—no heavy tanks, in particular. No decisive battle could be waged, although, once the Russians became involved, they might have to cling to the hill out of a sense of honor. The military action would be meaningless even if the Japanese let the Russians have the heights. For their part, the Japanese would ostensibly be fighting to secure the boundary and to hold Changkufeng peak, beyond which they would not move a step onto Soviet soil. There would be no pursuit operations. Troop commitment would be limited to about one division without tank support. Japanese Air Force intervention would be forbidden. Matters would be directed entirely by Imperial General Headquarters working through the Korea Army chain of command and carried out by the local forces. Calm, clear, and dispassionate overall estimates and instructions would be based on materials available only in Tokyo. The command would not allow the Kwantung Army to touch the affair. Inada foresaw that the Japanese government might also seek a settlement through diplomacy. Although border demarcation was desirable and should be sought, the command would not insist on it, nor would it demand permanent occupation of Changkufeng summit. As soon as reconnaissance objectives had been achieved, the local forces would be withdrawn. As Inada described it "In the process, we would have taught the Russians some respect and given them a lesson concerning their repeated, high-handed provocations and intrusions. If a show of force sufficed to facilitate the negotiations and cause the Russians to back down, so much the better; the affair would be over and my point proved." The instrument for carrying out Inada's strategic design appeared to be ideal, the 19th Division, strenuously trained and high-spirited. It could be expected to perform very well if unleashed within defined limits. Colonel Suetaka was just the commander to direct local operations. Since he had been pleading to fight in China, an operation at Changkufeng might prove to be an excellent "safety valve." His staff was full of experienced, fierce warriors eager for battle. Until recently, the Korea Army commanding general had wisely kept the aggressive division away from Changkufeng Hill, but now Imperial general headquarters had its own overriding ideas and needs. How could the Japanese ensure that any military action would remain limited if the Russians chose to respond with vigor? Naturally, one infantry division, without armor or air support, could not withstand all of the Soviet forces in the maritime province. Inada answered that the mission to be assigned the 19th Division was merely the recapture of Changkufeng crest. If the Japanese side had to break off the operation, evacuation would be effected voluntarily and resolutely on Imperial general headquarters responsibility, without considerations of "face." At worst, the Japanese might lose one division, but the affair would be terminated at the Tumen River without fail. "Even so, we ought to be able to prove our theory as well as demonstrate our true strength to the Russians." In case the Soviets opted for more than limited war, the Japanese were still not so overextended in China that they could not alter their strategic disposition of troops. Although the Kwantung Army's six divisions were outnumbered four to one and the Japanese were not desirous of a war at that moment, the first-class forces in Manchuria could make an excellent showing. In addition, the high command possessed armor, heavy artillery, fighters, and bombers, held in check in Manchuria and Korea, as well as reserves in the homeland. There was also the 104th Division, under tight Imperial general headquarters control, in strategic reserve in southern Manchuria. Inada recalled "How would the Russians react? That was the answer I sought. Victory in China depended on it." By mid-July, the high command, at Inada's urging, had worked out a plan titled, "Imperial General headqaurters Essentials for Dealing with the Changkufeng Incident." Tada's telegram of 14 July to Koiso described succinctly the just-decided policy: the central authorities concurred with the Korea Army's opinion regarding the Changkufeng affair, then in embryo. Considering that Changkufeng Hill posed a direct threat to the frontier of Korea, Imperial General headqaurters would immediately urge the foreign ministry to lodge a stern protest. Next day, Tojo sent a telegram stating the Japanese policy of employing diplomacy; whether the Russians should be evicted by force required cautious deliberation in case the USSR did not withdraw voluntarily. On the basis of the guidance received from Imperial General headqaurters, the Korea Army drew up its own plan, "Essentials for Local Direction of the Changkufeng Incident," on 15 July. Intelligence officer Tsuchiya Sakae was sent promptly to the front from Seoul. At the same time, military authorities allowed the press to release news that Soviet troops were constructing positions inside Manchurian territory in an "obvious provocation." The government of Manchukuo was demanding an immediate withdrawal. Even then, those Japanese most closely connected with the handling of the Changkufeng Incident were not in agreement that everybody at command level was as ardent a proponent of reconnaissance in force as Inada claimed to be. Some thought that most, if not all, of his subordinates, youthful and vigorous, were in favor of the notion; others denied the existence of such an idea. Inada remained clear-cut in his own assertions. Everything done by the local Soviet forces, he insisted, must have been effected with the permission of Moscow; it was customary for the USSR not to abandon what it had once started. The Japanese Army never really thought that the Soviet Union would withdraw just as the result of diplomatic approaches. Therefore, from the outset, preparations were made to deal the Russians one decisive blow. Inada had recommended his plan, with its clear restrictions, to his colleagues and superiors; the scheme, he says, was approved 14 July "all the way up the chain of command, through the Army general staff and the ministry of war, with unexpected ease." The only real opposition, Inada recalled, came from the navy, whose staff advised the army operations staff, in all sincerity, to give up the idea of strategic reconnaissance. Inada adhered to his opinion stubbornly. He never forgot the grave look on the face of Captain Kusaka, the UN operations section chief, as the latter gave in reluctantly. The navy view was that the Changkufeng affair typified the army's aggressive policies as opposed to relative passivity on the part of the navy. Like Kusaka, Japanese Navy interviewees shared the fear that Changkufeng might prove to be the most dangerous military confrontation ever to occur between the USSR and Japan. In view of navy objections, one wonders where Inada could have drawn support for his concept of reconnaissance in force. If one accepts the comments contained in a letter from a navy ministry captain, Takagi Sokichi, to Baron Harada Kumao at the beginning of August, in the army and in a portion of the navy there existed "shallow-minded fellows who are apt to take a firm stand in the blind belief that the USSR would not really rise against us, neglecting the fact that the Russians had foreseen our weak points." Takagi also had violent things to say about "white-livered" Gaimusho elements that were playing up to the army. Although Takagi's remarks, expressed in confidence, were sharp, cautious injunctions were being delivered by the high command to the new Korea Army commander, General Nakamura Kotaro, who was about to leave for Seoul to replace Koiso. Nakamura's attitude was crucial for the course and outcome of the Changkufeng Incident. More of a desk soldier than a warrior, he characteristic ally displayed a wariness that was reinforced by the guidance provided him. This personal quality assumes even greater significance if one believes that the Russians may have initiated the Changkufeng Incident by exploiting the special opportunities afforded them by the routine replacement of the Korea Army commander, the temporary absence from Moscow of Ambassador Shigemitsu Mamoru, and the geographical as well as subjective gap between the Kwantung and Korea armies that was exposed during the Lyushkov affair. At 10:00 on 15 July Nakamura was designated army commander by the Emperor at the palace. Soon afterward, he was briefed by Imperial General headquarters officers. Hashimoto, the operations bureau chief, recalled that when he saw Nakamura off on 17 July, Hashimoto stressed prudence, limitation of any military action, and diplomatic solution of the problem. The new commanding general, Inada asserted, promised full cooperation. There was no mention, at this level, of Inada's concept of reconnaissance in force. When Nakamura reached Seoul, he found an Imperial order from Tokyo dated 16 July awaiting him. This important document stipulated that he could concentrate units under his command in Korea near the border against the trespassing Soviet forces in the Changkufeng area. Resort to force, however, was dependent upon further orders. This message was followed by a wire from Kan'in, the Army general staff chief. The Imperial order, it was explained, had been designed to support diplomatic negotiations. Simultaneous approval was granted for concentrating forces to respond swiftly in case the situation deteriorated. As for implementation of the Imperial order, discretion should be exercised in line with the opinion expressed earlier by Korea Army Headquarters. Negotiations were to be conducted in Moscow and Harbin, the location of a Soviet consulate in Manchukuo. Meanwhile, the command was dispatching two officers for purposes of liaison: Lt. Colonel Arisue Yadoru in Operations and Major Kotani Etsuo a specialist in Soviet intelligence. Inada advised Arisue that, apart from liaison flights inside the frontiers, particular care should be exercised with regard to actions that might lead to air combat. Nevertheless, although Inada stated that the Imperial order called for "a sort of military demonstration," he admitted that it meant preparatory action for an attack. The Korea Army senior staff officer, Iwasaki, recalled hearing nothing about secret intentions. Nakamura briefed his staff about the need for restraint, especially during this key period of the Wuhan operation. Koiso had disposed of speculation that he had issued an order to concentrate the 19th Division before Nakamura arrived, although he and Nakamura did have the opportunity to confer in Seoul before he departed for Japan. The Imperial order of 16 July, in response to Koiso's inquiry received in Tokyo on 14 July, had arrived in Seoul addressed to Nakamura; thereupon, the Korea Army chief of staff, Kitano, had the message conveyed to the division. By 21 July Koiso was back in Tokyo where, the day afterward, he advised the war minister, Itagaki, "to act prudently with respect to the Changkufeng problem." Why did the high command dispatch two field-grade liaison officers to Korea from the outset of the Changkufeng Incident? The Korea Army lacked operations staff. Its commander had been allotted prime responsibility, within the chain of command, for defense of northeastern Korea. At the beginning, the highest-ranking staff officer at the front was a major. Since there were no fundamental differences of opinion between the command and the forces in Korea, it was proper to send experts from Tokyo to assist. Imperial General headqaurters would observe the situation carefully, devise measures on the basis of the overall view, and issue orders which the Korea Army would implement through ordinary channels. It had not been the type of incident which required the army commander to go to the front to direct. This was the Korea Army's first test, and political as well as diplomatic problems were involved that the army in the field should not or could not handle. If Tokyo had left decisions to the division and its regiments, the latter would have been held to account, which was not proper. Imperial General headquarters had to assume responsibility and reassure local commanders of its full support. Imaoka Yutaka explained that operational guidance by Imperial General headquarters and line operations conducted by the 19th Division formed the core of the affair; the Korea Army, placed between, was "shadowy." Koiso had not been enthusiastic; this set the mood among the staff. Nakamura, who arrived with a thorough comprehension of AGS thinking, was basically passive. The Korea Army staff, in general, included no "wild boars."    There was an urgent need to monitor developments. Not only was the Korea Army unfamiliar with handling this type of incident, but many hitches occurred. There had been no practice in emergency transmission of coded wires between the Korea Army and Tokyo. Now telegram after telegram had to be sent; most were deciphered incorrectly and many were not decoded at all. Another problem centered on the lack of knowledge in Tokyo about the situation on the spot, which only visual observation could rectify. As a result, the two Army general staff experts, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Korea on 16 July. Kotani recalled that he was to collect intelligence and assist the local authorities. One of the first duties that he and Arisue performed was to disseminate the principle that use of force required a prior Imperial order. Also on 16 July, Japanese newspapers reported that the USSR was still concentrating troops, that the Manchukuoan government was watching intently, "decisive punitive measures" were being contemplated by the Japanese-Manchukuoan authorities, and there were signs of a worsening of the crisis. Despite good reasons for this gloomy appraisal, the Japanese press had not yet given the incident page-one treatment. More alarming news was being disseminated abroad. Domei, the official Japanese news agency, reported that the situation would probably become worse unless Soviet troops were withdrawn. The position of the Japanese government impressed foreign correspondents as unusually firm. Informants characterized the Changkufeng Incident as the most serious affair since the clash on the Amur River in 1937. Irked by the Korea Army's timidity and eager for first-hand information, the Kwantung Army dispatched two observers to the front: from Intelligence, Ogoshi Kenji, and from Operations, Tsuji Masanobu. If you listen to my pacific war week by week podcast or echoes of war, you know I highlight Tsuji Masanobu as one of the most evil Japanese officers of WW2. No other way to describe this guy, he was a shithead. In his memoirs, Tsuji asserted that he and Ogoshi climbed Changkufeng Hill, discerned Soviet soldiers digging across the peak in Manchurian territory, and concluded that "probably even Tokyo could not overlook such a clear-cut case of invasion." Although his account aligned with the general thrust, Ogoshi contended that Tsuji could not have accompanied him. According to sources with the 19th Division, when Koiso learned that Tsuji and Ogoshi were disparaging the Korea Army's ability to defend Changkufeng, he ordered "those spies" ousted. Ogoshi replied that the army staff was not angry, but Koiso did become furious and ordered Ogoshi "arrested for trespassing." Ogoshi surmised that Koiso's concern was that emotional outsiders such as Tsuji could provoke trouble, perhaps even war, if they visited Changkufeng. This view was widely shared. Inada stated that he made a practice of keeping away to maintain the degree of detachment and impartiality required of high command authorities. One sidelight to the "fraternal" visit to the Changkufeng area by observers from Hsinking was provided by Lt. Colonel Katakura Tadashi, chief of the Kwantung Army's 4th Section, which handled Manchukuo affairs, primarily political direction. When Katakura visited the Operations Section, Tsuji and Ogoshi told him that an intrusion had been confirmed and that the Kwantung Army staff was studying ways to evict the Soviets. Katakura consulted Maj. General Ishiwara Kanji, acting chief of staff, who was already in possession of the draft of an operations order calling for offensive preparations by the Kwantung Army against the Russians at Changkufeng. Katakura asked for reconsideration of the order. This was not a matter to be handled solely by the operations staff. Borders and international affairs were involved; hence the 4th Section, along with the Manchukuoan government, the Gaimusho, and other agencies, were concerned. Field observers were expressing exaggerated personal opinions based on having seen Soviet sentries on a hilltop. If the matter fell within the Korea Army's defensive prerogative, that army ought to handle it. Apparently the Kwantung Army commander and Ishiwara agreed with Katakura, for the draft order was not approved. The so-called private message dispatched by a Kwantung Army staff officer just before Koiso's departure may have been provoked by this rejection of direct participation by forces under Kwantung Army command. Staff officers in Tokyo believed that Hsinking could not see the forest for the trees. In the high command's view, the Kwantung Army's deliberate escalation of a negligible frontier incident undoubtedly stemmed from a failure to grasp the strategic requirements of national defense—pursuit of the campaign in China, the nurturance of Manchukuo, and the buildup of operational readiness for the ultimate solution of the Soviet problem. The high command felt obliged to remind the Kwantung Army that, in dealing with the Changkufeng Incident, the central authorities pressed for a Russian pullback through diplomacy. Consequently, the Korea Army had been instructed to be ready to concentrate troops near Changkufeng as a "background." Meanwhile, it remained the Imperial will that utmost prudence be exercised. The Kwantung Army commander accordingly issued cautious instructions to subordinate units, especially those on the eastern border. The high command's injunctions did not end the discontent and recrimination at the lower levels of Kwantung Army Headquarters, nor did they quiet the concern felt in Tokyo. A former war minister told Baron Harada repeatedly in late July that the Kwantung Army was "no good," while the superintendent of police added that the Kwantung Army was embarrassing Foreign Minister Ugaki. Nevertheless, the Kwantung Army did exert self-restraint. For its part, the Korea Army naïvely sought to achieve entente with an antagonist who considered the case nonnegotiable. First, the government of Manchukuo was asked to lodge a formal protest with the USSR. The commissioner for foreign affairs at Harbin phoned V. V. Kuznetzov, the acting consul, on the night of 14 July and saw him on the 18th. Basing its contentions on maps, the Haensing regime demanded Soviet withdrawal from Changkufeng. The Japanese government was lodging similar protests within the framework of Japanese-Manchukuoan joint defense agreements. On the spot, the situation inflamed. During the afternoon of 15 July, a Japanese military police patrol from Korea reconnoitered at the foot of Hill 52, southeast of Changkufeng. The party came under Soviet gunfire and was driven back, abandoning the body of Corp. Matsushima Shakuni. Japanese sources claimed that a Russian ambush had been set inside Manchuria. The Russian side insisted that it was the Soviet frontier that had been violated by thirty meters. Kuzma Grebennik, the colonel commanding the 59th BGU, which covered the Posyet sector, asserted that Matsushima's effects included a notebook containing reconnaissance results and a camera with film of Soviet-claimed terrain, particularly Changkufeng Hill. According to Maj. Gilfan Batarshin, a subordinate of Grebennik, two Russian border guards from Podgornaya opened fire when the Japanese fled after being challenged. Japanese protests to the USSR about the death of Matsushima and the taking of his body were added to the negotiations concerning the disputed border and the alleged trespassing. Charge Nishi Haruhiko lodged a vigorous complaint in Moscow on 15 July but was answered by a counterprotest. Ambassador Shigemitsu underwent an identical experience during a conversation with Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov on 20 July. Shigemitsu retorted that the murder tended to exacerbate the negotiations. In his memoirs, he stated that the killing of Matsushima provoked the local Japanese border garrison unit. The shooting occurred as the Soviet military buildup continued, according to Japanese sources. Mechanized units were reported moving in the direction of Kyonghun from Barabash and Posyet Bay. Biplanes were reconnoitering the Hunchun Valley, within Manchurian territory, from the afternoon of 16 July. To the local Japanese authorities, it seemed that the Russians were adopting a challenging attitude. Although the Japanese-Manchukuoan side remained willing to negotiate—that is, to take no forceful actions if the Russians would withdraw, the latter appeared not to share such an intention. The Soviets were not only misinterpreting the Hunchun treaty to their advantage but were encroaching beyond what they claimed to be the line; they "lacked sincerity." Decisive use of force might have been imperative to secure the Manchurian border, which was Japan's legal responsibility. As far north as Tungning on the eastern Manchurian frontier, two Soviet ground divisions and considerable numbers of tanks and aircraft were reported massed in full view. At Changkufeng, Russian soldiers fortified the crest. Mountain guns were now seen with muzzles pointed toward Manchuria, and Japanese intelligence estimated that Soviet troop strength near Changkufeng had grown to 120 or 130 by the evening of 18 July. As Sawamoto Rikichiro, an Imperial aide, noted in his diary, "It would seem that settlement of the affair had become increasingly difficult." Korea Army staff officer Tsuchiya sent two emissaries bearing the notice to the Soviet border. The pair, "blazing with patriotic ardor,"set out on 18 July, carrying a message in one hand and a white flag in the other. From Kyonghun came the report the next day that there had been an urgent, well-attended Soviet staff meeting at BGU Headquarters in Novokievsk all night, and that the Russian side had been discomfited by the Japanese request, which had been transmitted to higher authorities. Still, the emissaries did not return, while a stream of reports indicated a Soviet buildup along a dozen frontier sectors. Russian authorities had reportedly forced the natives to evacuate an area twenty miles behind their borders. From Japanese observation posts, Soviet convoys of men, guns, and horses could be sighted moving toward Novokievsk after being unloaded from transports originating at Vladivostok. Japanese Army Intelligence reported that on 18 July a regimental-size force had arrived at Novokievsk; artillery displacements forward were particularly visible by night east of Khasan. A confidential Gaimusho message indicated that Soviet truck movements between Posyet, Novokievsk, and the front had increased since the 20th. Russian intrusions, kidnappings, and sniping incidents were reported along the Manchurian borders, from Manchouli on the west to Suifenho on the east, between 18 and 25 July. Aircraft on daytime reconnaissance were detected as far as three miles inside Manchurian territory in the Hunchun area. Although the Japanese asserted that their forbearance was being tested, Izvestiya charged "Japanese militarists" with manufacturing an affair at Ussuri as well as at Changkufeng. The Japanese themselves received reports from the Changkufeng front that by 20 July the Soviets had 250 soldiers, armed with field pieces, trench mortars, howitzers, and light and heavy machine guns, on the southern slopes. The Russians were putting up tents capable of holding 40 men each; officers could be observed for the first time. On the evening of the 20th, the Soviets lobbed illuminating shells toward Manchurian territory. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Inada Masazum, studying maps and mud, saw Changkufeng Hill as a prize with peril, a test of nerve rather than a conquest. Tokyo's orders pulsed through Seoul and Harbin: guard, probe, and deter, but avoid full-scale war. Across the border, Soviet units pressed closer, lights and tents flickering on the hillside. The sea within sight whispered of strategy, diplomacy, and a warning: a single misstep could redraw Asia. And so the standoff waited, patient as winter.

This is a very special episode of TatD. I mean verrrrry special. During a "social media day" we shared back in February, I was thrilled to hang out with my fellow bandleaders of Asian American Pie II coming up on May 17th at MilkBoy in Philadelphia.Carissa Matsushima is the powerhouse band leader of Kikashima.Judah Kim is AAPie co-founder and my first two-time guest on the show.Listening back to the conversation, which happened at the West Chester Diner in lovely West Chester, PA, I think both Judah and I were more than happy to focus on hearing Carissa tell the story of her upbringing in southern California, where she had a very different  cultural experience than we east coast Asian kids. She eventually moved to New York to attend NYU where she studied experimental theater and began writing songs. Only after college and her eventual move to Philly did she really begin sharing her music and her stunning and unique voice with the world.In addition to learning about Carissa's early life in a predominantly Asian / Latino community, we discussed the pressing matters of eating Taco Bell in the light of day, and what ever happened to RC Cola. Suffice it to say, the three of us get along swimmingly. I hope you enjoy this episode and if you're checking this out before May 17th, 2025, you should absolutely come out to Milkboy and get yourself a slice of Asian American Pie!

Olá ouvintes do Kokoro!! Trazemos a vocês mais um AnimeSphere. Hoje vamos falar de uma versão de Cinderella que nos cativou muito! Slice of Life, do período Taishou com poderes psíquicos/mágicos! Meu Casamento Feliz, Watashi no Shiawase na Kekkon! Citações do episódio Episódios [Episódio 01 - (Deai) - (A Reunião)] [Episódio 02 - (Danna-sama Toiu Okata) - (Sobre meu futuro esposo)] [Episódio 03 - (Hajimete no Dēto) - (Nosso primeiro encontro)] [Episódio 04 - (Okurimono) - (O presente)] [Episódio 05 - (Hamon) - (Repercussões)] [Episódio 06 - (Ketsui to Raimei) - (A determinação e o trovão)] [Episódio 07 - (Natsu no Hana no Modan Gāru) - (A deslumbrante dama do verão)] [Episódio 08 - (Akumu to Fuon na Kage to) - (Pesadelos e sombras tenebrosas)] [Episódio 09 - (Yume ni Oborete) - (Sonhos sufocantes)] [Episódio 10 - (Natsu no Sakura, Soshite Ayamachi) - (Cerejeiras no verão e um grave erro)] [Episódio 11 - (Haha ga Nokoshita Mono) - (O legado de minha mãe)] [Episódio 12 - (Kurayami no Naka no Hikari) - (A luz na escuridão)] Créditos do Live Action Dirigido por: Ayuko Tsukahara Créditos de Escrita (em ordem alfabética) Akumi Agitogi ... (mangá) Tomoe Kanno ... (roteiro) Tsukiho Tsukioka ... (mangá) Elenco (Na Ordem dos Créditos) Ren Meguro ... Kiyoka Kudo Mio Imada ... Miyo Saimori Resto do Elenco, listado alfabeticamente Sato Arata ... Toya Mochizuki (como Arata Satou) Manabu Hamada ... Tsuguharu Sudo Shôhei Hino ... Yoshiro Tsuruki Yusuke Hirayama ... Minoru Tatsuishi Renji Ishibashi ... Emperor Ryôko Kobayashi ... Hana Ôshirô Maeda ... Yoshito Godo (como Oshiro Maeda) Shôta Matsushima ... Kensuke Miyata Shô Nishigaki ... Shuta Okabe Yûki Ogoe ... Koji Tatsuishi Ukon Onoe ... Tadanori Kururugi Hiroto Takahashi ... Shinpei Sawamura Tsutomu Takahashi ... Shinichi Saimori Akari Takaishi ... Kaya Saimori Ryo Tamaki ... Keiko Tao Tsuchiya ... Sumi Saimori Kenjirô Tsuda ... Norio Kamomura Keisuke Watanabe ... Arata Tsurugi Sayaka Yamaguchi ... Kanoko Saimori Mirai Yamamoto ... Yurie Ryûsei Ônishi ... Takahito Soundtrack usada Música de Copyright livre Contato E-mail: contato@animesphere.com.br Link Tree Seja nosso apoiador Apoia.se do AnimeSphere Compre as nossas Canecas Oficiais Por enquanto em suspenso, mas logo mais conseguiremos uma nova loja com as canecas para vocês!! Agregadores iTunes Deezer Spotify CastBox Podbean PodChaser Google Podcasts Podvine Páginas Amigas Anime See Três Quartos Cego, Canal YouTube Participantes Jorge Twitter | X Facebook Instagram Blue Sky Firefalcon's World, meu blog pessoal MindStorm Productions NerdMaster Paranerdia Padrinhos Nível Kawaii Dan Endo (você encontra em nosso grupo de ouvintes) Guilherme de Almeida, vulgo Tomate (você encontra em nosso grupo de ouvintes) Fontes: https://www.netflix.com/browse?jbv=81564905 https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/encyclopedia/anime.php?id=25495 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/My_Happy_Marriage https://myanimelist.net/anime/51552/Watashi_no_Shiawase_na_Kekkon https://blogbbm.com/manga/casamento/ https://ovicio.com.br/meu-casamento-feliz-ova-sera-lancado-na-netflix/ https://www.imdb.com/title/tt19869122/?ref_=ttfc_fc_tt

Table Tennis: Matsushima, Harimoto Reach Singapore Smash Mixed Doubles Final

Men's Table Tennis: Harimoto-Matsushima Pair Defeated in World Finals 1st Round

Sora Matsushima Advances to Men's Singles 2nd Round at World Table Tennis Champs

Ce mois-ci, nous lançons un tout nouveau format dans Kaiwa : “Aruco”. Pour ce premier épisode, nous accompagnerons Mathieu qui prépare son voyage au Japon l'année prochaine, et Nico l'aidera à s'organiser en partageant son expérience. Dans cet épisode, il s'agira de planifier un voyage dans les meilleures conditions : choisir la bonne saison pour partir en fonction des régions et des préférences, réfléchir à l'option de voyager seul ou à deux, et organiser la durée du séjour pour profiter pleinement du Japon sans se presser. Nous discuterons également des paysages que le Japon a à offrir : des décors qui évoquent les œuvres de Ghibli, bien sûr, mais aussi une diversité naturelle bien au-delà des forêts, avec des montagnes, des bords de mer et des campagnes pittoresques. Le Japon, c'est une variété infinie de paysages à découvrir, allant des villes animées aux lieux plus calmes et inspirants. Sans oublier tous les petits détails pratiques comme les transports et le rythme à adopter pour profiter au mieux de cette aventure. Un épisode plein de bons conseils pour préparer un séjour inoubliable au Japon. Rejoignez-nous pour découvrir comment préparer un voyage serein et réussi, toujours dans l'esprit chaleureux de “Kaiwa”. Les termes japonais de l'épisode :  “ryokou” : voyage “ aruku”: marcher “Shinjuku”, “Ueno”, “Kouenji”: quartiers de Tokyo “matsuri” : festival traditionnel “Awa Odori” : danse traditionnelle originaire de Tokushima “O bon” : fête des morts en août   “Nara” : ville historique dans la région de Kyoto “Tokushima”, “Matsushima” : villes de l'île de Shikoku “Honshu” : île principale du Japon “Mie” : préfecture du centre du Japon “Ise Jingu”: sanctuaire majeur du shintoïsme “Meoto iwa” :  rochers des mariés “Wakayama” : préfecture au sud d'Osaka “Yoshino Kumano” : chemin historique au sud de Wakayama “Takkyubin” : service de livraison de bagage “Kanazawa” : ville historique au bord de la mer du Japon “Bizen” : ville connue pour sa poterie Générique : « tiger & dragon » Crazy Ken Band. Sortie le 8 octobre 2024 #japon #voyage #tokyo #vacances #旅 #旅行 #歩こう #夏休み #フランス語 #日本の旅行

Joined by travel expert, owner of Lifebridge Inc., & popular YouTuber Ryotaro Sakurai and fellow New Orleanian William Woods, the Krewe explores Miyagi Prefecture and everything it has to offer! From popular spots to secret gems, Ryotaro & Will share their insight into place that are must see, foods that are must eat, and things that are must do! Don't miss out on this fun travel episode!------ About the Krewe ------The Krewe of Japan Podcast is a weekly episodic podcast sponsored by the Japan Society of New Orleans. Check them out every Friday afternoon around noon CST on Apple, Google, Spotify, Amazon, Stitcher, or wherever you get your podcasts.  Want to share your experiences with the Krewe? Or perhaps you have ideas for episodes, feedback, comments, or questions? Let the Krewe know by e-mail at kreweofjapanpodcast@gmail.com or on social media (Twitter: @kreweofjapan, Instagram: @kreweofjapanpodcast, Facebook: Krewe of Japan Podcast Page, TikTok: @kreweofjapanpodcast, LinkedIn: Krewe of Japan LinkedIn Page, Blue Sky Social: @kreweofjapan.bsky.social, & the Krewe of Japan Youtube Channel). Until next time, enjoy!------ Support the Krewe! Offer Links for Affiliates ------Use the referral links below & our promo code from the episode (timestamps [hh:mm:ss] where you can find the code)!Liquid IV Offer Link  to save 20% Off your Entire Order! (00:01:06)Zencastr Offer Link - Use my special link to save 30% off your 1st month of any Zencastr paid plan!  (01:15:10)------ Ryotaro's Links ------Ryotaro's Japan YouTube ChannelLifeBridge Inc.------ Past KOJ Travel Episodes ------Explore Matsue ft. Nicholas McCullough (S4E19)Travel Hiroshima ft. Joy Jarman-Walsh (S4E4)Travel Aomori ft. Kay Allen & Megan DeVille (S3E17)Hungry For Travel ft. Shinichi of TabiEats (S3E15)Henro SZN: Shikoku & the 88 Temple Pilgrimage ft. Todd Wassel (S3E12)Off the Beaten Path: Kansai ft. Rob Dyer [Part 2] (S2E12)Off the Beaten Path: Kansai ft. Rob Dyer [Part 1] (S2E11)Japan Travel Destination: Hokkaido ft. Kay Allen (S2E7)Navigating Nippon: Where to Go in Japan? ft. Kay Allen of JNTO (S1E11)------ JSNO Upcoming Events ------JSNO Event Calendar2024 Matsue-New Orleans Sister City Exchange Program & Application

Per l'ultimo episodio della prima stagione di Nippon Shokudo Radio abbiamo creato un itinerario di due settimane rivolto a chi ha già visitato il Giappone almeno una volta. Come richiesto dalle Q&A su Instagram, abbiamo escluso le grandi città come Tokyo, Kyoto e Hiroshima e abbiamo cercato di rivelare il Giappone meno conosciuto! Giorno 1 e 2: all'arrivo all'aeroporto di Haneda o Narita, prendi l'autobus per Nikko (o Utsunomiya). Per saperne di più su Nikko ascolta questo episodio. Se vuoi fare un'upgrade al tuo hotel a Nikko, il Kanaya Hotel e il Ritz Carlton sul lago Chuzenji sono stupendi. Giorno 3: Da Nikko, passando per Utsunomiya, dirigiti a Yamagata con lo Shinkansen. Da lì prendi l'autobus (o la navetta dell'hotel) per Zaou Onsen dove potrai goderti le sorgenti termali. I ryokan di cui abbiamo parlato sono Takamiya (più caro) e Zaou International Hotel (più economico). *Se vuoi andare nella più famosa Ginzan Onsen, invece che a Yamagata devi scendere alla stazione di Oshida e poi prendere l'autobus. Giorno 4 e 5: direzione Yamadera, il tempio più famoso di Yamagata. Devi prima tornare alla stazione di Yamagata e prendere la linea JR Senzan per la stazione di Yamadera, che dista circa 20 minuti. Successivamente, torna alla stazione di Yamagata e prendi lo Shinkansen per Morioka. Lì potrai gustare i vari tipi di noodles (di cui parliamo in questo episodio), goderti una passeggiata nel parco e andare al mercato mattutino. Ad un'ora di treno (sempre linea JR) si trova la città di Hiraizumi dove potrai visitare il famoso tempio Chuson e rilassarti passeggiando nelle zone rurali del Giappone. Giorno 6 e 7: da Morioka dirigiti a Sendai con lo Shinkansen. Ciò che non vorrai perderti a Sendai: Zuihoden, il mausoleo di un famoso Daimyo giapponese, Date Masamune, e Rinoji, un bellissimo tempio con giardino. Inoltre, puoi facilmente raggiungere Matsushima per goderti uno dei panorami più famosi del Giappone oppure fare un giro in traghetto da Ishimaki per vedere le isole più piccole dell'isola di Tashiro (famosa per i gatti), dell'isola di Aji (bellissimo mare cristallino) e Kinkasan (un'isola sacra dove troverai cervi in giro). Il Minshuku di proprietà dei pescatori di cui abbiamo parlato si trova fuori dalla città di Ishimaki e si chiama Asami So. Giorno 8: dall'aeroporto di Sendai prendi un volo per Fukuoka. Dirigiti verso la città di Hakata dove ci sono molte attrazioni turistiche (anche l'ormai popolare TeamLab). Di notte assicurati di dare un'occhiata ai vari Yatai (food trucks) per goderti l'ottimo cibo locale! Giorno 9: da Hakata dirigiti a Beppu, una delle zone termali più famose del Kyushu. Se sei fortunato prova a prenotare un treno con lo speciale Yufuin no Mori. Il ryokan di cui abbiamo parlato è lo Showaen. Giorno 10: da Beppu prima sosta al monte Aso, uno dei monti vulcanici più famosi del Kyushu. Quindi, dirigiti alla stazione di Kumamoto per goderti il resto della giornata. A Kumamoto c'è il famoso castello. Giorno 11: da Kumamoto con lo Shinkansen dirigiti a Ibusuki. Dovrai cambiare treno a Kagoshima Cho, dove troverai il bellissimo giardino Sengan En che merita una visita. Inoltre, c'è un treno speciale chiamato Ibusuki Kin no Tamatebako. Se lo prenoti, ti porterà da Kagoshima Chuo a Ibusuki. Goditi il famoso "bagno di sabbia" di Ibusuki. L'hotel di cui abbiamo parlato è il Phoenix Hotel. Giorno 12 e 13: da Ibusuki passando per Kagoshima Chuo dirigiti a Miyazaki. I must a Miyazaki sono: Aoshima, Udo Jingu e Takachiho. Se desideri un hotel con vista sull'oceano eccone un paio che abbiamo trovato vicino ad Aoshima, Hotel Grantia e Holiday Inn. Giorno 14: da Miyazaki torna all'aeroporto di Haneda o di Kansai. Per questo viaggio suggeriamo di procurarsi i pass regionali JR: uno per JR East che copre l'area di Tohoku ed un altro per Kyushu. Per saperne di più sul JR pass ascolta questo episodio e questo per conoscere le varie regioni del Giappone.

Last time we spoke about about the first large land battles of the First Sino-Japanese War: the battles of Seonghwan and Pyongyang. The Qing's plan to perform a pincer attack from the north and south of Korea was smashed when they lost Asan. However not all was lost, they still held the extremely formidable defensive position at Pyongyang with some of their best units and best equipment. The Japanese 1st Army deceived the Qing defenders and made an incredible victory at Pyongyang sending the remaining survivors fleeing towards the Yalu River. It was a tremendous blow to the Chinese despite their home press proclaiming every event to be a victory. Now the Qing have their backs against the wall along the Yalu, if the Japanese were to take it they could march right into Manchuria. While the Qing be able to rally themselves and hold the Japanese within Korea, or will this war see action within their borders?    #51 The First Sino-Japanese War of 1898-1895 Part 3: The battle of the Yalu River   Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Literally a day after the battle of Pyongyang, the second major battle of the entire war took place. The IJN had been trying to engage a very reluctant Qing navy who were under orders not to cross the Yalu-Weihaiwei line. Well the Japanese crossed it for them. The Beiyang fleet had difficulties operating in the open sea, where the IJN warships held an advantage in speed and better maintenance. The Beiyang fleet thus operated more so along the coastlines, with her two colossal German built battleships the Dungyuan and Zhenyuan only capable of hitting 15-16 knots speed. To give a comparison, the IJN ships had a rough average speed of 20 knots. Now in early September, Li Hongzhang decided to reinforce the Qing forces at Pyongyang and he had his Beiyang fleet escort their transports to the mouth of the Taedong River. On September 12th around 4500 Qing troops left Dagu aboard 5 transports heading for Dalian where they joined 2000 more troops. Admiral Ding Rucheng, initially wanted to send the transports with only a light escort, keeping the bulk of the Beiyang fleet in a safer position incase the IJN combined fleet offered battle. However reports of sightings of the Japanese cruisers Yoshino and Naniwa who were performing reconnaissance near Weihaiwei led to disaster for the Qing. The Beiyang Fleet commanders took these reports to indicate the IJN combined fleet were all around Weihaiwei, it just so happened the entire Beiyang Fleet was to head to Weihaiwei on the 13th. The Qing hunted down the cruisers for an entire day, but found no sight of them, so Admiral Ding turned back for Dalien arriving on the 15th.  The Japanese victory at Pyongyang meant the Qing land forces were concentrating at the Yalu River. Reports began to reach Admiral Ding about the supposed grand victory, but he read between the lines the truth of the matter when the reports also stated the transport of further troops to the mouth of the Taedong river was no longer necessary. Admiral Ding surmised correctly that the Qing line of defense would now be established on the Yalu River, so he decided to bring the troops there. At around 1:00am on the 16th the Beiyang fleet and the 5 transports departed Dalian Bay. The Beiyang fleet consisted of the 2 ironclad battleships, the Dingyuan and Zhenyuan, a smaller coastal defense battleship called the Pingyuan, the cruisers Laiyuan, Jiyuan, Jingyuen, Jingyuan and Zhiyuen, smaller cruisers Chaoyong, Kwan Chia, Yangwei and the gunboats Guangbing, Zhennan, Zhenzhong, Fulong and Zuo 1. Now I really need to take a moment here to explain a lot about the two opposing naval forces. These Qing ships I just listed, most of them were built before 1887, for the Japanese the majority would be built after 1890. About 10 significant ships from each side would take part in the upcoming battle; for the Qing the two battleships which each holding ⅓ more displacement than the largest Japanese warship. The Qing warships could only go as fast as their slowest, and the two battleships only pulled 15 or so knots, meaning the IJN would enjoy a massive advantage in speed.  The armaments of the Beiyang fleet were created mostly at the Jiangnan and Fuzhou Shipyards and they were by far and large superior to that of the Japanese. They had foreign expertise overlook the developments, but because of the nature of the Qing navy this did not extend to the maintenance for the ships. Qing regional leaders were skeptical of Li Hongzhang and the naval board, and refused to pay anything more than the bare minimum required for the basic maintenance of the navy. Many of these regional leaders were not happy about the naval board having its director being the Manch Prince Chu'un, and his successor Manchu Prince Qing. Why were they not happy you might ask, well other than the regular ethnic rivalries. Neither Manchu director could administer funds properly nor prevent Empress Dowager Cixi for allegedly diverting funds for other purpose, now hold on a minute for those who might be screaming “thats a myth” I will get to it. A lot of rumors sprang up that the Empress Dowager had embezzled funds from the navy to restore the old summer palace, this is infamous to anyone who learns 19th century Chinese history. In fact, as the story goes Cixi had rebuilt the expensive Marble Boat in the palace garden with funds that were earmarked for modernizing the navy. It is alleged Cixi devoted 100 million taels to the purpose of rebuilding the summer palace and the Qing navy would not see additional funding after the year 1889. Some estimate the summer palace renovations took 11 million from the naval funds, enough to buy around 6-7 warships. To be honest I am a huge fan of a podcast called “Our Fake History” and I hope he tackles this myth one day. But it seems Empress Dowager Cixi was not wholly at fault for the decline of the Qing navy. No it seems Emperor Guangxu's quote “lack of interest” in developing and maintaining the military was to blame. Grand Tutor Weng Tonghe advised Guangxu to cut all funding to the navy and army, because he did not see Japan as a true threat, and during the 1890's large natural disasters occurred which seemed a much more pressing issue to allocate funds to. After the Taiping Rebellion could you blame the emperor? Regardless its just to say its not black and white, there were numerous variables when it came to the funding scandals. But as a Chinese friend of mine put it once, “everyone learns about Cixi embezzling for the palace at the cost of the navy”, it certainly is the prevailing idea.  Li Hongzhang's ordnance supply officer for the Beiyang fleet was his son in law Zhang Peilun who was referred to by Professor Wiliam Lockwood as a quote “champion swindler”. He described the man to so corrupt, sailors would often find shells filled with sand and quote “when the shooting began, the Chinese fleet found that its total supply of ammunition amounted to fourteen shells per gun. Two 7000 ton ironclads had only 3 shells in all for their 10 inch guns”. There is zero question on the issue of corruption when it came to the Qing navy in the late 19th century. They were hampered with shortages of ammunition, there are even reports some shells were filled with cement rather than explosives. Not only would the Qing sailors find little shells to fire during the battle of Yalu, imagine the lack of practice as a result of never having ammo? Poor accuracy and seriously questionable naval orders during battle would plague the Beiyang fleet. Alongside the lack of ammo it is also alleged the Qing warships had half their crews, because of salary embezzlement. So the Beiyang fleet would come into the battle undermanned, undertrained and underequipped, the recipe for disaster. Now as for the Japanese, the IJN combined fleet consisted of 2 formations: the flying squadron composed of the 4 fast cruisers: Yoshino, Takachiho, Akitsushima and Naniwa led by Admiral Tsuboi Kozo. And the main fleet consisting of the cruiser and flagship Matsushima followed by Chiyoda, Itsukushima, Hashidate and the ironclads Fuso and Hiei led by Admiral Ito Sukeyuki. There were also two dispatch vessels, the Saikyo Maru led by the Swedish born captain John Wilson and the Gunboat Akagi. Unlike the Beiyang fleet which was 1 of the 4 non cooperating fleets that made up the Qing navy, the IJN combined fleet were consolidated under a single command, always unified, trained extensively together as a single fighting force. Although many of the Qing ships had more armor, they were slower and the Japanese specifically trained using the Jeune d'ecole strategy, emphasizing speed and quick firing guns to overcome larger opponents. The Japanese would be coming into this battle with adequate ammunition, better training and the specialization in fighting larger battleship class ships by outmaneuvering and outfiring them. I always found it easier using gamer terms, the Japanese adopted a glass cannon strategy, relying on speed over defense, but alongside that their enemy greatly lacked proper firing capabilities making the Japanese a charmander to the chinese bulbasaur. The Qing's ironclads had short barrels as main armaments, meaning their shells had low muzzle velocity, resulting in poor penetration and terrible accuracy, especially at long range which they never should be firing at anyways. Although the Qing sailors were well drilled, they had practically no gunnery practice as a result of having no ammunition to work with. The lack of training in gunnery in combination to not having shells to fight with, or having the wrong caliber shells on certain ships and literally finding out some shells might be filled with cement or porcelain would lead to disaster. Aboard the Jingyuan was US naval advisor Philo McGiffin who went on the record saying “many of the gunpowder charges were thirteen years old and condemned”. Sadly Li Hongzhang had tried to delay a naval battle against the Japanese specifically to give his fleet more time to equip their ships with additional ammunition, but the Qing imperial court deemed this cowardice and forced his hand to press on. In the end, the Qing fleet was bigger and armed with bigger guns, but the Japanese would be faster, and capable of firing their smaller guns more so and more accurately.  Admiral Ding's Beiyang Fleet reached the mouth of the Yalu River at around 2pm. The transports escorted by 5 warships: the Zhennan, Zhenzhong, Guangbing, Pingyuan and a torpedo boat landed the troops until the morning of the 17th. Meanwhile the other Beiyang ships anchored in some shallow waters around 8 nautical miles south west of the mouth of the Yalu river. At 9:20am on the 17th the fleet conducted a training exercise lasting for about an hour and a half, before returning to their anchorage, but soon after at 11:28am, observers aboard the Qing warships began to spot smoke coming from the south-west.  Admiral Ding attempted to form his fleet into a southward facing line abreast using his two battleships in the center. In the line going left to right were the Guangjia, Jingyuan, Jiyuan, Zhiyuan, Laiyuan, Jingyuen, Yangwei and Chaoyong. Another group of four ships led by the slow Pingyuan were escorting the transports upriver and were forced to try and catch up which they would around 2:30. Late in the morning the two fleet began approaching another in very different formations. The Qing were trying to uphold their line abreast, but there was enormous confusion in signals, no doubt to the fact all of their signal books were written in english and very few of the officers could speak or were familiar with english. Added to this was the differing speeds of the various ships, thus they ended up in a asymmetricalwedge formation with the two battleships at the fore and the other vessels trailing behind on two flanks. According to various accounts, there was a consensus that the formation was done in great disorder. In fact it may not have been a deliberate formation, but rather the order in which the warships simply foundselves in as they tried to form a line abreast. For the IJN combined fleet they approached in a single column formation with the flying squadron in the front, followed by the main squadron. The order of ships in line for the Japanese was first the fasted protected cruisers, Yoshino, Naniwa Takachiho and Akitsushima. Then came the flagship Matsushima alongside her two sisters, followed by Chiyoda, Fuso, Hiei, Akagi, and the Saikyo Maru. With the Beiyang fleet in sight, Admiral Sukeyeki gave orders for the flying squadron to attack the Chinese right flank, hoping to annihilate their weaker boats at the end of the formation. Upon seeing the flying squadrons maneuvers, Admiral Ding ordered his ships to change course in such a way that it would have exposed his flagship, the Dingyuan, but put the rest of the squadron in a good position to fire upon the Japanese. However, Admiral Ding's Captain aboard the Dingyuan ignored the order allegedly out of cowardice, instead he ordered the Dingyuan to fire its main guns well before the Japanese were even within range. The order to fire apparently caused great confusion amongst the other ships, seeing the Chinese right flank firing into a maelstrom against the IJN warships, but the CHinese left flank basically was left out of the action. Now Admiral Ding aboard his flagship Dingyuan, alongside her sister Zhenyuan went straight forward against the IJN's center hoping to tussle the most while the rest of the Beiyang fleet maneuvered around to avoid hits. In one source I was reading, they tell a tale that the initial firing of Dingyuans main battery was aimed directly forward and thus literally destroyed her own flying bridge and quote “thereby demolishing the temporary flying bridge on which Admiral Ding was standing. Ding's leg was crushed so he could not stand, let alone walk, during the hositilities. This made it impossible for him to repeat his order in time. The wounds would also make it fiddicult for him to follow the battle”. However as pointing out by Pilo McGiffen in his memoris “Ding was merely catapulted by the shockwave of the guns going off”. Historians have come to a consensus today that the flying bridge was hit by the Japanese and Admiral Ding's poor legs were crushed as result of their gunfire to it, alongside countless officers who were killed and injured.  The Dingyuna opened fire at 5000 meters, which was ridiculously too far to cause damage to the Japanese ships. As soon as the Dingyuan opened fire, the rest of the Qing warships followed suit, wasting countless precious shells firing from too far a range to possibly hit the Japanese vessels. According to Vice Admiral G.A Ballard of the British navy, the Qing formation doomed her from the beginning, as the line abreast strategy required the strongest ships, not the weakest to be on the wings in order to prevent the weaker ships from being picked off, which the Japanese would do. The Qing also failed to change course in such a way as to prevent the Japanese from going around their wing allowing their vessels to deliver full broadside gunfire at close range. The Japanese held their fire for a full 20 minutes as they simply headed diagonally across the Beiyang fleet going twice their speed. On the signal of Admiral Ito the Japanese squadrons divided with the flying squadron led by Tsuboi ramping from 8knots to 14knots heading for the center of the Qing formation. The Qing were confused by this sudden bullrush towards them, but then Tsuboi's formation turned slightly to port, moving around the right flank of the Chinese formation as they began to open fire on the weakest units from the effective range of 3000 meters or less. The Japanese gunfire first battered the Chaoyong and Yangwei, as Tsuboi steered his squadron northward to engage the Qing reinforcements coming from the Yali River, this was the Pingyuan group.  Meanwhile the IJN main squadron followed the same course direction as the flying, but to the Chinese left flank, making a full turn around them to circle behind and hit their rear. However their slowest ships, the Fuso and Hiei came instead came into a shorter range and boldly steered right between the two Qing battleships, passing through their line receiving and returning fire as they did. They would join their main squadron coming out on the opposite side. Unfortunately for the Akagi, she broke through the Chinese line towards the left its center and came across 3 Qing warships to her stern, just within 800 meters. Akagi was hit with a shell to her bridge which killed her Captain and several others; her forward magazine was destroyed and she tried to speed up to avoid more hits. Over in the flying squadron, the Yoshino could see the peril of the Hiei and Akagi, so instead of leading down the enemy's rear, she changed course more to starboard to come to their rescue, wedging herself between the enemy and the Akagi. As Yoshino did this she poured shells from her broadsides upon the enemy and now the Chinese right wing was enveloped between two fires. The flying squadron was now turning with starboard helm, passing a second time entirely around the Chinese right flank. The Hiei and Akagi signaled their damage and and received permission to retire out of action. Three Qing warships the Laiyuen, Zhiyuen and Kwang-ki tried to pursue the Hiei and Akagi, but despite their damage they managed to outpace them and returned fire from a distance. The Zhiyuen returned to the battle, the Laiyuen received too much damage had was taken out of the action and the Kwang-ki fled. In the center and right of Admiral Ding's fleet the gun battle was raging. The admiral had been wounded 20 minutes into the fight and because of his injured Commodore Liu Tai Tsan had to take command of the fleet. All four of Zhenyuans heavy guns were knocked out by IJN quick firing guns early into the fight, thus she was reduced to using her 6 inch guns. The Yangwei and Chaoyong who were stuck on the very outside of the right flank received the initial hellstorm from the Japanese as they passed by. Both ships were battered early and unable to fire back. The Chaoyong was ablaze and ran aground over a large rock while the Yangwei also ablaze beached to save herself. The Chaoyong was last seeing settling after, before sinking with her upper mast remaining above the surface. The Zhiyuen was forced to retire early as all 3 of her gun carriages were hit by IJN quick firing guns. The Beiyang fleet as a whole was caught between the two IJN squadrons who were unleashing their broadsides upon them to devastating effect. The Qing were evidently tossed into a state of chaos with some ships fleeing, others dueling, some sinking already. The Japanese kept up their column formation, making circles around their enemy, they would make 3 full circles during the battle. After some time the DIngyuan attempted to close in on her enemy, to the Japanese it looked like she was trying to ram one of them. She broke the formation with 3 other ships charging at full speed. Admiral Ito reported in his action report “that at half past 2 the Jingyuan steamed past the front of hi squadron, but she received such a storm of projectiles that her crew seemed to fall into a state of the greatest confusion, and presently she took fire” The Jingyuan was battered too badly that she adopted to try and flee at the last moment, but the Japanese flying squadron chased her down battered her until she sank. It is said her gunners kept returning fire until she was under the waves. At 3:20 the severely damaged and burning Zhiyuan had returned to the fight after chasing the Akagi and attempted to ram the Naniwa or Yoshino depending on the source, but she would be shot upon until she sank in the process taking with her Captain Deng Shichang. Captain Shichang was one of their greatest commanders and spent some time overseas evaluating foreign fleets, his loss was a grave one. At 3:30 the two flagships were in close range and the Matsushima's main turret was hit by a 12 inch shell. There was not great damage, but fires began over the deck. Another shell hit Matsushima's forward 4.7 inch rapid fire gun killing some men and hurtled the turret across the ship violently. The Japanese flagship had been the target of many of the Qing warships from the offset of battle and received numerous hits. Her commander and first Lt were killed alongside 120 men. Admiral Ito was forced to transfer his flag to the Hashidate. Also at 3:30 firing ceased on both sides as many were putting out massive fires. It took around an hour for the gun duels to really pick up again. 5 IJN warships of the main squadron were fighting back and forth with the 2 Qing battleships until around 6pm. The Dingyuan and Zhenyuan were able to resist the punishment because of their heavy armor, but all the sailors on deck were decimated by shells and fragments going everywhere. When the Qing opened fire upon the Japanese as they passed from port to starboard, they failed to score any significant hits using their 12 inch and 8.2 inch guns. The two IJN squadrons had made full circles of the Beiyang fleet, using their quick firing guns, smashing the Qing warships superstructures and swept their deck's with carnage.  During the melee, quite a few of the IJN warships received devastating hits as well. The Yoshino, Akagi and Saikyo Maru were put out of action from sustained hits. The Hiei who was a much slower ship than the rest, received severe damage and it did not help her captain had decided not to follow the flying squadrons sweep maneuver, but instead pass directly through the Qing line. This poor decision made the Hiei a very easy target as she ran a gauntlet. By late afternoon the Beiyang fleet was tipping to the point of collapse, many warships had literally fled for their lives or had been sunk. The Dingyuan and Zhenyuan were nearly out of ammunition. Aboard the Dingyuan, Admiral Ding was pretty much out of commission and their foremast was destroyed making it impossible to signal to the rest of the fleet. The rest of the Qing ships began forming up into pairs of 3 to mutually support another in the duels.  When the Japanese had begun firing, the Jiyuan turned to flee from the offset, and upon seeing this the Guangjia joined. Jiyuan was hit only once, as for Guangjia, she quickly became lost and ran aground, forced to be scuttled by her crew later. There are also claims, the Jiyuan may have collided with the Yangwei causing her to sink during this process. The Saikyo Maru tried to finish off the Yangwei which managed to beach itself. The Saikyo Maru got roughly handled from the beginning of the fight. She had first opened fire from a long range, but then got close to the Qing ironclads. After an hour of combat, her steering gear got damaged sending her sailing off uncoordinated. Upon seeing her in distress the Pingyuan tried to hunt her with some torpedo boats. Torpedoes were fired at the Saikyo Maru, they all missed with some getting within 40-50 yards of her. The Saikyo Maru fled for her life and would escape. The better trained, better maintained IJN rapid firing guns simply out performed the Chinese, who had limited ammunition, ill maintained equipment, less gunnery training and well when you find out some of your shells have cement or porcelain in them, I would say demoralized as well. While the Japanese were certainly scoring better and more significant hits, this did not mean the Qing were not fighting for their lives however. The Qing warships continued to fire everything they had. The Laiyuan, despite being a burning wreck continued to fire upon the enemy to the bitter end. The primary armaments of the Qing battleships fired 197 rounds, scoring around 10 hits. While this is extremely low, when they did hit they knocked out the Japanese flagship from the battle, but unfortunately for the Chinese they were unable to deliver killing blows. Overall the Beiyang fleet scored about 10 percent of their hits. The Japanese scored roughly 15 percent, but take into consideration the Japanese were firing at a rate 3 times to that of the Chinese.  When night was coming upon them, Admiral Ding gathered the remnants of his Beiyang fleet and steered towards Lushunkou. The Japanese had 4 ships severely damaged, with some light damage to two. The Japanese had around 180 deaths, 200 wounded. The flagship Matsushima suffered the worst amount of casualties at around 100, after receiving a 12 inch shell. Hiei would have to be retired from combat because of her injuries; Akagi lost many men and required repairs; the Saikyo Maru which was not really a warship, she was actually a converted liner that lacked offensive armament, but came into the fray nonetheless was hit by 4 12 inch shells which knocked out her steering sending her wandering for quite some time. The Qing had lost the Zhiyuen, Yangwei, Kwang-ki, Chaoyong and Jingyuan, with 850 deaths and 500 wounded. The Dingyuan was reported to have been hit with no less than 200 hits, but her thick armor protected her from serious damage. The deepest dents were around 3 inches. Her upper deck was completely destroyed by fire; two secondary battery guns were disabled, all of her signal halliards were shot away, but her engines were in perfect working order. The Zhenyuen was hit approximately 120 times, but her injuries proved worse than her sister. Her main battery was crippled and when she made it to anchorage she was nearly sinking. The Laiyuen suffered most from fire damage, she had to be gutted fore and after with the deck and bulkheads about her magazines being found red hot. The Pingyuan according to Admiral Ito's report suffered horribly from fires, but she took little part in the fighting. Of the entire fleet only 3 escaped without serious injury, the Jingyuen, Jiyuan and Guangbing. The Yantai correspondent of the Shanghai based newspaper, the China Gazette had this to say after the battle "There is no doubt the Chinese fought bravely, but they were no match for the Japanese whose tactics were admirable throughout the fight...The unfortunate Chinese gunners lost their heads and fired wildly, their officers left their ships at the mercy of the enemy by their clumsy seamanship while, on the other hand, almost every shot of the Japanese told." A reporter for The Japan Weekly Mail said this "The Japanese men-of-war preserved their battle array intact from first to last, but the Chinese were soon compelled to fight without any tactical order." The New York Times ran the headlines, "China's Waterloo in Corea. Japan's Great Naval Victory." After the battle the Japanese discovered to their intense interest that some of the Chinese shells were filled with cement instead of explosives. They also reported finding some ammunition filled with porcelain, others being the wrong caliber for the guns on the ships. It seemed to the Japanese military leadership they had grossly underestimated the degree of corruption and incompetence within the Qing dynasty. Admiral Ito chose not to pursue the fleeing Beiyang fleet because he knew his fleet lacked weapons capable of sinking the two ironclad battleships. Unbeknownst to him the Beiyang fleet had basically fired all of their ammunition and the two battleships were sitting ducks. According to Sir Robert Hart, the inspector general of the Qing maritime customs, on the eve of the battle of the Yalu quote “the Chinese had no shells for their Krupp artillery and no powder for their Armstrong guns, these were some of the main offensive weapons of their fleet”. The IJN would be criticized for not pursuing the Qing later on, but the admirals were making decisions based on the knowledge they held at the time and that knowledge was that they could not take down the two battleships.  The loss at Pyongyang on land and at Yalu upon the sea were devastating to the Qing and absolutely dazzled foreign presses. It was recognized that after the battle of the Yalu, it was Japan who controlled the sea. Meanwhile the official battle report handed back to the Qing imperial court was this “the Chinese fleet had defeated a numerically superior fleet of the Woren...sinking three of the enemy's ships and severely injuring the rest, but losing four of our own in the battle." The Japanese would actually find an official dispatch to Li Hongzhang later on in Port Arthur that said this concerning the battle of Yalu "more terrible than any to be found in the Naval records even of Western countries. The ships of both sides were considerably damaged, especially those of the enemy. The enemy retired first, so that victory may more or less be said to have rested with us. Had not our rear become disordered, the entire victory would have been ours." The dispatch also went on to recommend rewards for those who fought bravely at Yalu. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. While the Qing had the bigger ships, bigger guns and more armor, the Japanese managed to defeat them because of better training, better maintenance and well, having ammunition seemed an important variable also.  

Il Giappone è composto da 5 isole principali suddivise in 47 prefetture. In questa puntata parleremo brevemente delle principali zone del Giappone - che sono 7 - e discuteremo dei principali luoghi di interesse e prelibatezze che caratterizzano ognuna di queste regioni.  Hokkaido Tour sui banchi di ghiaccio Sapporo Snow Festival Cibo: qualsiasi tipo di frutti di mare (soprattutto granchi e ricci di mare!), vari latticini, Sapporo Miso Ramen e Genghis Khan (Barbecue di pecora o agnello con varie verdure)  Tohoku Ginzan Onsen: famoso quartiere termale Matsushima: nota per le centinaia di isole ricoperte da pini e antichi templi Hirosaki: famosa per il suo castello Cibo: lingua di manzo (Gyutan) di Sendai, 3 diversi tipi di noodle di Morioka: il Morioka Reimen (stile coreano), il Wanko soba (noodles di grano saraceno serviti in piccole porzioni) e il Jaja men (noodles di udon serviti con salsa di miso e carne macinata), le mele di Aomori e gli Zunda mochi (mochi ricoperti di marmellata di Edamame). Kanto Nikko (Tochigi): con i suoi suggestivi paesaggi montuosi, i suoi templi e santuari e le famose cascate Yokohama Chinatown (Kanagawa): la più grande Chinatown del Giappone Cibo: Monjya yaki di Tsukishima (Tokyo), l' Edome Zushi, vari piatti cinesi che puoi trovare a Chinatown, ed i Gyoza di Utsunomiya. Chubu Snow Monkey Park (Nagano)  Kanazawa (Ishikawa) : la storica città giapponese ricca di arte e cultura Shirakawago (Gifu): piccolo villaggio di montagna patrimonio mondiale dell'Unesco, conosciuto per i suoi edifici tradizionali Cibo: Himono (pesce essiccato e salato), Hoto  (zuppa di noodle a base di miso con verdure), Miso nikomi udon (zuppa di noodle a base di miso con verdure e carne), Hitsumabushi (anguilla alla griglia con salsa dolce servita con riso) e Kishimen (noodles super piatti). Kansai Kumano Kodo (Wakayama): le antiche vie di pellegrinaggio Ise Jingu (Mie): i due santuari più importanti del Giappone Cibo: Takoyaki, Okonomiyaki, Kushiyaki, Tako Meshi (riso con polipo di Hyogo), Kaki no Ha Zushi (sushi leggermente sott'aceto avvolto in una foglia di caco) Chugoku  Itsukushima Jinja (Hiroshima): Il santuario più noto del Giappone Genbaku Dome (Hiroshima): Hiroshima Peace Memorial Izumo Taisha (Shimane): il santuario più antico del Giappone Tottori Sakyu: famose dune di sabbia Cibo: Hiroshima fu Okonomiyaki (Okonomiyaki con noodles), ostriche e pesce palla (Fugu) Shikoku  Castello di Matsuyama (Ehime): uno dei 12 castelli originali del Giappone Shodojima (Kagawa): isola famosa per la coltivazione dell'olio d'oliva e la salsa di soia Naoshima (Kagawa): isola famosa soprattutto per la “Zucca" di Yayoi Kusama Vortice di Naruto (Tokushima): vortice naturale generato dall'incontro fra l'Oceano Pacifico ed il Mare Interno di Seto Cibo: Sanuki Udon, Oiri (Riso soffiato dolce coi colori pastello), vari agrumi, Katsuo (Tonnetto striato) Kyushu  Fukuoka Yatai: stand gastronomici della cucina locale Yakushima (Kagoshima): isola nota per la sua fauna selvatica e le sue foreste di cedri Bebbu Onsen (Oita): una delle zone termali più famose di Kyushu Amaterasu Tetsudo (Miyazaki): tour sul trenino panoramico alimentato da carburante ricavato dagli scarti del Ramen Nagasaki Peace Park: parco commemorativo ai caduti del bombardamento atomico di Nagasaki Cibo: Tonkotsu ramen, Motsu Nabe (hot pot con trippa), Mentaiko (uova di merluzzo in salamoia piccanti), Kasutella (pan di spagna), Sagagyu (wagyu), Toriten (tempura di pollo), Kurobuta (maiale), Jidori di Miyazaki (pollo), Shochu (distillato) Okinawa Varie isole : Ishigaki, Taketomi, Kohajima, Iriomote ecc. Shurijo : Palazzo del Regno di Ryukyu  Himeyuri Peace Museum: museo della pace dedicato a coloro che persero la vita in battaglia ed in particola modo alle studentesse Cibo: Goya Champuru (soffritto stile Okinawa con carne e melone amaro), Okinawa soba (noodles di grano serviti in brodo con costine), Umibudo (alga), Awamori (distillato), Habushu (liquore fatto con un serpente)

When studying mokuhanga, whether you're an academic, a creator, or for general interest, there are some scholars and academics that are mandatory in your studies.  Claire Cuccio is that particular scholar. Currently based in Seattle, and working in international education for 20 years, Claire has been a resident in Asia as an Asian print and handcraft culture specialist and cultural heritage educator. While also working for the International Mokuhanga Conference and conducting research on Nepalese woodblock print culture, Claire has been an asset to the mokuhanga community for some time.  On this episode I speak with Claire about how she got involved in studying print culture in Japan and Asia. We talk on the sensibility of mokuhanga and how Claire is driven by her personal relationships. We also discuss the economics of mokuhanga history and her work with Nepalese printmaker, Kabi Raj Lama.  Please follow The Unfinished Print and my own mokuhanga work on Instagram @andrezadoroznyprints or email me at theunfinishedprint@gmail.com  Notes: may contain a hyperlink. Simply click on the highlighted word or phrase. Artists works follow after the note. Pieces are mokuhanga unless otherwise noted. Claire Cuccio  - her International Mokuhanga Conference lecture from 2022 can be found, here. Claire's work with woodpaperhand can be found here which contains links to many of her projects and lectures.  The New Yorker -  is a weekly magazine which began publishing in 1925 in the United States. It is published by Condé Nast. It is a magazine that covers American and world politics, culture, and arts from around the world, and New York City.  Washington University in St. Louis - is an acclaimed private research university located in St Louis, Missouri, USA. It has an edownment of 13.3 billion. The school covers many subjects and career paths such as medicine and law. More information can be found on their website, here. Myōjō - (明星) was a monthly literary and arts magazine based in Japan. It began publication in 1900 but ended its run in 1908.  It was published by Shinshisha. It was revived twice from 1921-1927, and from 1947-49 by different publishers. The magazine was made famous because of the first sōsaku hanga print ever made by Yamamoto Kanae, “The Fisherman.”  Myōjō cover from February, 1901 Harpers - is a monthly magazine in the United States, published by Harper Collins and was founded in 1850. The magazine covers politics, culture, art, history amongst other subjects. More info can be found, here. Yosano Akiko (1878-1942) - was the pen name of Shō Hō, a Japanese poet, pacifict and feminist. Her work was in the tanka format of poetry, which is 5-7-5-7-7. The Masterclass website has an interesting article describing tanka poetry, here. Tekkan Yosano (1873-1935)- was the husband of Yosano Akiko. He too was a poet and activist in early Twentieth Century Japan. As Claire mentions in her interview, Tekkan founded Myōjō in 1900.  sōsaku-hanga - or creative prints, is a style of printmaking which is predominantly, although not exclusively, prints made by one person. It started in the early twentieth century in Japan, in the same period as the shin-hanga movement. The artist designs, carves, and prints their own works. The designs, especially in the early days, may seem rudimentary but the creation of self-made prints was a breakthrough for printmakers moving away from where only a select group of carvers, printers and publishers created woodblock prints.  Fujishima Takeji (1867-1943)  - was a Japanese painter. He studied Western painting (yōga) in the Romantic and impressionistic styles, but also painted Japanese themes. He made mokuhanga during the sōsaku hanga period of Japanese printing, carved and printed himself.  Dawn Drizzle at Kawaramachi (1934) Ishii Hakutei (1882-1958) - was a Japanese painter who studied Western style painting. He became editor of the first incarnation of Myōjō in 1900, helping to publish Kanae's “Fisherman” print. Hakutei is famous for his Twelve Views of Tōkyō prints which he printed himself.  Twelve Views of Tōkyō: Yanagibashi (1910) Kyoto Consortium for Japanese Studies (KCJS) - located on the campus at Doshisha University, the KCJS is a fully immersive langauge school both culturally and linguistically. It has 13 member universities from the United States. More info can be found, here. Henry Smith II - is a professor emeritus at Columbia University. The article he wrote about the hanmoto system and Watanabe Shōzaburō (1885-1962) can be found, here.  Rebecca Salter - is the President of The Royal Academy of Arts, in London, England. She is also an artist who has written two books about Japanese woodblock printing, Japanese Woodblock Printing (2001), and Japanese Popular Prints (2006). She worked with the Satō Woodblock Print Workshop, documenting their process. Her interview with The Unfinished Print can be found, here.  shadow cast one (2015) Satō woodblock workshop - is a traditional Japanese woodblock production house based in Kyōto, Japan. Here is an article from The Journal of Modern Craft with Rebecca Salter regarding this workshop.  International Society for Education Through Art (InSEA) - is a non governmental, associated with the United Nations, organization which tries to promote creative education around the world via events. They work with 70 countries from around the world. Find out more about what they do at their website, here. Moya Bligh (1954-2009) - was an Irish mokuhanga printmaker based in Kyoto. She lived in Japan for 30 years, having moved there permanently in the 1980's. A graduate of Tama Art University, Moya studied with Akira Kurosaki (1937-2019) and regularly conducted mokuhanga workshops in Ireland and Japan. Ms. Bligh's legacy in mokuhanga continues to this day. Beyond Wood 1 (2002) Kyoto Seika University - is a private university based in Kyōto, Japan. It is a university focused on art and scholarship. More info, here.  Elizabeth Forrest - is an award-winning Canadian artist and mokuhanga prinmaker. She has been producing mokuhanga since the late 1980's when she lived and studied in Kyōto. She has studied with the late Akira Kurosaki. More info about Elizabeth's work can be found, here.  Glancing North II (2009) Keiko Kadota (1942-2017) - was the director of Nagasawa Art Park at Awaji City from 1997-2011, and then of MI Lab at Lake Kawaguchi from 2011 until her passing. Uchiwa fans - are a craft style of hand held fan commonly seen in the summer time in Japan. There are several types of uchiwa fans, according to Kogei Japan. First, is Chinese inspired, second, is Southern inspired, and lastly, Korean inspired. Uchiwa fans are shaped like a ping pong paddle. There are various styles of fans in Japan. More info about uchiwa fans and others can be found here at Japanobjects.com. New Year Card - called nengajo (年賀状) in Japanese, these cards have been traditionally passed from person to person since the Heian Period (794-1185). Mokuhanga practitioners make them as well, creating a new one every year focusing on the zodiac sign of the year as a theme. Kyōto Handicraft Center - opened  in 1967, it is a center dedicated to the traditional crafts of Japan. Located near the Heian Shrine in central Kyōto they offer work shops, food, a restaurant, and a bookshop for national and international tourists. On their website in English you can order from their online shop, shipping internationally. More info, here.  Kamigata Ukiyo-e Museum - is mokuhanga museum in Ōsaka that focuses on ukiyo-e era woodblock prints of actors. It is made up of four floors with a rotating exhibition and demonstration space. It's near the Dōntombori, a canal which runs from the Dōtonbori Bridge to Nipponbashi Bridge. It is a tourist hotspot in Ōsaka. More info, in Japanese, here.  Terry McKenna - is a mokuhanga printmaker based in Karuizawa, Nagano, Japan. He studied under Kyōto-based mokuhanga artist Richard Steiner. Terry also runs his own mokuhanga school in Karuizawa. His interview with The Unfinished Print can be found, here. Richard Steiner's interview with The Unfinished Print can be found, here.  Beyond Raging Waves (2017) David Bull - is a Canadian woodblock printmaker, and educator who lives and works in Japan. His love of mokuhanga has almost singlehandedly promoted the art form around the world. His company, Mokuhankan, has a brick and mortar store in Asakusa, Tōkyō, and online, here.  The Seacoast in Summer (2007-9) Doi Hangaten -  is a mokuhanga print publisher located in Tōkyō, Japan. Once a publisher of prints associated with the shin-hanga movement of the ealry twentieth century, the company continues to publish reproductions of famous Japanese prints, in the old ways. Most recently, the Doi family have collaborated with David Bull and Mokuhankan to publish new verions of some of the old blocks from almost 100 years ago. More info about the Doi Hangaten can be found here, here and here. The collaboration videos produced by Mokuhankan regarding the Doi family and the subsequant collaboration can be found, here.      Matsushima (1936)   Was designed by Tsuchiya Koitsu (1870-1949), and printed by Mokuhankan with Shun Yamamoto, who is himself an accomplished printmaker.  The Adachi Institute of Woodblock Prints - is a print studio located in Tōkyō. Established in 1994 in order to promote and preserve the colour woodblock print of Japan. More information, in English and in Japanese.  Narita, Chiba, Japan - is a city located roughly 70km from the city of Tōkyō. Known predominantly as the home to Narita International Airport. The city and its environs have a long and rich history unto itself. For tourist information,  here. For the history of protest in the area, here. Andy Warhol (1928-1987) was an influential artist and filmmaker who ushered in the genre of art, considered as "pop art."     Sunset Series (1972) screen-print   Kabi Raj Lama  - is a Nepalese printmaker based in Kathmandu, Nepal. He has lived and worked in Japan studying mokuhanga, has travelled the world involved in art residences, studying printmaking. Lama works in intaglio, screen-printing, lithography, and mokuhanga. See Claire's above video from the IMC about Kabi Raj Lama's life and history. HIs Instagram can be found, here.     Kabiraj 5 (2017)   The Kentler International Drawing Space - is an art gallery located in Red Hook, Brooklyn, New York. It has hosted several mokuhanga centred exhibitions. The most recent was Between Worlds as hosted by The Mokuhanga Sisters, from July 17 - July 31, 2022. More info, here.    The Mokuhanga Sisters - are a mokuhanga collective consisting of Yoonmi Nam, Mariko Jesse, Lucy May Schofield, Melissa Schulenberg, Kate MacDonagh, Katie Baldwin, Mia-O, Patty Hudak, and Natasha Norman. website,  Instagram   Between Worlds - was a mokuhanga specific show hosted by the Kentler International Drawing Space from July 17 - July 31, 2022.    Books Kinokuniya - is a Japanese chain of bookstores located throughout every Prefecture in Japan and around the world. More info, here.    Peter Ujlaki - is a gallerist and scholar based in Ashiya, Hyōgō, Japan. His website Osakaprints.com has been an asset when researching and discussing prints from the Kamigata (Kansai) region of Japan. His website buys and sells prints from the above region of Kyoto, Ōsaka, and Kobe. The history of woodblock prints from this region is different than of Tōkyō. You can find Peter's wesbite, here.   senjafuda - are the votive slips Claire brings up in her interview. These were hand printed slips pasted by the worshipper onto the Buddhist temple of their choosing. These slips had many different subjects such as ghosts, Buddhist deities, and written characters. Japan Experience has bit of history of senjafuda, here.   The Bai people - are an ethnic group located in Yunnan, Guizhou, and Hunan Provinces of China. The Bai people have unique festivals, foods, and architecture.    Nishiki-e (錦絵) - is the Japanese phrase for multi-colour woodblock prints, otherwise known as brocade pictures.    Sea of Japan - is a body of water which lies beteween Japan, the two Koreas, and Russia. It is predominantly referred to as the Sea of Japan but is also known as the East Sea or Korean East Sea. The dispute of naming rights is on going.    International Mokuhanga Conference - is a bi-yearly conference dedicated to mokuhanga which started in 2011 by the International Mokuhanga Association. Each conference is themed. The latest conference was in 2021, delayed a year because of the pandemic. More information can be found, here.     Tuula Moilanen - is a Finnish mokuhanga printmaker and painter based in Finland. She lived and studied in Kyōto from 1989-2012,  where she learned her printmaking at Kyōto Seika University and from printmaker Akira Kurosaki (1937-2019). Her work can be found, here.   Return To Home (2014)   geidai (芸大) -  is the Japanese word for “arts college.”    Lauren Pearlman Sugita - is the owner and operator of the Japanese paper educator and supplier, Paper Connection. Based in Rhode Island, USA, Paper Connection has been supplying artists and educators with paper from many countries for over thirty years. More info can be found, here.  Echizen - is a region in Fukui Prefecture, Japan associated with Japanese paper making. It has a long history of paper making. There are many paper artisans in the area. One famous paper maker is Iwano Ichibei. He is a Living National Treasure in paper making, and the ninth generation of his family is still making paper today. More info can be found here in English, and here in Japanese.  hosho paper - is a handmade and machine made paper from Japan used for printmaking. Some information can be found here. Ibe Kyoko -  is a Japanese artist who works with washi, Japanese paper. She produces installations, prints, stage art, and Japanese folding screens (byōbu). You can find more information about her work on her website, here. An interview with the artist can be found here, at the Noyes Museum of Art in Stockton.   Recycling Washi Tales - is a performance piece by Kyoko Ibe and playwright Elise Thoron,  made about Japanese paper making and with washi. It is four stories, narrated,  taking the observer through different parts of Japanese paper history. More info can be found here on PBS.    Vietnamese paper (dó) - a great video from Business Insider,  here, about the history and modern production of Vietnamese paper in Bac Ninh Province, Vietnam. Vietnamese paper goes as far back as the 13th Century with book making and folk art. Information regarding the Zó Project, a non profit for preserving traditional Vietnamese paper, mentioned in the video can be found, here.   BlueCat Paper -  is a paper company based in Bangalore, India. They make various handmade paper in India, different shapes and colours. They upcycle their paper, meaning that everything is reused in the making of their paper. More info can be found, here.   handmade paper from Laos - South East Asia has had a tradition of papermaking for 700 years. Laotian paper is made of mulberry. More info can be found, here   handmade paper from Bhutan -  Bhutan has a history of handmade paper using the Daphne plant. Stemming from the eighth century, papermaking in Bhutan is made throughout the country. In 1990 the Bhutanese Travel and Tourist Agency wanted to preserve Bhutanese handmade paper. They sent Norbu Tenzin to learn papermaking in Shimane Prefecture, Japan. More info can be found at thre North Bengal Tourism site, here.   Lokta paper - is a Nepalese paper which also uses the bark of the Daphne tree. It is usually sold with various prints and designs.  More info can be found at Paper Connection, here.   © Popular Wheat Productions opening and closing musical credit - Stakes Is High, the instrumental by James Dewitt Yancey [J Dilla] (1974-2006). This beat was used by De La Soul, and released on the record Stakes Is High (1996) released by Tommy Boy Records. RIP David Jude Jolicoeur [Trugoy the Dove] (1968-2023) logo designed and produced by Douglas Batchelor and André Zadorozny  Disclaimer: Please do not reproduce or use anything from this podcast without shooting me an email and getting my express written or verbal consent. I'm friendly :) Слава Україну If you find any issue with something in the show notes please let me know. ***The opinions expressed by guests in The Unfinished Print podcast are not necessarily those of André Zadorozny and of Popular Wheat Productions.***      

Here is the article about the passing of Matsushima-san: https://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2022-04-12/voice-actress-minori-matsushima-passes-away/.184558 Here is the bracket: https://animebracket.com/results/most-wanted-sequel?group=1 Don't forget you can check out all things casual at: https://linktr.ee/Casual_Empire Also you can email us at: animecasualsreal@gmail.com In this episode we continue talking about the most wanted sequels bracket and we see if any of my predictions were correct.

Women of Crypto with Amy Matsushima  In this episode, we chat with Amy Matsushima who is the founder of Women of Crypto. She shares with us her journey into the NFT space and the incredible things she has planned in her roadmap.  Full show notes: TheNiFTyChicks/io/38 SUBSCRIBE, RATE, & REVIEW: Podcasts: https://theniftychicks.io/itunes Spotify: https://theniftychicks.io/spotify Google: https://theniftychicks.io/GooglePlay YouTube: https://theniftychicks.io/YouTube FOLLOW US ON SOCIAL MEDIA: Website: theniftychicks.io Twitter: @TheNiftyChicks https://twitter.com/TheNiftyChicks Twitter: @TheJeNFT https://twitter.com/TheJeNFT Twitter: @ErinCell https://twitter.com/erincell Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/theniftychicks/ Facebook:  https://www.facebook.com/TheNiFTyChicks/ LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-nifty-chicksDISCLAIMER: Do your own due diligence and research. Neither Jenna Kozodoy nor Erin Cell are FINANCIAL ADVISORS. We are sharing our journey with you as we learn more about this crazy little phenomenon called NFTs. We make NO RECOMMENDATIONS.  We only share with you what we are learning and what we are considering investing in. You must research any financial investment on your own! Just know that we will always strive for RADICAL TRANSPARENCY with any show associations. Happy Minting! See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode we’re joined by cultural advocate, author, and operations specialist, Paul Matsushima. Paul showcases two bases for us, the first being a ledger to track annual financial transactions and the second base being a CRM to track contacts, campaigns, and communications.

In this episode of the Strange Horizons podcast, editor Ciro Faienza presents Meep Matsushima's “The Believers,” with a reading by the poet. You can read the full text of the poem and more about Meep here.

Link to bioRxiv paper: http://biorxiv.org/cgi/content/short/2020.11.16.384289v1?rss=1 Authors: Lorenzi, E., Lemaire, B. S., Versace, E., Matsushima, T., Vallortigara, G. Abstract: For inexperienced brains, some stimuli are more attractive than others. Human neonates and newly-hatched chicks preferentially orient towards face-like stimuli, biological motion, and objects changing speed. In chicks, this enhances exposure to social partners, and subsequent attachment trough filial imprinting. Early preferences are not steady. The preference for stimuli changing speed fades away after three days in chicks. To understand the physiological mechanisms underlying these transient responses, we tested whether the early preferences for objects changing speed can be promoted by thyroid hormone 3,5,3'-triiodothyronine (T3). This hormone determines the start of imprinting's sensitive period. We found that the preference for objects changing speed can be re-established in female chicks treated with T3. Moreover, day-one chicks treated with an inhibitor of endogenous T3 did not show any preference. These results suggest that the time windows of early predispositions and of high plasticity are controlled by the same molecular mechanisms. Copy rights belong to original authors. Visit the link for more info

This is the 3rd special episode for COVID19 time. In this episode, three visual artists: Sarah Rudlege, Ann Mcginley and Nico Reddaway and I made a delightful conversation about their pre-COVID19 oversea residencies. Sarah, as the last participating artist in the artist residency program of Matsushima Bunko Museum, went to Matsushima island in Japan; Ann took Casa Na Iiha artist residency in Iihabela in Brazil; and Nico engaged in the art program for asylum seeker refugees in Finland and worked for the art workshops at Heikinharju Reception Centre in Oulu, when she visited Oulu as an exchange student with University of Oulu.Listening to them talking about their times outside Australia in this COVID19 isolation, was like to hear fictional stories. But it took my mind on a pleasant trip across the brick walls of my flat and national borders. Before the conversation, I imagined a lonely working environment that they would have confronted in their times overseas, and expected to get some tips from them to overcome the challenge in this solitary working environment. I hoped these tips would be applicable for artists who struggle in COVID 19 social isolation life. However, their answers were surprised me and opened up a new way for me to think about the idea of working in solitude. I hope you will enjoy to listening to this episodes.Follow #ThreeBellybuttons onTwitter: @ThreeBellybutt1Facebook: ThreebellybuttonspodcastInstagram: @threebellybuttonspodcast>>> Episode notes: /// The artists:Ann McGinleyhttp://www.annmcginley.netFollow her art on instagram: @mcginley985Nico Reddawayhttps://nicoreddaway.com/about/Follow her art projects on instagram: @incognic0Sarah Rudledgehttp://www.sarahrudledge.com/// Casa Na Iiha artist residency, Bazilhttps://www.casanailha.org/// University of Ouluhttps://www.oulu.fi/university//// Matsushima Bunko Museum http://matsushima.sitehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yvNk6iR4iTg

Italia registró 475 muertes en un solo día. Italia aumentó en 475 muertos por coronavirus en 24 horas, según el último balance ofrecido en rueda de prensa por el jefe de la Protección Civil, Angelo Borrelli. Se trata del mayor número de fallecidos en 24 horas en un país desde que comenzó la crisis. El país europeo registra ya 2.978 fallecimientos.  El balance diario de pacientes con coronavirus y muertes sigue siendo dramático en la región de Lombardía (norte de Italia) donde se han producido 1.493 casos y 319 muertos más que ayer.  Pero aunque los muertos aumentaron, el crecimiento de los contagiados tanto en Lombardía como en el resto de Italia es “más bajo que el día anterior”, según explicó Borrelli. BBC BILL GATES HABLÓ SOBRE EL IMPACTO DEL COVID-19. Bill Gates, quien la semana pasada anunció su renuncia a la junta directiva de Microsoft para dedicar más tiempo a la filantropía, dijo a los usuarios de Reddit que la cuarentena por el coronavirus podría durar hasta 10 semanas, si las cosas van bien. Su fundación ha comprometido hasta US$100 millones para ayudar con la respuesta global a la COVID-19. El filántropo utilizó el evento Ask Me Anything para dar su opinión sobre temas como el distanciamiento social, las vacunas y las consecuencias económicas. Dijo que su mayor preocupación es el daño económico. Mencionó además que necesitamos mantener la calma a pesar de que esto sea una situación sin precedentes. REDDIT   PARAGUAY SE BLOQUEA Y BRASIL NO. Presidentes, ministros de Salud y cancilleres del Mercosur mantuvieron este miércoles una teleconferencia para intercambiar información sobre el avance del coronavirus en la región. A pesar de haber aplaudido las medidas tomadas por el Gobierno paraguayo para mitigar el contagio del Covid-19 en el país -entre ellas la de cerrar las fronteras temporalmente-, el presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, decidió mantener las fronteras de su país abiertas, a excepción del paso fronterizo con Venezuela. Esto se da mientras la Red Globo informó que el presidente del congreso brasileño padece la enfermedad. Asimismo, los gobiernos se comprometieron en asistir a sus connacionales que están varados en aeropuertos alrededor del mundo debido a las medidas sanitarias que tomó cada país IP  ESTADO DE EXCEPCIÓN EN CHILE. El presidente de Chile, Sebastián Piñera, decretó Estado de Excepción Constitucional de Catástrofe en todo el país por 90 días. Además el cierre de las fronteras terrestres, marítimas y aéreas por al menos 15 días. Estas están entre las primeras de varias medidas tomadas en Chile.  EMOL   ALEMANIA. Alemania, en un esfuerzo enorme, anuncia que convertirá grandes hoteles y auditorios en hospitales ante alarmante aumento de casos en el país. Por primera vez en sus 14 años de mandato, la canciller alemana pronunció un discurso televisado más allá de los tradicionales de Año Nuevo para incidir en la gravedad de la epidemia EL MUNDO   BUQUES HOSPITALES. New York habilitará buques hospitales para tratar pacientes con coronavirus.  Uno de ellos, el USNS Comfort, se dirige a Nueva York, y el otro USNS espera destino. Cada uno de los navíos tiene una capacidad de hasta 1.000 camas y han sido usados, recientemente, para ayudar a los refugiados venezolanos necesitados de atención quirúrgica de urgencia. TELEMUNDO   CARRERA PRESIDENCIAL EN EEUU. En medio de la pandemia la carrera presidencial estadounidense parece hasta anecdótica para el resto del mundo.  De igual manera te cuento cómo está la cosa. El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, ganó las primarias republicanas del estado de Florida e Illinois el martes, convirtiéndose en el presunto candidato del partido en las elecciones presidenciales de noviembre próximo. Por su parte, el ex vicepresidente Joe Biden ganó el martes las primarias demócratas en Florida, Arizona e Illinois ante el senador progresista Bernie Sanders, lo que lo acercó un paso más a la nominación del partido para enfrentarse a Trump en noviembre. INFOBAE   AVIÓN OLÍMPICO. El avión que transporta la llama olímpica llegó a la capital nipona, para un evento que iba a celebrarse con una serie de ceremonias finalmente canceladas por el brote del coronavirus. La aeronave, decorada con los anillos olímpicos y logotipos de los JJ.OO. de Tokio 2020, regresará este viernes a Japón, a la base aérea de Matsushima (noreste), con la antorcha olímpica a bordo. EUROSPORT FACEBOOK Y GOOGLE. Facebook y Google están en conversaciones con Washington sobre el uso potencial de los datos personales para rastrear y combatir el brote de coronavirus, informaron medios estadounidenses.  El proyecto implicaría recopilar información de ubicación de los teléfonos inteligentes de los estadounidenses y usarla de forma anónima para mapear la propagación de la enfermedad y predecir necesidades médicas urgentes, entre otras cosas.  CNET   PODCAST RECOMENDADO. Estar encerrados puede ser muy abrumador y muchas veces es necesaria la contención. Hoy en el podcast recomendado que los voy a ir dando diariamente como opción de entretenimiento, está ARMONÍA EMOCIONAL con la Dra. Carmen. Ella es psicóloga clínica en México y EEUU y me contó que además tiene un grupo de apoyo emocional gratuito virtual.    Escuchá el podcast: ARMINIA EMOCIONAL J BALVIN LANZA ‘COLORES’ ESTE VIERNES. Siendo el artista urbano latino con el mayor número de canciones en el número uno en la historia de la lista de Latin AirPlay, J Balvin anunció el lanzamiento de ‘Colores’, su nuevo álbum, este viernes. Su actual sencillo, ‘Blanco’ también llegó al primer lugar de popularidad. EL UNIVERSAL        

In this episode Arkay and Willie! talk about the classic tv show and its toys!  Norm is back with another board game museum review and we have a special listener interview!  So grab some Frackin' drinks and sit right back for this Feldercarb of an episode!Download Here: Links:ByYourCommand.netBattleStar Galactica 1978 Facebook pageNeighbors for Neighbors storeHolocron toy storeToyman TelevisionToy PolloiEpoch Baseball Pachinko RollarinoRack Toys BookHandheld games by MatsushimaAtari 5200 podcastAtari XEGS podcast Viper CarBattlestar Galactica Second ComingBattlestar Galactica Universal Tour

Mais um episódio em que a equipa do Desconto de Tempo faz convosco uma pausa para falar de desporto. Ginástica, Rugby e Atletismo. Simone Biles, Matsushima e Kipchoge - tudo no mesmo episódio, para fazer o rescaldo dos mundiais de ginástica artística, fase de grupos do Mundial de Rugby e ainda dois novos recordes na maratona. Pedro Fragoso, Pedro Barbosa e Rui Silva conduzem mais uma viagem pelos eventos desportivos mundiais que, por vezes, passam ao lado da agenda mediática. Desconto de Tempo, uma produção Hemisfério Desportivo.

Audiodacious — Will the player of the Rugby World Cup emerge when Japan meet the Springboks? In the Change Room this week, Motshidisi Mohono and Johan Coetzee are joined by former Bok Kaya Malotana. They discuss Japan vs South Africa, quarter-final tactics, play a new game and interview SA Women’s 7s coach Paul Delport about the Tokyo Olympics. Listen out for... + “The Boks should bully Japan…” + Are Australia unfairly written off as underdogs against England? + Kolbe vs Matsushima: battle of the pocket-rockets + “Who said it?” – new game! + Half-Time Chat with Siv Ngesi snippet: Kyle Brown on why 7s was his best professional decision + Interview: Paul Delport on SA Women’s 7s Olympic qualification and the future + Castle supporters jersey giveaway* In the Change Room is made just for you by BrightRock in partnership with SuperSport. Disclaimer: the views & opinions expressed on In the Change Room are solely those of the hosts. They do not reflect the views & opinions of their respective employers, affiliates or advertisers. *Terms & Conditions: This competition (“Promotion”) is run by In the Change Room Podcast (“Promoter”) and is open to all persons of 18 years or older and resident in South Africa, except the employees and their immediate families of Promoter, Promoter’s advertising and promotion agencies, associated companies, and outlet owners and staff. These rules may be amended by notification at any time during the Promotion, and will be interpreted by Promoter only. Participation by all entrants (“Participants”) constitutes acceptance of these rules. The Promotion runs from 17 October to 12pm on 22 October 2019 (“Competition Period”). Winners will be notified on 22 October and announced on 24 October (next episode publish date). Only entries submitted to the WhatsApp line +27 60 921 6977 will be considered. Entries must be submitted by no later than 12pm on Tues 22 October. Normal data rates apply. Sizes are limited and correct sizes are not guaranteed. BrightRock · SuperSport

Salut à tous les petits castagneurs ! Nous voici de retour pour une 3e saison (désormais en vidéo) qui démarre sur les chapeaux de roues avec un invité de prestige ! Kenji Sette-Matsushima, ceinture noire de jiu-jitsu brésilien et compétiteur acharné. Tout le parcours de Kenji est passé en revue, depuis ces débuts en MMA, en lutte et en JJB au Brésil. Sa passion pour la nourriture, sa vision de la compétition, son travail en tant qu'arbitre en France et à l'étranger. On aborde aussi des sujets plus polémiques comme le dopage ! On est vraiment ravi d’être de retour, on fait notre maximum pour que ce podcast soit agréable à écouter, c'était une première en video et avec notre nouveau matos, on espère que vous passerez un bon moment ! ✔️Invité https://www.instagram.com/kenjimatsu ✔️Animateurs Adrien : https://www.instagram.com/adrien_zaziou Jérémie : https://www.instagram.com/jebeno ✔️Musique ReegoReegz : twitter.com/Reego_Reegz #jiujitsu #podcast #jjb

This episode the fellas spend the majority of the time breakdown the action of ONE's last event: Dawn of Heroes in Manilla. Because there ain't shit going on this weekend and we'll be damn to pretend we're interested in UFC fight night 156's abysmal card.Time Stamp:(30s-24mins) WTF/What The Fight?: Lion fight 57 all up in arms, Frankie Edgar moves to Bantamweight, Cris Cyborg gets released by UFC to test free agency, the King of Lethwei Dave Leduc stops a former UFC fighter.(24mins-1hr) Recap of Dawn of Heroes: Kingdad vs McLaren, Mighty Mouse vs WADA, Alvarez vs Folayang, Haggerty vs Rodtang and Nguyen vs Matsushima.Support the show (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC0BA3mqnfgbPBgjDeqNNkSg)

Matsushima, one of the three most beautiful places in Japan, and one of our favourite places to visit. Let's look at the history of one of the most fascinating places in Japan.

Joseph Matsushima stopped by to talk about the Blocker AR app. Blocker is an augmented reality director's viewfinder. It makes it easy for filmmakers to communicate their vision. Place 3D characters on set or in your living room, frame your shots. The website says to then create storyboards to share, but I'll use it more for previsualization. I tried it and it is badass and in the iTunes store. Thanks Joesph for walking us through the app. Thanks, Jordan Respect The Process fans a whopping save $50 off my wildly popular Commercial Directing Bootcamp when you sign up before June 1st, 2018 with the coupon RTP. My book Commercial Directing Voodoo is awesome too, so buy it please.

Joseph Matsushima stopped by to talk about the Blocker AR app. Blocker is an augmented reality director's viewfinder. It makes it easy for filmmakers to communicate their vision. Place 3D characters on set or in your living room, frame your shots. The website says to then create storyboards to share, but I'll use it more for previsualization. I tried it and…

Joseph Matsushima, Co-Founder of Denizen Company, makes true viral hits for big brands like Disney, Warner Bros., Star Wars or just for the fun of it. We chat about his company ethos and how they operate. Check out their work and case studies and soak it up like a sponge. I love how they thought to put Johnny Depp as Captain Jack Sparrow on the Pirate of the Caribbean ride at Disneyland and marvel at those tiny burrito eating hamsters. Check out links at jordanbrady.com and you'll love it! Thanks, Jordan Commercial Directing Voodoo is only $10 on Amazon. Learn my tricks today. 

Joseph Matsushima, Co-Founder of Denizen Company, makes true viral hits for big brands like Disney, Warner Bros., Star Wars or just for the fun of it. We chat about his company ethos and how they operate. Check out their work and case studies and soak it up like a sponge. I love how they thought to put Johnny Depp as…

Sally Lucas takes us to Matsushima Islands in Japan and to Thala Beach Reserve, Port Douglas.

The original Japanese Ring (1998) by Hidea Nakata and the American remake The Ring (2002) by Gore Verbinski started and coined the term J-horror. It was the first of many Japanese horror films to be remade for American audiences and became part of the essential horror film lexicon. Invasion of the Remake watched them and got the call. Seven days the caller on the other end said, we told them we only needed 2 hours. We looked into The Ring, and The Ring looked back in fear because it is October, and you know what that means...we have all the horror...hashtag #AllTheHorror on Twitter and join the conversation! Like and share the show on your social media or Samara will visit you in seven days. Sadako may also pay you a visit unless you leave a review and a 5-star rating on iTunes! You can also find us on Google Play Music, Stitcher, Player FM, Tune In Radio, Blubrry, Audioboom, YouTube, and all the best podcast providers! Send us your suggestions, corrections, and comments to: Twitter: @InvasionRemake Facebook: Invasion of the Remake Email: invasionoftheremake@gmail.com #AllTheHorror all month long!

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2015 Spring

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2014 Summer

Read the full story with photos at: https://www.otsuka.co.jp/en/company/globalnews/2014/0303_01.html   Otsuka Pharmaceutical is the first pharmaceutical company to be awarded the “Diversity Management Selection 100”, for successfully creating a more female-friendly workplace. This award is given by the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry to companies that have used diversity management to increase their value, as a way of increasing recognition and awareness of efforts to promote diversity and increasing the number of companies who promote diversity. The ministry plans to give this award to approximately 100 companies in total over a 3-year period, which started in 2012. In 2012, 43 companies received the award and 2013, 46 received it. In the opening speech of the State Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry, Ms. Midori Matsushima said, “It is Otsuka’s hope that the promotion of diversity by various means will contribute not only to the company’s growth, but to the growth of the entire Japanese economy. Otsuka would like to see the best practices of the companies receiving this award spur the growth and expansion of Japanese industry.” Ms. Matsushima pointed out that, “Different companies are employing various means to achieve results. Otsuka Pharmaceuticals’ SoyCarat, which is prominently displayed in many stores, was developed by a female researcher. The Japanese name for this snack, “SoyKara,” comes from the rattling sound of the snack “kara kara”, when the soybean pods are shaken.” Making the product enjoyable to all five senses and a healthy one too, since it is baked and not fried. Women account for 11.4% of Otsuka Pharmaceutical’s executives, compared to industry average of 1.2%*1. More than 20% of Otsuka’s MRs are female, compared to an average of 10% at other companies.*2 The number of female Otsuka employees who continue to work after giving birth is 11 times higher than what it was 6 years ago in 2007 when Otsuka Women’s Workshops were first held. Otsuka has also implemented flexible work arrangements to allow for child care and has made it its goal to open more company day care centers. Mothers-to-be get full pay before and after birth (during maternity leave), including full bonus pay even though the law mandates two-thirds pay and can get up to 1.5 years of maternity/child care leave. To help Otsuka’s employees who are parents with young children, they can opt for shortened work days, which are available to those with children not yet in first grade. Also flexible work hours, from confirmation of the pregnancy until the child enters 8th grade is available. Since the 1980s, when the concept of “diversity” was not yet widely recognized, Otsuka Pharmaceutical has believed that the creation of innovative products and ideas requires utilizing the talents of a diverse group of individuals. The Otsuka senior management has been promoting diversity aggressively since then. Starting in the 1990s, Otsuka made a more female-friendly workplace a specific goal, with initiatives that included organizing “Women’s Forums.” There’s also Otsuka Women’s Workshops for sharing information about child care with female MRs who are married, pregnant, or have given birth. These workshops have been held since 2007. Male employees are not left out. There are “Ikumen” seminars (“Ikumen” - a Japanese term that loosely means “involved dad”) aimed primarily at male employees to promote a healthy work—life balance.

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2013 Eleven Lights Mix

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2013 January Mix

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2012 January Mix

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2011 August Mix

Package about the Marines of VMGR-152 flew to Matsushima, Japan to deliver supplies and troops in support of Operation Tomodachi. Video by Cpl. Bradley Hanson. jpearthquake11, operation tomodachi

Special edition -Pray for japan,be strong-

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2010 October Mix

KO-MATSUSHIMA 2010 January Mix

Link to bioRxiv paper: http://biorxiv.org/cgi/content/short/2020.04.23.057679v1?rss=1 Authors: Naganuma, R., Yabe, I., Takeuchi, M., Morishita, K., Nakane, S., Takase, R., Takahashi-Iwata, I., Matsushima, M., Otsuki, M., Shiraishi, H., Sasaki, H. Abstract: Studies on evoked responses in Parkinson's disease (PD) may be useful for elucidating the etiology and quantitative evaluation of PD. However, in previous studies, the association between evoked responses and detailed motor symptoms or cognitive functions has not been clear. This study investigated the characteristics of the visual (VEF), auditory (AEF), and somatosensory (SEF) evoked magnetic fields in patients with Parkinson's disease (PD), and the correlations between evoked fields and the patient's clinical characteristics, motor symptoms, and cognitive functions. Twenty patients with PD and 10 healthy controls (HCs) were recruited as participants. We recorded VEF, AEF, and SEF, collected clinical characteristics, performed physical examinations, and administered 10 cognitive tests. We investigated differences in the latencies of the evoked fields between patients with PD and HCs. We also evaluated the correlation of the latencies with motor symptoms and cognitive functioning. There were significant differences between the two groups in 6 of the cognitive tests, all of which suggested mild cognitive impairment in patients with PD. The latencies of the VEF N75m, P100m, N145m, AEF P50m, P100m, and SEF P60m components were greater in the patients with PD than in the HCs. The latencies mainly correlated with medication and motor symptoms, less so with cognitive tests, with some elements of the correlations remaining significant after Bonferroni correction. In conclusion, the latencies of the VEF, AEF, and SEF were greater in PD patients than in HCs and were mainly correlated with medication and motor symptoms rather than cognitive functioning. Findings from this study suggest that evoked fields may reflect basal ganglia functioning and are candidates for assessing motor symptoms or the therapeutic effects of medication in patients with PD. Copy rights belong to original authors. Visit the link for more info