Podcasts about nationalist china

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China (Cambridge UP, 2016) is a revisionist study of the career of General He Yingqin, one of the most prominent military officers in China's Nationalist period (1928-49) and one of the most misunderstood figures in twentieth-century China.  Western scholars have dismissed He Yingqin as corrupt and incompetent, yet the Chinese archives reveal that he demonstrated considerable success as a combat commander and military administrator during civil conflicts and the Sino-Japanese War. His work in the Chinese Nationalist military served as the foundation of a close personal and professional relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he worked closely for more than two decades. Against the backdrop of the Nationalist revolution of the 1920s through the 1940s, Peter Worthing analyzes He Yingqin's rise to power alongside Chiang Kai-shek, his work in building the Nationalist military, and his fundamental role in carrying out policies designed to overcome the regime's greatest obstacles during this turbulent period of Chinese history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Chapter 1:Summary of The Rape of Nanking"The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II" by Iris Chang, published in 1997, is a historical account of the horrific massacre in Nanking (now Nanjing), China, during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The book details the events that occurred in 1937, when the Japanese Imperial Army captured Nanking, then the capital of Nationalist China. Over the span of six weeks, Japanese soldiers committed widespread atrocities, including mass executions, rapes, looting, and other forms of extreme violence against civilians and unarmed soldiers.Chang describes the brutalities using extensive research, including survivors' testimonies, photographs, and documents, highlighting both the scale and cruelty of the massacre. The author estimates that approximately 300,000 people were killed and tens of thousands of women were raped, making it one of the most devastating massacres of the 20th century.The book also discusses the international response to the atrocities, noting how a small group of Western expatriates and missionaries established the Nanking Safety Zone to shelter and protect Chinese civilians. Despite their efforts, the suffering and loss were immense."The Rape of Nanking" serves not only as a reminder of a dark chapter in history but also as an examination of the psychological and sociological underpinnings of such human atrocities. Chang criticizes the Japanese government's reluctance to fully acknowledge the incident and calls for greater recognition and understanding of the massacre. Her narrative aims to ensure that the atrocities committed in Nanking are neither forgotten nor repeated. The book has contributed significantly to discussions about historical memory and justice.Chapter 2:The Theme of The Rape of Nanking"The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II" by Iris Chang is a non-fiction book published in 1997 that provides a detailed account of the Nanking Massacre, a six-week period of horrific violence and atrocities committed by the Japanese army in the Chinese city of Nanking (now Nanjing) beginning in December 1937 during the Second Sino-Japanese War.Key Plot Points:1. Invasion of Nanking: The book begins with the context of the Japanese invasion of China and the strategic and symbolic importance of Nanking, then the capital of Nationalist China.2. The Fall of Nanking: Details the siege and eventual fall of Nanking to Japanese forces. Despite attempts at defense by Chinese troops, the city succumbed to the better-equipped Japanese army.3. The Massacre Begins: Following the capture of the city, Japanese soldiers began an unrestrained attack on both soldiers and civilians, which included mass executions, rapes, and widespread looting.4. The Safety Zone: A group of Westerners and a few sympathetic Japanese established the Nanking Safety Zone, which tried to shelter Chinese civilians from the atrocities. The efforts and struggles of these individuals, including John Rabe, a German businessman and Nazi Party member, who played a leading role in trying to protect the civilians, are highlighted.5. The International Response: The book also discusses the lack of a strong international response to the massacre and the world's focus on the events unfolding in Europe leading up to World War II.6. Aftermath and Denial: Post-war, the book chronicles the Chinese struggle for recognition of the massacre, the ongoing denial by certain segments of Japanese society, and the challenges faced by historians and survivors in memorializing the event.Character Development:Given that it's a historical account, the book doesn't feature traditional character development. However, it does provide deep profiles of key figures involved in the event, illustrating their moral choices, courage, or cruelty. Figures such as John Rabe...

Gabriel Custodiet speaks with Roger Huang about the past and present of China's technological control over its people. His book is Would Mao Buy Bitcoin?   GUEST LINKS → https://chinabitcoinbook.com/ → https://x.com/Rogerh1991 → Nostr: loki@verified-nostr.com → https://chinabitcoinbook.com/?p=126 (A Comprehensive Guide to e-CNY/Digital Yuan)   WATCHMAN PRIVACY → https://watchmanprivacy.com (Including privacy consulting) → https://twitter.com/watchmanprivacy → https://escapethetechnocracy.com/   CRYPTO DONATIONS →8829DiYwJ344peEM7SzUspMtgUWKAjGJRHmu4Q6R8kEWMpafiXPPNBkeRBhNPK6sw27urqqMYTWWXZrsX6BLRrj7HiooPAy (Monero) →https://btcpay0.voltageapp.io/apps/3JDQDSj2rp56KDffH5sSZL19J1Lh/pos (BTC)   Music by Karl Casey @ White Bat Audio   Timeline 00:00 – Introduction 1:10 – Who is Roger Huang? 4:00 – Cultural Revolution and build-up to present China 13:25 – Is China a Socialist/Communist state? 19:17 – Understanding China's currency situation 25:20 – How do visitors to China use Chinese currency? 29:10 – Is it okay for successful Chinese to leave China? 35:45 – Social credit score? 42:15 – Hukou system in China 45:55 – Chinese Bitcoiners vs Western Bitcoiners 56:25 – Final thoughts

Last time we spoke about the Northern Warlords and their respective factions. We covered the three big names, Duan Qirui and his Anhui clique; Wu Peifu and his Zhili cliques and Zhang Zuolin and his Fengtian clique. We also went into the smaller ones like Yan Xishan's Shanxi clique, Feng Yuxiang's Guominjun clique, the Ma clique of the three Ma's, Ma Bufang, Ma Hongkui and Ma Hongbin known as the Xibei San Ma “thee Ma of the northwest”; the Xinjiang clique of Yang Zengxin and we barely scratched the surface of the Manchu Resotrationist clique of Zhang Xun. There was over 100 warlords, its really difficult to pick and choose who to delve into the most. However, there were two warlords who were bitter rivals, in a comedic fashion might I add. One was hailed as the good Christian warlord, the other a devilish monster. Today we are going to tell the tales of these two figures.   #95 Feng Yuxiang, Zhang Zongchang: the Angel and Devil   Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Feng Yuxiang was born in Zhili province, today Hebei in 1882. His parents were poor, his father joined the Qing army to make ends meet. At the age of only 10 he joined the Huai Army alongside his father. He earned a uniform and food but no salary as his rank was “Fu Bing”, deputy soldier. By the age of 16 he proved himself capable and became a regular. Unlike his colleagues who gambled their money away, Feng saved his money and even used portions of it to help out soldiers in need, particularly Fu Bing's. Because of this he became quite popular amongst his comrades. He did not gamble nor drink alcohol. In 1902 he joined Yuan Shikai's guard units and rose through the ranks becoming a company commander. From there he was transferred to the 3rd division, a crack one of Yuan Shikai's soon to be Beiyang Army.  During the Xinhai Revolution Feng Yuxiang joined the Luanzhou uprising against the Qing, supporting the revolutionaries in the South. The uprising was suppressed by the Beiyang army and Feng was imprisoned by Yuan Shikai. Once Yuan Shikai stole the presidency of the Republic, Feng was released and he took back his military position while supporting Yuan Shikai's regime. By 1914 he became a brigade commander and helped supress uprisings in Henan and Shaanxi. It was also during this year Feng Yuxiang developed a curiosity about Christianity. He converted to Christianity, being baptiszed into the Methodist Episcopal Church. When Yuan Shikai declared himself emperor, this ushered in the Anti-Yuan resistance. Feng Yuxiang helped supress anti-yuan forces of General Cai E in Sichuan, but in the process, began secrely negotiating with Cai E. He formed an agreement to “put on a show” rather than actually fight. After Yuan Shikai's death, Feng Yuxiang was deprived command of the 16th Mixed Brigade, something he had come to see as his personal property. He managed to stay in touch with its officers who remained loyal to him personally. Now it gives away further episodes to dvevle deep into the following years, but what I will say, Feng Yuxiang played important roles in critical moments of the wars during China's warlord Era. To be blunt, Feng Yuxiang was a real game of thrones little finger kind of guy if you get the reference. He always looked where the wind was blowing and was quick to switch sides turning the sides of one clique against another. He would found the Guominjun Clique, a sort of little borther to the Kuomintang, but its powerbase was located in the north rather than the south. Feng Yuxiang's career as a warlord began right after Yuan Shikai's death, but he certainly set himself apart from other warlords. Feng Yuxiang would receive a lot of western press for his rather, very different methodology compared to the other warlords. In a lot of ways, he was similar to a public school headmaster in England. He forbade his men from smoking tobacco or opium, from drinking alcohol and he forced them all to study the bible. He forbade prostitution, gambling and selling drugs. He quickly earned the nickname “the Christian General”. He had a reputation of baptizing his troops with fire hoses, though this has been highly contested. Indeed he was a hardcore Christian and actively promoting Christianity while showing no tolerance for other religions in China. For exmaple in 1927 when entering Henan Province he launched a cmapaign to supress Buddhism by expelling over 300,000 monastic members and confisciating hundreds of Buddhist monasteries for military purposes. In 1923 a British Protestant Missionary, Marshall Broomhall said this of him “The contrast between Cromwell's Ironsides and Charles's Cavaliers is not more striking than that which exists in China to-day between the godly and well-disciplined troops of General Feng and the normal type of man who in that land goes by the name of soldier ... While it is too much to say that there are no good soldiers in China outside of General Feng's army, it is none the less true that the people generally are as fearful of the presence of troops as of brigand bands”. Feng Yuxiang required his troops to take part in sports, gymastics and hardcore marches. Any illiterates were forced to learn to read and write, many were also trained in trades so they would not simply leave the army and become bandits. Feng looked at Christianity as a means of providing morale and disciplin for his army, he often told foreign missionaries  'Remember that your chief work is not to try to convert the rank and file of my army, but to use your strength in trying to get all my officers filled with the Spirit of God, for as soon as that takes place, the lowest private in the army will feel the effects of it”. Feng Yuxiangs was closely intouch with his troops often stopping to chat with them about their living conditions. He reduced corporal punishments, encouraged singing patriotic songs. One of the oddest things that I came across when I was making my Warlord Era content on the Pacific War Channel was video's of Feng Yuxiang personally checking the fingernails of his troops. He was pretty hardcore about cleanliness, I guess “cleanliness is next to godliness”. Alright that is a lot of information about the good toe shoes Christian General Feng Yuxiang, now let me talk about Zhang Zongchang, the Dogmeat General. Zhang Zongchang was born in 1881 in Yi county, present day Laizhou in Shandong. He grew up in an impoverished village, his father was a trumpeter, a headshaver and a rampant alcoholic. His mother exorcized evil spirits. . . Yeah she was basically a witch, oh and she left Zhang and his dad chasing another man. The family moved to Manchuria when Zhang was in his teens and he immediately got involved in petty crime around Harbin. Zhang would work as a pickpocket, bouncer, prospector and bandit throughout his life. He ended up doing some work as a laborer in Siberia amongst the Russians, picking up some Russian in the process, something that would really help his career out later. He then became a Honghuzi bandit roaming the Manchurian countryside when the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905 hit. During the war he served as a Imperial Russian Army auxiliary, interestingly enough his future boss who was also a Honghuzi did the same for the Japanese. After the war he went back to his Honghuzi lifestyle, becoming the leader of a local bandit gang.   During the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, Zhang was leading his Honghuzi as a sort of revolutionary desperados gang. He then went to Jiangsu and joined the Green Standard Army where he impressed his commander officer Cheng Dechuan so much so he made Zhang his successor…or Zhang threatened the guy who knows. Thus for a little while Zhang was leading a small cavalry detachment under the Division commander Leng Yuqin, battling Honghuzi groups. During the second revolution of 1913, Zhang became the divisional commander when Leng died. There was an issue with his division, the revolutionary General Feng Guozhang did not like them, probably because they were criminals, so he reduced their role in the revolution to being a symbolic unit. Zhang responded to this by murdering the revolutionary Chen Qimei in Shanghai in 1916, proving his loyalty and reliability to Feng Guozhang. Feng Guozhang later became vice president of the new Republic, appointing Zhang as the commander of his personal guard. As China's Warlord Era began in 1918, Zhang like every other big guy, looked for the best strongman to follow. In 1922 he turned his attention to a new rising star, the tiger of manchuria, Zhang Zuolin.   There is a famous story, that Zhang Zuolin was celebrating his birthday in 1922, seeing countless people showering him with gifts trying to earn his favor. Zhang Zongchang apparently sent him two empty coolie baskets and did not show up in person. Zhang Zuolin was baffled by this at first, until he realized the empty baskets implied Zhang Zongchang was a man willing to shoulder any heavy responsibilities that Zhang Zuolin would entrust to him. This apparently worked like a charm as Zhang Zongchang was rewarded a position within his army.   Zhang Zongchang's time in Siberia and work under the Russians during the Russo-Japanese war paid off as he managed to secure White Russian Mercenaries. These were refugee veterans of the Russian Civil War who had been straddling the Manchurian/Soviet borders. Zhang hired thousands of them, organizing them into units, including Cossack bodyguards. He even recruited woman on a large scale, the first Chinese general to do so. The women mostly served as nurses and one regiment was exclusively white Russian women. The white russians trained their Chinese counterparts resulting in excellent medical, a significant boost for morale and combat capability. The white russians were crucial to Zhang Zongchang's rise as they knew how to build and operate armored trains giving the warlord a huge edge.    Now just like with Feng Yuxiang, I don't wanna give away future parts of the warlord era story, just know Zhang Zongchang greatly impressed Zhang Zuolin and would be rewarded military governorship over Shandong Province. As the Military governor of Shandong, this is where you hear about him being a monster. For those who don't know, Shandong has a long spanning history of being where trouble starts in China. Zhang's mismanagement of Shandong was legendary, to call it one of Shandong's darkest times is an understatement. For example it is said one of his favorite hobbies was “to split melons”, that was bashing in the skulls of people with rifle butts. He also liked to hang people and their severed heads from telephone poles. He would reign over Shandong until 1928 and it was 3 very hard years for the people there. Basically he did what all corrupt officials had done historically in China, he fleeced the population of his province. He implemented excessive taxes and starved public institutions of funds. The provincial education system collapsed in 1927 and the provincial economy was stagnant as all hell, save for the black market. To fight the economic collapse he printed money as fast as it could be printed and became nearly valueless, reminds me a lot of my nation's leader today.   Now any criticism of Zhang Zonghcang or the Fengtian governance would lead to imprisonment and resistance led to more split melons, seeing severed heads hung everywhere. For example if a newspaper criticized his regime, Zhang literally had the editors shot. Things got so bad for the peasants of Shandong,  they formed a group called the Red Spear Militia, branding red-tasseled spears, but not too many firearms. These men and women were completely outgunned trying desperately to resist Zhang Zongchangs tyranny, and tyrannical it was.    He imposed an incredible amount of taxes on the people, taxes on rice, tobacco, firewood, dogs, rickshaws, livestock, brothels, military pensions, opium pipe lighters, honestly anything that could be taxed he taxed. He once forcefully collected donations for a shrine; that shrine was a bronze statue of himself. He extorted money from banks, misappropriated his troops wages, because he was paying them in worthless printed money and gave a monopoly to the opium dealers. In fact he was the personal benefactor for drug lords and arms dealers, the black market was his chocolate factory.   Shandong was so bad, a very young Vinegar Joseph Stilwell visited the area when he was serving as a young military attache at the US legation in Peking. He said the dead and dying littered the streets and the only thing the citizens of Shandong had to eat were crushed soya-bean cakes usually fed to pigs. There were abandoned children everywhere, carts of animals seized by warlord troops and houses literally torn down for the troops firewood. Poverty and famine was rampant.   Now the devastation of Shandong was far removed from Zhang Zongchang however as he kept his quarters in the capital of Jinan (Capital in eastern Shandong). His HQ was described to be more like a medieval court full of extravagant entertainment. He had elaborate feasts, secured French champaign, scotch and his favorite Cuban cigars. He entertained artists, writers, entertainers, arms dealers, drug kingpins, western journalists and such. He loved to play poker with other minor warlords and they were high stakes games, sometimes he would walk away losing 30-50 thousands at a sitting. The poker games were always played with silver dollars and not the useless money he printed for his troops and the citizens of Shandong.    One of his more famous recurring guests was Madame Wellington Koo, this was the wife of one of the most famous Chinese politicians of the age, Wellington Koo was the frontrunner at the Paris Peace conference for China. Now Mr. Wellington Koo's wife had this to say about Zhang “Zhang Zongchang was so delightfully outrageous that he was disarming. There were many stories about him. He was called “old eighty-sin” some said he was the height of a pile of 86 dollars, other said that figure represented the length of a certain portion of his anatomy. When I visited him my Pao Pei and Chow Chow would come with me and Zhang would roar at the servants “never mind what you give Madame Koo to eat. But be sure her dogs get the very best or you'll suffer for it”.   Now why this guy is so famous today is of course because of his nicknames and infamous lifestyle. His most famous nickname was the “Dogmeat General”, and its said to be based on his fascination with the domino game Pai Jiu. Others say his favorite brand of tonic was known as dogmeat. And of course there was the rumor he ate a meal of black chow chow dog every day, as it was popularly believed at the time that this boosted a man's vitality. But if you noticed the quote from Madame Wellington Koo, I think he may have been a dog lover. But the part about the man's vitality fits this guy to the core.    He was of course known by the populace of Shandong as “Monster”, but there was also  nicknames like “the lanky general or general with three long legs” were certainly something he publicized heavily. His nickname “old 86” referred to the length of his penis being 86 mexican silver dollars, there was also a nickname “72-cannon Zhang” referring to that length. I mean the man was 6 foot 6, people described him quote “with the physique of an elephant, the brain of a pig and the temperament of a tiger”.    Alongside his penis propaganda, he was a legendary womanizer. Take his other nickname for example “the general of three don't-knows”: he did not know how many women, how many troops, or how much money he had. I think that nickname fits him better than the nickname he gave himself “the Great General of Justice and Might”.    He had a ton of concubines. The exact number of concubines he had has variously been reported between 30-50, but historians have a hard time trying to fix the numbers as Zhang himself allegedly did not know. Allegedly his concubines were from 26 different nationalities, each with her own washbowl marked with the flag of her nation. He was also said to give his concubines numbers since he could not remember their names nor speak their various languages. Many of these women he married, he was a polygamist after all. There was known to be Chinese, Japanese, Russian, Korean, Mongolians and at least one American amongst Zhang's women.   Zhang was semi-literate, whenever people asked where he was educated he would say “the college of the green forest” a euphemism for banditry. Despite being semi-literate Zhang Zongchang is famously known for his poetry, most notably his Poem on Bastards:   You tell me to do this, He tells me to do that. You're all bastards, Go fuck your mother. Untitled They ask me how many women I have. To be honest, I don't know either. Yesterday, a boy called me dad. I don't know who his mother was.     Praying or Rain   The sky god is also named Zhang Why does he make life hard for me If it doesn't rain in three days I'll demolish your temple Then I'll have cannons bombard your mom     It should be noted a lot of the poetry attributed to Zhang Zongchang may have been fabricated by a political opponent named Han Fuju who took over Shandong Province after him.  Zhang Zongchang despite being a brutal tyrant by all means, did reward his inner circle well, he had a lot of very loyal officers around him. Zhang Zongchang traveled with a teakwood coffin planted atop a car during his campaigns. He had this done to signify his willingness to die in combat, the old “I win or come back on a shield” idea. During of his failed campaigns, Zhang Zongchang paraded himself sitting in the coffin while smoking a cuban cigar.    So as you can imagine, Feng Yuxiang and Zhang Zuolin were quite different characters to say the least. Yet both these men were born under very similar conditions. Both were born into poverty, both joined the military and were raised through the ranks with the help of patrons. Both became warlords leading cliques that allied themselves to larger cliques. Both men avoided silver bullets, the term silver bullet was used during this era to refer to being assassinated by a subordinate who was bribed by a rival warlord. To avoid such a fate, one had to make sure to conserve the loyalty of their officers, which both men did by very different means. Feng used Christianity like a glue to bind his soldiers together. He provided missionaries to encourage conversion. If christianity did not work, he employed nationalism. In the mid 1920's he became very hostile to the unequal treaties that Europe and Japan plagued China with. He began indoctrinating his men with anti-imperialistic literature and ironically began brushing shoulders with the anti-religious Soviet Union. The USSR would become his main benefactor, earning him a second nickname “the red general”. Zhang Zongzhang was much more akin to other warlords at keeping silver bullets at bay. He paid his inner circle in silver, he made sure the pockets of his best men were always full. He allowed every evil corrupt thing imaginable to occur under his subordinates hands. Zhang Zongchang was a ruthless tyrannical monster who focused on his own power above all.   Both warlords had to navigate the extremely complex alliance and rivalry system amongst the warlords. Feng Yuxiang aligned himself with the Yuan Shikai, then against Yuan Shikai, then again for Yuan Shiaki, with the Zhili clique, the Kuomintung, Communists and basically whoever looked to be winning at the time. Chiang Kai-shek said of him “the so-called Christian General was a master in the art of deception”. This was extremely true, Feng Yuxiang was a hell of a backstabber, his career actually was propelled by it. Zhang Zongchang tossed his lot in with Banditz, then Russians, then with the Fengtian Clique out of necessity, brushing shoulders with the Japanese by proxy. Zhang Zongchang really did not have any large ideology, he went with the flow as long as it benefited him. In many ways both men sort of just did what they did to empower their positions.    The people living under their rule could not have had a more different experience. Under Feng Yuxiang, Christian beliefs were enforced, a more progressive outlook was present. He did a lot to improve the living conditions of ordinary people under his control. He promoted education heavily, healthcare, infrastructure development. He was insane about discipline and thwarting corruption. He stopped gambling, smoking, drug trafficking, prostitution, he really was a man of law and order. Zhang Zongchang was the complete opposite, it was as if he was trying to outdo the devil himself. Zhang Zongchang, ruled with an iron fist, extracting resources from the population through taxation, extortion, and forced labor, while enriching himself and his inner circle. Under Zhang the common people starved, they were pillaged, raped, abused in all manners. Zhang took away funds from education, infrastructure (unless it was a statue of himself), from anything that would benefit the people. Zhang loved to smoke cigars, drank excessively, had 50 concubines, and was literally bestfriends with the black market of China.   Inevitably given their spheres of influence both warlords would run into each other in the 1920s. Feng Yuxiang's powerbase was around Shanxi and Hebei while Zhang Zongchang was firmly in Shandong. These territories border another, producing frequent clashes over strategic resources, trade routes and territorial disputes. While Feng Yuxiang betrayed many cliques, he more or less stuck to the Kuomintang. At one point Feng Yuxiang even joined the Fengtian clique to only betray them. Zhang Zongchang remained loyal to the Fengtian clique, pretty much until his death. By the way his death would be at the hands of an officer who served Feng Yuxiang, so I guess Feng won in the end haha.    Most warlords were ostentatious in their dress and lifestyle, but Feng Yuxiang was quite an exception to this. Numerous photographs show warlords sporting glittering uniforms copied from other nations. For example, Zhang Zuolin wore a large gold braid, numerous decorations, giant gleaming buckles, shoulder pads and white gloves. He had a small peaked cap suggesting he was modeling himself on a Russian Tsar. Chiang Kai-Shek favored an american style officers uniform with a high peaked cap. Many warlords liked French-styled kepis, British ww1 uniforms with sam Brown belts or helmets with enormous plumes. Pull up a picture of Zhang Zongchang and its absolutely ridiculous. He has giant shoulder pads, large medal star decorations, a giant belt, a large ribbon cross over, double golden braids, white gloves, basically he looks like hes trying to out do Zhang Zuolin. But Feng Yuxiang while a warlord wore the same plain dress as his soldiers.    If you read contemporary or older books on the warlords, you immediately notice the authors favor Feng Yuxiang and talk about him positively, while strongly villianizing Zhang Zongchang. Put simply the propaganda wars that were going on during China's Warlord Era were exactly that, Feng Yuxiang made sure he was presented as a good Christian General, while Zhang Zongchang really seemed to bask in being the bad boy or base General. Hell Zhang Zongchang publicized most of what was said about him himself! In the end they were two cogs in a very large machine and they played their parts. During for however long this warlord era lasts on the podcast, we will come to learn about as many of the warlords as I possibly can cover. They are colorful characters who had a profound effect on the formation of Nationalist China and the People's republic of China.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Thus were the tales of the good Christian General Feng Yuxiang and the basest warlord, Zhang Zongchang. We will further tell the tales of their ventures in the battles of China's Warlord Era, but in the next episode we are going to meet the Southern faction Warlords!

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Parks M. Coble's book The Collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek Lost China's Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2023) revisits one of the most stunning political collapses of the twentieth century. When Japan surrendered in September 1945, Chiang Kai-shek seemed triumphant—one of the Big Four Allied leaders of the war and head of a government firmly allied with the United States. Yet less than four years later he would be forced into a humiliating exile in Taiwan. It has long been recognized that hyperinflation was a critical factor in this collapse. As revenues plummeted during the war against Japan, Chiang's government simply printed currency to cover its debts resulting in rapid inflation. When World War II ended it was assumed that with eastern China returned, ports opened, and financial support from the U.S. assured, the currency could be stabilized. But in fact, Chiang was obsessed with defeating the communists and the printing presses accelerated the production of banknotes which rapidly lost value. Why didn't the nationalist government tackle the issue of hyperinflation before it was too late? The fundamental flaw of the Chiang government was that he centralized all authority in his own hands and established overlapping and competing agencies. This approach fostered bureaucratic infighting which he alone could resolve. In the financial realm the competing elements were within his wife's family, her brother T. V. Soong (Song Ziwen) and brother-in-law H. H Kung (Kong Xiangxi). The new archival records reveal a bitter and often very petty rivalry between the two men that started in the 1930s and continued even after they were in exile in the United States after 1949. The tragedy for China was that both men ultimately bent to Chiang's wishes to provide money and suppressed any effort to alter the policy. T. V. Soong especially recognized the dangers of the inflationary policy, but his ambition and jealousy of his brother-in-law led him to cave when under pressure to produce more currency. Records in the Hoover Archives show how little understanding Chiang had of finance and how little interest he had dealing with it. The structure of the Chiang government meant that almost nothing could be done without sustained attention from the leader. Thus in 1947 when the collapse of the fabi (legal tender) currency was imminent, Chiang waited a year before authorizing a replacement currency, the disastrous gold yuan. My study suggests that the most important factor in the collapse of the Chiang government was its organization as an authoritarian system designed for control but ineffective at getting things done. Parks M. Coble is the James L. Sellers Professor of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Dong Wang is collection editor of Asian Studies books at Lived Places Publishing (New York & the UK), H-Diplo review editor, incoming visiting fellow at Freie Universität Berlin, research associate at Harvard Fairbank Center (since 2002), a member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, director of the Wellington Koo Institute for Modern China in World History (Germany & USA), and an elected Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Philippine Chinese were Southeast Asia's most exemplary Cold Warriors among overseas Chinese. During these decades, no Chinese community in the region was more vigilant in identifying and rooting out suspected communists from within its midst; none was as committed to mobilizing against the People's Republic of China as the one in the former US colony. Ironically, for all the fears of overseas Chinese communities' ties to the PRC at the time, the example of the Philippines shows that the "China" that intervened the most extensively in any Southeast Asian Chinese society during the Cold War was the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Kung Chien Wen's Diasporic Cold Warriors: Nationalist China, Anticommunism, and the Philippine Chinese, 1930s-1970s (Cornell UP, 2022) tells the story of the Philippine Chinese as pro-Taiwan, anticommunist partisans, tracing their evolving relationship with the KMT and successive Philippine governments over the mid-twentieth century. Throughout, he argues for a networked and transnational understanding of the ROC-KMT party-state and demonstrates that Taipei exercised a form of nonterritorial sovereignty over the Philippine Chinese with Manila's participation and consent. Challenging depoliticized narratives of cultural integration, he also contends that, because of the KMT, Chinese identity formation and practices of belonging in the Philippines were deeply infused with Cold War ideology. Drawing on archival research and fieldwork in Taiwan, the Philippines, the United States, and China, Diasporic Cold Warriors reimagines the histories of the ROC, the KMT, and the Philippine Chinese, connecting them to the broader canvas of the Cold War and postcolonial nation-building in East and Southeast Asia. Kung Chien Wen is an Assistant Professor in History at the National University of Singapore. His research straddles the fields of Chinese migration and diaspora, the Cold War and decolonisation in Southeast Asia, and modern China and Taiwan in the world. Benjamin Goh is a MPhil in World History Candidate at the University of Cambridge. He focuses on global youth and education histories in Southeast Asia and is presently working on his dissertation that explores world history-making at the University of Malaya in the 1950s and 1960s. He tweets at @BenGohsToSchool. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Philippine Chinese were Southeast Asia's most exemplary Cold Warriors among overseas Chinese. During these decades, no Chinese community in the region was more vigilant in identifying and rooting out suspected communists from within its midst; none was as committed to mobilizing against the People's Republic of China as the one in the former US colony. Ironically, for all the fears of overseas Chinese communities' ties to the PRC at the time, the example of the Philippines shows that the "China" that intervened the most extensively in any Southeast Asian Chinese society during the Cold War was the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Kung Chien Wen's Diasporic Cold Warriors: Nationalist China, Anticommunism, and the Philippine Chinese, 1930s-1970s (Cornell UP, 2022) tells the story of the Philippine Chinese as pro-Taiwan, anticommunist partisans, tracing their evolving relationship with the KMT and successive Philippine governments over the mid-twentieth century. Throughout, he argues for a networked and transnational understanding of the ROC-KMT party-state and demonstrates that Taipei exercised a form of nonterritorial sovereignty over the Philippine Chinese with Manila's participation and consent. Challenging depoliticized narratives of cultural integration, he also contends that, because of the KMT, Chinese identity formation and practices of belonging in the Philippines were deeply infused with Cold War ideology. Drawing on archival research and fieldwork in Taiwan, the Philippines, the United States, and China, Diasporic Cold Warriors reimagines the histories of the ROC, the KMT, and the Philippine Chinese, connecting them to the broader canvas of the Cold War and postcolonial nation-building in East and Southeast Asia. Kung Chien Wen is an Assistant Professor in History at the National University of Singapore. His research straddles the fields of Chinese migration and diaspora, the Cold War and decolonisation in Southeast Asia, and modern China and Taiwan in the world. Benjamin Goh is a MPhil in World History Candidate at the University of Cambridge. He focuses on global youth and education histories in Southeast Asia and is presently working on his dissertation that explores world history-making at the University of Malaya in the 1950s and 1960s. He tweets at @BenGohsToSchool. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Philippine Chinese were Southeast Asia's most exemplary Cold Warriors among overseas Chinese. During these decades, no Chinese community in the region was more vigilant in identifying and rooting out suspected communists from within its midst; none was as committed to mobilizing against the People's Republic of China as the one in the former US colony. Ironically, for all the fears of overseas Chinese communities' ties to the PRC at the time, the example of the Philippines shows that the "China" that intervened the most extensively in any Southeast Asian Chinese society during the Cold War was the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Kung Chien Wen's Diasporic Cold Warriors: Nationalist China, Anticommunism, and the Philippine Chinese, 1930s-1970s (Cornell UP, 2022) tells the story of the Philippine Chinese as pro-Taiwan, anticommunist partisans, tracing their evolving relationship with the KMT and successive Philippine governments over the mid-twentieth century. Throughout, he argues for a networked and transnational understanding of the ROC-KMT party-state and demonstrates that Taipei exercised a form of nonterritorial sovereignty over the Philippine Chinese with Manila's participation and consent. Challenging depoliticized narratives of cultural integration, he also contends that, because of the KMT, Chinese identity formation and practices of belonging in the Philippines were deeply infused with Cold War ideology. Drawing on archival research and fieldwork in Taiwan, the Philippines, the United States, and China, Diasporic Cold Warriors reimagines the histories of the ROC, the KMT, and the Philippine Chinese, connecting them to the broader canvas of the Cold War and postcolonial nation-building in East and Southeast Asia. Kung Chien Wen is an Assistant Professor in History at the National University of Singapore. His research straddles the fields of Chinese migration and diaspora, the Cold War and decolonisation in Southeast Asia, and modern China and Taiwan in the world. Benjamin Goh is a MPhil in World History Candidate at the University of Cambridge. He focuses on global youth and education histories in Southeast Asia and is presently working on his dissertation that explores world history-making at the University of Malaya in the 1950s and 1960s. He tweets at @BenGohsToSchool. Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/southeast-asian-studies

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Philippine Chinese were Southeast Asia's most exemplary Cold Warriors among overseas Chinese. During these decades, no Chinese community in the region was more vigilant in identifying and rooting out suspected communists from within its midst; none was as committed to mobilizing against the People's Republic of China as the one in the former US colony. Ironically, for all the fears of overseas Chinese communities' ties to the PRC at the time, the example of the Philippines shows that the "China" that intervened the most extensively in any Southeast Asian Chinese society during the Cold War was the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Kung Chien Wen's Diasporic Cold Warriors: Nationalist China, Anticommunism, and the Philippine Chinese, 1930s-1970s (Cornell UP, 2022) tells the story of the Philippine Chinese as pro-Taiwan, anticommunist partisans, tracing their evolving relationship with the KMT and successive Philippine governments over the mid-twentieth century. Throughout, he argues for a networked and transnational understanding of the ROC-KMT party-state and demonstrates that Taipei exercised a form of nonterritorial sovereignty over the Philippine Chinese with Manila's participation and consent. Challenging depoliticized narratives of cultural integration, he also contends that, because of the KMT, Chinese identity formation and practices of belonging in the Philippines were deeply infused with Cold War ideology. Drawing on archival research and fieldwork in Taiwan, the Philippines, the United States, and China, Diasporic Cold Warriors reimagines the histories of the ROC, the KMT, and the Philippine Chinese, connecting them to the broader canvas of the Cold War and postcolonial nation-building in East and Southeast Asia. Kung Chien Wen is an Assistant Professor in History at the National University of Singapore. His research straddles the fields of Chinese migration and diaspora, the Cold War and decolonisation in Southeast Asia, and modern China and Taiwan in the world. Benjamin Goh is a MPhil in World History Candidate at the University of Cambridge. He focuses on global youth and education histories in Southeast Asia and is presently working on his dissertation that explores world history-making at the University of Malaya in the 1950s and 1960s. He tweets at @BenGohsToSchool. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Philippine Chinese were Southeast Asia's most exemplary Cold Warriors among overseas Chinese. During these decades, no Chinese community in the region was more vigilant in identifying and rooting out suspected communists from within its midst; none was as committed to mobilizing against the People's Republic of China as the one in the former US colony. Ironically, for all the fears of overseas Chinese communities' ties to the PRC at the time, the example of the Philippines shows that the "China" that intervened the most extensively in any Southeast Asian Chinese society during the Cold War was the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Kung Chien Wen's Diasporic Cold Warriors: Nationalist China, Anticommunism, and the Philippine Chinese, 1930s-1970s (Cornell UP, 2022) tells the story of the Philippine Chinese as pro-Taiwan, anticommunist partisans, tracing their evolving relationship with the KMT and successive Philippine governments over the mid-twentieth century. Throughout, he argues for a networked and transnational understanding of the ROC-KMT party-state and demonstrates that Taipei exercised a form of nonterritorial sovereignty over the Philippine Chinese with Manila's participation and consent. Challenging depoliticized narratives of cultural integration, he also contends that, because of the KMT, Chinese identity formation and practices of belonging in the Philippines were deeply infused with Cold War ideology. Drawing on archival research and fieldwork in Taiwan, the Philippines, the United States, and China, Diasporic Cold Warriors reimagines the histories of the ROC, the KMT, and the Philippine Chinese, connecting them to the broader canvas of the Cold War and postcolonial nation-building in East and Southeast Asia. Kung Chien Wen is an Assistant Professor in History at the National University of Singapore. His research straddles the fields of Chinese migration and diaspora, the Cold War and decolonisation in Southeast Asia, and modern China and Taiwan in the world. Benjamin Goh is a MPhil in World History Candidate at the University of Cambridge. He focuses on global youth and education histories in Southeast Asia and is presently working on his dissertation that explores world history-making at the University of Malaya in the 1950s and 1960s. He tweets at @BenGohsToSchool. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/economics

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/finance

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Meddlers: Sovereignty, Empire, and the Birth of Global Economic Governance (Harvard University Press, 2022) presents a pioneering history that traces the origins of global economic governance—and the political conflicts it generates—to the aftermath of World War I. International economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank exert incredible influence over the domestic policies of many states. These institutions date from the end of World War II and amassed power during the neoliberal era of the late twentieth century. But as Jamie Martin shows, if we want to understand their deeper origins and the ideas and dynamics that shaped their controversial powers, we must turn back to the explosive political struggles that attended the birth of global economic governance in the early twentieth century. In The Meddlers, Dr. Jamie Martin tells the story of the first international institutions to govern the world economy, including the League of Nations and Bank for International Settlements, created after World War I. These institutions endowed civil servants, bankers, and colonial authorities from Europe and the United States with extraordinary powers: to enforce austerity, coordinate the policies of independent central banks, oversee development programs, and regulate commodity prices. In a highly unequal world, they faced a new political challenge: was it possible to reach into sovereign states and empires to intervene in domestic economic policies without generating a backlash? Dr. Martin follows the intense political conflicts provoked by the earliest international efforts to govern capitalism—from Weimar Germany to the Balkans, Nationalist China to colonial Malaya, and the Chilean desert to Wall Street. The Meddlers shows how the fraught problems of sovereignty and democracy posed by institutions like the IMF are not unique to late twentieth-century globalization, but instead first emerged during an earlier period of imperial competition, world war, and economic crisis. Jamie Martin is Assistant Professor of History and of Social Studies at Harvard University. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Communist China, Nationalist China, and Japan... again... and from Russia's point of view: Drawing the sword: Is Japan getting ready to move against China?… The post NEWS AND VIEWS FROM THE NEFARIUM AUGUST 25 2022 appeared first on The Giza Death Star.

Welcome to the Instant Trivia podcast episode 561, where we ask the best trivia on the Internet. Round 1. Category: Wood Lives! 1: In song, it's asked to "weep for me". a willow. 2: Film with line "A boy who won't be good might just as well be made of wood". Pinocchio. 3: Completes John Heywood's line from 1546: "You can't see the wood...". for the trees. 4: Shade tree with heart-shaped leaves of the genus Tilia, TV actor Hal might be found under one. linden. 5: The annual Berkshire Summer Music Festival is held on this estate in Lenox, Mass.. Tanglewood. Round 2. Category: Multi-Million Selling Albums 1: With over 25 million sold, 1 in every 11 Americans has this 1982 Michael Jackson album. "Thriller". 2: This group's "1962-1966" album has sold 13 million copies, its "1967-1970" album, 14 million. The Beatles. 3: At 10 million, the top-selling "Unplugged" album is this guitarist's. Eric Clapton. 4: His 1993 "Doggystyle" has been scooped up by 4 million buyers. Snoop Doggy Dogg. 5: She's the only woman in country music to have 2 albums sell over 10 million copies each. Shania Twain. Round 3. Category: Tell It To The Marines 1: In the Mexican War the Marines raised the flag over the National Palace, known by this phrase in their hymn. "From The Halls of Montezuma". 2: The Marine Corps motto, it means "Always Faithful". Semper Fidelis. 3: Ground troops are based at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina and this camp near San Diego. Camp Pendleton. 4: During the Spanish-American War, the Marines were the first Americans to land in Cuba, seizing this bay. Guantanamo Bay. 5: The conquest of this Pacific island in February and March 1945 was the largest all-Marine battle in U.S. history. Iwo Jima. Round 4. Category: George Bush 1: George met her at a 1941 Christmas dance, became engaged to her in 1943 and married her in 1945. Barbara Pierce. 2: He chose Bush as his running mate though they disagreed on cutting taxes, abortion and the E.R.A.. Ronald Reagan. 3: As U.S. ambassador to this organization in 1971, Bush worked to keep Nationalist China from expulsion. United Nations. 4: As president, Bush sent troops into Panama to overthrow this dictator. Manuel Noriega. 5: Bush's father, Prescott, represented this state in the U.S. Senate from 1952 to 1963. Connecticut. Round 5. Category: Noble Nicknames 1: The Red,the Great,the Terrible. Ivan. 2: Rufus,the Silent,the Conqueror,of Orange. William. 3: The Mad,the Cruel,the Great. Peter. 4: The Fowler,the Wrangler,the Navigator. Henry. 5: The Simple,the Bald,the Fat,the Bold. Charles. Thanks for listening! Come back tomorrow for more exciting trivia! Special thanks to https://blog.feedspot.com/trivia_podcasts/

China is often accused of breaking international rules and norms. Just last week at Mansion House, Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said: 'Countries must play by the rules. And that includes China'. So what are its transgressions, and what are its goals for the international system? My guests and I try to answer this question in this episode through looking at China's attitude to and involvement in international organisations, past and present. Professor Rana Mitter, a historian at the University of Oxford and author of  China's Good War , points out that there's a fundamental difference in China's approach compared to, say, Russia. 'Russia perceives itself as, essentially, a country that is really at the end of its tether in terms of the international system. Whereas China still sees plenty of opportunities to grow and expand its status'. To that end, China is actually a member of dozens of international organisations, most notably – as we discuss in the episode – sitting on the United Nations Security Council, which gives it veto power on UN resolutions (though, Yu Jie, senior  research fellow at Chatham House, points out that China is most often found abstaining rather than vetoing). It wants a seat at the table,  but it also frequently accuses our existing set of international norms and rules as designed by the West. To begin with, then, China is seeking to rewrite the rules in its own favour – Jie gives the example of China's ongoing campaign to increase its voting share in the IMF, on the basis of its huge economy. 'It's not exactly overthrowing the existing international order wholesale, but choosing very carefully which parts China wants to change.' This multilateral engagement has a historical basis. Nationalist China was keen to be seen as an equal and respected partner in the international community, and Rana points out – something I'd never thought of before – that China after the second world war 'was a very very unusual sort of state… Because it was the only state, pretty much, in Asia, that was essentially sovereign… Don't forget that 1945 meant liberation for lots of European peoples, but for lots of Asian peoples – Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaya, wherever you want to name – they basically went back into European colonialism'. This (together with its then-alliance with the United States)  gave the Republic of China a front row seat in the creation of the United Nations and, before then, the League of Nations. It didn't take long for Communist China to start building links with the rest of the world, either. Mao  'had not spent decades fighting out in the caves and fields of China to simply become a plaything of Stalin', Rana points out, making its multilateral relations outside of the alliance with the USSR vitally important. After it split with Moscow, and before the rapprochement with the US, the Sixties was a time of unwanted isolationism,  ' which is well within living memory of many of the top leaders', says Rana, adding more to its present day desire to have as much sway as possible in the world, which still comes through international organisations. Finally, my guests bust the myth – often propagated by Beijing – that China had no role in the writing of today's international laws, pointing out that Chinese and other non-western thinkers played a major role in the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights . What's more, do western ideas have no place in guiding and governing China? After all, Karl Marx was certainly not Chinese, and that doesn't seem to bother his Chinese Communist believers.

China is often accused of breaking international rules and norms. Just last week at Mansion House, Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said: 'Countries must play by the rules. And that includes China'. So what are its transgressions, and what are its goals for the international system? My guests and I try to answer this question in this episode through looking at China's attitude to and involvement in international organisations, past and present. Professor Rana Mitter, a historian at the University of Oxford and author of  China's Good War , points out that there's a fundamental difference in China's approach compared to, say, Russia. 'Russia perceives itself as, essentially, a country that is really at the end of its tether in terms of the international system. Whereas China still sees plenty of opportunities to grow and expand its status'. To that end, China is actually a member of dozens of international organisations, most notably – as we discuss in the episode – sitting on the United Nations Security Council, which gives it veto power on UN resolutions (though, Yu Jie, senior  research fellow at Chatham House, points out that China is most often found abstaining rather than vetoing). It wants a seat at the table,  but it also frequently accuses our existing set of international norms and rules as designed by the West. To begin with, then, China is seeking to rewrite the rules in its own favour – Jie gives the example of China's ongoing campaign to increase its voting share in the IMF, on the basis of its huge economy. 'It's not exactly overthrowing the existing international order wholesale, but choosing very carefully which parts China wants to change.' This multilateral engagement has a historical basis. Nationalist China was keen to be seen as an equal and respected partner in the international community, and Rana points out – something I'd never thought of before – that China after the second world war 'was a very very unusual sort of state… Because it was the only state, pretty much, in Asia, that was essentially sovereign… Don't forget that 1945 meant liberation for lots of European peoples, but for lots of Asian peoples – Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaya, wherever you want to name – they basically went back into European colonialism'. This (together with its then-alliance with the United States)  gave the Republic of China a front row seat in the creation of the United Nations and, before then, the League of Nations. It didn't take long for Communist China to start building links with the rest of the world, either. Mao  'had not spent decades fighting out in the caves and fields of China to simply become a plaything of Stalin', Rana points out, making its multilateral relations outside of the alliance with the USSR vitally important. After it split with Moscow, and before the rapprochement with the US, the Sixties was a time of unwanted isolationism,  ' which is well within living memory of many of the top leaders', says Rana, adding more to its present day desire to have as much sway as possible in the world, which still comes through international organisations. Finally, my guests bust the myth – often propagated by Beijing – that China had no role in the writing of today's international laws, pointing out that Chinese and other non-western thinkers played a major role in the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights . What's more, do western ideas have no place in guiding and governing China? After all, Karl Marx was certainly not Chinese, and that doesn't seem to bother his Chinese Communist believers.

*Written and researched by Conrad FranzResources: CLICK HERE to JOIN our Turley Talks Christmas Party Live Stream Monday night Dec 20th at 7 PM EST for the most patriotic Christmas EVER! https://bfcm.turleytalks.com/super-bundlesIt's time to CHANGE AMERICA and Here's YOUR OPPORTUNITY To Do Just That! https://change.turleytalks.com/PatriotSwitch.comGet your own MyPillow here. Enter my code TURLEY at checkout to get a DISCOUNT: https://www.mypillow.com/turleyGet Your Brand-New PATRIOT T-Shirts and Merch Here: https://store.turleytalks.com/What is CRT? Where does CRT come from? Download your FREE guide from Dr. Steve Turley and find out WHY Americans are turning against CRITICAL RACE THEORY!!! https://www.turleytalks.com/wokeBecome a Turley Talks Insiders Club Member and get your first week FREE!!: https://insidersclub.turleytalks.com/welcomeFight Back Against Big Tech Censorship! Sign-up here to discover Dr. Steve's different social media options …. but without the censorship! https://www.turleytalks.com/en/alternative-media.com Thank you for taking the time to listen to this episode.  If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe and/or leave a review.Do you want to be a part of the podcast and be our sponsor? Click here to partner with us and defy liberal culture!If you would like to get lots of articles on conservative trends make sure to sign-up for the 'New Conservative Age Rising' Email Alerts. 

In this episode of the New Ideal podcast, Ben Bayer interviews Scott McDonald, an international relations PhD candidate at Tufts University and an expert on Chinese political theory and foreign policy. Among the topics covered: Scott McDonald's background and current work on the subject of Taiwan;The current state of relations between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC);The pragmatism that led to America's decision to withdraw diplomatic recognition of Taiwan;The consequences of America's betrayal of Taiwan for its broader foreign policy;How Taiwan adopted American values in spite of this betrayal;The prospects of war in the Taiwan Strait;The likely consequences of a war between the PRC and Taiwan;The influence of Chinese philosophy on PRC geopolitical decisions;The “social metaphysics” (second-handedness) of Chinese philosophy;The pragmatism and altruism of current American foreign policyAyn Rand's comments on the values betrayed by American policy on Taiwan. Mentioned in the discussion is Ayn Rand's essay “The Shanghai Gesture,” a three-part article in the Ayn Rand Letter published in March and April of 1972. In that essay, Rand analyzes Richard Nixon's historic trip to China as a philosophic defeat. Of particular relevance is the following remark about the importance of U.S.-Taiwan relations: No, this is not an appeal for another senseless, altruistic war, this time to defend Taiwan. Taiwan can take care of itself, if we do not turn deserter. It is not a policeman's gun, but his firmness that keeps peace in a neighborhood and protects it from gangsters. Our token military presence has kept Taiwan peacefully safe for twenty-two years. Our withdrawal could precipitate a war involving the entire Pacific. (Does anyone remember the consequences of the Allies' withdrawal from the Sudetenland and the Ruhr?) And whatever our view of Nationalist China, we do not have the right to bargain its lives away as pawns in secret negotiations for some undisclosed policy of our own. This podcast was recorded on October 15, 2021, and posted to YouTube on November 10, 2021. Listen to the discussion below. Listen and subscribe from your mobile device on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify or Stitcher. Watch archived podcasts here. https://youtu.be/baqwdOWhjrU Podcast audio:

Team:COACH GARY HERE. THIS IS EPISODE 19 OF THE ‘BRICK AND BLOCK PODCAST' AND                FEATURES THE AUDIO VERSION OF MY JANUARY 2020 COLUMN written for MASONRY MAGAZINE. YOU PROBABLY KNOW THE COLUMN AS ‘FULL CONTACT PROJECT MANAGER'. THE TITLE OF THE COLUMN YOU ARE ABOUT TO HEAR IS: Looking Forward by Knowing the Past                                                                  …Remembering the Rest of the Story Team— WARNING: THIS PODCAST RUNS COUNTER TO WHAT MANY COLLEGE PROFESSORS BELIEVE. PROCEED AT YOUR OWN RISK!NOTE: This article was originally written, a couple of years ago, to provide some history of December 7, 1941. It is even more important this year, as you should hear much talk about that date, now 80 years ago, this December. It's critical you get the whole story, as opponents of Western Civilization may be doing their best to tarnish, trample…and torpedo the reality of the 2nd World War.Look, as you can tell, I'm about fed up with the “Egghead” class, changing language, changing history, changing values, changing beliefs…heck, changing genders, making this stuff up as they go along. It's time for some sanity and perspective, which is what “Coach Gary” is about to deliver. Stand by!All things considered, in some respects, this might be one of the most important podcasts I've ever done. But, then again…all of my podcasts are important! So…dig in!We begin immediately,     and by immediately,   I mean once I remind everyone that you can find our podcast website at BRICK AND BLOCK PODCAST DOT COM (repeat). As I've said before, I'm a big proponent of having websites that support your business, and I've got an excellent example of one: Masonry Contractor Special Website. You'll see it there. That's what you're looking for. It's mobile friendly, modern, fast, bullet proof, BEAUTIFUL, cutting edge, DONE FOR YOU, and practically free! You'll love this one. Check it out.Of course, if you're not a masonry contractor, we have very similar websites, but in your specialty. So…check it out.OKAY, TEAM.    HANG ON, BUCKLE UP… LISTEN UP,  AND PREPARE TO MOVE UP. And now, Episode 19Looking Forward by Knowing the Past                                               …Remembering The Rest of the StoryBy Coach Gary Micheloni “Those who do not learn from history are condemned to repeat it.” (Winston Churchill, 1948 and George Santayana, 1905)For absolute certainty, there will be no shortage of articles and messages this time of year about “20-20 vision” and that sort of thing! But I ask you to invest a few moments right now and look at my little offering, because it just might be super-significant for you in this uncertain world and industry we find ourselves. Stuff always happens but you need to hang in there because ‘the rest of the story' might just be right around the corner… to the part where the cavalry arrives and the good guys win. That's the theme for the New Year because that's my hope and expectation. Check it out.For the past 20+ years now I have been meeting for breakfast with the same group of guys the first Saturday of each month. It is amazing to me the amount of wisdom coming from them, on all sorts of subjects and ideas, and I hope you have the same kind of people in your life. They are among my most important mentors— my coaches.So, when “Coach Mark” approached me and said that our group of guys would be meeting on December 7th next and wondered if I might want to share something about the significance of that day. I agreed, provided we could go into the lessons learned and the leadership attached to that significant day. What does it all mean--for that time, and for ours, going forward?President Franklin D. Roosevelt summed up things this way: “Yesterday, December 7, 1941, a date which will live in infamy, the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan...I regret to tell you that many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu…”Pretty bad stuff, right? But let's not miss “the rest of the story.” Is the cavalry on its way? Is there going to be a ‘rest of the story?' Let's take a look.Those two sentences from FDR were the facts, and they are terrible. But those facts are only part of the story, which is far more profound, much larger, and more significant. The story does not end there. In fact, it doesn't even begin there! Because where it actually begins has everything to do with — not where it ends, but where it is heading. You knowing what that heading is, has everything to do with how your business, community, and family grow, We're talking about the history of our country because it is the driving force of your legacies, be it business, community or family going forward. Do not miss this!In your experience, you know that things often go wrong, “unsolvable” problems present themselves, seemingly impossible issues arise. Things are going along well and then, out of the blue, bad stuff happens. In this case, Pearl Harbor is attacked “out of the blue,” the enemy seeking to destroy the US Pacific Fleet. In fact, on that Sunday morning, 9 US battleships were in port. The enemy thought it had accomplished its mission, but it miscalculated — you'll learn why in a moment. But the lesson here is that life situations, which might cripple the unwitting, will not take you down— provided you understand your legacy, and how critical it is to pass this along to others and that they might do the same. So, let's go to the beginning of the story. What i0s this uniquely American legacy that redeems us from the bad and gets us to the good? Let's start here.America was settled by people seeking freedom of religion, the press, for the right to own property, and a desire to be governed by the rule of law— not ruled according to the dictations and might of kings. In this country, for the first time ever in the history of the world, we solemnly believed and resolved that the king was no longer to be the law. But that law, itself, was to be king. This turned civilization on its head!To make this happen, Americans picked a fight with the mightiest nation on earth at the time, to instill into its people and install into its government, the sanctity that these rights, held by most people, were ‘God-given.' A formal Declaration of Independence was written and then signed by 57 men each pledging, “Our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.” It would cost many of them exactly that. In 1776 this Revolution, tenuous at first and unlikely to succeed, overcame the impossible and the miraculous came to pass. Tens of thousands of lives were taken, wounded, or captured to make this a reality. Never forget: this is our legacy.In 1861, a great Civil War was fought to decide the issue of slavery. President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, freeing— on paper, at least the slaves in rebelling states. April 9, 1865, the south surrendered. April 14, 1865, Lincoln was assassinated. Over four years, more than 620,000 soldiers from both sides cast ‘the ultimate vote,” as did President Lincoln. The law was settled. At great cost, the nation moved on. Our legacy of freedom was preserved.  Fast forward to 1941 and the specter of world war. The US and Japan had ongoing diplomatic negotiations and peace talks up through December 6, in Washington DC. With talks scheduled to continue the following week. Sunday was supposed to be an off day. This now brings us back to the events of December 7th, 1941:7:55 a.m, the first wave of 183 Japanese fighters, bombers and torpedo bombers attacked Pearl Harbor.8:10 a.m. a 1,800-pound bomb lands in the USS Arizona's forward ammunition magazine. The ship explodes and sinks with 1,000+ men trapped inside.Torpedoes hit the USS Oklahoma with about 400 sailors aboard; she loses balance, rolls to her side and sinks. 8:54 a.m. the second wave of 170 planes attacked. The battle was over before 10:00 a.m.In its wake, 2,403 service members were killed, 1,178 wounded, 169 US Army Air Corps and Navy planes destroyed. 19 vessels were damaged, nearly half of which were sunk, fully or partially. Every battleship in Pearl Harbor had sustained significant damage: the USS Arizona, Oklahoma, California, West Virginia, Utah, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Nevada. Pretty bad stuff, right? Do things get better?Know that all but the Arizona, Oklahoma, and Utah were eventually salvaged and repaired so that six battleships were returned to service.The Japanese ambassadors left town on December 8th!December 9, 1941, Americans begin to enlist in record numbers. During the course of the war, over 16 million Americans served, from a US population of 140 million — 11% of all Americans fought in WW2. (By comparison, 1% during the Iraq war.) Every family had a stake in this fight, either in the military or in support of it. (My mom and at least one of my aunts became welders in an aircraft plant!)February 19, 1942, President Roosevelt issues Executive Order 9066, and 110,000 Japanese-Americans are forced to leave their homes and are interred in 10 detention camps until December 1944. April 2, 1942, USS Hornet steams from San Francisco with 16 B-25 Mitchell bombers lashed to her flight deck. The 80 crew members aboard had trained on land-based runways to get airborne within 467 ft (length of the Hornet flight deck). All were volunteers. It was considered to be a suicide mission.April 8, 1942, all 16 bombers, led by Lt. Col. James Doolittle, successfully launched from the Hornet for a surprise air attack on Tokyo by US bombers. All hit targets, doing little damage, but proving to the Japanese that their island was not invulnerable to attack by the U.S. — a huge, needed a psychological boost to the Allies, as the war was going badly. One plane landed in Russia, 15 toward Nationalist China. All ran short on fuel and either crash-landed or crew bailed out. Three crewmen killed, 8 captured, tortured and starved. This bravery is a part of the DNA in our legacy. April 19, 2019, Lt. Richard Cole, last surviving member of this raid, dies at age 103! 77 years plus one day.0May 1942. War going well for Japan, which wanted to get US into a fight for Midway Island in order to lure US aircraft carriers, defeat them, which would ultimately destroy the US Pacific Fleet. (Carriers were much more important to the Fleet than battleships.) May 28th, largest Japanese fleet ever leaves it bases and heads to sea, commanded by Admiral Yamamoto, who is confident of victory but does not know that the US has cracked their intelligence code and is aware of their plans of possible attack on Midway. June 1942, US Admiral Chester Nimitz puts a task force together. Desperately in need of carriers, has to allow USS Yorktown to go to Pearl Harbor for two+ weeks of emergency repairs. But Nimitz has a plan: 1400 shipyard workers move onto the ship, en masse, work around the clock and complete the repairs in 72 hours. She rejoins the task force! The Battle of Midway rages four days, June 4-June 7, 1942. Japan had 4 carriers, 3 cruisers, 12 destroyers, 248 carrier aircraft, and 16 floatplanes. The US had 3 carriers, 8 cruisers, 15 destroyers, 233 carrier aircraft, 127 land-based aircraft, and 16 subs.LOSSES: Japan— 4 carriers sunk; 1 cruiser sunk and 1 damaged; 248 aircraft destroyed, 3,057 KIA, 37 capturedUS— 1 carrier sunk (Yorktown); 1 destroyer sunk (Hammann), 150 aircraft destroyed; 307 service members KIA.Midway was widely considered the turning point of the war and the largest naval battle in history. Japan was unable to replenish its war materials easily, while the US industrial might could supply our needs.February 1, 1943, 442nd Regimental Combat Team created was composed entirely of Japanese-Americans, some of whom had family members in detention camps. Serving in Italy, France, and Germany, its motto was “Go for Broke.” By April 1943, it had a fighting complement of 4,000 men, with some 14,000 total serving overall. In less than two years, its members were awarded 9,486 purple hearts, 4,000 Bronze Stars, 21 of its members were awarded the Medal of Honor. It is the most decorated unit in US military history. A family friend of mine had a brother KIA while she and the rest of her family remained in a camp. Amazing. Sad. True. Part of our legacy as Americans of all stripes.While all of this is going on in the Pacific, the Allies simultaneously and successfully launch the largest amphibious landing in the history of warfare: Operation Overlor2d, also known as D-Day, the landing at Normandy (June 6-August 30, 1944). A few months later, the Battle of the Bulge (December 16, 1944 to Jan 25, 1945).May 8, 1945, VE Day (Victory in Europe) August 6, 1945, the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima. Pres. Truman calls for Japan to surrender, warning of further destruction. Japan rejects.August 9, 1945, the atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki.August 15, 1945, Emperor Hirohito announced surrender. September 2, 1945, (VJ Day— Victory over Japan) Japan signs unconditional surrender aboard USS Missouri This is who we are. This is why when you get down you know you're going to get back up. It's in our DNA. It is the legacy of our country. More than that: it is your legacy, and that's ‘the rest of the story!' YOU CAN REACH OUT TO US BY EMAIL: BrickAndBlockPodcast@gmail.com (SPELL OUT THE WORD “AND”: A. N. D.)  Brick And BlockPodcast@gmail.comPodcast Website: BrickAndBlockPodcast.com Remember—I've got that website example there for you to check As a favor:BE SURE AND SUBSCRIBE TO THE PODCAST. IT'S IMPORTANT.WE WANT YOU TO JOIN US FOR THE NEXT EPISODE. NOW…FOR THE BRICK AND BLOCK PODCAST…THIS IS COACH GARY… THANKS FOR STOPPING BY. 

Welcome to the Instant Trivia podcast episode 159, where we ask the best trivia on the Internet. Round 1. Category: Prefixes 1: "Anti-" means "against; "ante-" means this. before. 2: This thoroughly modern prefix means "one thousandth". milli-. 3: A prefix meaning "after" is found in this word meaning an after-death examination. postmortem. 4: This prefix that means "first" or "primitive" is found before "plasm" and "zoa". proto-. 5: When this prefix precedes "active", it means "backwards"; by itself it refers to the style of an earlier time. retro-. Round 2. Category: Near Disasters 1: On Sept. 8, 2001 Erin became the Atlantic season's first of these, but stayed mostly out at sea. hurricane. 2: In 1919 the lonely keeper of one of these helped save all 21 crewmen from fire on the steamer Frank O'Connor. a lighthouse. 3: A possible nuclear war was averted (for the moment) in June 2002 talks between India and this country. Pakistan. 4: In July 2002 9 men were dramatically rescued from a flooded mine in this state. Pennsylvania. 5: In 1907 this financier kept the stock market afloat by locking bankers in his library until they raised $25 million. J.P. Morgan. Round 3. Category: "Moo" 1: The song "That's Amore" is on the soundtrack to this 1987 Cher film. Moonstruck. 2: This adjective means "purely academic" or "irrelevant". Moot. 3: This stir-fried Chinese dish that contains shredded pork, scallions and egg is rolled in a thin pancake. Moo shu pork. 4: It's another name for a person born under the sign of Cancer. Moonchild/moonchildren. 5: This Cab Calloway song includes the lines "Hi-De-Hi-De-Hi-De-Hi!" and "Ho-De-Ho-De-Ho-De-Ho!". "Minnie The Moocher". Round 4. Category: Español 1: The Spanish "calabozo" and the cowboy variation calaboose both mean thse. jail. 2: Any Spanish pier or wharf, or a certain waterfront area in San Francisco. embarcadero. 3: This day of the week is domingo. Sunday. 4: This pet is un perro. a dog. 5: You'll find these, los escritorios, in the classroom. a desk. Round 5. Category: Historic Occasions 1: Name shared by an American film made in 1903 and a British crime committed in 1963. The Great Train Robbery. 2: James Marshall found this Jan. 24, 1848, days before California was handed over to the U.S.. Gold. 3: The 1851 Lopez Expedition, a disasterous attempt to free this island, was an early version of the Bay of Pigs. Cuba. 4: In 1798, in this African country, Napoleon said, "Soldiers...forty centuries look down upon you". Egypt. 5: This man died April 5, 1975, after a quarter of a century leading Nationalist China on Taiwan. Chiang Kai-shek. Thanks for listening! Come back tomorrow for more exciting trivia!

The line that separated Nationalist China from the People's Republic was not a bright one. In 1949, when the Communists took over, many fled Shanghai — but many more remained.Read the article by James Carter: https://supchina.com/2021/05/26/when-chinas-nationalist-government-lost-shanghai/Narrated by Kaiser Kuo.

As the Wuhan regime collapses, so does the united front. Soviet advisors leave China, Chinese Communists go underground. The purge strikes Wuhan.Further reading:C. Martin Wilbur, The Nationalist Revolution in China, 1923-1928Anna Louise Strong, China’s MillionsVera Vladimirovna Vishnyakova-Akimova, Two Years in Revolutionary China, 1925-1927C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist PartySome names from this episode:M. N. Roy, Indian Comintern agentWang Jingwei, Leader of the Guomindang LeftFeng Yuxiang, Christian warlordVasily Blyukher, Soviet general and military genius, chief of Soviet military mission to aid the GuomindangZotov, Blyukher’s code clerk, died of poisoningMikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and political head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangHe Jian, Nationalist generalT. V. Soong, Wuhan government finance ministerChen Duxiu, Communist general secretary until July 12, 1927Zhou Enlai, Member of temporary standing committee of Communist Politburo appointed in July 1927Zhang Guotao, Member of temporary standing committee of Communist Politburo appointed in July 1927Li Lisan, Member of temporary standing committee of Communist Politburo appointed in July 1927Song Qingling, Guomindang Left leader and widow of Sun YatsenDeng Yanda, Head of the Guomindang peasant bureauEugene Chen, Guomindang foreign ministerGregory Voitinsky, Chairman of the Far Eastern Bureau of the CominternSupport the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

The question of what sort of revolution the Nationalist revolution will be creates a fundamental division within the Guomindang.Further reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927C. Martin Wilbur, The Nationalist Revolution in China, 1923-1928Stuart Schram, ed., Mao’s Road to Power, vol. 2: National Revolution and Social Revolution, December 1920-June 1927Alexander Pantsov, The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Revolution, 1919-1927Jack Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to 2000Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangTang Shengzhi, Hunan warlord who sided with the National Revolutionary Army and contested leadership with Chiang Kai-shekPeng Pai, Communist peasant organizerKarl Radek, provost of Sun Yatsen University in Moscow Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

Summations of the Second Uprising on several different levels; the continuing inability of the Shanghai Regional Committee of the Communist Party to control the ‘dog-beating’ squads; and some thoughts on the problem of the inevitability of errors being made in revolutionary armed struggle and Mao’s thinking on that problem.Further reading:Steve Smith, A Road Is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920-1927C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Stuart Schram, ed., Mao’s Road to Power, vol. 2: National Revolution and Social Revolution, December 1920-June 1927Allyn and Adele Rickett, Prisoners of LiberationSome names from this episode:Qu Qiubai, Communist Central Committee member and head of propagandaZhou Enlai, Head of the military commission of the Communist Central CommitteeLi Baozhang, the commander of the garrison of warlord troops in ShanghaiSupport the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

Where we continue to follow the insurrectionary journey of the Shanghai Communists.Further reading:Steve Smith, A Road Is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920-1927C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Some names from this episode:Chen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist PartySun Chuanfang, Leader of warlord coalition in China’s southeastZhang Zongchang, Shandong warlordLi Baozhang, the commander of the garrison of warlord troops in ShanghaiZhou Enlai, Communist commissar who left Whampoa to aid the Shanghai military commissionNiu Yongjian, Veteran Nationalist operative who came to Shanghai in 1926Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

The tension between maintaining the united front and mobilizing the peasants for revolution finds expression in a crucial debate over strategy at the end of 1926.Further reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist PartyStuart Schram, ed., Mao’s Road to Power, vol. 2: National Revolution and Social Revolution, December 1920-June 1927Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangGregory Voitinsky, Chairman of the Far Eastern Bureau of the CominternChen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist PartyWang Jingwei, Main leader of the Guomindang leftSupport the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

Debate breaks out within the Communist Party and the Comintern over how to assess the balance of forces and relate to the developing revolutionary situation engendered by the mass movements in Hunan and Hubei in late 1926.Further reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Tony Saich, The Rise to Power of the Chinese Communist PartyArif Dirlik, “Mass Movements and the Left Kuomintang”Steve Smith, A Road Is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920-1927Daniel Kwan, Marxist Intellectuals and the Chinese Labor Movement: A Study of Deng Zhongxia, 1894-1933Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangWang Jingwei, Main leader of the Guomindang leftChen Gongbo, Close follower of Wang JingweiSun Chuanfang, leader of warlord coalition which held east China before being defeated during the Northern ExpeditionVasily Blyukher, Soviet general purported to be de facto commander-in-chief of Northern ExpeditionTang Shengzhi, Hunan warlord who sided with the National Revolutionary Army and contested leadership with Chiang Kai-shekGregory Voitinsky, Chairman of the Far Eastern Bureau of the CominternSupport the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

Mass upheaval in Hunan and elsewhere after people are liberated from warlord rule.Further reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Yokoyama Suguru, “The Peasant Movement in Hunan”Stuart Schram, ed., Mao’s Road to Power, vol. 2: National Revolution and Social Revolution, December 1920-June 1927A name from this episode:Wu Peifu, Northern warlord

Examining the role of both organized and unorganized mass support for the Northern Expedition in its first phase, the offensive from Guangdong to Wuhan from May to October 1926. Further reading:Donald Jordan, The Northern Expedition: China's National Revolution of 1926-1928C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangChen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist PartySun Zhongshan/Sun Yatsen, Founding leader of the GuomindangWu Peifu, Northern warlordGregory Voitinsky, Comintern representative in China at various points

How the Communist Party took the formula of "Haifeng + armed self-defense" and set out to organize the peasants of Guangdong, and beyond.Further Reading:Pang Yong-pil, “Peng Pai: From Landlord to Revolutionary”Yuan Gao, “Revolutionary Rural Politics: The Peasant Movement in Guangdong and Its Social-Historical Background, 1922–1926”Robert Marks, Rural Revolution in South China: Peasants and the Making of History in Haifeng County, 1570-1930Roy Hofheinz, The Broken Wave: The Chinese Communist Peasant Movement, 1922-1928Fernando Galbiati, P’eng P'ai and the Hai-Lu-Feng SovietGerald Berkley, “The Canton Peasant Movement Training Institute”C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Elizabeth Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries in North China, 1845-1945Some names from this episode:Peng Pai, Communist peasant organizerChen Jiongming, Warlord dominant in Haifeng region until 1925Li Zhongkai, Leader of Guomindang left, assassinated in 1925Li Dazhao, Co-founder of the Communist Party

Tensions come to a head between Chiang Kai-shek, Wang Jingwei and General Kuibyshev, as a Soviet plot backfires spectacularly.Further Reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Wu Tien-wei, “Chiang Kai-shek's March Twentieth Coup d'Etat of 1926”Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-1945Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangWang Jingwei, Leader of Guomindang government in Guangdong in late 1925 and early 1926Dai Jitao, Right-wing Guomindang ideologueNikolay Kuibyshev, Soviet general and head of military mission in Guangdong in late 1925 and early 1926Victor Rogachev, Soviet general and adviser to Chiang Kai-shekLi Zhilong, Communist in Guomindang navyHu Hanmin, Leader of Guomindang right-wing, spent a period of exile in the USSRAndrei Bubnov, Headed Soviet military inspection mission to ChinaGeneral V. A. Stepanov, Headed Soviet military mission after Kuibyshev left and before Blyukher returnedVasily Blyukher, Soviet general whose return was requested by Chiang Kai-shekChen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist Party

In March 1942, Japan seized control of the lower region of Burma by taking the city of Rangoon. Rangoon, now known as Yangon, was Burma's administrative and commercial capital. The city was a crucial communication and industrial center in Burma and had the only port capable of handling troopships. Perhaps most importantly, strategically, the Burma Road began in Rangoon and allowed for a steady stream of military aid to be transported from Burma to Nationalist China. This supply route was essential for both Chiang Kai Shek's armies as well as allied forces in the region. As a result, the fall of Rangoon to the Japanese had significant consequences. References 1. Bernstein, Marc D. “The 17th Indian Division in Burma: Disaster on the Sittang.” Warfare History Network, 14 Nov. 2018, https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/daily/wwii/the-17th-indian-division-in-burma-disaster-on-the-sittang/. 2. “Burma, 1942.” U.S. Army Center of Military History, 3 Oct. 2003, 3. https://history.army.mil/brochures/burma42/burma42.htm. 4. Hickey, Michael. “The Burma Campaign 1941 - 1945.” BBC, 17 Feb. 2011, https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/burma_campaign_01.shtml. 5. McLynn, Frank. The Burma Campaign: Disaster into Triumph, 1942-45. Yale University Press, New Haven, 2008. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/pacific-atrocities-education/support

Mao as acting head of propaganda for the Guomindang.Further Reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Stuart Schram, ed., Mao’s Road to Power, vol. 2: National Revolution and Social Revolution, December 1920-June 1927Some names from this episode:Wang Jingwei, Leader of Guomindang government in Guangdong in late 1925 and early 1926Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangChen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist PartyGregory Voitinsky, Comintern representative in China at various pointsDai Jitao, Right-wing Guomindang ideologue

The Hong Kong strike, the assassination of Liao Zhongkai, and the Second Eastern Expedition.Further Reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927John Erickson, The Soviet High Command: A Military-Political History, 1918-1941Some names from this episode:Chiang Kai-shek, Japan-trained military officer, close confidant of Sun YatsenDeng Zhongxia, Communist labor leader, involved in Hong Kong strikeWang Jingwei, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of GuomindangLiao Zhongkai, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of GuomindangHu Hanmin, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of Guomindang (further to Right than the other two)Chen Jiongming, Southern warlord, ally and then enemy of Sun YatsenMikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangZhou Enlai, Communist head of the Whampoa Academy political department, leading commissar on Second Eastern ExpeditionVictor Rogachev, Soviet general and adviser to Chiang Kai-shek

The National Revolutionary Army battles the warlords for supremacy in Guangdong, while the British and French escalate tensions by massacring supporters of a strike which shut down Hong Kong.Further Reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Some names from this episode:Chiang Kai-shek, Japan-trained military officer, close confidant of Sun YatsenVasily Blyukher, Soviet general who led military mission to aid GuomindangZhou Enlai, Communist head of the Whampoa Academy political departmentWang Jingwei, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of GuomindangLiao Zhongkai, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of GuomindangHu Hanmin, Potential heir apparent to Sun Yatsen as leader of Guomindang (further to Right than the other two)Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangSun Zhongshan/Sun Yatsen, leader of the Guomindang, died in March 1925Chen Jiongming, Southern warlord, ally and then enemy of Sun Yatsen

The first year of the Soviet military alliance with the Guomindang, including the creation of the Whampoa Military Academy, the formation of the National Revolutionary Army, and the crushing of the Merchant Corps.Further Reading:C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927John Erickson, The Soviet High Command: A Military-Political History, 1918-1941Some names from this episode:Mikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangChiang Kai-shek, Japan-trained military officer, close confidant of Sun YatsenChen Jiongming, Southern warlord, ally and then enemy of Sun YatsenDeng Zhongxia, Leading Communist labor organizerGregory Voitinsky, Comintern representative in China at various points, much more wary of Sun Yatsen and the Guomindang than BorodinSun Zhongshan/Sun Yatsen, leader of the Guomindang

As both the Guomindang and the Communist Party benefit from their collaboration, tensions build.Further reading:Tony Saich, The Origins of the First United Front in ChinaSteve Smith, A Road Is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920-1927Alexander Pantsov, The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Revolution, 1919-1927C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927Arif Dirlik, “Mass Movements and the Left Kuomintang”Some names from this episode:Sun Zhongshan/Sun Yatsen, leader of the GuomindangMikhail Borodin, Comintern agent and head of Soviet mission to aid the GuomindangChen Jiongming, Southern warlord, ally and then enemy of Sun YatsenChiang Kai-shek, Japan-trained military officer, close confidant of Sun YatsenLev Karakhan, Soviet ambassador to China beginning in 1923Gregory Chicherin, Soviet People’s Commissar for Foreign AffairsChen Duxiu, General Secretary of the Communist Party

The victory of the CCP over the KMT was a bit of a shock to many, it was by no means obvious that they were going to win and actually by all accounts they should have lost. Chiang Kai-shek had the bigger army, more money, control of the cities, and at least the tacit support of the USA, who were hell bent on stopping the spread of communism now that they didn’t have to pretend to be friends with the USSR anymore. Despite the KMT’s numerous advantages, there were factors both internal and external to the party that led to their downfall, including the state of China’s society and economy after the war, the way the military behaved on both sides, as well as international relations. Did the CCP politically and militarily outmaneuver the KMT, or were they better able to reach the people and therefore win as a result of overwhelming popular support? By the end of this episode, we’ll have a better understanding of whether the founding of the PRC was more a failure of the KMT or the victory of the CCP.

In this episode, Emily Matson and I will be delving deep into the subtle yet monumental change that was made to the Chinese official curriculum a few years ago. In 2017, the government announced that the official start date for the War of Resistance Against Japan should be change from 1937 to 1931 in all textbooks. This not only goes against previous Chinese historical beliefs, but also the internationally recognised start date for the conflict. Emily and I discuss how and why this change may have come about (we have no definitive answers, only theories unfortunately) as well as the implications of this change for Chinese political, social, and cultural future. We also go off on a tangent about the purpose of history education and give some advice as to how to avoid ideological heritage and get properly informed on topics that interest you!Emily Matson is a PhD student in the Corcoran History Department, University of Virginia. Her focus is on modern East Asian history, and her areas of interest include Sino-Japanese relations, China's national identity, and Chinese patriotic education.

In the last two episodes we covered the Communist regime in Yan’an during the period 1941-1945, and how they went about solidifying their control over CCP controlled areas, spreading their ideology through movements and campaigns. Of course, we also covered the Communists’ involvement in WWII, but generally speaking, the CCP was not at the forefront of the fighting during the war with Japan. Most of frontline fighting was done by Nationalist soldiers under the leadership of Chiang, and with the help of the allied forces, though the extent to which any fighting was actually done has often been called into question. China’s role in WWII and its importance in holding down the Japanese has been a sore point for China, which has claimed it never received the recognition it deserved from the major powers, especially considering the losses suffered and the tragedies wrought among the Chinese people. Hopefully in this episode I can provide you with enough detail for you to decide for yourself whether the Chinese war effort was of global import, or should be relegated to the annals of national memory. So, today we’ll be discussing what happened to trigger full blown war with Japan in 1937, how this evolved into WWII, how China’s Nationalist government survived and under what guise, and China’s bitter struggle against Japan until the end of the war in 1945.

This is the last episode on the Nanjing decade, so far we’ve covered culture, economics, feminism, and academia, and I wanted to leave this episode till last because I feel it ties all the other threads together really nicely. We’ve gotten a few glimpses of the Nationalist Party’s governance and policy formulation in a few areas, and how they tried to exert control over different areas of Chinese life, but we haven’t addressed the topic of KMT politics in and of itself. Although in recent years many aspects of the Nanjing decade have been reevaluated in a more positive light, one negative connotation that seems to have stuck is the accusation that the KMT were fascists. Although, actually the KMT themselves may not have actually viewed this as a negative label at the time. In fact, there is evidence to show that they actively strove to model themselves on other successful fascistic regimes at the time, taking inspiration from Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany in particular. So in this episode we’re going to be reviewing the evidence, taking a look at the ideology of the Nationalists, as well as examining some of their major social policies and campaigns, to see to what extent the term fascist can be applied to the Nanjing government.

War or Peace? 1950 Fateful Year, 1950/12/21 1) Nationalist China seated in UN, Malek departed, absent when Korean War began (2) "Communism" - Berlin, France, Japan, Union Square in New York, spy Gubitchev deported (3) "Korea Invaded" - MacArthur, savage war of attrition on narrow beachhead, scores died, atrocities, rapidly narrowing perimeter, but 12 nations rallied, led by Canada, Inchon landing, air cover of B-29s dropping bombs, allies pushed north, "then, it happened" and UN armies forced into retreat, paid heavily in casualties, Chosin resorvoir (4) "Atom Bomb" - symbol of modern destruction, pilgrims to Rome, men of all faith prayed for peace, UN symbol of man's hope for tomorrow (complete newsreel) source link https://archive.org/details/1950-12-21_War_or_Peace copyright link https://creativecommons.org/licenses/publicdomain/

Dr Amy King, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, The Australian National University, gives a talk for the Asian Studies Centre. Conventional wisdom holds that the post-WWII international economic order was the product of a dominant Anglo-American power structure and the policy ideas of British and American officials. But this account overlooks the leading role played by Nationalist China at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference, and the People's Republic of China at the 1955 Bandung Conference. How did Chinese officials conceive of the changing relationship between the state, the nation and the global economy during this momentous decade? How did they define the relationship between the international economic order and China’s security interests? How did the international economic order intersect with evolving notions of Chinese nationalism? This paper outlines the conceptual framework underpinning a new project that seeks to sharpen our understanding of the connections between economics, security and nationalism, and to expand the empirical record on how non-Western states contributed to the international economic order at a critical juncture in its evolution.

In late 1937, over a period of six weeks, Imperial Japanese Army forces brutally murdered hundreds of thousands of people–including both soldiers and civilians–in the Chinese city of Nanking (or Nanjing). The horrific events are known as the Nanking Massacre or the Rape of Nanking, as between 20,000 and 80,000 women were sexually assaulted. Nanking, then the capital of Nationalist China, was left in ruins, and it would take decades for the city and its citizens to recover from the savage attacks. Music by Yuanji Chen: China-Wave. China-Wave music was remixed under Public Domain Creative Commons license. Mr. Chen who has no affiliation with Lopker and did not participate in the creation of the lyrics, song or remix. Thank you Mr. Chen. Your music is wonderful and masterful. All the best! John Lopker LYRICS: Nanjing 37, what happened then? 300,000, could it happen again? They came by boot, they came by plane dropping bombs without aim with lust for death and innocent flesh unsatisfied with mere success Nanjing 37, what happened then? 300,000, could it happen again? The river ran red with Chinese blood severed heads and bodies would thud against the rocks under smoky skies we begged for mercy from empty eyes Nanjing 37, what happened then? 300,000, could it happen again? They killed for sport, they killed for fun buried us alive in the rising sun swinging their swords and bayonets they played their games and placed their bets They took our men of fighting age lined them up on a secret stage hundreds of men at a time executed line by line Nanjing 37, what happened then? 300,000, could it happen again? They raped our women, they raped our girls the stench of death around them swirled raped our sisters, raped our daughters dragged our mothers and babies to slaughter Nanjing 37, what happened then? 300,000, will happen again?

We talk about the fall of Ching dynasty and the events that led to its downfall. We also chronicle the rise of Nationalism in China and the events preceding World War II in China. Thank you again for your continued support, here is the link to the album fundraiser, for the podcast: https://itunes.apple.com/ng/album/coolidge-metaphor-for-contradiction/id813759717 You can also find exclusive content on the show's youtube page: http://www.youtube.com/channel/UCYjULbrvVepZ04KaeyxjMyA Further you cab leave comments on our Itunes page: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/history-with-james-ipod/id373747636?mt=2

Our podcast this week will turn to the subject of Japanese foreign policy from the end of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 to the middle of the war against Nationalist China in 1940. We will cover the Russo-Japanese War, the steady split of the military away from the rest of the government, and the radicalization of Japanese policy towards China, culminating in the decision to launch a foolish and counterproductive war in 1937.