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Last time we spoke about the Battle of Taierzhuang. Following the fall of Nanjing in December 1937, the Second Sino-Japanese War entered a brutal phase of attrition as Japan sought to consolidate control and press toward central China. Chinese defense prioritized key rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Xuzhou, the JinPu and Longhai lines, and the Huai River system forming crucial lifelines. By early 1938, Japanese offensives aimed to link with forces around Beijing and Nanjing and encircle Chinese positions in the Central Yangtze region, threatening Wuhan. In response, Chiang Kai-shek fortified Xuzhou and expanded defenses to deter a pincer move, eventually amassing roughly 300,000 troops along strategic lines. Taierzhuang became a focal point when Japanese divisions attempted to press south and link with northern elements. Chinese commanders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, Tang Enbo, and Sun Lianzhong coordinated to complicate Japanese plans through offensive-defensive actions, counterattacks, and encirclement efforts. The victory, though numerically costly, thwarted immediate Japanese objectives and foreshadowed further attritional struggles ahead.   #171 The Flooding of the Yellow River Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We last left off with a significant event during the Xuzhou campaign. Three Japanese divisions under General Itagaki Seishiro moved south to attack Taierzhuang and were met by forces commanded by Li Zongren, Sun Lianzhong, and Tang Enbo, whose units possessed a decent amount of artillery. In a two-week engagement from March 22 to April 7, the battle devolved into a costly urban warfare. Fighting was vicious, often conducted in close quarters and at night. The urban environment negated Japanese advantages in armor and artillery, allowing Chinese forces to contend on equal terms. The Chinese also disrupted Japanese logistics by resupplying their own troops and severing rear supply lines, draining Japanese ammunition, supplies, and reinforcements. By April 7, the Japanese were compelled to retreat, marking the first Chinese victory of the war. However both sides suffered heavy losses, with around 20,000 casualties on each side. In the aftermath of this rare victory, Chiang Kai-Shek pushed Tang Enbo and Li Zongren to capitalize on their success and increased deployments in the Taierzhuang theater to about 450,000 troops. Yet the Chinese Army remained hampered by fundamental problems. The parochialism that had crippled Chiang's forces over the preceding months resurfaced. Although the generals had agreed to coordinate in a war of resistance, each still prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of Chiang's bid to consolidate power. Li Zongren, for example, did not deploy his top Guangxi provincial troops at Taierzhuang and sought to shift most of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang's colleagues were mindful of the fates of Han Fuju of Shandong and Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria: Han was executed for refusing to fight, while Zhang, after allowing Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army, ended up under house arrest. They were right to distrust Chiang. He believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a unified national command, which he would lead. From a national-unity perspective, his aspiration was not unreasonable. But it fed suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would dilute their power. The divided nature of the command also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off. By late April the Chinese had reinforced the Xuzhou area to between 450,000-600,000 to capitalize on their victory. However these armies were plagued with command and control issues. Likewise the Japanese licked their wounds and reinforced the area to roughly 400,000, with fresh troops and supplies flowing in from Tianjin and Nanjing. The Japanese continued with their objective of encircling Chinese forces. The North China Area Army comprised four divisions and two infantry brigades drawn from the Kwantung Army, while the Central China Expeditionary Army consisted of three divisions and the 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions along with motorized support units. The 5th Tank Battalion supported the 3rd Infantry Division as it advanced north along the railway toward Xuzhou. Fighting to the west, east, and north of Xuzhou was intense, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. On 18 April, the Japanese advanced southward toward Pizhou. Tang Enbo's 20th Army Corps, together with the 2nd, 22nd, 46th, and 59th corps, resisted fiercely, culminating in a stalemate by the end of April. The 60th Corps of the Yunnan Army engaged the Japanese 10th Division at Yuwang Mountain for nearly a month, repelling multiple assaults. By the time it ceded its position to the Guizhou 140th Division and withdrew on 15 May, the corps had sustained losses exceeding half of its forces. Simultaneously, the Japanese conducted offensives along both banks of the Huai River, where Chinese defenders held out for several weeks. Nevertheless, Japanese artillery and aerial bombardment gradually tilted the balance, allowing the attackers to seize Mengcheng on 9 May and Hefei on 14 May. From there, the southern flank split into two parts: one force moved west and then north to cut off the Longhai Railway escape route from Xuzhou, while another division moved directly north along the railway toward Suxian, just outside Xuzhou. Simultaneously, to the north, Japanese units from north China massed at Jining and began moving south beyond Tengxian. Along the coast, an amphibious landing was made at Lianyungang to reinforce troops attacking from the east. The remaining portions of Taierzhuang were captured in May, a development symbolically significant to Tokyo. On 17 May, Japanese artillery further tightened the noose around Xuzhou, striking targets inside the city.  To preserve its strength, the Nationalist government ordered the abandonment of Xuzhou and directed its main forces to break out toward northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and eastern Henan. To deter the Japanese army's rapid westward advance and penetration into northern Henan and western Shandong, many leading military and political figures within the Nationalist government proposed breaching dams over the Yellow River to delay the offensive, a strategy that would have been highly advantageous to the Nationalist forces at the time. Chiang Kai-shek vetoed the proposal outright, insisting that the Nationalist army could still resist. He understood that with tens of millions of Chinese lives at stake and a sliver of hope remaining, the levee plan must not be undertaken. Then a significant battle broke out at Lanfeng. Chiang also recognized that defeat could allow the elite Japanese mechanized divisions, the 14th, 16th, and 10th, to advance directly toward Zhengzhou. If Zhengzhou fell, the Japanese mechanized forces on the plains could advance unimpeded toward Tongguan. Their southward push would threaten Xi'an, Xiangfan, and Nanyang, directly jeopardizing the southwest's rear defenses. Concurrently, the Japanese would advance along the Huai River north of the Dabie Mountains toward Wuhan, creating a pincer with operations along the Yangtze River.  Now what followed was arguably the most important and skillful Chinese maneuver of the Xuzhou campaign: a brilliantly executed strategic retreat to the south and west across the Jinpu railway line. On May 15, Li Zongren, in consultation with Chiang Kai-shek, decided to withdraw from Xuzhou and focus on an escape plan. The evacuation of civilians and military personnel began that day. Li ordered troops to melt into the countryside and move south and west at night, crossing the Jinpu Railway and splitting into four groups that would head west. The plan was to regroup in the rugged Dabie Mountains region to the south and prepare for the defense of Wuhan. Li's generals departed reluctantly, having held out for so long; Tang Enbo was said to have wept. Under cover of night, about forty divisions, over 200,000 men, marched out of Japanese reach in less than a week. A critical moment occurred on May 18, when fog and a sandstorm obscured the retreating troops as they crossed the Jinpu Railway. By May 21, Li wired Chiang Kai-shek to report that the withdrawal was complete. He mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite units, such as the 74th Army, withdrawn from Xuzhou and transferred directly to Lanfeng, with a resolute intent to “burn their boats.” The force engaged the Japanese in a decisive battle at Lanfeng, aiming to secure the last line of defense for the Yellow River, a position carrying the lives of millions of Chinese civilians. Yet Chiang Kai-shek's strategy was not universally understood by all participating generals, who regarded it as akin to striking a rock with an egg. For the battle of Lanfeng the Chinese mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite forces, comprising 14 divisions totaling over 150,000 men. Among these, the 46th Division of the 27th Army, formerly the Central Training Brigade and the 36th, 88th, and 87th Divisions of the 71st Army were German-equipped. Additionally, the 8th Army, the Tax Police Corps having been reorganized into the Ministry of Finance's Anti-Smuggling Corps, the 74th Army, and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps, the new 1st Army, equipped with the 8th Division were elite Nationalist troops that had demonstrated strong performance in the battle of Shanghai and the battle of Nanjing, and were outfitted with advanced matériel. However, these so-called “elite” forces were heavily degraded during the campaigns in Shanghai and Nanjing. The 46th Division and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps sustained casualties above 85% in Nanjing, while the 88th and 87th Divisions suffered losses of up to 90%. The 74th Army and the 36th Division also endured losses exceeding 75%. Their German-made equipment incurred substantial losses; although replenishment occurred, inventories resembled roughly a half-German and half-Chinese mix. With very limited heavy weapons and a severe shortage of anti-tank artillery, they could not effectively match the elite Japanese regiments. Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps maintained its national equipment via a close relationship with Chiang Kai-shek. In contrast, the 74th Army, after fighting in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Xuzhou, suffered heavy casualties, and the few German weapons it had were largely destroyed at Nanjing, leaving it to rely on a mix of domestically produced and Hanyang-made armaments. The new recruits added to each unit largely lacked combat experience, with nearly half of the intake having received basic training. The hardest hit was Li Hanhun's 64th Army, established less than a year prior and already unpopular within the Guangdong Army. Although classified as one of the three Type A divisions, the 155th, 156th, and 187th Divisions, it was equipped entirely with Hanyang-made firearms. Its direct artillery battalion possessed only about 20 older mortars and three Type 92 infantry guns, limiting its heavy firepower to roughly that of a Japanese battalion. The 195th Division and several miscellaneous units were even less prominent, reorganized from local militias and lacking Hanyang rifles. Additionally, three batches of artillery purchased from the Soviet Union arrived in Lanzhou via Xinjiang between March and June 1938. Except for the 52nd Artillery Regiment assigned to the 200th Division, the other artillery regiments had recently received their weapons and were still undergoing training. The 200th Division, had been fighting awhile for in the Xuzhou area and incurred heavy casualties, was still in training and could only deploy its remaining tank battalion and armored vehicle company. The tank battalion was equipped with T-26 light tanks and a small number of remaining British Vickers tanks, while the armored vehicle company consisted entirely of Italian Fiat CV33 armored cars. The disparity in numbers was substantial, and this tank unit did not participate in the battle.  As for the Japanese, the 14th Division was an elite Type A formation. Originally organized with four regiments totaling over 30,000 men, the division's strength was later augmented. Doihara's 14th Division received supplements, a full infantry regiment and three artillery regiments, to prevent it from being surrounded and annihilated, effectively transforming the unit into a mobile reinforced division. Consequently, the division's mounted strength expanded to more than 40,000 personnel, comprising five infantry regiments and four artillery regiments. The four artillery regiments, the 24th Artillery Regiment, the 3rd Independence Mountain Artillery Regiment, the 5th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, and the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, possessed substantial heavy firepower, including 150mm heavy howitzers and 105mm long-range field cannons, placing them far in excess of the Nationalist forces at Lanfeng. In addition, both the 14th and later the 16th Divisions commanded tank regiments with nearly 200 light and medium tanks each, while Nationalist forces were markedly short of anti-tank artillery. At the same time, the Nationalist Air Force, though it had procured more than 200 aircraft of various types from the Soviet Union, remained heavily reliant on Soviet aid-to-China aircraft, amounting to over 100 machines, and could defend only a few cities such as Wuhan, Nanchang, and Chongqing. In this context, Japanese forces effectively dominated the Battle of Lanfeng. Moreover, reports indicate that the Japanese employed poison gas on the battlefield, while elite Nationalist troops possessed only a limited number of gas masks, creating a stark disparity in chemical warfare preparedness. Despite these disparities, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government were initially unaware of the updated strength and composition of the Doihara Division. Faced with constrained options, Chiang chose to press ahead with combat operations. On May 12, 1939, after crossing the Yellow River, the IJA 14th Division continued its southward advance toward Lanfeng. The division's objective was to sever the Longhai Railway, disrupt the main Nationalist retreat toward Zhengzhou, and seize Zhengzhou itself. By May 15, the division split into two columns at Caoxian and moved toward key nodes on the Longhai Line. Major General Toyotomi Fusatarou led two infantry regiments, one cavalry regiment, and one artillery regiment in the main assault toward Kaocheng with the aim of directly capturing Lanfeng. Doihara led three infantry regiments and three artillery regiments toward Neihuang and Minquan, threatening Guide. In response, the Nationalist forces concentrated along the railway from Lanfeng to Guide, uniting Song Xilian's 71st Army, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army, Yu Jishi's 74th Army, Li Hanhun's 64th Army, and Huang Jie's 8th Army. From May 15 to 17, the Fengjiu Brigade, advancing toward Lanfeng, met stubborn resistance near Kaocheng from roughly five divisions under Song Xilian and was forced to shift its effort toward Yejigang and Neihuang. The defense near Neihuang, including Shen Ke's 106th Division and Liang Kai's 195th Division, ultimately faltered, allowing Doihara's division to seize Neihuang, Yejigang, Mazhuangzhai, and Renheji. Nevertheless, the Nationalist forces managed to contain the Japanese advance east and west of the area, preventing a complete encirclement. Chiang Kai-shek ordered Cheng Qian, commander-in-chief of the 1st War Zone, to encircle and annihilate the Japanese 14th Division. The deployment plan mapped three routes: the Eastern Route Army, under Li Hanhun, would include the 74th Army, the 155th Division of the 64th Army, a brigade of the 88th Division, and a regiment of the 87th Division, advancing westward from Guide); the Western Route Army, commanded by Gui Yongqing, would comprise the 27th Army, the 71st Army, the 61st Division, and the 78th Division, advancing eastward from Lanfeng; and the Northern Route Army, formed by Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Army and Shang Zhen's 20th Army, was to cut off the enemy's retreat to the north bank of the Yellow River near Dingtao, Heze, Dongming, and Kaocheng, while attacking the Doihara Division from the east, west, and north to annihilate it in a single decisive operation.  On May 21, the Nationalist Army mounted a full-scale offensive. Yu Jishi's 74th Army, commanded by Wang Yaowu's 51st Division, joined a brigade of Song Xilian's 71st Army, led by the 88th Division, and drove the Japanese forces at Mazhuangzhai into retreat, capturing Neihuang and Renheji. The main Japanese force, more than 6,000 strong, withdrew southwest to Yangjiji and Shuangtaji. Song Xilian, commanding Shen Fazao's 87th Division, launched a sharp assault on Yejigang (Yifeng). The Japanese abandoned the stronghold, but their main body continued advancing toward Yangjiji, with some units retreating to Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. On May 23, Song Xilian's 71st Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army enveloped and annihilated enemy forces at Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. That evening they seized Ximaoguzhai, Yangzhuang, and Helou, eliminating more than a thousand Japanese troops. The Japanese troops at Donggangtou fled toward Lanfeng. Meanwhile, Gui Yongqing's forces were retreating through Lanfeng. His superior strength, Jiang Fusheng's 36th Division, Li Liangrong's 46th Division, Zhong Song's 61st Division, Li Wen's 78th Division, Long Muhan's 88th Division, and Shen Ke's 106th Division—had held defensive positions along the Lanfeng–Yangji line. Equipped with a tank battalion and armored vehicle company commanded by Qiu Qingquan, they blocked the enemy's westward advance and awaited Japanese exhaustion. However, under the Japanese offensive, Gui Yongqing's poor command led to the loss of Maji and Mengjiaoji, forcing the 27th Army to retreat across its entire front. Its main force fled toward Qixian and Kaifeng. The Japanese seized the opportunity to capture Quxingji, Luowangzhai, and Luowang Railway Station west of Lanfeng. Before retreating, Gui Yongqing ordered Long Muhan to dispatch a brigade to replace the 106th Division in defending Lanfeng, while he directed the 106th Division to fall back to Shiyuan. Frightened by the enemy, Long Muhan unilaterally withdrew his troops on the night of the 23rd, leaving Lanfeng undefended. On the 24th, Japanese troops advancing westward from Donggangtou entered Lanfeng unopposed and, relying on well-fortified fortifications, held their ground until reinforcements arrived. In the initial four days, the Nationalist offensive failed to overwhelm the Japanese, who escaped encirclement and annihilation. The four infantry and artillery regiments and one cavalry regiment on the Japanese side managed to hold the line along Lanfeng, Luowangzhai, Sanyizhai, Lanfengkou, Quxingji, Yang'erzhai, and Chenliukou on the south bank of the Yellow River, offering stubborn resistance. The Longhai Railway was completely cut off. Chiang Kai-shek, furious upon hearing the news while stationed in Zhengzhou, ordered the execution of Long Muhan, commander of the 88th Division, to restore military morale. He also decided to consolidate Hu Zongnan's, Li Hanhun's, Yu Jishi's, Song Xilian's, and Gui Yongqing's troops into the 1st Corps, with Xue Yue as commander-in-chief. On the morning of May 25, they launched a determined counterattack on Doihara's 14th Division. Song Xilian personally led the front lines on May 24 to rally the defeated 88th Division.  Starting on May 25, after three days of intense combat, Li Hanhun's 64th Army advanced to seize Luowang Station and Luowangzhai, while Song Xilian's 71st Army retook Lanfeng City, temporarily reopening the Longhai Line to traffic. At Sanyi Village, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army captured a series of outlying positions, including Yang'eyao, Chailou, Cailou, Hezhai, Xuelou, and Baowangsi. Despite these gains, more than 6,000 Japanese troops offered stubborn resistance. During the fighting, Ji Hongru, commander of the 302nd Regiment, was seriously wounded but continued to fight, shouting, “Don't worry about my death! Brothers, fight on!” He ultimately died a heroic death from his wounds. By May 27, Chiang Kai-shek, concerned that the forces had not yet delivered a decisive victory at Lanfeng, personally reprimanded the participating generals and ordered them to completely encircle and annihilate the enemy west of Lanfeng by the following day. He warned that if the opportunity was missed and Japanese reinforcements arrived, the position could be endangered. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek issued another telegram, urging Cheng Qian's First War Zone and all participating units to press the offensive. The telegram allegedly had this in it “It will forever be a laughingstock in the history of warfare.” Meanwhile on the other side, to prevent the annihilation of Doihara's 14th Division, the elite Japanese 16th Division and the 3rd Mixed Brigade, totaling over 40,000 men, launched a westward assault from Dangshan, capturing Yucheng on May 26. They then began probing the outskirts of Guide. Huang Jie's Eighth Army, responsible for the defense, withdrew to the outskirts of Guide that evening. On May 28, Huang Jie again led his troops on his own initiative, retreating to Liuhe and Kaifeng, leaving only the 187th Division to defend Zhuji Station and Guide City. At dawn on May 29, Peng Linsheng, commander of the 187th Division, also withdrew his troops, leaving Guide a deserted city. The Japanese occupied Guide without a fight. The loss of Guide dramatically shifted the tide of the war. Threatened on the flanks by the Japanese 16th Division, the Nationalist forces were forced onto the defensive. On May 28, the Japanese 14th Division concentrated its forces to counterattack Gui Yongqing's troops, but they were defeated again, allowing the Japanese to stabilize their position. At the same time, the fall of Shangqiu compelled Xue Yue's corps to withdraw five divisions to block the enemy in Shangqiu, and the Nationalist Army shifted to a defensive posture with the 14th Division holding Sanyizhai and Quxingji. To the north of the battlefield, the Japanese 4th Mixed Brigade, numbering over 10,000 men, was preparing to force a crossing of the Yellow River in order to join with the nearby 14th Division. More seriously, the 10th Division, together with its 13th Mixed Brigade and totaling more than 40,000 men, had captured Woyang and Bozhou on the Henan-Anhui border and was rapidly encircling eastern Henan. By the time of the Battle of Lanfeng, Japanese forces had deployed more than 100,000 troops, effectively surrounding the Nationalist army. On May 31, the First War Zone decided to withdraw completely, and the Battle of Lanfeng ended in defeat for the Nationalists, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to authorize diverting the Yellow River embankment to relieve pressure. The consequence was a deteriorating strategic situation, as encirclement tightened and reinforcement options dwindled, driving a retreat from the Lanfeng front. The National Army suffered more than 67,000 casualties, killed and wounded more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers, Lanfeng was lost, and Zhengzhou was in danger.  As in Nanjing, this Chinese army might have lived to fight another day, but the effect on Xuzhou itself was horrific. The city had endured Japanese bombardment since August 1937, and the population's mood swung between cautious hope and utter despair. In March, Du Zhongyuan visited Xuzhou. Before he left Wuhan, friends told him that “the city was desolate and the people were terrified, all the inhabitants of Xuzhou were quietly getting on with their business … sometimes it was even calmer than Wuhan.” The Australian journalist Rhodes Farmer recalled a similar image in a book published at war's end, noting the “ordinary townsfolk who became wardens, fire-fighters and first-aid workers during the raid and then went back to their civil jobs.” Yet the mid-May departure of Nationalist troops left the city and its outskirts at the mercy of an angry Imperial Army. Bombing continued through the final days of battle, and a single raid on May 14, 1938 killed 700 people. Around Xuzhou, buildings and bridges were destroyed—some by retreating Chinese forces, some by advancing Japanese troops. Taierzhuang, the scene of the earlier iconic defense, was utterly destroyed. Canadian Jesuits who remained in Xuzhou after its fall recorded that more than a third of the houses were razed, and most of the local population had fled in terror. In rural areas around the city, massacres were repeatedly reported, many witnessed by missionaries. Beyond the atrocities of the Japanese, locals faced banditry in the absence of law enforcement, and vital agricultural work such as planting seed ground to a halt. The loss of Xuzhou was both strategic and symbolic. It dealt a severe blow to Chiang's attempt to hold central China and to control regional troop movements. Morale, which Taierzhuang had briefly boosted, was battered again though not extinguished. The fall signaled that the war would be long, and that swift victory against Japan was no longer likely. Mao Zedong's Yan'an base, far to the northwest, grasped the meaning of defeat there. In May 1938 he delivered one of his most celebrated lectures, “On Protracted War,” chiding those who had over-optimistically claimed the Xuzhou campaign could be a quasi-decisive victory and arguing that, after Taierzhuang, some had become “giddy.” Mao insisted that China would ultimately prevail, yet he warned that it could not be won quickly, and that the War of Resistance would be protracted. In the meantime, the development of guerrilla warfare remained an essential piece of the long-term strategy that the Communist armies would pursue in north China. Yet the loss of Xuzhou did not necessarily portend a long war; it could, instead, presage a war that would be terrifyingly short. By spring 1938 the Chinese defenders were desperate. There was a real danger that the entire war effort could collapse, and the Nationalist governments' notable success as protectors of a shrinking “Free China” lay in avoiding total disaster. Government propaganda had successfully portrayed a plan beyond retreat to foreign observers, yet had Tokyo captured Wuhan in the spring, the Chinese Army would have had to withdraw at speed, reinforcing perceptions of disintegration. Western governments were unlikely to intervene unless convinced it was in their interests. Within the Nationalist leadership, competing instincts persisted. The government pursued welfare measures for the people in the midst of a massive refugee relief effort, the state and local organizations, aided by the International Red Cross, housed large numbers of refugees in 1937–1938. Yet there was a harsher strain within policy circles, with some officials willing to sacrifice individual lives for strategic or political ends as the Japanese threat intensified. Throughout central China, the Yellow River, China's “Sorrow”, loomed as the dominant geographic force shaping history. The loess-laden river, notorious for floods and shifting channels, was banked by massive dikes near Zhengzhou, exactly along the line the Japanese would traverse toward Wuhan. Using the river as a military instrument was discussed as a drastic option: Chiang and Cheng Qian's First War Zone contemplated diverting or breaching the dikes to halt or slow the Japanese advance, a measure that could buy time but would unleash enormous civilian suffering. The idea dated back to 1887 floods that cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and even in 1935 Alexander von Falkenhausen had warned that the Yellow River could become the final line of defense. In 1938 Chiang, recognizing the futility of defeating the Japanese by conventional means at Zhengzhou, considered unleashing the river's force if necessary to impede the invaders. The political and strategic calculus was stark: protect central China and Wuhan, even if it required drastic and morally fraught measures. A more humane leader might have hesitated to break the dikes and spare the dams, allowing the Japanese to take Wuhan. But Chiang Kai-shek believed that if the dikes were not breached and Wuhan fell within days, the Nationalist government might be unable to relocate to Chongqing in time and would likely surrender, leaving Japan in control of almost all of China. Some have compared the choice to France's surrender in June 1940, underscoring that Chiang's decision came during the country's most terrifying assault, with Chinese forces much weaker and less trained than their European counterparts. The dilemma over whether to break the Yellow River dikes grew out of desperation. Chiang ultimately ordered General Wei Rulin to blow the dike that held the Yellow River in central Henan. There was no doubt about the consequences: floods would inundate vast areas of central China, creating a waterlogged barrier that would halt the Japanese advance. Yet for the plan to succeed, it had to be carried out quickly, and the government could offer no public warning in case the Japanese detected it and accelerated their movement. Xiong Xianyu, chief of staff in the 8th Division at the time, recorded the urgency of those hours in his diary. The Japanese were already on the north bank of the Yellow River, briefly delayed when the Chinese army blew up the railway bridge across the river. The destruction of the dikes was the next step: if the area became a sea of mud, there would be no way the Japanese could even attempt to reconstruct the bridge. Blasting the dikes proved easier in theory than in practice. Holding back such a massive body of water required substantial engineering, dams thick and well fortified. The army made its first attempts to blow the dike at the small town of Zhaokou between June 4 and 6, 1938, but the structure proved too durable; another nearby attempt failed as well. Hour by hour, the Japanese moved closer. Division commander Jiang Zaizhen asked Xiong Xianyu for his opinion on where they might breach the dams. Xiong wrote “I discussed the topography, and said that two places, Madukou and Huayuankou, were both possible.” But Madukou was too close to Zhaokou, where the breach had already failed, presenting a danger that the Japanese might reach it very soon. The village of Huayuankou, however, lay farther away and on a bend in the river: “To give ourselves enough time, Huayuankou would be best.” At first, the soldiers treated the task as a military engineering assignment, an “exciting” one in Xiong's words. Xiong and Wei Rulin conducted their first site inspection after dark, late on June 6. The surroundings offered a deceptive calm: Xiong recounted “The wind blew softly, and the river water trickled pleasantly.” Yet gauging the water level proved difficult, hampered by murky moonlight and burned-out flashlights. They spent the night in their car to determine precisely where to break the dike as soon as day broke. But daylight seemed to bring home the consequences of what they planned to do, and the soldiers grew increasingly anxious. Wang Songmei, commander of the 2nd Regiment, addressed the workers about to breach the dike: “My brothers, this plan will be of benefit to our country and our nation, and will lessen the harm that is being done to the people.In the future, you'll find good wives and have plenty of children.” Wang's words were meant to reassure the men of the political necessity of their actions and that fate would not, in the traditional Chinese sense, deny them a family because of the enormity of their deeds. General Wei confirmed that Huayuankou was the right spot, and on June 8 the work began, with about 2,000 men taking part. The Nationalist government was eager to ensure rapid progress. Xiong recorded that the “highest authorities”,, kept making telephone calls from Wuhan to check on progress. In addition, the party sent performers to sing and play music to bolster the workers' spirits. Senior General Shang Zhen announced to the laborers that if they breached the dam by midnight on June 8, each would receive 2,000 yuan; if they achieved it by six the next morning, they would still be paid 1,000 yuan. They needed encouragement, for the diggers had no artificial assistance. After the initial failures at Zhaokou, Wei's troops relied entirely on manual labor, with no explosives used. Yet the workers earned their payments, and the dike was breached in just a few hours. On the morning of June 9, Xiong recorded a rapid shift in mood: the atmosphere became tense and solemn. Initially, the river flow was modest, but by about 1:00 p.m. the water surged “fiercely,” flowing “like 10,000 horses.” Looking toward the distance, Xiong felt as though a sea had appeared before him. “My heart ached,” he wrote. The force of the water widened the breach, and a deadly stream hundreds of feet wide comprising about three-quarters of the river's volume—rushed southeast across the central Chinese plains. “We did this to stop the enemy,” Xiong reflected, “so we didn't regret the huge sacrifice, as it was for a greater victory.” Yet he and the other soldiers also saw a grim reality: the troops who had taken on the task of destroying the railway bridge and the dikes could not bear the flood's consequences alone. It would be up to the government and the people of the nation to provide relief for the countless households uprooted by the flood. In fact, the previous evening Commander Jiang had telephoned to request assistance for those flooded out of their homes.   Wei, Xiong, and their troops managed to escape by wooden boats. Hundreds of thousands of farmers trapped in the floods were far less fortunate. Time magazine's correspondent Theodore White reported on the devastation a few days later “Last week “The Ungovernable” [i.e. the Yellow River] lashed out with a flood which promised to change not only its own course but also the course of the whole Sino-Japanese War. Severe breaks in the dikes near Kaifeng sent a five-foot wall of water fanning out over a 500-squaremile area, spreading death. Toll from Yellow River floods is not so much from quick drowning as from gradual disease and starvation. The river's filth settles ankle-deep on the fields, mothering germs, smothering crops. Last week, about 500,000 peasants were driven from 2,000 communities to await rescue or death on whatever dry ground they could find”. Chiang's government had committed one of the grossest acts of violence against its own people, and he knew that the publicity could be a damaging blow to its reputation. He decided to divert blame by announcing that the dike had been broken, but blaming the breach on Japanese aerial bombing. The Japanese, in turn, fiercely denied having bombed the dikes. White's reporting reflected the immediate response of most foreigners; having heard about the atrocities at Nanjing and Xuzhou, he was disinclined to give the Japanese the benefit of the doubt. Furthermore, at the very time that the Yellow River was flooding central China, the Japanese were heavily bombing Guangzhou, causing thousands of casualties. To White, the Japanese counterargument—that the Chinese themselves were responsible, seemed unthinkable: “These accusations, foreign observers thought, were absurd. For the Chinese to check the Japanese advance at possible sacrifice of half a million lives would be a monstrous pyrrhic victory. Besides, dike-cutting is the blackest of Chinese crimes, and the Chinese Army would hardly risk universal censure for slight tactical gains.” But, of course, that is exactly what they had done. During the war the Nationalists never admitted that they, not the Japanese, had breached the dikes. But the truth quickly became widely known. Just a month later, on July 19, US Ambassador Johnson noted, in private communication, that the “Chinese blocked the advance on Chengchow [Zhengzhou] by breaching the Yellow River dikes.” Eventually some 54,000 square kilometers of central China were inundated by the floods. If the Japanese had committed such an act, it would have been remembered as the prime atrocity of the war, dwarfing even the Nanjing Massacre or the Chongqing air raids in terms of the number of people who suffered. Accurate statistics were impossible to obtain in the midst of wartime chaos and disaster, but in 1948 figures issued by the Nationalists themselves suggested enormous casualties: for the three affected provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu, the number of dead was put at 844,489, with some 4.8 million becoming refugees. More recent studies place the numbers lower, but still estimate the dead at around 500,000, and 3–5 million refugees. In contrast, the devastating May 1939 air raids on Chongqing killed some thousands. Xiong reflected in his diary that the breaching of the Yellow River dikes was a sacrifice for a greater victory. Even to some Japanese it seemed that the tactic had been successful in the short term: the first secretary at the US Embassy in Wuhan reported that the flood had “completely checked the Japanese advance on Chengchow” and had prevented them taking Wuhan by rail. Instead, he predicted, the attack was likely to come by water and along the north shore of the Yangtze. Supporters of the dike breaches could argue that these acts saved central China and Chiang's headquarters in Wuhan for another five months. The Japanese were indeed prevented from advancing along the Long–Hai railway toward Wuhan. In the short term the floods did what the Nationalists wanted. But the flooding was a tactic, a breathing space, and did not solve the fundamental problem: China's armies needed strong leadership and rapid reform. Some historians suggest that Chiang's decision was pointless anyway, since it merely delayed the inevitable. Theodore White was right: no strategic advantage could make the deaths of 500,000 of China's own people a worthwhile price to pay. However, Chiang Kai-shek's decision can be partly explained, though not excused, by the context. We can now look back at the actions of the Nationalists and argue that they should not have held on to Wuhan, or that their actions in breaching the dam were unjustifiable in the extreme. But for Chiang, in the hot summer of 1938, it seemed his only hope was to deny Japan as much of China for as long as possible and create the best possible circumstances for a long war from China's interior, while keeping the world's attention on what Japan was doing. The short delay won by the flooding was itself part of the strategy. In the struggle raging within the soul of the Nationalist Party, the callous, calculating streak had won, for the time being. The breaking of the dikes marked a turning point as the Nationalists committed an act whose terrible consequences they would eventually have to expiate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late 1937, China's frontline trembled as Japanese forces closed in on Wuhan. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: endure costly defenses or unleash a desperate gamble. Chiangs' radical plan emerged: breach the Yellow River dikes at Huayuankou to flood central China, buying time. The flood roared, washing villages and futures away, yet slowing the enemy. The battlefield paused, while a nation weighed courage against civilian suffering, victory against devastating costs.

  Last time we spoke about China's preparations for War. In December 1936, the tension in China reached a boiling point as Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek was captured by his own commanders, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng. Disillusioned by Chiang's focus on fighting communists instead of the encroaching Japanese forces, the generals sought a unified response to Japanese aggression. After being held in Xi'an, Chiang reluctantly agreed to collaborate with the Chinese Communist Party, marking a significant shift in strategy against Japan. Amidst the rising chaos, Chiang's government reviewed historical military strategies and prepared for a prolonged conflict. However, they faced challenges, including inadequate supplies and a lack of modern equipment compared to the Japanese. By 1937, China was ill-prepared for war, with Chiang later expressing regret about their military readiness. Despite these setbacks, the alliance formed with the communists laid a foundation for a united Chinese front against the brutalities of the Sino-Japanese War that would follow.   #153 Japan Prepares for War Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So in the last episode we talked about how China was preparing itself for war, now its time for Japan. Since Japan's invasion of North China, Japanese field armies had promoted a series of autonomous zones in northern China. Officers from the Kwantung Army, skeptical of China's capacity to modernize, believed that the vast region would inevitably fragment into regional factions. This policy effectively maintained a weak and divided China, which served Japan's to defend Manchukuo. However many Japanese military leaders frequently pointed to the threat posed by the KMT's five-year plan, initiated in 1933 with assistance from German military advisors, aimed at modernizing and expanding the national army. To counter what they perceived as a Chinese threat, the field armies advocated for a preemptive war to dismantle Chiang Kai-shek's regime. Any attempt by Tokyo to alter the military's China policy faced vigorous opposition from the Kwantung Army, which, in February 1937, pushed for intensified covert actions to expel the KMT from northern China and supported a preemptive war to secure strategic areas for future operations against the Soviet Union. At a March meeting in Tokyo, staff officers from the China Garrison and Kwantung armies insisted that any concessions to China would be a grave mistake and would likely yield only temporary outcomes. In early spring 1937, Prince Konoe Fumimaro inherited a China policy fraught with competing views, however, there was consensus that China must not distract the empire from its preparations against the USSR. The end goal was clear, but the means to achieve it remained uncertain. The cabinet's approval of the "Fundamentals of National Policy" in August 1936 indicated a need for stability as the army and navy reconfigured Japan's war machine. The challenge lay in aligning long-term strategic goals with practical short-term interests in northern China without upsetting the existing balance of power. Expanding demands propelled the army's contingency planning, which had traditionally focused on safeguarding Japanese interests and the approximately 13,000 Japanese citizens residing in the region. Tokyo typically responded to serious incidents by deploying troops from homeland garrisons to address localized emergencies and then withdrawing them. However, by the mid-1930s, the growing Soviet threat to Manchukuo rendered this doctrine obsolete. Incidents in northern China gained strategic importance as they diverted resources from the Kwantung Army's preparations against the Soviet Union. Disruptions in northern China hindered access to essential raw materials necessary for army modernization and rearmament, while hostile Chinese forces threatened the Kwantung Army's strategic left flank in the event of war with the Soviets. With these considerations in mind, the army revised its operational war plans, assuming that northern China would serve as Japan's strategic rear area for operations against the USSR. In 1911 Japan's plan for general war mandated thirteen divisions to occupy southern Manchuria, capture Beijing, and subsequently occupy Zhejiang and Fujian. Limited contingency operations in northern China required two divisions to secure rail communications from Beijing to the coast. In the weeks following the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the General Staff in Tokyo drafted plans to counter a Sino-Soviet alliance, anticipating a 2 month campaign involving 15-16 divisions, with the majority engaged against the Soviet Red Army. 2 divisions were designated to secure northern China, while smaller units would monitor the Inner Mongolian front to protect Japan's western flank in Manchuria. After further refinement, the General Staff identified three contingencies for China in early 1932: maintaining the traditional mission of safeguarding Japanese interests and citizens with a standard two-division force; ensuring a secure line of communication between the Chinese capital and the sea with the China Garrison Army, which consisted of approximately 1,700 officers and men, reinforced by one division; and, in a worst-case scenario of all-out war, deploying three divisions to reinforce the Kwantung Army, along with 7 additional divisions and 3 cavalry brigades to suppress resistance in northern China and the Shandong Peninsula, while two additional divisions secured key areas in central China. Between 1932-1936, China received less attention as the General Staff focused on the Soviet military buildup in the Far East. Anxiety, stemming from the Soviet buildup in the Far East, was a pervasive concern reflected in the draft rearmament plan submitted to the throne on May 21, 1936, as part of the national budget formulation process. The army proposed countering the Soviet threat by enhancing Japanese strategic mobility in Manchukuo through the renovation and expansion of airfields, ports, roads, and rail infrastructure, and by constructing army air force arsenals, storage depots, and medical facilities. The positioning of Japanese divisions in eastern Manchuria suggested their wartime objectives, with the Kwantung Army relying on a mobile independent mixed brigade composed of armored car and mounted cavalry units stationed in Gongzhuling, central Manchuria, as its immediate response force for contingencies in northern China. Major units were not concentrated in western Manchuria, where they would be expected to deploy before any planned invasion of northern China. Nevertheless, General Staff planners remained vigilant regarding developments in China, where the resurgence of nationalism, Communist movements advancing north of the Yellow River in February 1936, and the spread of anti-Japanese sentiments across northern China raised the specter of limited military operations escalating into full-scale warfare. China's improving military capabilities would likely hinder Japanese forces from accomplishing their objectives. For example, around Shanghai, Chinese defenses were bolstered by extensive, in-depth, and permanent fortifications. In mid-September 1936, the General Staff in Tokyo issued orders to preempt significant outbreaks in northern China by repositioning a division in Manchukuo closer to the boundary. If hostilities broke out, the China Garrison Army, supported by Kwantung Army units, would launch punitive operations against Chinese forces as necessary. Higher headquarters expected local commanders to act swiftly and decisively, employing rapid maneuvers and shock tactics to address outbreaks with minimal force. Given that no alternative responses were considered, Japanese operational planning for northern China relied on an all-or-nothing approach to force deployment, even for minor incidents. Yet, the senior leadership of the army remained deeply divided over its China policy. Influenced by Ishiwara, the General Staff wanted to avoid military actions that could lead to a full-scale war with China, focusing instead on advancing the army's extensive rearmament and modernization program. In contrast, a majority of high-ranking officers in the Army Ministry and General Staff, particularly within the 2nd Operations Section and the Kwantung Army, favored forceful action against China, believing it necessary to quell rising anti-Japanese sentiments. Drawing from past experiences, these officers anticipated that the Chinese would quickly capitulate once hostilities commenced. This lack of a unified military strategy reflected broader disagreements among the army's leadership regarding operations in China. While operational planning called for the permanent occupation of large regions in northern and central China, the General Staff aimed to contain outbreaks to maintain focus on Soviet threats. There was a clear absence of long-term operational planning; instead, the army concentrated on initial battles while relegating planning for prolonged combat operations to contingent circumstances. In summary, the Japanese army preferred to avoid military force to address Chinese issues whenever feasible but was equally unwilling to concede to Chinese demands. Since 1914, Tosui Koryo or “Principles of Command” had served as the foundational doctrine for senior Japanese army commanders and staff officers engaged in combined arms warfare at the corps and army levels. The advent of new weapons, tactics, and organizational changes during World War I compelled all major military forces to reassess their existing military doctrines across strategic, operational, and tactical dimensions. In response, Japan modified the Principles of Command to blend its traditional post-Russo-Japanese War focus on the intangible factors in battle with the newest concepts of modern total war. A revision in 1918 recognized the significance of “recent great advances in materiel” for total warfare, yet it maintained that ultimate victory in battle relied on dedication, patriotism, and selfless service. In the 1920s, the General Staff's Operations Section, led by Major General Araki Sadao, who would become the leader of the Kodoha faction, had produced the most significant and impactful revision of the Principles. A staunch anti-communist and ideologue who valued the intangible elements of combat, Araki appointed Lieutenant Colonel Obata Toshishiro and Captain Suzuki Yorimichi as the principal authors of the manual's rewrite. Obata, a Soviet expert, was strongly influenced by German General Count Alfred von Schlieffen's classic theories of a “war of annihilation,” while Suzuki, the top graduate of the thirtieth Staff College class, shared Araki's focus on “spiritual” or intangible advantages in warfare. Both men were brilliant yet arrogant, working in secrecy to create a doctrine based on what Leonard Humphreys describes as “intense spiritual training” and bayonet-led assaults to counter the opponent's material superiority.  The latest version of the Principles of Command preserved the operational concept of rapid Japanese mobile offensive operations, aiming to induce a decisive battle or “kaisen” early in the campaign. It reaffirmed the sokusen sokketsu or “rapid victory' principle of rapid warfare. Attaining these goals relied exclusively on offensive action, with the army expecting commanders at all levels to press forward, defeat enemy units, and capture key territories. The troops were indoctrinated with a spirit of aggression and trained to anticipate certain victory. The emphasis on offensive action was so pronounced that Araki eliminated terms like surrender, retreat, and defense from the manual, believing they negatively affected troop morale. This aggressive mindset also infused the Sento Koryo or “Principles of Operations”, first published in 1929 as a handbook for combined arms warfare tailored for division and regimental commanders. The manual emphasized hand-to-hand combat as the culminating stage of battle, a principle regarded as unchanging in Japanese military doctrine since 1910. Senior commanders were expected to demonstrate initiative in skillfully maneuvering their units to encircle the enemy, setting the stage for climactic assaults with cold steel. Infantry was deemed the primary maneuver force, supported by artillery. To complement rapid infantry advances, the army developed light and mobile artillery. Operationally, encirclement and night attacks were vital components of victory, and even outnumbered units were expected to aggressively envelop enemy flanks. In assaults against fortified positions, units would advance under the cover of darkness, avoiding enemy artillery fire and positioning themselves for dawn attacks that combined firepower with shock action to overwhelm enemy defenses. In encounters with opposing forces, commanders would maneuver to flank the enemy, surround their units, and destroy them. If forced onto the defensive, commanders were expected to seize opportunities for decisive counterattacks to regain the initiative. These high-level operational doctrines were distilled into tactical guidelines in the January 1928 edition of the Infantry Manual or “Hohei Soten”, which saw a provisional revision in May 1937 . Both editions opened with identical introductions emphasizing the necessity for a rapid victory through the overpowering and destruction of enemy forces. Infantry was identified as the primary arm in combined arms warfare, and soldiers were taught to rely on cold steel as fundamental to their attacking spirit. The 1928 Infantry Manual underscored the commander's role in instilling a faith in certain victory or “hissho shinnen”, drawing from the glorious traditions of Japanese military history. The 1928 infantry tactics employed an extended skirmish line with four paces between soldiers. Individual initiative in combat was generally discouraged, except under exceptional circumstances, as success relied on concentrating firepower and manpower on narrow frontages to overwhelm defenders. An infantry company would create a skirmish line featuring two light machine gun squads and four rifle squads, preparing for a bayonet-driven breakthrough of enemy defenses. For the final assault, the infantry company would line up along a 150-yard front, likely facing casualties of up to 50% while breaching the enemy's main defensive line. Historical analysis reveals the shortcomings of these tactics. During World War I, armies constructed extensive, multi-layered defenses, trenches, pillboxes, and strong points, each independent yet all covered by artillery. If assaulting infantry suffered heavy losses breaching the first line, how could they successfully prosecute their assault against multiple defense lines? The 1937 revision elaborated on new tactics to overcome entrenched Soviet defenses, drafted in anticipation of arms and equipment that were either in development or production but not yet available for deployment. This became official doctrine in 1940, but as early as summer 1937, units from the China Garrison Army were field-testing these new tactics. The provisional manual adopted combat team tactics, forming an umbrella-like skirmish formation. This involved a light machine gun team at the forefront with two ammunition bearers flanking it to the rear. Behind the machine gun team were riflemen arranged in a column formation, maintaining six paces between each. The light machine gun provided cover fire as the formation closed in on the enemy for hand-to-hand combat. Increased firepower expanded the assault front to 200 yards. The combination of wider dispersion and night movement aimed to reduce losses from enemy artillery fire while the infantry advanced through successive lines of resistance. Commanders at the platoon level were responsible for leading the final assault into enemy lines, with increased tactical responsibility shifting from platoon to squad leaders, allowing for greater initiative from junior officers and non-commissioned officers. This emphasis on broader dispersal and fluidity on the battlefield required frontline infantry to exhibit aggressiveness and initiative. Contrary to popular belief, the Japanese military did not solely rely on the bayonet or an offensive spirit during engagements with Chinese forces. They effectively employed superior firepower and modern equipment within their combined arms framework, using heavy weapons and artillery to soften enemy positions before launching infantry attacks. Without such firepower, unsupported infantry attacks would have struggled to achieve their objectives. In January 1937, the Imperial Japanese Army consisted of approximately 247,000 officers and men, organized in a structure comprising seventeen standing infantry divisions, four tank regiments, and fifty-four air squadrons equipped with a total of 549 aircraft. The China Garrison Army and the Taiwan Garrison Army each included two infantry regiments, while a separate independent mixed brigade was stationed in Manchuria. Two divisions were permanently based in Korea, with four more assigned on a rotating basis to the Kwantung Army in Manchukuo. The remainder of the forces were stationed in the Japanese home islands. A substantial pool of reservists and partially trained replacements was available to mobilize, enabling the expansion of peacetime units to their wartime strength as needed. Conscription provided the primary source of enlisted manpower for the army, though a handful of young men volunteered for active duty. For conscription purposes, Japan was divided into divisional areas, which were further subdivided into regimental districts responsible for conscription, mobilization, individual activations, and veteran affairs within their jurisdictions. Typically, conscripts served with the regiment associated with their region or prefecture. However, the Imperial Guards regiments in Tokyo selected conscripts from across the nation, as did the Seventh Infantry Division, which recruited from the sparsely populated Hokkaido area and from regular army units stationed in Korea, China, and Taiwan. Draftees from Okinawa Prefecture usually served with Kyushu-based regiments. All males reaching the age of 20 underwent an army-administered pre-induction physical examination conducted between December 1 and January 30 of the following year. This evaluation classified potential conscripts into three categories: A “suitable for active duty”, B1, and B2, while others were deemed unfit for the demands of military life. In 1935, 29.7% of those examined received A classifications, while 41.2% were graded as B1 or B2. Among the 742,422 individuals eligible for conscription in 1937, approximately 170,000 were drafted, amounting to 22.9% of the cohort; this figure had remained relatively consistent since the post-Russo-Japanese War years. Within the conscripted group, 153,000 men were classified as A and an additional 17,000 as B. Conscripts served for two years of active duty, with variations based on their military specialty and any prior civilian military training. After their discharge, they were subject to a lengthy reserve obligation. In total, 470,635 individuals fell into the B category, being otherwise fit for service but excess to the army's active personnel needs. These men were assigned to the First Replacement Pool, where they underwent around 120 days of basic military training, primarily focused on small arms usage and fundamental tactics. Regular officers and NCOs led the training in their respective regimental districts. Following their initial training, the army called these replacements and reservists to active duty annually for several days of refresher training. Army leaders regarded discipline as the cornerstone of military effectiveness. Basic training emphasized the necessity of unquestioning obedience to orders at all levels. Subsequent training focused on fieldcraft, such as utilizing terrain strategically to surprise or encircle the enemy. However, training exercises often lacked diversity due to the limited maneuver areas available in Japan, leading to predictable solutions to field problems. The training regimen was rigorous, merging strict formal discipline and regulated corporal punishment with harsh informal sanctions and unregulated violence from leaders to instill unwavering compliance to orders. As an undergrad taking a course specifically on the Pacific War, it was this variable my professor argued contributed the most to the atrocities performed by the Japanese during WW2. He often described it as a giant pecking order of abuse. The most senior commanders abused, often physically their subordinates, who abused theirs, going through the ranks to the common grunts who had no one else but civilians and the enemy to peck at so to speak. Of course there were a large number of other variables at play, but to understand that you outta join my Patreon Account over at the www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel , where I made a fan favorite episode on “why the Japanese army performed so many atrocities”. In there I basically hit a big 10 reason list, well in depth, I highly recommend it! As the concept of the “Imperial Army” and the cult of the emperor gained prominence, appeals to imperial symbols and authority bolstered this unquestioning obedience to superiors, who were seen as the conduits of the emperor's will. It was during this period that the term kogun or “imperial army” gained favor over kokugun or “national army”, reflecting a deliberate effort by military authorities to forge a direct connection between the military and the imperial throne. The 1937 Japanese infantry division was structured as a square formation, with a peacetime strength established at approximately 12,000 officers and men organized into two brigades, each comprising about 4,000 personnel, formed from two infantry regiments, about 2,000 men each. The division included a field artillery regiment, an engineer regiment, and a transport battalion as organic units. Each infantry regiment was composed of three battalions, approximately 600 men each, which contained three rifle companies, 160 men each and a weapons platoon. A rifle company consisted of three rifle platoons and one light machine gun platoon. Regiments also included infantry assault gun platoons, and battalions contained a heavy machine gun company. Upon mobilization, a fourth infantry company augmented each battalion, along with reserve fillers, nearly 5,000 personnel assigned as transport and service troops, raising the authorized wartime strength of an infantry division to over 25,000 officers and men.  Reforms implemented in 1922 reduced personnel numbers in favor of new and improved weapons and equipment. Among these advancements, the 75 mm Type 90 field artillery piece, which boasted increased range and accuracy, was integrated into the forces in 1930, along with the 105 mm Type 10 howitzer and 75 mm pack mountain artillery which could be disassembled for transport using pack animals. These became standard artillery components for divisions. The emphasis on light, mobile, and smaller-caliber field artillery enabled swift deployment during fast-moving engagements. By minimizing the size of the baggage train, infantry and artillery units could quickly set up off the march formation and maneuver around enemy flanks. Army leaders further streamlined road march formations by eliminating the fourth artillery battery from each regiment, thus sacrificing some firepower for enhanced speed and mobility. Heavier artillery pieces were still used in set-piece battles where mobility was less critical. In a typical 1936 division, the field artillery regiment, equipped with Type 90 field artillery or lighter Type 94 mountain artillery, had thirty-six guns. Training focused on quality rather than quantity, reflecting the conservative doctrine of “one-round-one-hit”. Live-fire training was infrequent due to the scarcity of artillery firing ranges in Japan. Ammunition stockpiles were inadequate for anticipated operational needs; government arsenals produced over 111,000 artillery shells in 1936, which was fewer than one-tenth of the quantities specified in wartime consumption tables. Similar industrial shortcomings also hampered advancements in motorization and armor. Motorization proved costly and relied on foreign supply, presenting challenges given the inferior road networks in Manchuria, northern China, and the Soviet Far East. Military estimates suggested a need for 250,000 trucks to fully motorize the army, a goal beyond the capabilities of the nascent Japanese automotive industry, which produced fewer than 1,000 cars annually until 1933. Japanese tanks, described as “handcrafted, beautifully polished, and hoarded” by Alvin Coox, suffered from shortages similar to heavy artillery and ammunition. The army prioritized light weighing ten tons or less and medium tanks sixteen tons or less due to the necessity of deploying armor overseas, size and weight were crucial for loading and unloading from transport ships. Smaller tanks were also more suitable for the terrains of northern China and Manchuria, as they could traverse unbridged rivers using pontoons or ferries. The Japanese industrial base, however, struggled to mass-produce tanks; by 1939, factories were producing an average of only twenty-eight tanks of all models per month. Consequently, in 1937, foot soldiers remained as reliant on animal transport for mobility as their ancestors had been during the Russo-Japanese War. Despite enjoying technological and material superiority over disorganized Chinese forces, these deficiencies in heavy artillery, armor, and vehicles would prove catastrophic against more formidable opponents. Another significant factor constraining Japanese industry's capacity to produce tanks, trucks, and artillery was the 1936 decision to expand the army's air wing and homeland air defense network. This policy diverted resources, capital, and technology away from the army's ground forces. The nascent Japanese Army Air Force or “JAAF” aimed to support ground operations through reconnaissance, bombing enemy bases, and achieving air superiority. However, direct support for ground operations was limited, and Japanese military planners did not anticipate that aerial bombardment could supplement or replace artillery bombardments. The expanded air arm's strategic mission centered on executing preemptive air strikes against Soviet air bases in the Far East to thwart potential air attacks on Japan. By the mid-1930s, the army had approximately 650 aircraft, roughly 450 of which were operational. The JAAF emphasized rigorous training that prioritized quality over quantity, producing only about 750 pilots annually up until December 1941. Basic flight skills were developed through this training, while specialized tactical instruction was deferred to newly established pilot units. According to logistics doctrine, Japanese maneuver units typically operated within a 120 to 180-mile radius of a railhead to facilitate resupply and reinforcement. A field train transport unit was responsible for moving supplies daily from the railhead to a division control point for distribution. The division established a field depot to manage the transfer of supplies from field transport to company and lower-echelon units. At the depot, transport troops would hand over supplies to a combat train that ferried ammunition, rations, and equipment directly to frontline units. Horse-drawn wagons and pack animals were the primary means of transportation. Each wartime division included a transport battalion, which varied in size from approximately 2,200 to 3,700 personnel, depending on the type of division supported. The division typically carried enough supplies for one day. Upon mobilization, the logistical framework was reinforced with the addition of an ordnance unit, a field hospital, a sanitation unit, and additional field and combat trains. The size of the transport regiment grew from around 1,500 officers and men with over 300 horses to nearly 3,500 troops and more than 2,600 animals. In the battalion, one company generally transported small-arms ammunition while two companies handled artillery shells and two others carried rations; this arrangement was flexible based on operational needs. Pack horses and dray horses were assigned to each company to carry or tow infantry assault artillery, mortars, artillery ammunition, and rations. Infantry soldiers carried minimal rations, approximately two and a half pounds, primarily rice, along with tinned condiments and salt. Consequently, the field train included a field kitchen stocked with fresh vegetables, rice or bread, soy sauce, and pickles. Each evening, a forward echelon train distributed supplies received from the field transport unit to the combat unit's bivouac area. When combat seemed imminent, a section of the transport battalion would move forward to deliver essential combat supplies, ordnance, equipment, medical supplies, directly to frontline units. These units would also handle resupply, medical evacuation, and repair of ordnance and equipment once fighting commenced.  On the evening of September 18, 1936, the fifth anniversary of the Manchurian Incident, Chinese troops from the Twenty-Ninth Army clashed with Japanese soldiers from the Seventh Company's rear-guard medical unit at Fengtai. When a Japanese officer arrived on horseback, a Chinese soldier struck his horse, prompting the Chinese troops to retreat to their barracks. Major Ichiki Kiyonao, the battalion commander, ordered an emergency assembly, surrounded the Chinese encampment, and demanded that Chinese authorities surrender the aggressors immediately. To defuse the situation, Major General Kawabe Masakazu, the brigade commander and Ichiki's superior, instructed Regimental Commander Mutaguchi to resolve the incident swiftly. Mutaguchi negotiated an agreement that required the Chinese to apologize, punish those responsible, withdraw from the vicinity of the Japanese barracks, and maintain a distance of two miles. Although Mutaguchi and Ichiki wanted to disarm the Chinese forces, they ultimately complied with Kawabe's wishes and allowed the Chinese to retain their weapons “in the spirit of Bushido.” Later, the Chinese claimed the Japanese had refrained from disarming them due to their fear of the strength and influence of the 29th Army. This insult infuriated Mutaguchi, who vowed not to make any further concessions and promised to eliminate the anti-Japanese provocateurs decisively if another incident occurred. He warned his officers against allowing an “overly tolerant attitude toward the Chinese” to undermine the prestige of the imperial army and emphasized the need for swift, decisive action to prevent such incidents in the future. Tensions were further exacerbated by large-scale Japanese field exercises conducted from late October to early November. These maneuvers, the largest ever executed by Japanese forces in China, mobilized about 6,700 active-duty and reserve troops for a series of complex battle drills, night maneuvers, and tactical field problems. During these exercises, Japanese troops were quartered in Chinese homes. Although local residents were compensated for any damage caused, the exercises nonetheless heightened tensions between the two sides. The fallout from the Suiyuan Fiasco in December 1936, coupled with a tumultuous summer and fall, led to rising anti-Japanese sentiment and prompted Tokyo to caution the Kawabe brigade against actions that might escalate the already precarious situation. In March 1937, during the annual personnel assignments, Ishiwara was promoted to major general and appointed chief of the 1st Department Operations of the General Staff. However, Army Vice Minister Umezu, a hardliner regarding China and a rival of Ishiwara, successfully maneuvered the Hayashi cabinet into approving the command choices for army and navy ministers, overriding Ishiwara's proposals. General Sugiyama Hajime, another hawk on China, replaced the terminally ill General Nakamura Kotaro as army minister shortly after Nakamura's appointment and remained in that position until June 1938. Lieutenant General Imai Kiyoshi, army vice chief of staff and an Ishiwara supporter, was also battling a terminal illness that rendered him largely ineffective during his short five-month tenure from March to August 1937. Imai was expected to play a crucial role in high command because the army chief of staff, Prince Kan'in, had been appointed in 1931 as a figurehead due to internal factions preventing agreement on a candidate. Ishiwara further complicated his conciliatory approach by selecting Colonel Muto Akira, a known hardliner who believed force was the only means to resolve the Japan-China conflict, for the vital position of chief of Operations Section within the General Staff. From Kwantung Army headquarters, Commanding General Ueda Kenkichi and his chief of staff, Lieutenant General Tojo Hideki, advocated for a preemptive war against China to serve the Kwantung Army's interests. In contrast, the China Garrison Army, under Lieutenant General Tashiro and his chief of staff, adopted a more moderate stance, aligning with central headquarters' policy of restraint. The China Garrison Army estimated the 29th Army to consist of 15,000–16,000 troops, with its main strength centered around Peking and an additional 10,000 troops in the surrounding area. Starting in spring 1937, Japanese units began observing tactical indicators suggesting that the Chinese were preparing for war. These indicators included increased guard presence at Peking's gates in June, bolstering units near the Marco Polo Bridge to over two battalions, preparing new fighting positions, digging trenches and constructing concrete pillboxes near the Marco Polo Bridge, infiltrating agents into Japanese maneuver areas for intelligence on night tactical exercises, and heightened strictness among Chinese railroad guards evident since late June. Nevertheless, the Japanese commanders did not view China as a formidable opponent. They believed that Chinese armies would quickly disintegrate due to what they perceived as a lack of fighting spirit and ineffective leadership. By 1937, Japan's national policy was shifting away from the persistent and aggressive efforts of field armies to undermine Chinese political authority in northern China toward a more conciliatory stance. This shift resulted in increased tensions between field armies and the General Staff in Tokyo, leading to substantial fractures among senior officers regarding the “solution” to their so-called China problem. Those tensions broke the camels back that year.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese grossly underestimated their enemy and their own logistical capabilities. There was to say “too many cooks in the kitchen” of the Japanese military and competing visions ultimately were leading Japan and China into an official full blown war. Japan assumed they could bully China until it was so fragmented it would be a simple matter of grabbing the pieces it liked, that was not to be the case at all.   

https://www.patreon.com/AdeptusRidiculoushttps://www.adeptusridiculous.com/https://twitter.com/AdRidiculoushttps://shop.orchideight.com/collections/adeptus-ridiculousMany Astra Militarum troops have turned to Chaos over the centuries, including entire regiments of the Astra Militarum's Imperial Army predecessors that followed the Warmaster Horus into battle against the Imperium during the Horus Heresy.These Traitors represent the primary mortal troops available to the forces of Chaos, now known as the "Traitoris Militarum" in High Gothic to the defenders of the Imperium. Even ten millennia later, Chaos Lords are known to attract these followers of Chaos into their warbands and personal armies, which vary greatly in both size and strength.Traitoris Militarum troops are often better armed than the average Chaos Cultist and have access to a wide assortment of arms at their disposal. Sadly, throughout the last ten millennia, occasionally entire Imperial Guard companies, or even entire regiments, have been known to turn from the light of the Emperor and join the ranks of the Lost and the Damned, taking with them their armouries and vehicles.Support the show

This show has been flagged as Explicit by the host. My setup for recording this podcast about podcasting. I never was attached to history (I'm a shame with events, names, dates ), much less of history fictionalized, like historical romances. But I ended up working on a piece of it. The event passes between 1931 and 1945. It relates to WWII — it's part of it. So , I talk about producing an specific audiod rama, covering two points, that are at really three: WHAT is the story: the chaos that came to me asking to come out; and WHY I decided to present it (and HOW:) by a podcast of fiction with history. In the end , I summarize that I got touched by the subject, it impacted me with disastrous images both in words and images. And I like audio, well-made audio content. In synthesis, the real story touched me and urged the crave of creating something from it, resulting in an audio drama. A minute of it translated on the end. Full Shownotes Why I made a 1-episode podcast about a war story by Sem Luz em Saint Louis A little citizen (that came from) outside the country, inside a prison. Not a common prison, though: it is Unit 731…' “What is Unit 731? What are you bringing to Hacker Public Radio?” The impulse and reason for creating an audiodrama, dear listener. I will tell you What and Why: - WHAT is the story: the chaos that came to me asking to come out; and - WHY I decided to present it by a podcast of fiction with history [WHAT] First, the WHAT. In the wanderings of the World Wide Web, a notable event was revealed before my eyes, a war scene that was under dust for decades, but people, even participants of it in varied degrees, came to reveal the fact; so, today, we know it. China and Japan engaged in war by the year 1931. More exactly, that is when Japan started colonizing China by the provinces of Manchuria, northeastern of the country. The resistence started in 1937, with reaction by the Chinese troops. Japan was so much more powerful, though (and that's why China took so long to decide fighting the Imperial Army of Japan). It took time, and without the best outcome, but it demanded courage, it showed force, and humanity, moral value. And this conflict is part of the second World War, that by one side had Japan, Italy and Germany (the German Reich), heading the Axis powers; who were fought against by the Allied powers, headed by the Soviet Union, Great Britain, France, United States and China. Even with basically all the rest of the world against the Axis, the Japanese occupied the 3 provinces of Manchuria from 1932 until the end of the war, in September 2, 1945, making of it the main territorial base for development of weapons. The Encyclopedia Britannica explains us the following, quote: On March 9, 1932, the Japanese created the puppet state of Manchukuo […] out of the three historical Manchurian provinces. The last Qing (Manchu) emperor, Puyi, was brought to Manchuria from his retirement in Tianjin and made “chief executive,” and later emperor, of the new state. The Manchukuo government, though nominally in Chinese hands, was in fact rigidly controlled and supervised by the Japanese, who proceeded to transform Manchuria into an industrial and military base for Japan's expansion into Asia. The Japanese took over the direction, financing, and development of all the important Manchurian industries, with the fortunate result that by the end of World War II Manchuria was the most industrialized region in China. [Source: BRITANNICA. Manchuria. Last updated in January 31, 2025. Link: . Acess in February 2025.] Unquote. Now, very briefly, we come to the Unit 731. It was a big Japanese construction first officially designated as a “Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department”. It was commanded by the tenant-general of the Army and microbiologist Shirō Ishii. I wanted until now to say what is the theme before hopping to the motivation to do something about the knowledge. Let's get to the WHY: I came to know of the theme by chance, navigating the web and suddenly coming to a strange photo of human experiencing, the description of Unit 731. I searched more about it and was simply astonished to know it happened, and inflicted by the so-estimated Japan, a headquarter of technology and populated by reverent people. We are (that is, I am) often so biased, for the good or the bad. That is, what the general public know about World War II, including me? The holocaust of the Jews. This is much, but more happened, and more can be known for our critical view of the World, the countries and its interests, and the rational thinking that might be better with this knowledge. The Unit 731 was not the only one with deadly human experimentation, other facilities existed, but 731 came to be better known; first, it was hidden, but now, decades after the events, documents and confessions came to the ground and can't be denied anymore. And in other sites, Shirō Ishii was already inflicting them probably since the fall of 1933, mainly Chinese people, but also Soviets, Mongolians and Koreans, men, women and children. That's basically it. The research I made (and the movie I saw, a fiction, based on it, horrendous) led me to dream about the theme, so I felt to throw it, what was developed and developing inside, in some manner. I like the voice, the radio, and it is accessible to do, not requiring many equipments etc., so my first choice was to tell it. How? At first, I hypothetized about proposing a script to some Brazilian podcast that tell stories. Soon I realized it could not fit so well in the lines of the ones I know. Some days after, the idea of a little fictionalized story, short story, came as a thing I like, and also with the advantages of: 1. being beautiful (men is made of stories, real or otherwise appropriated by the mind and senses); 2. being impactful (connection with characters); 3. being fast in the way I proposed it to be (one little episode). Not necessarily only this or in this order, but the idea was that. One thing more, of course: as any interested in the subject can note, there is so many technical things produced about it, I wanted to do something that caught the emotions and interest of people, spreading the possibility of them knowing what, elsewhere, they wouldn't come to see. I wanted to make it different in that sense, but as true to the facts as a little audio fiction can be. It's History to our minds, for our own construction and of our world view. But, if not, if the listener just come for the art, it can be (I hope) an enjoying story after all. That was the WHY I decided to do something with the knowledge (in an expression, fire in my heart), and HOW it became a fiction podcast (to do something I like, and different about the subject, attractive). That was my theme here for our moment in HPR! The motivation behind need to create. It was hard, I get moved easily with shocking scenes in words or images, but It catched me. Deciding how to “let go” and then producing it was not tranquil, also; the hands-on, the technical part, was as follows: I have written some pages summarizing the events I have outlined here. Having the base, I came with a story in my mind and in two days or three I think I wrote it, in 3 and a half pages, the story that you're going to listen. In a more silent night I went to my room, with my notebook and a USB condenser microphone, and recorded. Fast. The editing, cutting, compressing, normalizing, and choosing free sounds (all referenced in description) and fitting them in the story, took a long and time and patience, maybe 10 or more dedicated hours along days. I'm not very efficient, some of it was the necessary lack of hurry of art, but some was my slowness in getting to the technical part of what I wanted to do (this bit of information in this milisecond, move track 3 together with track 4 without affecting the sync of the other tracks and clips in the same track, cut the music at this point but with a gentle fade…). I used Audacity. I had a Reaper licence (I remember being a bit more efficient with it) but lost it after formatting without having the serial number anymore, so I went with my long-choice of the free and open source alternative. That was my work for the audiodrama podcast in my language. Which, in between the days I have been preparing this presentation script for HPR, I have released. You may find it in the description, or searching in your podcast app for the name (in Portuguese): “O Departamento de Prevenção de Epidemias e Distribuição de Água”, under the author name “Sem Luz em Saint Louis”. I don't know if it will be released in English. However, I made a first minute of it, here and now, so you can enjoy having mind of what I was talking about. Thank you, be with 1 minute of the report of the survivor… * and Bye! [1 MINUTE OF THE AUDIODRAMA – EXCERPT ONLY] The Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department This account was found in the records of Parkinson Tribly (or Tribly), of Russian and Polish origins. He was recruited by Dr. Shirō Ishii for experiments at Unit 731: a legitimate opportunity to stay alive — which ultimately proved false for reasons he did not expect. What we will hear now is his writing, unedited. Except that, for organization, we will name the three parts that he composed as follows: 1. Introduction; 2. Activities; 3. The Bargain. The author reflects and advances in his organization, but what he brings is: INTRODUCTION Thank God we know that, from the beginning, man has lived in war. It's envy, a desire for power, a desire for money. It is never a good motivation, but purely selfishness. I arrived at the department a week ago and, although I have no desire to collaborate with what happens here, I know enough to realize that it is impossible to leave this place free. When the Japanese invaded this region, Manchuria, in the long war against China, we did not expect the brutality that was witnessed. A few years ago, after the end of the Great War, several countries signed the Geneva Protocol. Although it only prohibits the use of chemical weapons, biological agents, asphyxiating, and related specificities, we believed it would mean more — that it would signify a general humanization of combat methods on land, sea, and air when there might be another Great War. I did not expect it to come in my lifetime nor to be captured to participate in it firsthand. [END OF EXCERPT] Thank you for your presence. References: The audiodrama podcast, in Brazilian Portuguese: SEM LUZ EM SAINT LOUIS. O Departamento de Prevenção de Epidemias e Distribuição de Água. In your favorite podcast listener or at https://archive.org/details/731-podcast-audiodrama. Credits of audios used, in order of appearance ( listenance ): Ant.Survila / ccmixter – Nostalgic Reflections MeijstroAudio / Freesounds – Dark Metal Rise 001 SamRam21 / Freesounds – KeysMouse Sadiquecat / Freesounds – MBA desk with mouse trimono / Freesounds – approving hm [On the drama excerpt:] Kulakovka / Pixabay – Lost in Dreams (abstract chill downtempo cinematic future beats). Title of the beginning of the audiodrama preview (“The Epidemic Prevention and Water Supply Department”) made in https://luvvoice.com , Abeo (Male) voice. BBC Sound Effects – Aircraft: Beaufighters - Take off (Bristol Beaufighter, World War II). Rewob / ccmixter – Secret Sauce (Secret Mixter) References: BRITANNICA. Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). Last updated in December 16, 2024. Link: . Access in January 2025. BRITANNICA. Manchuria. Last updated in January 31, 2025. Link: . Access in February 2025. LIANG, Jiashuo. A History of Japan's Unit 731 and Implications for Modern Biological Warfare. Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research , v. 673. Atlantis Press, 2022. [ A 5-pages article about Unit 731. If you were interested with the facts told, the text gives a synthesys of what happened between 1937 and 1945. ] PBS. The Living Weapon : Shiro Ishii. Link: . Access in January 2025. RIDER, Dwight R. Japan's Biological and Chemical Weapons Programs ; War Crimes and Atrocities – Who's Who, What's What, Where's Where. 1928 – 1945. 3. ed. 2018. [ “In Process” version ]Provide feedback on this episode.

Join the entire Loss crew as they build the their First Impressions N5 Faction Tierlist! Thanks for listening! Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/LossofLieutenant Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/lossoflieutenant Discord: https://discord.gg/MBG4hesQZt 0:00 Intro/Challenges/Events 6:50 Druze 11:40 Ikari 15:50 Dashat 22:40 White Company 25:36 Ariadna 30:00 USA 34:13 TAK 44:49 Kosmoflot 50:58 Haqqislam 1:00:04 Qapu Khalqi 1:10:35 Ramah Task Force 1:19:50 Hassassin Bahram 1:30:40 Nomads 1:38:55 Bakunin 1:44:44 Military Orders 1:47:40 Corregidor 1:53:18 Tunguska 2:00:10 JSA 2:04:30 Oban 2:08:40 Shindenbutai 2:11:47 O12 2:21:00 Starmada 2:26:11 Torchlight Brigade 2:32:08 Svarlheima Winter Force 2:38:30 Tohaa 2:46:18 Yu Jing 2:49:55 Imperial Service 2:52:21 Imperial Army 3:01:35 White Banner 3:05:10 Kestrel Colonial Force 3:13:15 Aleph 3:17:45 OSS 3:24:20 Steel Phalanx 3:34:25 Morats 3:44:18 Shasvastii 3:49:27 Onyx 3:54:52 Combined Army 3:57:30 Panoceania

2020's Mulan  To keep her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man and battles northern invaders in China. This live action remake of the 1998 anumanted film, is not the same type of remake like the others.  This movie takes more risks and doesn't do a shot for shot remake.  Does the movie suffer for it? Or benift? Join Andrew and Shawn as we travel back in time to China during a very different time.  Remember, this movie isn't the same fun musical the original is, but keep an open mind.  Cheapseat Reviews the podcast that explores the Hollywood film industry for the greater good. 

Today we will be exploring the last army of the Galactic Republic and the precursor of the Imperial Army. The Grand Army of the Republic aka the Clone Army.Intro & Outro: KanicoPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/CanMayoHannah's Blog: https://www.tumblr.com/personalswtorheadcanons/

Pete interviews Fearless Fred Kennedy, the creator of the fantastic Star Wars Audio Drama / Radio play Mud 79: A Fan Made Star Wars Story. Pete and Fred deep dive everything Mud 79 before having some fun with some quick fire Star Wars questions. Star Wars meets Platoon. Fearless Fred Presents: Mud79 - is a fan made Star Wars story that takes place a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away. Solomon Kwai is one of countless youths from across the galaxy who find themselves in the Imperial Army four years after the Clone Wars and before the rise of The Empire, because the battle is not over.  Kwai and the rest of the 79th platoon are stationed on a remote planet in the Outer Rim. The days are brutal and filled with ever present danger under the Imperial Flag.   Tensions rise, and soon there's blaster fire. Suddenly Kwai and his comrades are embroiled in a bloody conflict, one the Empire cannot afford to lose as they become part of the galactic war machine… will they survive?

It's time for the Sons of Dorn to SHINE! The Traitors have measured the defences of the Imperial Palace and have grown impatient. The Lord of Iron has been given authority to strike against the critical Lion's Gate Spaceport. The Fists of the Imperium will clash against the Warriors of Iron in their first major battle since Phall. And meanwhile, within the palace, all is not well as the absolutely exhausted Katsuhiro stumbles upon something unnatural in the aptly named Poxville. And out in the wastes of Terra, a regiment of Imperial Army race to the Palace to provide much needed support to their Lord.

Eight years after the destruction of the second Death Star, Luke Skywalker has set out to build a Jedi Academy. With a different outlook on The Force than his predecessors, he looks to destroy the remnants of the Imperial Army. Calling upon a trio willing to face the most dangerous opposition in the Jedi Master's path, Luke sends them to the moon of Endor to hunt undercover agents of the Empire. The Force - Joe Booka - Kyle Rukka - Evan the Great Nit Suj - JVD

Aaron and Josh Sarnecky are back for their latest movie retrospective. This time they're chatting about Disney's Mulan for its 25th anniversary. Mulan is an animated adventure film directed by Barry Cook and Tony Bancroft. It is based on the Chinese legend of Hua Mulan. It opened in theaters on June 19, 1998. In the film, a young Chinese woman named Mulan (Ming-Na Wen, singing voice by Lea Salonga) poses as a man to take her frail father's place in the Imperial Army. Aiding Mulan is the miniature dragon Mushu (Eddie Murphy). Other characters include Captain Li Shang (BD Wong, singing voice by Donny Osmond), the villainous Hun leader Shan Yu (Miguel Ferrer), and the Chinese Emperor (Pat Morita). Mulan opened to a positive reception and outgrossed Disney's previous two animated films. It received one Academy Award nomination for Best Original Musical or Comedy Score. Mulan spawned a direct-to-video sequel in 2004 and a live action remake in 2020. Aaron and Josh discuss the movie's plot, performances, animation, and songs. They also discuss the film's reception and place in Disney's animation catalogue.  For more Disney podcasts, listen to Josh and Aaron talk about Hercules and Lilo & Stitch. Mulan is streaming on Disney+.

Star Wars meets Platoon. Fearless Fred Presents: Mud79 - is a fan made Star Wars story that takes place a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away. Solomon Kwai is one of countless youths from across the galaxy who find themselves in the Imperial Army four years after the Clone Wars and before the rise of The Empire, because the battle is not over. Kwai and the rest of the 79th platoon are stationed on a remote planet in the Outer Rim. The days are brutal and filled with ever present danger under the Imperial Flag. Tensions rise, and soon there's blaster fire. Suddenly Kwai and his comrades are embroiled in a bloody conflict, one the Empire cannot afford to lose as they become part of the galactic war machine… will they survive? Link: https://curiouscast.ca/podcast/issue-zero/ RSS Feed: https://feeds.megaphone.fm/CORU4311517282

Welcome to Warmonger, a weekly HH gaming meta podcast on the Eye of Horus Podcast Network. This episode premieres 5 days early on the Eye of Horus Patreon.The Divisio Assassinorum was a shadowy organisation of assassin temples, part of the Emperor's own household and sent on missions where the resources of the Imperial Army, Astartes, or any of the myriad armed wings of the Imperium might be too heavy handed, and the subtlety of a knife in the back is more rewarding than all out drop pod assault. These shadowy weapons would be turned against the traitors in due course. Can they take on Astarte characters and actually assassinate them? Are they worth their points? Is their equipment still top notch? Lets find out...Investigate our Corporate Dirtbags!Versatile Terrainhttps://www.versatileterrain.co.uk/Grimdark Terrainhttps://grimdarkterrain.com/Crystal Fortresshttps://www.crystal-fortress.com/Skeleton Games and Terrainhttps://www.youtube.com/channel/UCW9xvWgc18i-_a5WfcMeBWwBlack Label Paintinghttps://www.facebook.com/blacklabelpaintimg/Quartermasterhttps://itunes.apple.com/au/app/quartermaster-5/id879731050EOH PATREON:https://www.patreon.com/eyeofhoruspodcastThe Push for Beta Garmon Global Campaign!https://linktr.ee/thedabpodcast30K GLOBAL EVENT CALENDAR:https://www.facebook.com/groups/147669179268284/

Star Wars meets Platoon. Fearless Fred Presents: Mud79 - is a fan made Star Wars story that takes place a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away. Solomon Kwai is one of countless youths from across the galaxy who find themselves in the Imperial Army four years after the Clone Wars and before the rise of The Empire, because the battle is not over. Kwai and the rest of the 79th platoon are stationed on a remote planet in the Outer Rim. The days are brutal and filled with ever present danger under the Imperial Flag.   Tensions rise, and soon there's blaster fire. Suddenly Kwai and his comrades are embroiled in a bloody conflict, one the Empire cannot afford to lose as they become part of the galactic war machine… will they survive? Find out starting June 01

Today on The Cinedicate, Christian, a Classic Hollywood cinephile, and Lucas, an avid Deutschephile, join the roundtable to discuss the original Academy Award winner for Best Picture and it's 2022 remake, All Quiet On The Western Front.This episode we compare and contrast the 1930 film to the 2022 remake both in story execution and cinematography. A heated debate ensues as we unpack which film upholds the poignant message of the original novel and whether or not the inclusion of the German High Command subplot in the remake added or subtracted from the plot. We also sprinkle in German history lessons all along the way.All Quiet On The Western Front is experienced through the perspective of young German recruits to the Imperial Army during World War 1. Primarily through the perspective of Paul, we are brought to the trenches and the ideas of romanticism of warfare is quickly dissipated as his friends and comrades are torn apart before his eyes.----------Support The Cinedicate on PatreonConnect with The Cinedicate on these social platforms!Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cinedicate/Twitter: https://twitter.com/cinedicate/Discord: https://www.cinedicate.com/discord Get bonus content on Patreon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Steve Kemper, author most recently of Our Man in Tokyo: An American Ambassador and the Countdown to Pearl Harbor, joins the show to talk about the political chaos in Tokyo in the years leading up to WWII and the man that tried to keep the peace, U.S. AmbassadorJoseph C. Grew. ▪️ Times  • 01:18 Introduction  • 01:50 Who was Joseph C. Grew?  • 04:36 Japanese politics in the '30s  • 07:30 Imperial Army vs Imperial Navy • 11:00 First impressions • 17:31 Insurrection  • 22:12 Drifting towards war  • 26:08 Dynamics in D.C.  • 28:24 Appeasement  • 35:05 Japan's plans • 37:40 Embargoes and FDR • 42:48 Distinct parallels

Today, we'll be discussing Episodes 15 and 16 of Mr. Sunshine, the hit K Drama on Netflix starring Lee Byung-hun as Eugene Choi, Kim Tae-ri as Go Ae-shin, Yoo Yeon-seok as Goo Dong-mae, Kim Min-jung as Kudo Hina, and Byun Yo-han as Kim Hee-sung. We discuss:How Ae-shin and Eugene are spending a lot of time together at the start of episode 15 but by the end of episode 16, Ae-shin was asked to kill Eugene and then they're forbidden from seeing each other.How Ae-shin and Eugene's relationship has suddenly become very public.Eugene's decision to stay in Joseon because he's being pulled deeper into Joseon's affairs and he wants to protect Eun-san and Ae-shin.How Lee Jeong-moon and Eun-san order Eugene killed, and then Lee Jeong-moon asks Eugene to become the Drill Instructor for the Imperial Army.How Eugene goes through Joseph's affairs and discovers a box from Song Yeong, which further proves that Joseph was deeply involved in Joseon affairs and was likely running letters for the King for some time.Dong-mae's release, how he kills Diplomat Suzuki, and how he warns Ae-shin's grandfather that someone destroyed his letters to the nobles.How Hui-seung finally learns Eugene's story, he decides to cancel his engagement to Ae-shin, and his decision to start a Korean language newspaper.How this whole show is about forbidden, unrequited love.The continuing bromance between Eugene, Dong-mae and Hui-seung, who are united in their desire to protect Ae-shin.Of all the K Drama elements, the most important is the plum blossom flower, which means resilience and perseverance in the face of adversity.The Korean Empire and the Gwangmu Reform enacted by the King.References:Korean Empire on WikipediaTimeline of the Gwangmu Reform

Welcome to Warmonger, a weekly HH gaming meta podcast on the Eye of Horus Podcast Network. This episode premieres 5 days early on the Eye of Horus Patreon.The Thousand Sons suffered an unfortunate invasion by Custodes, Sisters of Silence, the bulk of the Space Wolves Legion, and numerous Imperial Army regiments. That was in response to Magnus undoing the psychic defences in the Imperial Palace against the Emperor's direct orders. Magnus did this because he knew that Horus was going rogue and tried to warn his God-Emperor father. Most of this happened before Horus' perfidy was known, which makes the Thousand Sons one of the Legions with the most interesting fall from grace stories in the entire Age of Darkness.Investigate our Corporate Dirtbags!Skeleton Games and Terrainhttps://www.youtube.com/channel/UCW9xvWgc18i-_a5WfcMeBWwVersatile Terrainhttps://www.versatileterrain.co.uk/Grimdark Terrainhttps://grimdarkterrain.com/Crystal Fortresshttps://www.crystal-fortress.com/Black Label Paintinghttps://www.facebook.com/blacklabelpaintimg/Quartermasterhttps://itunes.apple.com/au/app/quartermaster-5/id879731050EOH PATREON:https://www.patreon.com/eyeofhoruspodcastThe Push for Beta Garmon Global Campaign!https://linktr.ee/thedabpodcast30K GLOBAL EVENT CALENDAR:https://www.facebook.com/groups/147669179268284/

The United States Army and Marine Corps were in a transitional period during the Philippine-American War. They had strengths and weaknesses on many different levels, but at the end of the day they were an imperial army...and they did what imperial armies do.Check out my maps: https://www.unknownsoldierspodcast.com/post/unknown-soldiers-podcast-episode-37-the-philippine-war-part-i-american-empire-mapWhere did I get my info? Here are my sources: https://www.unknownsoldierspodcast.com/post/unknown-soldiers-podcast-episode-37-40-the-philippine-war-series-sourcesSocial Media: https://www.facebook.com/unknownsoldierspodcast https://twitter.com/unksoldierspod

What might have happened if Mulan had never taken her father's place in the Imperial Army? If she would have stayed home to follow her family's traditions, what would have happened to China?

Where do Russian military strategists seek their inspiration now that the Soviet authorities are no longer in fashion? In this episode, we will discuss Genrikh Leer and Evgeny Messner, key authors who have now been rediscovered by Russian military strategists. Most of the Russian strategists of the 19th and 20th centuries fell into the ‘Realist' school of thinking about the world: they saw it as an anarchic system, in which might is right, and where the cost of defeat is devastation. The imperial Russian General of the Infantry Genrikh Antonovich Leer and the Colonel of the Imperial Army and later émigré Evgeny Eduardovich Messner are good examples of the holistic view that to some extent distinguished – and still distinguishes – Russian thinking from the more compartmentalising approach in the West. Dr Ofer Fridman, now a lecturer at King's College London, came to academia after an active career in the army . His book on what the Russians mean by hybrid war is today the authoritative work on the subject. Of most interest for us today are the excerpts from the works of key Russian imperial and émigré strategists that he has edited in English, called Strategiya.

(Bonus) Hideki Tojo (December 30, 1884 – December 23, 1948) was a Japanese politician, general of the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) and convicted war criminal who served as Prime Minister of Japan and President of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association for most of World War II. He assumed several more positions including Chief of Staff of the Imperial Army before ultimately being removed from office in July 1944. During his years in power, his leadership was marked by extreme state-perpetrated violence in the name of Japanese ultranationalism, much of which he was personally involved in.

Princess Leia tries to sends a distress signal as Darth Vader and the Imperial Army close in. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/mrburnspodcast/message

At the Rostov dinner party at their Moscow estate, the genial Count Illya Rostov tell visitors that his son has joined the Hussars. A Colonel Schubert (fictional) is on leave, visiting the Rostovs, and is set to take their dear boy away. The Count does not come across as overly worried. The intensity of the war to come is unknown and not looked upon as realistic. There is always talk of war but Napoleon and his Grande Armée seem very far away.Though the Rostovs are fictional, the Pavlograd Hussars are not. They are a famed light calvary unit created by Peter the Great in 1723. They were based on the Serbian Hussars of the Habsburg dynasty. The officers were known for their distinctive uniforms as well as for carrying a sword and two pistols.The podcaster notes Pavlohrad is a city in Ukraine that in modern times wants nothing to do with Russia. Just as Napoleon invaded a people he could not defeat, the people of Pavlohrad overwhelmingly feel the same way about foreign encroachment. Pavlohrad (using the Ukrainian spelling) was an important city historically as it was the home of the Zaporozhian Cossacks, a group who has greatly contributed the Ukrainian identity. The Cossacks were of various ethnicities, including Ukrainian, Russian, Polish, and Tatar. As opposed to the serfs tied to the land and lords (depicted quite extensively in War & Peace), the Cossacks of the Pavlohrad area went beyond the borders of areas of the empires they were threatened by so they could chart their own course. They can be thought of as something of a samurai or medieval knight culture.The Russian Empire no doubt recognized this legacy and stamped the name "Pavlograd" on an Army regiment given the fierce history associated with the city. In the book you have a boy from Moscow joining a famous regiment that will spend little time in Pavlohrad.Back to Chapter 9: Nikolai explains to his father that the Imperial Army is his vocation and that he is no government clerk nor diplomat. He does it in a straight-forward manner in front of the dinner guests, which is consistent with his character. He is going where his talents, ability and interests lead him. His father accepts this with humor and good grace. Sonya sees that Julie Kuragin is getting close to Nikolai and that the two are smiling in quiet conversation. Sonya gets extremely jealous, tears up and leaves the drawing room. The adults notice and get a bit of a kick out of the youthful expression of love. Nikolai soon follow her. Nikolai's mother then starts relaying soon timeless parental wisdom to her peers – including that the relationship between parent and child should be open. She praises her own relationship with Natasha but notes her relationship with her eldest daughter, Vera, is a bit more distant.

The action moves from St. Petersburg to Moscow, to the home of another wealthy family, the Rostovs, who will be followed throughout the novel.Count Rostov, a pleasant sort, is welcoming guests and inviting them to partake in a grand dinner. He delights in calling everyone, regardless of rank, "my dear."So far it is party after party in the first few chapters, the "Peace" in War & Peace - but the talk at the high society events often turns to the threat of war on the horizon.Leading the discussion is Princess Anna Drubetskaya, a relation of the Rostovs. Her son Boris, who she got into the Imperial Guard with working her old connections, grew up within the Rostov family. Boris is a teenager - about 15. The women are talking about more local matters; namely that Pierre's father, the elderly Count Kirill Bezukhov is very ill and a special doctor has been called. He is thought to be on death's door. There is curiosity on what will become of Kirill's vast estate, millions of acres and rubles along with 40,000 serfs.Count Kirill has no legitimate children and we find out that Vassily Kuragin is in- line to inherit through the Vassily's wife. However, there is talk of how the Count favors his illegitimate son Pierre, always taking special care of him, including how carefully he directed his education. The women delight in such chatter.The conversation finally turns to the "Talk of the Town," what Dolokhov and the gang did with the Bear after leaving Anatole's House in a drunken stupor.It seems the group was spotted with a bear by a local police officer, who got involved. Bad idea from law enforcement. Dolokhov tied one end of the Bear's chain to the officer and threw them both in the River! It was quite an ordeal.It led to Dolokhov being demoted in the Imperial Army, Pierre was asked to leave St. Petersburg, and Anatole likely got a good talking to - and was also asked to leave St. Petersburg for a spell. The crowd certainly gets a kick out it, with the host, Count Rostov imagining, how silly the officer must have looked. One gets the sense that Tolstoy saw something like this happen in his gambling days, as it seems too odd to make up.

In this episode we talk about Hank the Tank breaking into peoples' homes for food scraps, the first all civilian spacewalk, the brain moments after death, and we finish the Aleutian Campaign where Japan attacked Alaska.

Gen'yōsha, or the Black Ocean Society, was a clandestine far-right organisation created in response to the Meiji Restoration. Disaffected samurai decided that, to make Japan great again, it had to force the Imperial Army to invade Korea, and then China. It did this by essentially being the CIA decades before the CIA were a thing. Today's guest is Mollie! You can find her on Twitter @MollieMM9, and she hosts the wonderful podcast Sex With Ghosts. You can also find me on Twitter @sequencepod, or you can listen to my other podcasts Final Fanservice and Not Another Film on any big podcast app. Sources: The Enemy Within, by Terry Crowdy (2006) Historia Wikia  Wikipedia

Lethal Mullet Podcast Episode 130: Attack Force Z On tonight's episode we journey back to the days of the Second World War and of Z Special: an elite special forces unit of Australian, New Zealand, British, Dutch, and Timorese forces. In this film, five men of the Z Special go behind enemy lines, face insurmountable odds against the Imperial Army, and work with local resistance fighters to get their top secret cargo out to allied patrols. Starring Mel Gibson, Sam Neil, John Waters, Chris Haywood and John Phillip Law. Give Lethal Mullet a listen: Website https://bit.ly/3j9mvlG IHeartRadio https://ihr.fm/3lSxwJU Spotify https://spoti.fi/3BRg260 Amazon https://amzn.to/3phcsi7 #attackforcez #lethalmulletpodcast

Episode Notes Cyrus is conquers the Middle East and is so Nice the Hebrews name him as a Messiah // Cambyses is so mean the Egyptians revolt against him // Darius builds cities and roads // The Persians create the first Imperial Army - where all are invited // and the Greeks ruin the Persian Imperial Party

Content Warning: Wam Crimes. The bad ones. We continue our coverage of the invasion and occupation of Nanjing  during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Once the Imperial Army had fully occupied Nanjing, and atrocities became almost constant, General Iwane Matsui seemed to finally realise that he had lost all control over his troops... and yet the war crimes continued regardless. Today's guest is Hannah Lane! You can find her via her Instagram page, and she is also the co-host of our horror movie review podcast that we do together, Not Another Film podcast. For more content follow me on @hikikomoripodcast on Instagram where I'll be posting photos relevant to this episode! You can also find me on Twitter @sequencepod, or you can listen to my other podcasts Final Fanservice and Not Another Film on any big podcast app. Sources: The Rape of Nanking, by Iris Chang (1997) In the Name of the Emperor, by Christine Choi (1995) The Impossible Task of Remembering the Nanking Massacre, by Simon Han The Longest Theatre Of World War II, by Timeline Survivor Testimonies, Facing History The last survivors: Living testimony of Nanjing Massacre, CGTN The Nanking Massacre Project: Photographs and Films, Yale University Wikipedia

We are beginning to see the formation of the Imperial Army. But we won't tell the Kaminoans.

We watched and reviewed Mulan! To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China.

Garth O'Connell, Australian War Memorial Curator | Military Heraldry and Technology, joins Michael for the 80th anniversary of Australia’s WW2 troops shipping out to Singapore and the 79th anniversary of the Fall of Singapore - which British prime minister Winston Churchill called the "worst disaster" in British military history.   In February 1941, with the threat of an impending war with Japan, Australia dispatched the Eighth Division, four RAAF squadrons and eight warships to Singapore and Malaya.  Australian pilots were some of the first to engage with the Japanese when the Imperial Army invaded Malaya on 8 December 1941.   The Fall of Singapore was fought in the South–East Asian theatre of the Pacific War when the Empire of Japan invaded the British stronghold of Singapore - nicknamed the "Gibraltar of the East".   Prior to the invasion, Singapore was a major British military base and economic trading port in South–East Asia and was the key to British imperial interwar defence planning for South-East Asia and the South-West Pacific, then known as the "Far East".   The fighting in Singapore lasted for about a week from 8 to 15 February 1942, after the two months during which Japanese forces advanced down the Malayan Peninsula.   The campaign, including the final battle, was a decisive Japanese victory, resulting in the Japanese capture of Singapore and the largest British surrender in its history.  About 80,000 British, Indian, Australian and Malayan troops in Singapore became prisoners of war, joining 50,000 taken by the Japanese in the earlier Malayan Campaign.   See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Sönke Neitzel's work: Deutsche Krieger: Vom Kaiserreich zur Berliner Republik - eine Militärgeschichte: https://amzn.to/2IGyVT5 Soldaten: On Fighting, Killing and Dying: https://amzn.to/3lNoUBw Dr. Sönke Neitzel is a professor for military history and cultural history of violence at the university of Potsdam. He has published several books looking at the German Army in the 20th century and beyond. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

“Now I wish to tell you [...] all the very great doings and all the very great marvels of the very great lord of the Tartars, [...] who is called Kublai Khan, which [...] means to say in our language the great lord of lords, emperor, and [...]this great Khan is the most powerful man in people and in lands and in treasure that ever was in the world, or that now is from the time of Adam our first father till this moment; and under him all the peoples are set with such obedience as has never been done under any other former king. And this I shall show you quite clearly in the course of this our second book, that it is a true thing which I have told you so that each will be sure that he is, as we say without contradiction, the greatest lord that ever was born in the world or that now is.”       So Marco Polo introduces Kublai Khan in his Description of the World, as per the classic translation of Moule and Pelliot. Having now taken you through the successful Mongol conquest of China and fall of the Song Dynasty, we’ll now look at Kublai’s reign itself, and his efforts to build a new dynasty in China. Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and simultaneously Emperor of China, Kublai Khan was one of the single most powerful men in human history, rumours of his vast wealth and might spreading across the world. Kublai Khan’s long reign will be dealt with in two halves; a first one today covering 1260 to 1279, followed by a look at Kublai’s foreign ventures, then another episode detailing his last years. I’m your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       Kublai’s name has popped up in several episodes even before his war with Ariq Boke, but we’ve dealt little with the man directly. Born on the 23rd of September, 1215, Kublai was the second son of Tolui and Sorqaqtani Beki, and a grandson of Chinggis Khan. Indeed, Kublai was the last of the Great Khans to have ever personally met Chinggis, though Kublai was little more than 12 years old at the time of Chinggis’ death. It was never likely that Kublai would have come to the throne: while all of Sorqaqtani’s son received the same extensive education, learning to read and write the Mongolian script, take lessons in governance and even had Chinese advisers, Kublai was the only one of her four sons who really found himself attracted to Chinese culture. In time, Kublai even came to speak some Chinese, though never learned the characters. While Sorqaqtani’s eldest son Mongke led armies on the Great Western Campaign across the steppe in the 1230s, Kublai was beginning to govern Chinese for the first time, having been given an appanage in North China by Ogedai Khaan in 1236. Like many Mongols granted territory in China, Kublai did not actually rule from China, staying in Mongolia proper. As with much of North China, Kublai’s appanage was left to the whims of tax farmers and merciless officers demanding extraordinary levies. By the time Kublai learned of it, thousands of tenants had already fled their lands. Perhaps on the council of his Chinese tutors, Kublai sought assistance and local knowledge. The tax farmers in his lands were dismissed and replaced with dedicated officials. A regular taxation system enforced, burdens lessened and by the 1240s Kublai had succeeded in encouraging a number to return. The episode was an important one for Kublai. Leaving government to operate without oversight would allow all manner of corruption and abuse into the system, depreiving the lord of his tribute and putting increased pressure onto the peasanty and farmers at the bottom. Given the chance, they would flee, leaving those petty officials to now increase the pressure on remaining tenants and continue the cycle. By curbing abuses and encouraging growth, Kublai reasoned, the lord would reap even greater rewards over time.       For most of the 1240s, Kublai was a minor figure. He was a grandson of Chinggis and thus a high ranking prince, to be sure, but one of little importance without a military record to his name- the only kind of record which mattered, as far as the Mongols were concerned. Just before 1240 Kublai married his second and most famous wife, Chabi of the Onggirat. A wise and outspoken woman, Chabi would, for most of Kublai’s long life, be one of his most significant advisers and supporters, a calming and motivating voice when he needed it most. Chabi was also a devout Buddhist, and certainly must have encouraged Kublai’s own interest in Buddhism. It’s no coincidence their first son was given a rather classically Tibetan Buddhist name, Dorji. She may very well have been a driving force in bringing more Buddhist advisers into Kublai’s fledgling court in the 1240s. In 1242, the Buddhist monk Hai-yun was summoned to Kublai, who further educated Kublai on Buddhism. In 1243, Hai-yun helped Kublai choose the Chinese Buddhist name of Zhenjin, “True Gold,” for Kublai’s second son, rendered in Mongol as Jingim. Hai-yun introduced Kublai to another Buddhist, Liu Ping-chung, who would become one of Kublai’s most prominent advisers in the years to come. While Kublai was personally more inclined to Buddhism, he did not limit himself to it. Confucian scholars such as Chao Pi, Tou Mo and most famously, Yao Shu, came to Kublai in these years. Yao Shu was highly trusted by Kublai, and the Chinese sources are replete with examples of Yao Shu turning ancient Chinese parables and stories into practical advice for Kublai as a general and in time, ruler. These  men were made responsible not just for informing Kublai of the ancient Confucian classics, but of tutoring Kublai’s sons as well. The oldest boy, Dorji, died early, and Jingim became the focus of their teaching efforts, receiving an education in Buddhism, Confucianism and even Taoism.       Confucians and Buddhists were not his only advisers; Uighurs, Turks and Central Asians served Kublai in a vareity of roles as interpeters, translators, officials and financial advisers. For military matters of course, Kublai relied on his Mongolian kinsmen. Over the 1240s and into the 1250s, Kublai cultivated what historian Morris Rossabi has termed the “kitchen cabinet,” of advisers, a wide collection of opinions and experiences which he could draw upon, men he knew for years and trusted, backed up by his wife Chabi.      As we’ve covered before, when his older brother Mongke became Grand Khan in the 1250s Kublai was thrust into the international spotlight. We needn’t go into this in great detail again; how Kublai was for the first time given a military command, against the Dali Kingdom in Yunnan. How Kublai returned to Northern China to oversee matters for Mongke there, only to annoy his brother with possible aspirations to greater autonomy and perhaps independence, an overconfidence brought on by a successful military campaign and fruitful years as a governor which saw him construct his own capital, known as Shangdu in Inner Mongolia. Mongke greatly reduced Kublai’s influence in the aftermath, and Kublai only managed to crawl back into Mongke’s favour in time to be given command of an army in a massive assault on the Song Dynasty. The sudden death of Mongke in August 1259  brought the campaign to a screeching halt. Mongke and Kublai’s youngest brother, Ariq Boke, stepped up into the regency. Kublai ignored requests to return to the imperial capital at Karakorum in Mongolia, and continued to campaign for a few more months, until his wife Chabi sent word of rumour that Ariq was going to put his name forward for the Khanate. But Kublai had already been aspiring for the throne. He may have intended to keep campaigning and build up his rather lacklustre resume as a commander, but now had to rush north earlier than he had hoped. In May of 1260, at his residence in Shangdu, Kublai declared himself Khan of the Mongol Empire, precipitating a four year civil war between himself and Ariq. Though Kublai had Ariq’s surrender by 1264, over those four years the princes in the western half of the empire took their independence, leaving Kublai ruler of a realm much reduced in size. As our previous episodes have demonstrated, Kublai sent his armies on the colossal effort to conquer southern China and its Song Dynasty, a task only completed by 1279. Kublai though, did not lead these armies himself, instead focusing on building his new empire, as we’ll go into today.       After declaring himself Khan in early 1260, his early efforts were directed at the war with Ariq Boke. Once the conflict quieted by 1261 and 62, as Ariq was pushed from Mongolia, Kublai could begin to consolidate his empire. Though he still perceived of himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire, he understood that his powerbase was in China. From the beginning, Kublai could not have merely co-opted Mongke’s administration. Since the reign of Ogedai, the Mongol imperial organization functioned through Secretariats, influenced by yet unique from the Chinese system. The Central Secretariat, based in the imperial capital, was the central government, the head of which served as a sort of Prime Minister, consulting with the Great Khan to carry out his will and laws. For Ogedai, Guyuk and Mongke, the Central Secretariat had been staffed by members of the keshig, the imperial bodyguard. The Central Secretariat delegated authority to the various Branch Secretariats, the regional offices overseeing imperial government. Branch Secretariats for North China, Central Asia  and Western Asia were the three main offices, with a Secretariat for the Rus’ Principalities in the process of being organized at time of Mongke’s death. The Secretariats struggled to carry out their will, for they were operating alongside various regional Mongol princes who had been allotted these lands as well. The conflict over whether the Secretariats or the Princes carried out administration or taxation, among other responsibilities, was a key component of government ineffiencies over the century.    With the outbreak of war with Ariq Boke, most of the top members of the former Central Secretariat had sided with Ariq Boke in Karakorum, leaving Kublai to rely on his own men. Among his earliest actions was to get the loyalty of the China Secretariat and local Mongol princes, and prevent them from allying with Ariq. Of these, Qadan was the most significant, a son of Ogedai who ruled on Kublai’s northwest frontier, the border close to Ariq’s territory and the Chagatayids. Key allies like this allowed Kublai to focus on more internal matters.    The officials of the China Secretariat were naturally brought on into Kublai’s new government. Without access to the old Central Secretariat offices though, Kublai had to establish a new one after becoming Khan. Unlike the Central Secretariats of the previous Khans, Kublai’s was not filled by men of his keshig -though they were present- but civilian administrators and his own advisers. The first to head the new Secretariat was Wang Wen-tung. In structure Kublai’s Secretariat had much more in common with the usual Chinese office, indicative of the influence of Kublai’s Confucian advisers. The head of the Secretariat was assisted by two Chancellors of the Left and Right, often serving as his replacement and primary advisers to the Khan. The Head of the Secretariat and the two Chancellors oversaw what was known as the Six Functional Ministeries, which carried out the day-to-day running of the empire: the Ministry of Personnel, responsible for civilian officials; the Ministry of Revenue, responsible for the census, taxes and tribute; the Ministry of Rites, responsible for ceremonies, sacrifices and embassies; the Ministry of War, responsible for some aspects of military command, colonies, postal stations and supplies; the Ministry of Justice, which managed law and prisons; and the Ministry of Public Works, which repaired and maintained fortifications, dams and public land.   In 1263, Kublai also re-established another Chinese institution, the Privy Council, which managed the Imperial Army and protected the capital. Kublai sought a more centralized control of the army, but in this found resistance from the Mongolian leadership and princes. While Chinggis Khan had largely replaced the traditional military leadership and chiefs, a new hereditary leadership was installed, both from his sons and non-Chinggisids. By Kublai’s time, he was dealing with well-entrenched egos born into these positions. They would answer the Khan’s summons for war, of course, but did not want to be managed in all aspects by officials in a distant capital who may not have been nomads. To compromise, Kublai organized his armed forces into three major branches. The first a “Mongol Army,” under his direct control, and that of the Privy Council. This was stationed close to the Imperial capitals, made up of Mongols, Central Asians and Turks. This was followed by the “Tammachi,” the Mongols who served the Khan, but maintained their own princes and lived out in the steppes. Then there was the “Chinese Army,” the largely infantry force of Chinese who served as garrison troops.   By 1268, in order to watch his growing bureaucracy, Kublai brought on another Chinese institution, the Censorate. The duty of the Censorate was to inspect officials and route out corruption; they would report directly back to the Khan to inform him of the goings-on in his government, of tidings which may not have reached him through regular channels. For Kublai, good governance was a high priority, and he gave his Censorate great resources and power. The Khan wanted to know what happened at all levels of government. Compared to other dynasties, Kublai’s Censorate had great power… on paper. In reality, there is little evidence for its effectiveness outside of the provinces closest to the capital. The Censorate’s first leader, a Confucian named Zhang Dehui, resigned after a dispute with Kublai on how the law applied to the Khan. To put simply, Kublai argued that it didn’t, and Kublai had him replaced with a more pliant Mongol.    Kublai’s affinity for the classic Chinese government structures should not be overstated. Employing traditional styles of governance helped placate Confucian elites and scholars, going some ways to convince them that Kublai had ‘stepped past,’ his nomad roots, but he was unwilling to let himself be tethered to it. The most obvious example was in his refusal to restore the Civil Service examination systems. Since the Tang Dynasty, most Chinese bureacrats were selected after completing these exams. The highest men in the empires were scholar officials who were well versed in Chinese history and literary classics, and jealuously guarded access to high office from those who had never completed the exams. Kublai did not want to limit himself in who he could appoint to office, preferring to keep his doors open to anyone he perceived useful or deserving, regardless of their origins. So, the non-Chinese men from his keshig could still staff high positions, and men from Central Asia could be raised to high station. Of these, none were more famous than Ahmad Fanakati, becoming Kublai’s finance minister in the 1260s. Particularly with the rebellion of Li Tan in 1262, a Mongol-aligned warlord in Shandong, Kublai’s desire to place power in the hands of the Chinese lessenged. Though the rebellion was quickly crushed,  Kublai’s chief minister of the Central Secretariat, Li Tan’s father-in-law Wang Wen-tung, was found complicit and executed. The power of Mongol-allied Chinese warlords across North China was greatly curtailed following this, and Kublai found himself far more suspicious of the Confucians in his government.   For Kublai’s empire, the old imperial capital of Karakorum was untenable. Deep in Mongolia, it was a difficult to supply and highly exposed location, now vulnerable to the mobile horsemen of Kublai’s Central Asian kinsmen- first Ariq Boke, the Chagatayids and in time, the young Ogedeid prince Qaidu. Neither could the complex bureaucracy he was building be managed from Mongolia’s Orkhon valley. Karakorum was to be effectively left abandoned,  a garrison outpost of only symbolic value. For a little over 30 years Karakorum had been the administrative centre of most of Eurasia. Never again would it regain its importance. Kublai first made Shangdu, in what is now Inner Mongolia at the edge of the steppe and Chinese frontier, his capital. Shangdu, originally called Kaiping, is most well known through Samual Taylor Coleridge’s poem Xanadu. Though it housed Kublai’s court and was in the steppe, it was built in Chinese style; roughly a square, with low, rammed earthern walls and a palace. But even Shangdu was insufficient for governing the empire. The area was unsuited to housing a great population, and would still have kept Kublai removed from his subjects. Chinese sources assert that Kublai’s Chinese advisers informed him of the need to govern from within China, but Kublai must have seen it himself. Most Imperial capitals were located more centrally, along the lower arm of the Yellow River where it cuts through the North China plain. Of these cities, none were better known than Xian, in Shaanxi province, from which a great many dynasties ruled from. The former Song and Jin capitals of Kaifeng were also located along the Yellow River. Kublai did not wish to abandon his homeland though, desiring to maintain some proximity, both for personal and security reasons. So a more northerly location was chosen: the ruins of the Jin capital of Zhongdu. Fittingly, the city had been taken by the Mongols the same year as Kublai’s birth, in 1215, and now Kublai was the one to restore it… somewhat. His new city was built just northeast of Zhongdu, straddling three rivers to provide ample water for the population. Construction began in 1267. Built in Chinese style but overseen by a Muslim engineer, it was a vast, square shape with walls of rammed earth. Within was a smaller enclosed area, housing the imperial city, palaces and residences of the Khan. This was to be Dadu, meaning great capital. To Mongols and Turks, it was Khanbaliq, the Khan’s city. Marco Polo would interpet it as Cambulac. Today, Beijing sits atop of it.       Dadu in many ways embodied Kublai’s often roughly mixed Chinese and Mongolian demands. The Chinese wanted Kublai to step into the expectations of a Chinese Emperor and conduct proper rituals to maintain the Mandate of Heaven; constructing a capital within China, building requisite temples to honour his ancestors and donning proper imperial garb helped  to present the necessary image. Yet, Kublai and his sons slept not in Dadu’s sumptuous residences, but in gers in the city’s central park; feasts were decidedly more Mongolian in terms of drunkenness and yelling; his altar sat on top of soil brought from Mongolia. In a sort of quasi-nomadization, Kublai conducted treks between Shangdu and Dadu every year, spending summers in Shangdu and winters in Dadu. Each trek was marked with Mongolian shamanistic ceremonies: flicking airag onto the ground for the departing Khan and calling out the name of his illustrious grandfather. At Shangdu Kublai hunted and feasted, doing a little bit to remind himself of his heritage and escape the demands of office.       As we’ve been iterating, the image of a legitimate emperor of China was a major part of actually ruling China. Each Chinese dynasty, it was believed, ruled with the Mandate of Heaven, the divine support necessary to control the Middle Kingdom. Victory in war meant the conqueror had Heaven’s support. But Heaven needed to be appeased through proper ritual and ceremony. Good governance and climate meant that the Dynasty had Heaven’s support. Corruption and ecological disasters, coupled with military defeats, meant Heaven had rescinded its blessing. The image of being a proper Chinese ruler was therefore necessary for any man wishing to have that divine backing. Kublai would have been reminded of this constantly by his advisers, particularly Liu Ping-chung, who urged Kublai to commit to declaring a dynasty and marking himself as the successor to the Song. In 1271 the Yuan Dynasty was officially declared. Yuan was taken from the Yijing, the Book of Changes, one of the most ancient of all Chinese classics. Yuan has connotations of primal energy and the origins of the universe; all auspicious things to refer to for a man who already had the backing of Eternal Blue Heaven.        To Kublai, taking the Dynastic name of Yuan was not an indication he was replacing the Mongol Empire. To him, Da Yuan, the Great Yuan, was another way to express Yeke Mongghol Ulus, the Great Mongol State. It was to help Chinese acceptance of his rule and maintain Heaven’s Mandate. But it was a fine line to try and present oneself as both Mongol Emperor and the Chinese Emperor, and the declaration of the Yuan may have been in part a recognition of his lack of effective power over the western Mongol Khanates. Kublai still very much saw himself as their overlord, but even he would have recognized his actual power over them was limited at best.        By declaring the Yuan Dynasty, Kublai was also demonstrating his intention was not just to loot and occupy China, but actually rule there. Now, we’ve talked alot about things Kublai ordered, declared and issued: but what did his rule actually look like? In terms of wanting to be a good ruler, what did Kublai accomplish in this regard? Well, ol’ Kublai was not just a man of ideas, but put things into action. Reconstruction of China both north and south was a primary goal of his. Northern China had hardly recovered from the prolonged Mongol-Jin warfare. Despite efforts in the past to institute regular taxation as proposed by the thanksless Yelu Chucai, much taxatio remained adhoc, local populations still being taken advantage of by Mongol officials. For the success of his Dynasty, Kublai wanted the burdens on the population relieved.       In 1261, Kublai began to provide funding for the Office for the Stimulation of Agriculture, headed by his friend and adviser Yao Shu. The stated goal of the office was to help peasants restore, develop and advance agriculture. Kublai wanted Northern China to once again reach a state of food security and be able to produce surplus as protection against shortages. A starving and discontented peasantry would pose a risk of massive uprisings, and the surplus was needed for the massive capital at Dadu. Dadu required 58 grainaries, each one holding 2,170,440 kilograms of grain, or  4,785,000 lbs. Kublai needed a reserve just to feed his capital, let alone secure northern China.        Kublai also understood it was not just a matter of providing funds and labour; the peasants needed to be protected from the Mongols. In 1262, Kublai forbade Mongols from ranging their animals through peasant fields, protecting vital cropland from becoming lunch for hundreds of goat and sheep. He also sought to abolish, once and for all, the tax farmers who sought to beggar the Chinese. Taxes needed to be simplified, and the power of the princely appanages curtailed in order for the Central Secretariat to retain dominance. For this, princes were denied their ability to collect taxes; rather than pay both the local prince and the Central Government, the taxes would go just to the government. Then, an allotment would be provided to the princes. Simplifying and reducing taxes always goes a long way to reducing stress on the folk on the bottom of the social rung. Taking this further, Kublai also reduced or completely removed taxes on entire regions to help them recover. Funds were provided for farmers to restore lands damaged during the conquest, as was grain for those in need. The Khan regularly met and sought knowledge from his advisers on how to restore the countryside and promote trade, and heaped rewards on those who provided effective ideas.       Kublai also promoted what he saw as useful professions. Generally, Chinese dynasties looked down on craftsmen and doctors, but Kublai carried on the Mongol practice of favouring those with skills. Craftsmen and doctors were exempted from certains taxes and corvee labour. For craftsmen and merchants, Kublai encouraged trade, especially from Central Asia  and on the South Asia sea routes.  In 1268 he opened the General Administration for Supervision of the Ortogh, which provided government loans to merchants taking part in caravans from Central Asia. In southern China, kilns were registered and supported by the government to aid the production of porcelains, a valuable part of the Southeast Asian sea trade.  Taxes were lowered on commercial transactions, roads and routes were improved to facilitate movement. Foreign merchants were encouraged to come to China in order to advance the overseas trade, bring their knowledge and even serve in the government: owing their work to the Khan was thought to make them more useful. It is in such a capacity that Marco Polo would work, serving it seems in Kublai’s keshig, as we’ll explore in a future episode.   For doctors and physicians, Kublai established and funded academies and hospitals for them to work in, and to learn from Muslim medical knowledge Kublai imported- a full 31 volumes of Muslim medical practices were collected for the court library. As Kublai was often in poor health and suffered terribly from gout, he was keen to support this industry and whatever relief they might bring him. Expensive drugs, ingredients and doctors were collected from across the Islamic world and even southern India and brought to China. Exempted from many tax obligations and corvee labour, and often serving upon the elite and government, medical leaders reached a very high, and very lucrative, social standing they had not previously enjoyed. By encouraging the growth in numbers of physicians and hospitals, this brought greater access of their services to people at large as well.       Within his first years as Khan, Kublai had also organized the printing of new paper currencies. The first of these was backed by silk, and the later by the silver reserve. Earlier Khans had encouraged payment in coinage over kind, and Kublai took this to the next level. He hoped to employ the same currency throughout his realm to ease trade and aid in economic stability. The earlier paper mony printed by his predecessors and the Song emperors was invalidated, though in the former Song territory the people were given a period of years to hand in the old money, including gold, silver and copper coins,  in exchange for the new. Until the late-1270s, Kublai kept tight control on how much was printed in order to prevent inflation, and the system worked quite well. Only with costs endured from the failed attack on Japan and the last years of war with the Song, did the printing of paper money escalate, though not yet to disastrous levels.   In science too, Kublai promoted cross-continental contacts. Astronomy was always of interest to Chinese monarchs and diviners, and a good mark of any emperor was formatting a new calendar. For this, considerable Muslim knowledge was imported. In 1271 the Institute of Muslim Astronomy was founded, allowing Chinese astronomers to study translated Islamic texts and instruments to design their own, and eventually provide Kublai a new, more accurate calender. Kublai also ordered the establishment of a new legal code which began to take effect in the early 1270s. It was actually more lenient than previous dynastic legal codes: only 135 crimes were punishable by death in the Yuan legal code, less than the preceeding Song, or succeeding Ming, legal codes. Executions per year during the 13th century rarely exceeded 100, with the Khan personally reviewing these cases, preffering to send them to labour or to pay a fine. The latter was an uniquely Mongol addition to the Chinese legal system. For the Mongols, such fines were regular compensation for punishments, and now too would become standard practice in China.       Kublai also gave China the basis for the provincial organization it holds today. As the first man to unite all of China in 300 years, he was able to order a country-wide provincial reorganization. Unlike previous dynasties, Tibet, Xinjiang and Yunnan were now part of China; Yunnan, for instance, had never been under Chinese suzerainty before, and has never left it since. Kublai reorganized China into 12 provinces, each governed by regional versions of the Central Secretariat. In much of the south, former Song officials were brought to staff the lower levels of government, but a system of Mongol and Central Asian daruqachi supervised and managed them.       As part of his hope to tie the various disparate regions of his empire together, Kublai sought a writing system all could use. He did not want to rely on Chinese, a script few Mongols had ever learned. But neither was the Uighur script the Mongols used for their own language fully adequate. Adopted by Chinggis Khan in 1206, it only barely covered the sounds of spoken Mongolian, and was simply incapable of representing Chinese. For this task, Kublai turned to one of his best known advisers, the ‘Phags-pa Lama. Born in 1235, in the 1240s he accompanied his uncle, the Sakya Pandita, one of the leaders of Tibetan Buddhism’s Sa-Skya sect, to the court of Ogedai’s son Koten. Basically growing up in Mongol courts, in the 1250s he found himself attached to prince Kublai, and in time Khan Kublai. Made Kublai’s personal chaplain after he became Khan, in 1264  the ‘Phags-pa Lama and his brother were appointed to govern Tibet on behalf of the Mongols. Having spent comparatively little time there, they did not do a great job. His brother died in 1267, which was soon followed by an uprising from a rival Buddhist sect, crushed with a forced reimposition of Mongol rule. With the Mongols now ruling Tibet directly, the ‘Phags-pa Lama returned to Kublai’s court, where he was given a new task: designing for Kublai a new universal script for the empire. Completing it by 1269, this was the famed Yuan square script, or ‘Phags-pa script, as named for its designer. Based on the Tibetan script, it was 41 square shaped letters written vertically and designed to capture sounds of both Chinese and Mongolian. Kublai was delighted and heaped rewards onto the ‘Phags-pa Lama, making him Imperial Perceptor and Head of all monks in Kublai’s empire, in addition to further tutoring Kublai’s son Jingim. Kublai ordered the script to be taught to all officials, and all government documents were to be issued in the new script. Surviving stone inscriptions, paper money, porcelain and state paizas from the Yuan period all feature the characteristic blocks of the ‘Phags-pa script. But aside from official and decorative purposes, the script never caught on even within the government, despite repeated proclamations from Kublai for his officials to learn it.        In keeping with the precedent of previous Khans, Kublai’s early reign encouraged the respect of religions. The legal code did not set out to prohibit any religion, and religious communities, especially Muslims, were often self-governing as long as they paid taxes. Respect was shown to Confucians, Buddhists, Taoists, Muslims, Shamanists and even those Christians in China. Like Mongke, there were members of these religions convinced that Kublai was about to, or had already, converted to their faith, so effective was Kublai at protraying himself as a friend to all. The ‘Phags-pa Lama, for instance, presented Kublai as the Buddhisatta of Wisdom to Tibetans while Marco Polo portrayed Kublai as a fine Christian monarch in his accounts. Tax exemptions were provided to religious orders, financial aid to help in rebuilding and constructing new temples, representation at court and other privileges were granted to these various communities. In exchange, they convened with the Heavens and Gods on Kublai’s behalf to bring good fortune onto the Yuan realm and maintain the Mandate of Heaven.       It should not be thought that Kublai set out to create an idealized utopia-  he was still Mongol Emperor after all, and the Mongols were only a small minority among tens of millions of Chinese. Kublai issued proclamations to keep Mongols and Chinese separate; the Chinese could not learn Mongolian or wear Mongolian clothing, and it was illegal to sell Mongolian horses to them. Marriage and intermingling were dissuaded. Most famously, Kublai organized a racial heirarchy to determine favours and certain rights. Obviously, Mongols were at the top of the hierarchy, followed by the semuren, referring to Central Asians, Muslims, various Turks and even Tangut. Below the semuren was the hanren, the northern Chinese and former denizens of the Jin Empire. Khitans and Jurchen were included among them. After 1279, another category was added, the nanren, the Southern Chinese of the late Song Dynasty. The cateogrization though was vague, subject to change and often ignored. Yet it underlined a key fact: despite all Kublai did to look like a Chinese monarch, neither he nor his successors would ever be Chinese, and that divide would not disappear after Kublai’s death. For those Mongols still in Mongolia though, Kublai certainly looked too much like a Chinese monarch for their tastes. This was not a dynamic that would promote the longevity of the Yuan Dynasty.       From 1260-1279, Kublai Khan’s reign was marked by numerous accomplishments, with the notable exception of the invasion of Japan in 1274, and of course, his loss of control over the western Khanates. He set about creating a new government structure to run his empire, utilizing talent from across Eurasia and rebuilding China after decades of war. For the first time since the collapse of the Tang Dynasty in 907, China was united under one ruler. But 1279 was to be, in many ways, the high water mark of his reign. The effort it took to manage the Yuan government was considerable, and needed tremendous personal energy on the part of the monarch to keep it running as effectively as possible. As age, health and personnal losses took the energy out of him, the 1280s ultimately marked a series of failures for Kublai, which we will explore in forthcoming episodes, so be sure to subscribe to our podcast for more. If you’d like to help us keep bringing you great content, please consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/Kingsandgenerals. This script was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I’m your host David, and we’ll catch you on the next one. 

To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China. YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UChpl-tmHTAG-dW3srDQVVjA   Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/adrianandmuhammad   Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/mos_tv16   https://www.instagram.com/just_adrian__   Twitter: https://mobile.twitter.com/amreviews3. Send us a message through this link to get featured on the show: https://anchor.fm/am-reviews/message --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Main Review: Mulan (2020) To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China. Scores - Jack - 2.5, Trevor - 1, Sarah - 4, Peter - 4 Overview- 3 Brought to you by The Tuscan Shed Media Network and Newman Visual Productions Check us out on iTunes or on Twitter and Facebook Music by Bensound

Stevie hosts Pappy, Kylo and Disney correspondent Pixe_Bomber review the live action Mulan remake! To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China. Release date: September 4, 2020 (USA) Director: Niki Caro Budget: 200 million USD Costume design: Bina Daigeler Bad guy: Shan Yu

To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China. Our favorite Las Vegas media critic, Josh Bell has [...] The post Josh Bell Reviews “Mulan” appeared first on Highway Radio.

To save her ailing father from serving in the Imperial Army, a fearless young woman disguises herself as a man to battle northern invaders in China. Check out the episode on Youtube, iTunes and Google Play. You can reach us at theironkoob@gmail.com and on Instagram @theironkoob If you have not seen the Review of the Week and would like to avoid spoilers, check the show notes for the timestamp so you can still hear our news sections. I. Review of the Week A. Synopsis and Ratings B. Mulan in SPOILERS (5:00) II. Fight of the Week (45:00) III. Roundup (47:00) 1. Empire of the Sun 2. Cobra Kai 3. The Boys IV. Gaming (57:00) 1. Marvel's Avengers 2. Among Us V. Trailers (64:00) 1. No Time to Die VI. Everette's Game of Smart Ass (66:00) VII. News (71:00) 1. Black Panther 2 Re-write 2. Ray Fisher Dispute 3. Mission Impossible 7 4. Rooker Covid-19 5. Matrix 4 6. LOTR Amazon Prequel Series

In this bonus episode the Leftovers discuss Mulan and Tenet. We do dive into spoilers. There is a timestamp for Tenet listed at the bottom. We start with our review of Mulan out now on Disney Plus Premium. We are joined by Michael Winkler and June. “Acclaimed filmmaker Niki Caro brings the epic tale of China’s legendary warrior to life in Disney’s “Mulan,” in which a fearless young woman risks everything out of love for her family and her country to become one of the greatest warriors China has ever known. When the Emperor of China issues a decree that one man per family must serve in the Imperial Army to defend the country from Northern invaders, Hua Mulan, the eldest daughter of an honored warrior, steps in to take the place of her ailing father. Masquerading as a man, Hua Jun, she is tested every step of the way and must harness her inner-strength and embrace her true potential. It is an epic journey that will transform her into an honored warrior and earn her the respect of a grateful nation…and a proud father.” We then discuss Tenet and are joined by Kay Hoddy and June. “Armed with only one word – Tenet – and fighting for the survival of the entire world, the Protagonist journeys through a twilight world of international espionage on a mission that will unfold in something beyond real time. Not time travel. Inversion.” A clue to the central narrative of the film may lie in history.” IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO LISTEN TO JUST THE TENET REVIEW THAT STARTS AT THE 57 MINUTE 38 SECOND MARK [00:57:38]

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai's four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days.regiment [ˈredʒɪmənt]团division [dɪˈvɪʒn]师the 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army国民革命军88师524团hold the fort [hoʊld ðə fɔːrt]指“留下坚守”，也可以表示”代管；暂时承担他人的工作”。warehouse [ˈwerhaʊs]仓库corps [kɔːr]军种go up against [ɡoʊ ʌp əˈɡenst]对抗caliber [ˈkæləbər]军事上指“枪、大炮的口径”，可以引申表达“能力；水平”的大小。imperial [ɪmˈpɪriəl]帝国的；皇帝的symbolic [sɪmˈbɑːlɪk]象征性的expect [ɪkˈspekt]be expected to do sth表示“被期待做某事”。hold out [hoʊld aʊt]坚持抵抗 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai's four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days. 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai's four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days. 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai's four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days.regiment [ˈredʒɪmənt]团division [dɪˈvɪʒn]师the 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army国民革命军88师524团hold the fort [hoʊld ðə fɔːrt]指“留下坚守”，也可以表示”代管；暂时承担他人的工作”。warehouse [ˈwerhaʊs]仓库corps [kɔːr]军种go up against [ɡoʊ ʌp əˈɡenst]对抗caliber [ˈkæləbər]军事上指“枪、大炮的口径”，可以引申表达“能力；水平”的大小。imperial [ɪmˈpɪriəl]帝国的；皇帝的symbolic [sɪmˈbɑːlɪk]象征性的expect [ɪkˈspekt]be expected to do sth表示“被期待做某事”。hold out [hoʊld aʊt]坚持抵抗 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai’s four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days.regiment [ˈredʒɪmənt]团division [dɪˈvɪʒn]师the 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army国民革命军88师524团hold the fort [hoʊld ðə fɔːrt]指“留下坚守”，也可以表示”代管；暂时承担他人的工作”。warehouse [ˈwerhaʊs]仓库corps [kɔːr]军种go up against [ɡoʊ ʌp əˈɡenst]对抗caliber [ˈkæləbər]军事上指“枪、大炮的口径”，可以引申表达“能力；水平”的大小。imperial [ɪmˈpɪriəl]帝国的；皇帝的symbolic [sɪmˈbɑːlɪk]象征性的expect [ɪkˈspekt]be expected to do sth表示“被期待做某事”。hold out [hoʊld aʊt]坚持抵抗 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

关注微信公众号「Albert英语研习社」, 获取本节目图文讲义。The 524th Regiment from the elite 88th Division of the Chinese Resistance Army was sent to hold the fort in Sihang Warehouse, a six-story building co-owned by Shanghai’s four major banks. Joined by less-trained security corps from Hubei, Hunan and Zhejiang, these 411 men were up against the Japanese Third Division, the highest caliber in the Imperial Army. Though their purpose was merely symbolic, the men were expected to die defending the warehouse. They held out for four days. 主播：周邦琴Albert●没有名牌大学背景，没有英语专业背景●没有国外留学经历，没有英语生活环境●22岁成为500强公司全球员工英文讲师●24岁自学成为同声传译●25岁为瑞士联邦总统翻译

The story of Japanese occupation is one that is long forgotten. So here is an episode throwing some light into the incident. They were merciless and gained confidence after the Japanese-Russian war. The war happened between 1904-1905 The Russians did not have resources or technological advancements to fight against the Japanese Conquered China in the 1930s The Chinese invasion of Manchuria began on 18 September 1931 It happened right after the staged Mukden Incident They established the puppet state of Manchukuo The deception was exposed in 1932 by the Lytton Report It led to Japan being diplomatically isolated and eventually, their withdrawal from the League of Nations Nanjing Massacre It was an episode of mass murder and rape by the Imperial Army of Japan in Nanjing, the then capital of China during the second Sino-Japanese War. China was the underdog and much inferior army and the Japanese showed no remorse. It happened over a period of six weeks starting from 13 December 1937 Around 40,000 to 300,000 people were murdered and looted during this period of time The accounts of the massacre were erased by Japan shortly before their surrender in 1945 There is a huge controversy surrounding the issue including outright denial of the occurrence of the massacre to the accusation that the Chinese government exaggerated the number of people killed But many in the Japanese government themselves have admitted to killing many non-combatants Conquering of Burma Japan occupied Burma (a previous British territory) from 1942-1945 The conquest began in December of 1941 Conquer of Andaman and Nicobar Islands The conquest of the island by Japan took place in 1942 The accounts are collected from the unpublished reports of a local resident Rama Krishna: The Andaman Islands under Japanese Occupation 1942–1945 unpublished account by a British Officer, D. McCarthy: The Andaman Interlude (he was sent on a secret mission to the islands in 1944) and with the memories of the older inhabitants interviewed by historians On the fourth day after the arrival of the Japanese, the first victim was killed. A young man Zulfiqar Ali angered by the soldiers pursuing chickens in his house fired an airgun at the soldiers. He was forced to go into hiding. Once he was captured his arms were twisted till they broke and then he was fired at. Locals joined the Indian Independence League founded by Rash Behari Bose One of its members, Dr Diwan Singh also formed a peace committee An airport was built through forced labour Comfort Women were brought from South Korea to these garrisons Most of the topmost leaders of the Indian Independence League were captured and killed Andaman and Nicobar Islands were handed over to Indian National Army in 29 December 1943 Subhas Chandra Bose visited Port Blair and raised the INA tricolour proclaiming Azad Hind The Japanese screened his every movement to shield the reality of the situation from Bose The Homfray Ganj massacre took place on 30 January 1944, where 44 civilians from the island were killed on the accusation that they were spies The Islands were ruled by the Japanese till the British took it back in October 7, 1945 In 1945, due to scarcity of food, around 250-700 inhabitants of the islands were forced to move to uninhabited islands to produce food A rescue mission could only find 12 survivors and hundreds of skeletons on the islands. Many also died due to shark attacks Around 2000 people were killed and over 500 tortured during the course of Japanese occupation The Battle of Imphal The battleground was spread across present-day Manipur and Nagaland 30,000 soldiers died. More than half while retreating due to starvation and diseases Japan was not prepared at all. Expected to get it over within 3 weeks, but went on for months The allied air supply was far superior Lt. Gen. Renya Mutaguchi said the conquest would require the sacrifice of 5,000 soldiers Hirokuni Saito's journal gave

In this episode we have a chat about the new Imperial Army list written by the Mournival Event guys, along with our usual bullshiting and fantasy talk.

On this week’s episode Fred Kennedy brings you a radio play.  More like a fan fiction radio play based on a Star Wars story he wrote. Go behind the lives of the Imperial army three years after the conclusion of The Clone Wars.  This is the story of Soloman Kwai, a riflemen in the Imperial Army. Not a Storm Trooper but in the regular army, a Mud Trooper. We follow him and his comrades of Platoon 79 two years after the founding of the Empire, and 17 years before A New Hope, as they are called to help secure the planet of Cestin IV. When they land on Cestin IV… all seems well...until it’s not.... This is part one of chapter one - Blooded. Thank you to all of the amazing people that shared their voices to this episode. Cast: Pvt Soloman Kwai – Narrator -  Fred Kennedy - @fearless_fred Col Ghast – Meisha Watson - @iammeishawatson Lt Orto - Ben McEwan - @bigbennz Sgt Jintalla – Marilla Wex - @MarillaWex Sgt Heffspar – Star Birdyellowhead – @starbfit Cpl Housto – Michael Walsh - @Mister_Walsh Pvt Morastus – Raina Douris - @RahRahRaina Pvt Kator - Kwame Damon Mason - @kwamster007 Pvt El’Theriam – Jason Loo - @rebel_loo Pvt Murray – Shaun Hatton - @megashaun Pvt Staven – Carly Myers - @CarlyRadio

(Due to some scrapcode issues, Episode Three will be delayed a bit) Episode Four takes a dive into the variety that is the Imperial Militia lists.

He was born in Spain, became a general in the Imperial Army, and was crowned Emperor of the East in 379. He quickly made his Orthodoxy clear by decisively rejecting Arianism, which had divided Christians, troubled the Church, and confused previous emperors, for many years. He summoned the Second Ecumenical Council at Constantinople in 381, which reaffirmed the doctrine of Nicaea and proclaimed the divinity of the Holy Spirit. While Constantine had outlawed the persecution of Christians and made Christianity the religion of the state, Theodosius outlawed the worship of idols within the Empire.   Theodosius was several times guilty of anger and bloodshed during his reign, but, when corrected, always expressed sincere repentance and submitted himself to the authority and discipline of the Church. He endured a long excommunication and penance from Ambrose, bishop of Milan (December 7), for a massacre perpetrated at his order. Once he was about to enact bloody punishment of the people of Antioch for a rebellion, but relented when St Placilla (September 14) and Patriarch Flavian enjoined him to be merciful. In this, he showed a humility and submission to the Church almost unknown in Christian rulers before or since.   Having reigned for sixteen years, the Emperor Theodosius reposed in peace in 395 at the age of sixty.

He was born in Spain, became a general in the Imperial Army, and was crowned Emperor of the East in 379. He quickly made his Orthodoxy clear by decisively rejecting Arianism, which had divided Christians, troubled the Church, and confused previous emperors, for many years. He summoned the Second Ecumenical Council at Constantinople in 381, which reaffirmed the doctrine of Nicaea and proclaimed the divinity of the Holy Spirit. While Constantine had outlawed the persecution of Christians and made Christianity the religion of the state, Theodosius outlawed the worship of idols within the Empire.   Theodosius was several times guilty of anger and bloodshed during his reign, but, when corrected, always expressed sincere repentance and submitted himself to the authority and discipline of the Church. He endured a long excommunication and penance from Ambrose, bishop of Milan (December 7), for a massacre perpetrated at his order. Once he was about to enact bloody punishment of the people of Antioch for a rebellion, but relented when St Placilla (September 14) and Patriarch Flavian enjoined him to be merciful. In this, he showed a humility and submission to the Church almost unknown in Christian rulers before or since.   Having reigned for sixteen years, the Emperor Theodosius reposed in peace in 395 at the age of sixty.

In Playing War: Children and the Paradoxes of Modern Militarism in Japan (University of California Press, 2017), Sabine Frühstück shows how children and childhood have been used in twentieth century Japan as technologies to moralize war, and later, in the twenty-first century, to sentimentalize peace. Through examining Japanese children’s war games both in the field and on paper, Fruhstuck explores in the first half of the book how “children’s little wars” are connected and interacted with the “grand game” of the Imperial Army and Japan’s wars in Asia. In the second half of the book, Fruhstuck investigates various modes of “queering war”, as well as directing our attention to a move from the infantilization of war to the infantilization of peace in twenty-first century Japan. As one of the few books that looks into the role of affect in modern Japanese militarism, Playing War exposes the “emotional capital” that has been attributed to children and the “use value” of their vulnerability and innocence in both times of war and in times of peace. Daigengna Duoer is a PhD student at the Religious Studies Department, University of California, Santa Barbara. She mainly researches on Buddhism in twentieth-century Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Her research interests also include the role Buddhism plays in modernity, colonialism, and transnational/transregional networks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Playing War: Children and the Paradoxes of Modern Militarism in Japan (University of California Press, 2017), Sabine Frühstück shows how children and childhood have been used in twentieth century Japan as technologies to moralize war, and later, in the twenty-first century, to sentimentalize peace. Through examining Japanese children’s war games both in the field and on paper, Fruhstuck explores in the first half of the book how “children’s little wars” are connected and interacted with the “grand game” of the Imperial Army and Japan’s wars in Asia. In the second half of the book, Fruhstuck investigates various modes of “queering war”, as well as directing our attention to a move from the infantilization of war to the infantilization of peace in twenty-first century Japan. As one of the few books that looks into the role of affect in modern Japanese militarism, Playing War exposes the “emotional capital” that has been attributed to children and the “use value” of their vulnerability and innocence in both times of war and in times of peace. Daigengna Duoer is a PhD student at the Religious Studies Department, University of California, Santa Barbara. She mainly researches on Buddhism in twentieth-century Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Her research interests also include the role Buddhism plays in modernity, colonialism, and transnational/transregional networks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Playing War: Children and the Paradoxes of Modern Militarism in Japan (University of California Press, 2017), Sabine Frühstück shows how children and childhood have been used in twentieth century Japan as technologies to moralize war, and later, in the twenty-first century, to sentimentalize peace. Through examining Japanese children’s war games both in the field and on paper, Fruhstuck explores in the first half of the book how “children’s little wars” are connected and interacted with the “grand game” of the Imperial Army and Japan’s wars in Asia. In the second half of the book, Fruhstuck investigates various modes of “queering war”, as well as directing our attention to a move from the infantilization of war to the infantilization of peace in twenty-first century Japan. As one of the few books that looks into the role of affect in modern Japanese militarism, Playing War exposes the “emotional capital” that has been attributed to children and the “use value” of their vulnerability and innocence in both times of war and in times of peace. Daigengna Duoer is a PhD student at the Religious Studies Department, University of California, Santa Barbara. She mainly researches on Buddhism in twentieth-century Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Her research interests also include the role Buddhism plays in modernity, colonialism, and transnational/transregional networks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Playing War: Children and the Paradoxes of Modern Militarism in Japan (University of California Press, 2017), Sabine Frühstück shows how children and childhood have been used in twentieth century Japan as technologies to moralize war, and later, in the twenty-first century, to sentimentalize peace. Through examining Japanese children’s war games both in the field and on paper, Fruhstuck explores in the first half of the book how “children’s little wars” are connected and interacted with the “grand game” of the Imperial Army and Japan’s wars in Asia. In the second half of the book, Fruhstuck investigates various modes of “queering war”, as well as directing our attention to a move from the infantilization of war to the infantilization of peace in twenty-first century Japan. As one of the few books that looks into the role of affect in modern Japanese militarism, Playing War exposes the “emotional capital” that has been attributed to children and the “use value” of their vulnerability and innocence in both times of war and in times of peace. Daigengna Duoer is a PhD student at the Religious Studies Department, University of California, Santa Barbara. She mainly researches on Buddhism in twentieth-century Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Her research interests also include the role Buddhism plays in modernity, colonialism, and transnational/transregional networks. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Heroes Garage: Stranger Things 3 ReviewWelcome to Heroes Garage where we talk science fiction, fantasy, and comic books. We discuss TV shows, movies, and comic books. News & Notes:Kawhi Leonard a Clipper; A bunch of mid-tier old-timers join the Lakers (Green, Cousins, etc.); Durant and Kyrie Irving go to the Nets; Kemba Walker to the Celtics; D’Angelo Russel to the Warriors; Jimmy Butler to Miami (why?)Disney’s Mulan live action movie gets its first trailer. Its scheduled to release 3/27/2020When the Emperor of China issues a decree that one man per family must serve in the Imperial Army to defend the country from Northern invaders, Hua Mulan, the eldest daughter of an honored warrior, steps in to take the place of her ailing father. Masquerading as a man, Hua Jun, she is tested every step of the way and must harness her inner-strength and embrace her true potential. It is an epic journey that will transform her into an honored warrior and earn her the respect of a grateful nation…and a proud father.Mulan, directed by Niki Caro, stars Liu Yifei, Donnie Yen, Yoson An, Gong Li and Jet Lee. The film is scheduled to open on March 27, 2020.18:50 (minus 2:10)Mushu is not in the trailer or credits, what’s up? Eric are you a fan of the Mulan animated and are you looking forward to this movie?Spider-Man Far From Home is projected to make 500m globally over the U.S. Holiday weekend. The Walking Dead #193 was the final issue in the run:Robert Kirkman, writerCharlie Adlard & Cliff Rathburn, art27:10Stranger Things 3: 31:43Credits: writers and directors; actors, etcPlot: A group of pre-adolescent teenagers save Hawkins, IN from aliens, again.Story: The movie starts with a series of “the gang is back again” scenes to re-introduce us to the characters and the new players. A twist occurs when Billy Hargrove is infested by an alien and the story is off and running. 39:50Themes: Male/Female power-differential and female empowerment.Growing up and moving on. Leaving what you have been to form a new identity. This season really tried to sell that this is the final season. Until the post-credit scene.Transitions: Hooper's final speech

Heroes Garage: Stranger Things 3 Review Welcome to Heroes Garage where we talk science fiction, fantasy, and comic books. We discuss TV shows, movies, and comic books. News & Notes: Kawhi Leonard a Clipper; A bunch of mid-tier old-timers join the Lakers (Green, Cousins, etc.); Durant and Kyrie Irving go to the Nets; Kemba Walker to the Celtics; D’Angelo Russel to the Warriors; Jimmy Butler to Miami (why?) Disney’s Mulan live action movie gets its first trailer. Its scheduled to release 3/27/2020 When the Emperor of China issues a decree that one man per family must serve in the Imperial Army to defend the country from Northern invaders, Hua Mulan, the eldest daughter of an honored warrior, steps in to take the place of her ailing father. Masquerading as a man, Hua Jun, she is tested every step of the way and must harness her inner-strength and embrace her true potential. It is an epic journey that will transform her into an honored warrior and earn her the respect of a grateful nation…and a proud father. Mulan, directed by Niki Caro, stars Liu Yifei, Donnie Yen, Yoson An, Gong Li and Jet Lee. The film is scheduled to open on March 27, 2020. 18:50 (minus 2:10) Mushu is not in the trailer or credits, what’s up? Eric are you a fan of the Mulan animated and are you looking forward to this movie? Spider-Man Far From Home is projected to make 500m globally over the U.S. Holiday weekend. The Walking Dead #193 was the final issue in the run: Robert Kirkman, writer Charlie Adlard & Cliff Rathburn, art 27:10 Stranger Things 3: 31:43 Credits: writers and directors; actors, etc Plot: A group of pre-adolescent teenagers save Hawkins, IN from aliens, again. Story: The movie starts with a series of “the gang is back again” scenes to re-introduce us to the characters and the new players. A twist occurs when Billy Hargrove is infested by an alien and the story is off and running. 39:50 Themes: Male/Female power-differential and female empowerment. Growing up and moving on. Leaving what you have been to form a new identity. This season really tried to sell that this is the final season. Until the post-credit scene. Transitions: Hooper's final speech Final Ratings: Eric 8.5 Tom 9.25 --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/tom-zimm7/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/tom-zimm7/support

Here are my thoughts and reactions of not only the film of Saga of Tanya the Evil the Movie, but also a rant about the issues me and the group had during our screening. The time is UC 1926. The Imperial Army's 203rd Air Mage Battalion led by Major Tanya Degurechaff has won the battle to the south against the Republic's stragglers. They expected to be given a vacation after returning victorious, but instead receive special orders from Staff HQ as soon as they get home. They are told that there were signs of a large-scale deployment near the Empire-Federation border. Faced with the prospect of a new major enemy, the desperate Empire fans the flame of war. Meanwhile, an international volunteer army spearheaded by the Commonwealth set foot in Federation territory. As they say, the enemy of an enemy is your friend. They suffer through misfortune purely out of national interest, and among them is a young girl. She is Warrant Officer Mary Sue, and she takes up arms hoping to bring the Empire, who killed her father, to justice. Find me here. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/TyrantDominus/support

The heart-wrenching but ultimately redemptive story of two World War II soldiers—a Japanese surgeon and an American sergeant—during a brutal Alaskan battle in which the sergeant discovers the medic's revelatory and fascinating diary that changed our war-torn society’s perceptions of Japan. May 1943. The Battle of Attu—called “The Forgotten Battle” by World War II veterans—was raging on the Aleutian island with an Arctic cold, impenetrable fog, and rocketing winds that combined to create some of the worst weather on Earth. Both American and Japanese forces were tirelessly fighting in a yearlong campaign, and both sides would suffer thousands of casualties. Included in this number was a Japanese medic whose war diary would lead a Silver Star-winning American soldier to find solace for his own tortured soul. The doctor’s name was Paul Nobuo Tatsuguchi, a Hiroshima native who had graduated from college and medical school in California. He loved America, but was called to enlist in the Imperial Army of his native Japan. Heartsick, wary of war, yet devoted to Japan, Tatsuguchi performed his duties and kept a diary of events as they unfolded—never knowing that it would be found by an American soldier named Dick Laird. Laird, a hardy, resilient underground coal miner, enlisted in the US Army to escape the crushing poverty of his native Appalachia. In a devastating mountainside attack in Alaska, Laird was forced to make a fateful decision, one that saved him and his comrades, but haunted him for years. Tatsuguchi’s diary was later translated and distributed among US soldiers. It showed the common humanity on both sides of the battle. But it also ignited fierce controversy that is still debated today. After forty years, Laird was determined to return it to the family and find peace with Tatsuguchi’s daughter, Laura Tatsuguchi Davis. Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Mark Obmascik brings his journalistic acumen, sensitivity, and exemplary narrative skills to tell an extraordinarily moving story of two heroes, the war that pitted them against each other, and the quest to put their past to rest. Mark Obmascik is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist and bestselling author of The Big Year, which was made into a movie, and Halfway to Heaven. He won the 2009 National Outdoor Book Award for outdoor literature, the 2003 National Press Club Award for environmental journalism, and was the lead writer for the Denver Post team that won the 2000 Pulitzer Prize. He lives in Denver with his wife and their three sons. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/steve-richards/support

Tarak Barkawi speaks at the South Asia Seminar on 7 March 2017 The shock of repeated defeats, massive expansion, and the pressures of operations on multiple fronts transformed the Indian Army in World War II. It had to commission ever greater numbers of Indians as officers. Recruitment of other ranks reached beyond the favoured Martial Races. In the field, officers bent and then broke the rigid ethnic rules around which the army was organized, in small and large ways. The right rations, the right type of recruit, the officer knowledgeable in specific languages or religions, were not always available. Nonetheless, the army managed to recover, reform, and go on to victory. Colonial knowledge and the official Orientalism so evident in the ethnic structuring of the army was less relevant to managing the army at war. In large measure, Indian soldiers fought the Japanese led by a combination of emergency-commissioned nationalists (the new Indian officers) and British officers who were new to India and did not speak their soldiers’ language. The reasons why the Indian Army fought effectively for their colonial rulers were not to be found in stereotypes of Martial Races or South Asian warrior values.

Nakano Takeko of the prominent Aiku clan was a fierce Onna-bugeisha and master of the deadly naginata. When the Boshin War saw the Shogun’s army square off against the Imperialists, Takeko knew where her duty lay. At just 21, with the Imperial Army at the gates, she led a rag-tag squad of lady warriors onto the battlefield, determined to sacrifice everything for the honour of her clan. Join us as we delve into the fray, but don’t forget to pen your death-poem first, and bring your kaikan dagger just in case …If you want to support Deviant Women, follow us on: PatreonTwitter @DeviantWomenFacebook @deviantwomenpodcastInstagram @deviantwomenpodcast See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Dear empire, we're having a very mild case of severe rebellion, um, everywhere. But don't worry, it's totally under control. Everything's fine, we've got this. Don't panic. PS, rebel leaders if you're reading this we'll give you more than you've ever dreamed of if you'll just stop attacking us, pretty please. But no it's fine, we're totally going to win, for sure. PPS, Imperial Army please stop refusing to fight. We're totally serious about this. Joke's over, it's not funny anymore. Fight the rebels or we're going to be, like, super angry with you. Victory is assured. No problem whatsoever. PPS, local magistrates, please recruit your peasants to fight the rebels – promise them whatever you have to. Seriously, anything. Long live the victorious Tang. No, the plane engines only look like they're on fire. They're supposed to look like that. That's completely normal. Love, Emperor Xizong. Time Period Covered: 873-878 CE Major Historical Figures: Tang Dynasty: Emperor Yizong of Tang [d. 873] Emperor Xizong of Tang (Li Wen) [r. 873-888] Tian Lingzi, court eunuch-official General Song Wei General Zhang Zimian Rebel Commanders: Wang Xianzhi, Supreme Rebel General [d. 877] Huang Chao, Heaven-Storming General [d. 884]

Dear empire, we’re having a very mild case of severe rebellion, um, everywhere. But don’t worry, it’s totally under control. Everything’s fine, we’ve got this. Don’t panic. PS, rebel leaders if you’re reading this we’ll give you more than you’ve ever dreamed of if you’ll just stop attacking us, pretty please. But no it’s fine, we’re totally going to win, for sure. PPS, Imperial Army please stop refusing to fight. We’re totally serious about this. Joke’s over, it’s not funny anymore. Fight the rebels or we’re going to be, like, super angry with you. Victory is assured. No problem whatsoever. PPS, local magistrates, please recruit your peasants to fight the rebels – promise them whatever you have to. Seriously, anything. Long live the victorious Tang. No, the plane engines only look like they’re on fire. They’re supposed to look like that. That’s completely normal. Love, Emperor Xizong. Time Period Covered: 873-878 CE Major Historical Figures: Tang Dynasty: Emperor Yizong of Tang [d....  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Think of all the movies and TV shows that reference Star Wars. Most of those scenes are pretty forgettable -- except for a scene in the 1994 film Clerks, which set off a debate that's still going on today. One of the characters notes that the second Death Star in Return of the Jedi was still under construction when it got blown up. So there must have been independent contractors still trying to finish the job. Is it fair that they got killed along with the Imperial Army and the Stormtroopers? Judge Matthew Sciarrino, Josh Gilliland of the podcast Legal Geeks and economist Zachary Feinstein of Washington University in St. Louis discuss the value "good guys" should place on the lives of "bad guys." ** This is part VI is a series that will probably go on forever about the influence of Star Wars **Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In celebration of #TableTopDay we here at the SRAP are thrilled to bring you an early release! Chapter 5 follows Jameson Mayfield as he is "taken for a ride" on his first day at work. Will he accept an offer he can't refuse, or will he have to fight his way out? We then join Martin Barnett, his cousin, and girlfriend, as they seek help following the ghoul attack that ruined Martin's pretty face. Will the Imperial Army be sympathetic? Our cover art this week comes to us from "Jenn," our artist friend from Canada. Her depiction of Jameson truly captures the stoic, cold, criminal sonofabitch he is. Subscribe at iTunes Contact us through our web site here. Follow and LIKE us at facebook here. Or follow us on Twitter @SteamRollersPC DON'T FORGET! Clockwork Looking Glass, the Kindle novel that spawned the show is FREE from May 1, 2016 to May 5, 2016. Find it here. Want a chance to win the thick, luxurious, delightfully massive paperback of Clockwork Looking Glass? Subscribe to the show, leave us a good review on iTunes or via our site. Stay tuned for more details!

In which our heroes look at the Star Wars Universe and ask if the Imperial Army is kinda racist which leads them to uncovering a greater truth... See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Xin's Crows must protect the Imperial Army from a dangerous ambush, if they want to get out of the swamp alive and with their fortunes intact. Unfortunately, the Grey Sky Horde has a few tricks up their sleeves and by tricks, I mean advanced war machines. The Crows must sneak into the enemy camp and find a way to disable as many war machines as possible before the ambush starts.

News: If you're an Actual Play fan, check out RPPR B-Sides to learn how you can get access to 20 unreleased AP episodes that will NEVER be posted on this podcast! Volume 1 contains 20 episodes including never-heard Call of Cthulhu games and more! Synopsis: Xin's Crows follow the Imperial Army as they march to war and leave civilization behind. The desert is harsh terrain and the road ahead is littered with the bones of travelers who were too weak to survive. Aside from natural dangers like the heat, the camp followers must fend for themselves against bandits and predatory animals. In fact, Xin's Crows have to fight off a bandit raid themselves to protect their wares. Even after they deal with the raid, the Crows must establish their place in the thriving economy of the marching army by tricking business rivals and securing their own supply lines. Life is cheap out in the barren wastes of the Deserts, but to the Crows, everything else will cost you.

Xin's Crows set off to find their fortune, following the Imperial Army as they march to confront the Grey Sky Horde. First they must pass through the underground kingdom, a massive network of tunnels carved through a mountain. As the Crows make their way through the twisty tunnels, they find the Great Empire can be as dangerous in the 'civilized' parts as it is in the frontier. Can the Crows avoid the thieves, slavers, and other threats in the darkness of the underground? Find out in the second episode of the Fortunes of War!

Everyone is familiar with the classic image of the honorable Samurai, fearless in the face of death and ardently adhering to the tenets of Bushido, so we've decided give a counterpoint to this image with examples of Samurai deceit, deception, betrayal, and generally dishonorable mayhem. In the first of our Samurai Behaving Badly series, we examine concepts of loyalty - loyalty to clan, lord, and family, with examples of grievous disloyalty from the likes of Akechi Mitsuhide, Araki Murashige, Kobayakawa Hideaki, Mori Motonari, Sue Harukata, and the vassals of the unfortunate Besho Yoshichika. Support the podcast on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/samuraiarchives Mentioned in this podcast: Neilson, David Society at War: Eyewitness Accounts of Sixteenth Century Japan PhD Dissertation University of Oregon, 2007 http://gradworks.umi.com/32/85/3285619.html Berry, Mary Samurai Trouble: Thoughts on War and Loyalty. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol 64, No. 4, 2005 http://www.jstor.org/pss/25075901 Friday, Karl Bushido or Bull? A Medieval Historian's Perspective on the Imperial Army and the Japanese Warrior Tradition. The History Teacher, Vol 27, No. 3, 1994 http://www.jstor.org/pss/494774 Support this podcast: Shop Amazon.com, suport the podcast: http://amzn.to/wnDX2j Samurai Archives Bookstore: http://astore.amazon.com/samurai-20 Samurai Archives Shop (T-Shirts, etc) http://www.cafepress.com/samuraiarchives Contact Us: Twitter @SamuraiArchives https://twitter.com/#!/samuraiarchives Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/pages/Samurai-Archives/104533213984 Samurai Archives podcast blog: http://www.samuraipodcast.com Samurai Archives Forum: http://www.japanhistoryforum.com

The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 was the most important political event of the twentieth century (no Revolution; no Nazis; no Nazis, no World War II; no World War II, no Cold War). It’s little wonder, then, that historians have expended oceans of effort and ink trying to explain why and how it happened. The answer is complex, but it boils down to this: Nicholas II’s armies had a rough time of it in World War I, his regime lost credibility, the hungry cities revolted, and the Bolsheviks usurped power in an armed coup. The key event was, then, the Russian loss to the Germans on the Eastern Front. Surprisingly, the Russian defeat –arguably the second most important political event of the twentieth century because it triggered the first–has not been widely studied. For my generation of Russian historians (and, I should add, the one that preceded it), the Revolution–the last, best hope of mankind to many–was a sexy topic indeed; the failure of the Russian Imperial Army, not so much. So we were left in the dark (or, rather, left ourselves in the dark). There were, however, historians who went against this grain. Among them are (to name only a few and those who write in English): John Bushnell, William Fuller, Peter Gatrell, Hubertus Jahn, Eric Lohr, Bruce Menning, David Rich, David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Norman Stone, Allen Wildman and our guest today John Steinberg. Steinberg’s wonderful new book All the Tsar’s Men: Russia’s General Staff and the Fate of the Empire, 1898-1914 (Johns Hopkins/Wilson Center, 2010) is a significant contribution to our understanding of the roots of the Russian defeat in World War I. His focus is the Imperial General Staff and its struggle (failed, as it turned out) to reform itself and the army that it commanded. As Steinberg points out, their task was a difficult one, made much more so by Russia’s all-encompassing (and to a considerable degree self-imposed) backwardness. The leaders of the General Staff were smart people. They knew what to do to make the Imperial Army a first-rate fighting force. Under other leadership, they might have succeeded in modernizing the army. But Nicholas did not lead, and so nothing could be done. Autocracies depend on autocrats, and Russia had none when it needed one most. Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 was the most important political event of the twentieth century (no Revolution; no Nazis; no Nazis, no World War II; no World War II, no Cold War). It’s little wonder, then, that historians have expended oceans of effort and ink trying to explain why and how it happened. The answer is complex, but it boils down to this: Nicholas II’s armies had a rough time of it in World War I, his regime lost credibility, the hungry cities revolted, and the Bolsheviks usurped power in an armed coup. The key event was, then, the Russian loss to the Germans on the Eastern Front. Surprisingly, the Russian defeat –arguably the second most important political event of the twentieth century because it triggered the first–has not been widely studied. For my generation of Russian historians (and, I should add, the one that preceded it), the Revolution–the last, best hope of mankind to many–was a sexy topic indeed; the failure of the Russian Imperial Army, not so much. So we were left in the dark (or, rather, left ourselves in the dark). There were, however, historians who went against this grain. Among them are (to name only a few and those who write in English): John Bushnell, William Fuller, Peter Gatrell, Hubertus Jahn, Eric Lohr, Bruce Menning, David Rich, David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Norman Stone, Allen Wildman and our guest today John Steinberg. Steinberg’s wonderful new book All the Tsar’s Men: Russia’s General Staff and the Fate of the Empire, 1898-1914 (Johns Hopkins/Wilson Center, 2010) is a significant contribution to our understanding of the roots of the Russian defeat in World War I. His focus is the Imperial General Staff and its struggle (failed, as it turned out) to reform itself and the army that it commanded. As Steinberg points out, their task was a difficult one, made much more so by Russia’s all-encompassing (and to a considerable degree self-imposed) backwardness. The leaders of the General Staff were smart people. They knew what to do to make the Imperial Army a first-rate fighting force. Under other leadership, they might have succeeded in modernizing the army. But Nicholas did not lead, and so nothing could be done. Autocracies depend on autocrats, and Russia had none when it needed one most. Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 was the most important political event of the twentieth century (no Revolution; no Nazis; no Nazis, no World War II; no World War II, no Cold War). It’s little wonder, then, that historians have expended oceans of effort and ink trying to explain why and how it happened. The answer is complex, but it boils down to this: Nicholas II’s armies had a rough time of it in World War I, his regime lost credibility, the hungry cities revolted, and the Bolsheviks usurped power in an armed coup. The key event was, then, the Russian loss to the Germans on the Eastern Front. Surprisingly, the Russian defeat –arguably the second most important political event of the twentieth century because it triggered the first–has not been widely studied. For my generation of Russian historians (and, I should add, the one that preceded it), the Revolution–the last, best hope of mankind to many–was a sexy topic indeed; the failure of the Russian Imperial Army, not so much. So we were left in the dark (or, rather, left ourselves in the dark). There were, however, historians who went against this grain. Among them are (to name only a few and those who write in English): John Bushnell, William Fuller, Peter Gatrell, Hubertus Jahn, Eric Lohr, Bruce Menning, David Rich, David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Norman Stone, Allen Wildman and our guest today John Steinberg. Steinberg’s wonderful new book All the Tsar’s Men: Russia’s General Staff and the Fate of the Empire, 1898-1914 (Johns Hopkins/Wilson Center, 2010) is a significant contribution to our understanding of the roots of the Russian defeat in World War I. His focus is the Imperial General Staff and its struggle (failed, as it turned out) to reform itself and the army that it commanded. As Steinberg points out, their task was a difficult one, made much more so by Russia’s all-encompassing (and to a considerable degree self-imposed) backwardness. The leaders of the General Staff were smart people. They knew what to do to make the Imperial Army a first-rate fighting force. Under other leadership, they might have succeeded in modernizing the army. But Nicholas did not lead, and so nothing could be done. Autocracies depend on autocrats, and Russia had none when it needed one most. Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices