Podcasts about Fatah

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump held a meeting yesterday in Trump's Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida. We start with the collegial atmosphere of the press conference and how it belied fears of US frustration with Israel. Berman takes us through the stances expressed by the two leaders, starting with the possibility of a strike on Iran. Trump, standing next to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, says he would back an Israeli attack on Iran when asked whether he’d support an Israeli attack if Iran resumes production of its missile and nuclear programs. Berman then takes us to the Lebanon front and discusses a looming disarmament deadline there before discussing the interesting comments made about Turkey and Syria during the meetup. Much focus was naturally on the Gaza War and asked twice whether he would allow for the commencement of the second phase before the return of the final hostage in Gaza, slain Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, Trump declined to answer directly. Trump did say he and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “talked about Hamas and we talked about disarmament.” However, we learn that there is no timeline for the disarmament. Asked whether the Palestinian Authority should be allowed to play a role in the postwar management of Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that the PA will have to implement “real reforms.” Borschel-Dan wonders that the premier did not dismiss it out of hand, and indeed, whether Fatah could be a threat to Hamas in Gaza. Berman answers. The press conference launched a mini-media storm in Israel after Trump claimed that President Isaac Herzog had recently told him that a pardon for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is “on its way.” We learn what the response was in Florida. And finally, we also hear how, during his meeting with Netanyahu, Trump accepted a phone call from Education Minister Yoav Kisch, who told him he had been awarded the Israel Prize. Israel’s top civilian honor has never been bestowed on a foreign leader. Trump will receive the Israel Prize for special contribution to the Jewish people. But will Trump take the bait and visit Israel on Independence Day? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Meeting PM, Trump warns of ‘hell to pay’ if Hamas doesn’t disarm in ‘very short’ time Trump claims Herzog told him Netanyahu pardon ‘on its way’; Israeli president denies it Trump to be awarded Israel Prize next year, the country’s top honor Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Mar-a-Lago, December 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Il y a deux semaines, l'armée israélienne a lancé une opération majeure dans le nord de la Cisjordanie occupée contre les groupes armés palestiniens. Notre correspondante s'est rendue dans la région de Tubas lorsque le bouclage de la zone a été levé. Un studio sens dessus dessous, du mobilier cassé, des bris de verres au sol, et à la place de la fenêtre un trou béant, le mur a été dynamité. Nous sommes au troisième étage de la maison de la famille Abadi. Visage tuméfié, Mahmoud, 75 ans, raconte l'intervention de l'armée israélienne à son domicile fin novembre, une opération antiterroriste disent les Israéliens, les soldats cherchaient des armes.  « J'ai dit " que se passe-t-il ", il a commencé à me frapper, il m'a dit de lever les mains, j'ai levé les mains. Et il a dit " où sont les armes ". Alors, j'ai dit moi, je ne suis qu'un civil, je n'ai pas d'armes, je ne connais rien aux armes. » Mahmoud Abadi a été interrogé pendant 2 heures, puis les militaires ont fait exploser le studio de son fils. Le fil détonateur pend encore sur la commode. Le vieil homme l'assure, il n'a aucune activité politique ou militaire : « Je ne suis ni du Fatah ni du Hamas. Je le jure, je ne suis pas du Hamas et j'ai dit au soldat : tu sais pourquoi ? parce que c'est le Hamas qui t'a amené ici après le 7-Octobre. Je ne suis ni du Hamas ni du Fatah. » Omar Abu el Hassan, le responsable de la communauté d'al Faara raconte comment s'est déroulé l'opération : « Vers 3 heures du matin environ, ils ont envahi le camp de réfugiés et ils sont partis vers 21 heures. Ils ont bloqué les rues. Ils ont occupé certaines maisons dans ces cas-là, ils les transforment en casernes militaires. Personne ne peut ni sortir ni entrer du camp, et ils ont commencé à fouiller les maisons, à vandaliser, à casser des choses. Les communications étaient coupées. » Sur la totalité de la région de Tubas, l'opération a duré six jours. Le gouverneur Ahmad Asaad fait le bilan du raid israélien : « C'est une opération militaire dans tous les sens du terme. Des hélicoptères Apache ont bombardé des maisons avec des mitrailleuses lourdes. On parle d'environ mille soldats, trois brigades de l'armée étaient présentes dans le gouvernorat de Tubas. » Au cours de l'opération, 200 personnes ont été arrêtées, douze sont restées détenues par l'armée israélienne.

Il y a deux semaines, l'armée israélienne a lancé une opération majeure dans le nord de la Cisjordanie occupée contre les groupes armés palestiniens. Notre correspondante s'est rendue dans la région de Tubas lorsque le bouclage de la zone a été levé. Un studio sens dessus dessous, du mobilier cassé, des bris de verres au sol, et à la place de la fenêtre un trou béant, le mur a été dynamité. Nous sommes au troisième étage de la maison de la famille Abadi. Visage tuméfié, Mahmoud, 75 ans, raconte l'intervention de l'armée israélienne à son domicile fin novembre, une opération antiterroriste disent les Israéliens, les soldats cherchaient des armes.  « J'ai dit " que se passe-t-il ", il a commencé à me frapper, il m'a dit de lever les mains, j'ai levé les mains. Et il a dit " où sont les armes ". Alors, j'ai dit moi, je ne suis qu'un civil, je n'ai pas d'armes, je ne connais rien aux armes. » Mahmoud Abadi a été interrogé pendant 2 heures, puis les militaires ont fait exploser le studio de son fils. Le fil détonateur pend encore sur la commode. Le vieil homme l'assure, il n'a aucune activité politique ou militaire : « Je ne suis ni du Fatah ni du Hamas. Je le jure, je ne suis pas du Hamas et j'ai dit au soldat : tu sais pourquoi ? parce que c'est le Hamas qui t'a amené ici après le 7-Octobre. Je ne suis ni du Hamas ni du Fatah. » Omar Abu el Hassan, le responsable de la communauté d'al Faara raconte comment s'est déroulé l'opération : « Vers 3 heures du matin environ, ils ont envahi le camp de réfugiés et ils sont partis vers 21 heures. Ils ont bloqué les rues. Ils ont occupé certaines maisons dans ces cas-là, ils les transforment en casernes militaires. Personne ne peut ni sortir ni entrer du camp, et ils ont commencé à fouiller les maisons, à vandaliser, à casser des choses. Les communications étaient coupées. » Sur la totalité de la région de Tubas, l'opération a duré six jours. Le gouverneur Ahmad Asaad fait le bilan du raid israélien : « C'est une opération militaire dans tous les sens du terme. Des hélicoptères Apache ont bombardé des maisons avec des mitrailleuses lourdes. On parle d'environ mille soldats, trois brigades de l'armée étaient présentes dans le gouvernorat de Tubas. » Au cours de l'opération, 200 personnes ont été arrêtées, douze sont restées détenues par l'armée israélienne.

EUA alertam cidadãos americanos que estão em solo venezuelano deixem o país “imediatamente”, aumentando rumores de uma invasão por terra. E ainda:- Forças israelenses matam Yasser Abu Shabab, líder das Forças Populares da Palestina- Líderes políticos e organizações defendem a soltura do ativista, ex-deputado da Autoridade Palestina e fundador da ala militar do Fatah, Marwan Barghouti- Primeiro-ministro da Bélgica diz que "ninguém acredita na derrota da Rússia na Ucrânia" e chamou de "fábula" as expectativas de vitória ucraniana- Oxford divulga sua famosa lista de palavras do ano e o termo é “rage bait” (isca de raiva, numa tradução literal) é eleito a palavra do ano de 2025 Ouça Sofia Malta no Spotify Notícias em tempo real nas redes sociais Instagram @mundo_180_segundos e Linkedin Mundo em 180 SegundosFale conosco através do redacao@mundo180segundos.com.br

Especial presentado por Roberto García, en el que la BBC cuenta en forma pormenorizada la vida de Yasser Arafat, fundador y presidente de la OLP (Organización para la Liberación Palestina) y del partido Fatah. El documental narra su trayectoria de lucha por la autodeterminación palestina, su apelación a la violencia y al terrorismo contra Israel y sus aliados en Medio Oriente. La falta de resultados y las recurrentes masacres sobre su pueblo lo llevan en 1988 a la renuncia explícita de la violencia y al reconocimiento del Estado de Israel. Es en ese momento que Arafat proclama la solución de los dos Estados en el marco de los Acuerdos de Oslo de 1994, propiciados por la administración Clinton. Sin embargo, el pacto no conformaría a los palestinos e israelíes más extremos, y su consecuencia será, por un lado, el asesinato del Primer Ministro israelí Yitzhak Rabin, en manos de un extremista judío; y por el otro, el ascenso de HAMAS en la Franja de Gaza, organización que comienza a licuar la influencia de la OLP, y cuyos ataques redundarían en la llegada de la derecha al gobierno israelí, de la mano de Benjamín Netanyahu. Esta circunstancia, contemporánea a la muerte de Yasser Arafat, anula el modesto progreso que la paz había logrado en Oslo.

Ragnar Hatlem er advokat og tidligere Politimester. Han har jobbet som forsker på Politihøyskolen, og har forsket på de juridiske og folkerettslige forholdene rundt Israel/Palestina i de siste 10 årene, og har utgitt boken «Palestina» på Hermon Forlag om tematikken. Disse samtalene med Ragnar Hatlem ble opprinnelig spilt inn i 2024, og ble da publisert én og én som enkeltepisoder. Nå har jeg slått sammen alle episoden til én enkelt remastret episode på 11 timer.Du kan kjøpe boken hans her: https://www.ark.no/produkt/boker/fagboker/palestina-9788230217771I denne podden på over 11 timer (!) tar vi for oss hele Israels rettslige historie de siste 4000 årene, alle de viktigste hendelsene, og det juridiske grunnlaget for Staten Israel slik vi kjenner den i dag. Vi snakker om San Remo, om Balfourerklæringen, Fredsavtalen i Paris, og hvorfor Israel ikke okkuperer noe som helst. Sett av 11 timer og lær deg alt om Israels rettslige historie.Chapters:00:00 Fra ca. år 1800 fvt. til år 0.01:01:00 Fra år 0 til år 700.02:01:00 Fra år 1091 til 192903:04:30 Fra år 1929 til år 194703:54:06 1948, San Remo-Resolusjonen og Uavhengighet05:27:08 Fra 1949 til 2000-tallet, Seksdagerskrigen, Yom Kippur-krigen, og Oslo-avtalen. 07:02:06 1967-grensene, Okkupasjon, Apartheid og Egypt08:12:15 Om begrepet folkemord09:08:43 Om tostatsløsning, PLO, PA, Fatah, Iran, Saudi-Arabia, Tyrkia og Libanon.10:18:45 Om 7. oktober, ondskap, løsninger og Israels eksistens.► NY BOK UTE NÅ: Frykt og Stillhet - jødiske stemmer i Norge etter 7. oktober. Bestill her:  https://bok.norli.no/frykt-og-stillhet► STØTT ARBEIDET PÅ VIPPSOm du ønsker å støtte arbeidet med denne podcasten, kan du bidra med et stort eller lite beløp, etter eget ønske. All støtte settes pris på, og du bidrar til arbeidet med å lage flere episoder. Bruk Vippsnummer: #823278►  ⁠BLI ⁠⁠⁠⁠MEDLEM⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Fremover vil de som er støttemedlemmer få tilgang til episodene først. Da støtter du podcasten med det samme som prisen av en kaffe hver måned. Setter stor pris på om du blir støttemedlem. Tusen takk.► Annonsere på Henrik Beckheim Podcast?Send en mail til post@henrikbeckheim.no ► MERCH: Kjøp klær, kopper, capser og mer: https://henrikbeckheim.com/store► Linker:⁠⁠Youtube⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠Nettside⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠TikTok⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠Instagram⁠⁠ | Podimo | ⁠⁠Facebook⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠Apple

(0:00) Intro & Khutba (0:45) Mtm's Topic Selection in Friday Bayan (1:26) Zahanat & Ilm – Insanon ki 2 Iqsam (6:36) Nabi ﷺ k Akhlaq & Mazhabi Logon pr Ilzam (8:23) Ilm, Fanoon & Definition of Knowledge (13:04) Deeni vs Dunyavi Uloom (16:35) Har Nabi ko Deen ka Ilm Kiyun Diya Gaya (17:23) Mufti Sahab ke Bayanat ka Style (21:05) Deeni Ilm Vs Dunyavi Uloom – Balance (25:39) Islam ko Duniya mein Ghalib Krny ka Tariqa (26:28) Ghamdi, Imam Mehdi & Dr. Israr ki Peshgoiyan (32:09) Hadison ki 2 Iqsam & Ground Reality (33:38) Sultan Muhammad Fateh ki Planning (37:26) Turkey ka Fatah & Ground Reality (40:58) Asbab Vs Wazaif & Dua (42:31) Security & Masjid Al-Flahia ka Waqia (47:59) Be-Ehtiyati Vs Maut ka Dar (50:40) Musalmanon ka Shandar Maazi (52:20) Daisi Liberals & Goron ki Asliyat (55:19) Mazhab k Naam pr Manjan Faroshi (56:20) Asli Tehzeeb – Nabi ﷺ ka Nikah & Kafalat (57:44) West Vs Pakistan (58:41) Angraizon ki Tehzeeb Vs Musalmanon ka Zarf (1:02:48) Night Club Waqia & Tehzeeb (1:05:31) Deen ka Ilm Superior Kiyun Hai (1:07:01) NGOs Exposed & Be-Hayai ka Manjan (1:12:58) Dua (1:13:02) Sultan Muhammad Fateh & Maazi (1:22:39) Inqalab ka Tariqa & Nizam-e-Tabdeeli (1:26:05) Khalifa ki Selection ka Tariqa (1:35:12) Hakim-e-Waqt ki Ita'at ka Hukm (1:40:10) Baghawat ka Tariqa & Mufti Sahab ki Wazahat (1:45:10) Hazrat Yusuf (AS) & Ground Reality (1:49:18) Gaza aur Burai Rokny ke 3 Tariqay (1:52:41) Meetup with Listeners (1:54:36) Masjid-e-Aqsa Aaigi ya Nahi (1:54:53) Meezan Bank se Mamlaat Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

WITH FRIENDS LIKE QATAR, WHO NEEDS ENEMIES?HEADLINE 1: Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan wrapped up his tour of the Gulf with a trip to Oman.HEADLINE 2: The warring Hamas and Fatah factions convened for discussions in Egypt yesterday to talk unity.HEADLINE 3: Back to Turkey, where the country has renewed military deployment mandates for Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq. --FDD Executive Director Jon Schanzer provides timely situational updates and analysis, followed by a conversation with writer and Middle East analyst Eitan Fischberger.Learn more at: https://www.fdd.org/fddmorningbrief--Featured FDD Pieces:"Georgian Dream's Power Grab Sets Stage to Outlaw Opposition" - Keti Korkiya, FDD Policy Brief"The UN Cybercrime Treaty: A Trojan Horse for Suppressing Dissent" - Ivana Stradner and Emily Hester, FDD Memo"To Preserve the Gaza Deal, Keep Qatar at Arm's Length" - Natalie Ecanow, FDD Policy Brief

Kế hoạch hòa bình cho Gaza của tổng thống Mỹ Donald Trump được các bên xung đột chấp thuận và giai đoạn một đã nhanh chóng được triển khai vào giữa tháng 10/2025. Lần đầu từ kể khi xung đột bùng nổ cách nay hai năm, viễn cảnh hòa bình lâu dài cho Gaza hé mở. Giải giáp lực lượng quân sự của Hamas là đòi hỏi chủ yếu của Israel để tổ chức mà nhiều nước phương Tây coi là « khủng bố » này không còn là mối đe dọa với Nhà nước Do Thái. Tổ chức Hamas không tự nguyện buông súng và để ngỏ khả năng gắn liền vấn đề này với sự ra đời của một Nhà nước Palestine có chủ quyền. Theo giới quan sát, viễn cảnh giải giáp lực lượng Hamas, một nội dung chính trong kế hoạch hòa bình 20 điểm của tổng thống Mỹ, có khả năng thực thi được hay không là một vấn đề còn hoàn toàn để ngỏ. Hamas suy yếu, buộc phải chấp nhận thỏa thuận « hạ vũ khí » Sau khi kế hoạch 20 điểm của tổng thống Mỹ được công bố, chuyên gia về chiến tranh đô thị John Spencer, Học viện Quân sự Hoa Kỳ tại West Point, một người thân cận với thủ tướng Israel Netanyahu, tỏ ra rất tin tưởng vào viễn cảnh thực thi việc tước vũ khí của Hamas: « Kế hoạch 20 điểm được thảo ra là một kế hoạch hòa bình toàn diện, hoàn toàn loại bỏ Hamas khỏi vai trò là một tác nhân. Nếu mọi điểm của kế hoạch đó được tuân thủ thì sẽ không còn Hamas nữa. Hamas sẽ không có vai trò gì trong các nỗ lực chính trị, thậm chí là trong các hoạt động xây dựng xã hội trong tương lai. Điều quan trọng nữa là các quốc gia với đa số là người Ả Rập và Hồi giáo đã ký kết vào kế hoạch này. Đây không phải là một thương vụ để đàm phán, mà là một kế hoạch 20 điểm để thực hiện… Dải Gaza sẽ được phi cực đoan hóa và phi quân sự hóa. Hamas sẽ phải từ bỏ tất cả vũ khí. Chắc chắn kế hoạch này là chiến thắng hoàn toàn của Israel, nhưng cũng phục vụ các lợi ích của người Palestine không thuộc Hamas. Người Palestine sẽ có một chính phủ mới. Sẽ có một chương trình giáo dục giải cực đoan, và thậm chí cả con đường hướng tới quyền tự quyết của người Palestine nói chung. Kế hoạch này mang lại nhiều tiềm năng nhất cho hòa bình, không chỉ cho Gaza mà còn cho người dân Palestine. » Đọc thêm : Israel và Hamas đạt thỏa thuận về giai đoạn đầu trong kế hoạch hòa bình của Trump cho Gaza Tuy nhiên, thách thức của việc thực thi mục tiêu giải giới lực lượng vũ trang Hamas nằm ngay trong các điều khoản của kế hoạch này. Theo nhà nghiên cứu David Rigoulet-Roze, Viện Phân tích Chiến lược Pháp (IFAS), chuyên gia về các cuộc xung đột ở Trung Đông, điều 13 của kế hoạch quy định việc « phi quân sự hóa » bao gồm phá hủy cơ sở hạ tầng quân sự (đường hầm, kho vũ khí và xưởng sản xuất vũ khí), nhưng hiện tại vẫn chưa có thỏa thuận cụ thể về việc giám sát quá trình này. Trong chuyến công du mới đây tại Israel, phó tổng thống Mỹ J.D Vance thừa nhận là không có thời hạn cụ thể cho việc giải giáp Hamas. Sau hai năm chiến tranh, Hamas vẫn là một thế lực Theo giới chuyên gia, hai năm sau khi xung đột bắt đầu, lực lượng Hamas vẫn bám trụ vững chắc ở dải Gaza, mặc dù suy yếu nhiều. Hiện chưa có số liệu thống kê chính xác về tổn thất của phong trào Hồi giáo này. Nhiều nguồn tin đưa ra con số từ 8.000 đến 12.000 chiến binh thiệt mạng trong hai năm chiến tranh, trên tổng số 25.000 đến 30.000 chiến binh Palestine trước vụ khủng bố ngày 07/10/2023.  Hamas có thể vẫn tiếp tục tuyển mộ thêm đến 15.000 chiến binh trong thời gian chiến tranh chống Israel, theo một số nguồn tin Mỹ, được trang mạng Bỉ RTL trích dẫn. Theo truyền thông Anh quốc, chỉ vài giờ sau khi lệnh ngừng bắn được thực thi, Hamas đã ngay lập tức triển khai đến 7.000 chiến binh trên những vùng đất mà Israel rút quân. Một số giới chức Hamas cho biết mục tiêu là để bảo đảm an ninh chống lại những kẻ trộm cướp và các băng đảng người Palestine được sự hậu thuẫn của quân đội Israel trước đây. Đọc thêm - Trung Đông : Phe Hamas từ chối cam kết giải giáp Hamas sở hữu một kho vũ khí đa dạng, bao gồm vũ khí hạng nhẹ, hỏa tiễn tự chế và drone thô sơ. Theo ghi nhận năm 2018 của Small Arms Survey, một chương trình nghiên cứu chuyên về vũ khí của Thụy Sĩ, Hamas từ lâu đã phát triển một ngành công nghiệp tại chỗ để sản xuất hỏa tiễn từ các vật liệu dân dụng. Dự trữ vũ khí của Hamas được đánh giá là phân tán, rất khó truy tìm. Sức mạnh Hamas (1) : Hệ thống đường hầm hàng trăm cây số Sức mạnh quân sự của Hamas một phần chủ yếu dựa vào các hệ thống đường hầm nằm sâu trong lòng đất dài hàng trăm cây số, và các đô thị ở dải Gaza được Hamas dày công xây dựng để biến thành các thành lũy khó chinh phục. Chuyên gia về chiến tranh đô thị John Spencer nhận định hệ thống đường hầm quân sự nhưng gắn liền với các công trình dân sự, và hệ thống phòng thủ đô thị nói chung ở Gaza là độc nhất vô nhị : « Hamas cai quản dải Gaza từ năm 2005 đã chi hơn một tỷ đô la cho hệ thống đường hầm phức hợp ước tính dài hơn 350 dặm, dành cho mục đích quân sự, nằm bên dưới các khu vực đô thị của Gaza, bắt đầu từ ngay dưới các tòa nhà cho đến hơn độ sâu khoảng 60 mét dưới lòng đất. Không chỉ đường hầm, mà mọi khía cạnh của môi trường Gaza đã được Hamas chuẩn bị cho chiến tranh trong vòng 20 năm, kể từ khi họ nắm quyền vào năm 2007. Nhưng trước đó nữa, ngay cả trong giai đoạn Israel chiếm đóng dải Gaza (cho đến năm 2005), Hamas đã xây dựng nhiều đường hầm vì mục tiêu quân sự. Đó là một điều rất độc đáo và thực sự độc nhất vô nhị trong lịch sử chiến tranh đô thị. Trong lịch sử, hầu hết các trận chiến đô thị đều là nơi mà bên phòng thủ có rất ít thời gian chuẩn bị. Càng có nhiều thời gian chuẩn bị phòng thủ thì chiến tranh càng kéo dài và càng tàn khốc. Một số trận chiến lớn nhất trong lịch sử chiến tranh đô thị như Stalingrad về cơ bản là giao tranh giữa hai lực lượng quân đội trên địa hình đô thị. Trận chiến đô thị lớn nhất kể từ Đệ nhị Thế chiến II, trước chiến tranh Ukraina, là trận Mosul, một trận chiến kéo dài chín tháng để giành lại thành phố từ tay tổ chức Nhà nước Hồi giáo. Phải huy động đến hơn 100.000 quân, lực lượng an ninh Irak mới giành lại được thành phố (có từ 3.000 đến 5.000 quân cố thủ), vì Daech đã có hai năm chuẩn bị phòng thủ. Trong khi tại thành phố lớn như Gaza, Hamas đã có 20 năm chuẩn bị. Bên dưới mỗi bước chân người đi đường đều có một đường hầm. Về cơ bản, mọi ngôi nhà đều đã được quân sự hóa, hầu hết đều có kho chứa bom, thiết bị nổ tự chế hoặc vị trí bắn tỉa. » Sau hai năm chiến tranh, với khoảng 80% khu vực Gaza bị phá hủy, và 90% vũ khí hạng nặng của Hamas bị tiêu hủy, theo quân đội Israel, Hamas không còn là mối đe dọa trực tiếp với Israel, nhưng 60% của hệ thống đường hầm 500, 600 km vẫn còn nguyên vẹn, theo số liệu của chính Israel. Sức mạnh của Hamas không chỉ ở hệ thống đường hầm quân sự độc nhất vô nhị này, mà một phần chủ yếu nằm ở việc tại dải Gaza, Hamas không có đối thủ cạnh tranh. Theo nhà nghiên cứu Hugh Lovatt, chuyên về Trung Đông và Bắc Phi tại Hội đồng Quan hệ Đối ngoại Châu Âu, Hamas không thể sụp đổ, do các nhóm đối địch « không có đủ sức mạnh quân sự để đạt được điều này » và « cũng không có được sự ủng hộ của người Palestine, nhất là khi họ bị mất uy tín do mối quan hệ với Israel ». Sức mạnh Hamas (2): Từ phong trào thuần túy tôn giáo đến bàn tay sắt tại Gaza Về nguồn gốc của tổ chức độc quyền thống trị dải Gaza từ năm 2006, nhà xã hội học chính trị Laetitia Bucaille, Viện INALCO và Trung tâm CESMA, tác giả cuốn « Gaza quel avenir ? » (Tương lai nào cho Gaza ?) vừa ra mắt, nhấn mạnh đến quan hệ với Huynh đệ Hồi giáo, một tổ chức tôn giáo với tham vọng chính trị mang tầm vóc khu vực (Radio France) : « Hamas là từ viết tắt tiếng Ả Rập của Phong trào Kháng chiến Hồi giáo, được thành lập vào cuối năm 1987, thời điểm bắt đầu Intifada lần thứ nhất, tức phong trào phản kháng của người Palestine chống lại ách cai trị của Isarel. Phong trào này là một nhánh chính trị của tổ chức Huynh đệ Hồi Giáo. Chúng ta biết là Huynh đệ Hồi giáo bắt đầu thành lập các mạng lưới hoạt động tại các vùng lãnh thổ Palestine vào cuối những năm 1970, được Ả Rập Xê Út và Koweit tài trợ. Các thế lực này dựa vào việc tái Hồi giáo hóa xã hội để chuẩn bị về dài hạn tái chiếm Palestine. Với họ, chủ nghĩa dân tộc Ả Rập thế tục đã thất bại, và họ tin tưởng lực lượng tiếp nối giúp đạt được mục tiêu này chính là Hồi giáo. » Hamas độc quyền thống trị tại dải Gaza sau cuộc bầu cử năm 2006. Nhà nhân chủng học Đức Susanne Schroter, trong bộ phim tài liệu « Hệ thống Hamas » (của Arte), mô tả « sau chiến thắng bầu cử, họ đã tấn công Fatah, một phong trào chính trị yếu hơn, bằng những hành động cực kỳ tàn bạo. Bắn người tại nơi làm việc, buộc họ phải rời bỏ nhà cửa, trục xuất họ khỏi đất nước. Hamas đã bộc lộ bản chất thật sự của mình và gửi một thông điệp rõ ràng đến người dân Palestine: Không có sự phản đối nào được dung thứ. » Đọc thêm - Điểm lại lịch sử tranh đấu vì độc lập: Từ "20 năm bị xóa sổ" đến Nhà nước Palestine Nhà sử học Đức Ulrik Becker, cũng trong bộ phim tài liệu nói trên, nhấn mạnh đến việc tổ chức Hồi giáo này, trong thời gian độc quyền kiểm soát Gaza, đã truyền bá rộng rãi tư tưởng thánh chiến dân tộc chủ nghĩa chống Israel cho trẻ em, ngay từ trong nhà trường : « Điều tôi thấy bi thảm và đặc biệt khủng khiếp là hệ tư tưởng hiếu chiến và bài Do Thái này đang được gieo rắc vào đầu óc trẻ em từ rất nhỏ. Thật đáng sợ khi thấy ý tưởng hy sinh bản thân vì lý tưởng thánh chiến lại xuất hiện trong sách giáo khoa và trong mọi môn học. Ví dụ, trong môn toán, có những bài tập như, ‘‘chênh lệch giữa số liệt sĩ bị giết trong cuộc Intifada đầu tiên với cuộc Intifada thứ hai là bao nhiêu ?'' hoặc trong môn vật lý, ‘‘dùng ná cao su để nhắm vào người Israel, cần tính toán góc bắn như thế nào'' ». Vòng xoáy hận thù Israel – Palestine: Mảnh đất màu mỡ cho Hamas và quyền lực của Netanyahu Kế hoạch hòa bình 20 điểm cho Gaza của tổng thống Mỹ không xác định rõ lộ trình giải giáp Hamas, không có thời hạn cho việc phi quân sự hóa Gaza. Sau hai năm chiến tranh, bất chấp các tổn thất nặng nề, lực lượng quân sự Hồi giáo dân tộc chủ nghĩa Hamas vẫn còn sở hữu hàng trăm cây số đường hầm, được coi là căn cứ địa vững chắc. Đông đảo người dân Palestine tại vùng đất này, đặc biệt là giới trẻ dường như vẫn tin theo tư tưởng dân tộc chủ nghĩa Hồi giáo chống Israel mà Hamas truyền bá sâu rộng. Chưa kể các hậu thuẫn to lớn từ Qatar hay Thổ Nhĩ Kỳ (xem thêm : Thổ Nhĩ Kỳ và Palestine bàn cách viện trợ nhân đạo cho Gaza không qua Israel, RFI). Làm thế nào có thể giải giới được tổ chức Hamas tại dải Gaza trong những điều kiện như vậy ? Đọc thêm : Hòa bình cho Gaza: Vì sao « kế hoạch » của Trump có nguy cơ đổ bể ? Theo nhiều chuyên gia, để chấm dứt vòng xoáy hận thù miên viễn, cần trở lại cái gốc của vấn đề. Đó là đòi hỏi công nhận một nhà nước Palestine có chủ quyền tại các vùng đất đã được quốc tế nhìn nhận. Cho đến nay, cản trở cho hòa bình đến từ cả hai phía. Chuyên gia về xung đột Palestine – Israel Laetitia Bucaille nhận định : « Kể từ Hiệp định Oslo, Hamas đã cố gắng khẳng định vị thế của mình trên chính trường với tư cách là một đối tác chính trị. Nhưng họ chưa bao giờ trở thành một đối tác như vậy với cả Israel lẫn phương Tây, bởi đòi hỏi trước hết là Hamas phải từ bỏ bạo lực, công nhận Hiệp định Oslo và công nhận Israel. Nhưng rõ ràng, Hamas không muốn thực hiện ba điều kiện này nếu không nhận lại bất cứ điều gì. Vì vậy, họ chưa bao giờ làm được điều đó. » Một số chuyên gia, như nhà nghiên cứu Sébastien Boussois (La Tribune), chỉ trích việc chính quyền Israel của thủ tướng Netanyahu trong một thời gian dài xem việc dung dưỡng Hamas như là một thủ đoạn ngăn cản việc khẳng định một nhà nước Palestine độc lập, góp phần làm tình hình thêm trầm trọng. “Hoà bình bằng vũ lực” hay Chung sống hòa bình ? Việc Israel muốn chấm dứt mối đe dọa Hamas cần gắn liền với việc Tel Aviv công nhận Nhà nước Palestine, đình chỉ việc xâm chiếm các vùng đất Palestine. Trả lời RFI, chuyên gia về Trung Đông, giáo sư Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, chủ tịch Viện Nghiên cứu về Trung Đông – Địa Trung Hải (IReMMO) nhận định : « Nếu có một điều không bao giờ hiệu quả, đó là hòa bình bằng vũ lực. Hành động kiểu này sẽ chỉ tạo ra các lực lượng đối kháng và bạo lực đối kháng. Hòa bình thực sự chỉ có thể được thiết lập khi lợi ích của tất cả các bên được xem xét trong một thỏa hiệp rộng rãi mang tầm vóc lịch sử. Nếu chỉ là hòa bình bằng vũ lực, bằng cách ném bom Liban, ném bom Syria, v.v., chúng ta sẽ có một giai đoạn mà đối phương bị khuất phục, điều không thể phủ nhận được. Nhưng đó chỉ là sự thống trị của kẻ ngạo mạn. Sau đó, một khi khói lửa lắng xuống, người ta sẽ lại phải đối diện với cùng các vấn đề tương tự, nhưng trầm trọng hơn. Đọc thêm - Hòa bình cho Gaza và lợi ích của gia đình Trump : Một công đôi việc Câu hỏi đầu tiên mà chúng ta đặt ra là lệnh ngừng bắn và thỏa thuận đình chiến này sẽ hướng đến điều gì ? Sẽ đi theo hướng thuần túy kinh tế-thương mại như tổng thống Mỹ Donald Trump đã vạch ra ? Hay từ đây chúng ta sẽ nghĩ đến một điều gì khác mang tính toàn thể hơn, như hướng đến thực thi giải pháp hai Nhà nước Israel và Palestine cùng tồn tại ? Đối với tôi, đó là lựa chọn khả dĩ duy nhất. Nhưng hiện tại không có gì là chắc chắn cả. »

HEADLINE: Released Palestinian Prisoners and Mideast Instability GUEST NAMES: Ahmad Sharawi, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: Ahmad Sharawi and Bill Roggio discuss the risks associated with Israel's release of nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, including senior Hamas, Fatah, and Islamic Jihad figures. They argue these terrorists will likely rejoin militant movements, providing crucial replacement leadership. Concerns are raised about monitoring them, especially those deported to countries like Qatar or Turkey. The conversation also covers stability risks in Syria, particularly regarding ISIS and Turkish intervention. 1585 GAZA

    CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR 1957 THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT THE GLOBAL RARE EARTH SUPPLY CHAIN. . 10-14-25 FIRST HOUR 9-915 HEADLINE: China's Rare Earth Threat and Trump's Unacknowledged Win GUEST NAME: Liz Peek SUMMARY:Liz Peek discusses US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's harsh critique of China's rare earth threats, viewing it as confirmation of Beijing's failing export-driven economy and desperation. She notes the US vulnerability due to dependence on China for rare earth processing. Domestically, the failure of subprime auto loan lenders signals stress in the private credit market and consumer weakness. Peek also highlights the reluctance of Democrats and the left to acknowledge President Trump's success in achieving the Gaza ceasefire. 915-930 HEADLINE: China's Rare Earth Threat and Trump's Unacknowledged Win GUEST NAME: Liz Peek SUMMARY:Liz Peek discusses US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's harsh critique of China's rare earth threats, viewing it as confirmation of Beijing's failing export-driven economy and desperation. She notes the US vulnerability due to dependence on China for rare earth processing. Domestically, the failure of subprime auto loan lenders signals stress in the private credit market and consumer weakness. Peek also highlights the reluctance of Democrats and the left to acknowledge President Trump's success in achieving the Gaza ceasefire. 930-945 HEADLINE: Gaza Fragility and Germany's Trade Concerns with China GUEST NAME: Judy Dempsey SUMMARY:Judy Dempsey analyzes the fragile Gaza ceasefire, noting Gazans return to destruction while Hamas fights rivals and remains armed. Arab states are cautious about taking over governance. She credits President Trump for forcing the peace deal, appreciating his decisive, non-ideological approach. The discussion shifts to US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's aggressive stance on China's rare earth export threats. Germany's powerful auto industry faces risk, but Berlin is responding calmly and diversifying its supply chains. 945-1000 HEADLINE: Gaza Fragility and Germany's Trade Concerns with China GUEST NAME: Judy Dempsey SUMMARY:Judy Dempsey analyzes the fragile Gaza ceasefire, noting Gazans return to destruction while Hamas fights rivals and remains armed. Arab states are cautious about taking over governance. She credits President Trump for forcing the peace deal, appreciating his decisive, non-ideological approach. The discussion shifts to US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's aggressive stance on China's rare earth export threats. Germany's powerful auto industry faces risk, but Berlin is responding calmly and diversifying its supply chains. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 HEADLINE: UK Political Realignment and the Migration Crisis GUEST NAME: Joseph Sternberg SUMMARY:Joseph Sternberg discusses the UK's political realignment following the Conservative Party's 14-year misrule. Kemi Badenoch aims to revive the Tories with Thatcherite economic policies and a strong stance on welfare reform, prioritizing work and fairness. However, the Tories lack credibility on the highly controversial issue of illegal immigration across the English Channel, allowing Nigel Farage's Reform party to gain ground. The migration problem remains intractable due to high costs and lack of political incentive. 1015-1030 HEADLINE: UK Political Realignment and the Migration Crisis GUEST NAME: Joseph Sternberg SUMMARY:Joseph Sternberg discusses the UK's political realignment following the Conservative Party's 14-year misrule. Kemi Badenoch aims to revive the Tories with Thatcherite economic policies and a strong stance on welfare reform, prioritizing work and fairness. However, the Tories lack credibility on the highly controversial issue of illegal immigration across the English Channel, allowing Nigel Farage's Reform party to gain ground. The migration problem remains intractable due to high costs and lack of political incentive. 1030-1045 HEADLINE: Gaza Ceasefire, Hamas Regeneration, and Iran's Tactical Retreat GUEST NAMES: David Daoud, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: David Daoud analyzes the Gaza ceasefire, noting Hamas refuses to disarm and is executing rivals to reassert control. He views the truce as a tactical lull in the "long war," expecting released senior prisoners to help regenerate terrorist leadership. Iran, which skipped the summit, is seen as engaging in a tactical retreat to staunch losses and rebuild proxies, letting adversaries adopt a false sense of victory. 1045-1100HEADLINE: Gaza Ceasefire, Hamas Regeneration, and Iran's Tactical Retreat GUEST NAMES: David Daoud, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: David Daoud analyzes the Gaza ceasefire, noting Hamas refuses to disarm and is executing rivals to reassert control. He views the truce as a tactical lull in the "long war," expecting released senior prisoners to help regenerate terrorist leadership. Iran, which skipped the summit, is seen as engaging in a tactical retreat to staunch losses and rebuild proxies, letting adversaries adopt a false sense of victory. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 HEADLINE: Released Palestinian Prisoners and Mideast Instability GUEST NAMES: Ahmad Sharawi, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: Ahmad Sharawi and Bill Roggio discuss the risks associated with Israel's release of nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, including senior Hamas, Fatah, and Islamic Jihad figures. They argue these terrorists will likely rejoin militant movements, providing crucial replacement leadership. Concerns are raised about monitoring them, especially those deported to countries like Qatar or Turkey. The conversation also covers stability risks in Syria, particularly regarding ISIS and Turkish intervention. 1115-1130 HEADLINE: Released Palestinian Prisoners and Mideast Instability GUEST NAMES: Ahmad Sharawi, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: Ahmad Sharawi and Bill Roggio discuss the risks associated with Israel's release of nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, including senior Hamas, Fatah, and Islamic Jihad figures. They argue these terrorists will likely rejoin militant movements, providing crucial replacement leadership. Concerns are raised about monitoring them, especially those deported to countries like Qatar or Turkey. The conversation also covers stability risks in Syria, particularly regarding ISIS and Turkish intervention. 1130-1145 HEADLINE: Ceasefire Challenges, Border Conflicts, and Ukraine's Weapons Needs GUEST NAME: Colonel Jeff McCausland SUMMARY: Colonel Jeff McCausland reviews the Gaza ceasefire, noting the prisoner exchange and aid delivery, but stresses that disarming Hamas remains the key challenge. Released senior prisoners could regenerate leadership. He discusses the long-standing conflict between Pakistan and the Taliban/TTP, noting deep mistrust exacerbated by perceived Indian influence. Regarding Ukraine, the potential delivery of long-range Tomahawk missiles, viewed by Putin as escalation, is uncertain due to past US bluffs and domestic supply concerns. 1145-1200 HEADLINE: Ceasefire Challenges, Border Conflicts, and Ukraine's Weapons Needs GUEST NAME: Colonel Jeff McCausland SUMMARY: Colonel Jeff McCausland reviews the Gaza ceasefire, noting the prisoner exchange and aid delivery, but stresses that disarming Hamas remains the key challenge. Released senior prisoners could regenerate leadership. He discusses the long-standing conflict between Pakistan and the Taliban/TTP, noting deep mistrust exacerbated by perceived Indian influence. Regarding Ukraine, the potential delivery of long-range Tomahawk missiles, viewed by Putin as escalation, is uncertain due to past US bluffs and domestic supply concerns. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 HEADLINE: Global Turmoil: Turkey's War Aims, China's Coup, and Iran's Pivot GUEST NAME: Gregory Copley SUMMARY: Gregory Copley discusses the Gaza ceasefire's instability, noting Hamas, backed by Turkey, is reasserting control. He analyzes Turkey's neo-Ottomanist need to continue confrontation. Iran is seen as strategically weakened, potentially seeking a deal with Trump. The conversation pivots to China, detailing rumored internal turmoil, including a coup led by General Zhang Youxia, and linking China's rare earth export threats to Beijing's leadership struggles. 1215-1230 HEADLINE: Global Turmoil: Turkey's War Aims, China's Coup, and Iran's Pivot GUEST NAME: Gregory Copley SUMMARY: Gregory Copley discusses the Gaza ceasefire's instability, noting Hamas, backed by Turkey, is reasserting control. He analyzes Turkey's neo-Ottomanist need to continue confrontation. Iran is seen as strategically weakened, potentially seeking a deal with Trump. The conversation pivots to China, detailing rumored internal turmoil, including a coup led by General Zhang Youxia, and linking China's rare earth export threats to Beijing's leadership struggles. 1230-1245 HEADLINE: Global Turmoil: Turkey's War Aims, China's Coup, and Iran's Pivot GUEST NAME: Gregory Copley SUMMARY: Gregory Copley discusses the Gaza ceasefire's instability, noting Hamas, backed by Turkey, is reasserting control. He analyzes Turkey's neo-Ottomanist need to continue confrontation. Iran is seen as strategically weakened, potentially seeking a deal with Trump. The conversation pivots to China, detailing rumored internal turmoil, including a coup led by General Zhang Youxia, and linking China's rare earth export threats to Beijing's leadership struggles. 1245-100 AM HEADLINE: Global Turmoil: Turkey's War Aims, China's Coup, and Iran's Pivot GUEST NAME: Gregory Copley SUMMARY: Gregory Copley discusses the Gaza ceasefire's instability, noting Hamas, backed by Turkey, is reasserting control. He analyzes Turkey's neo-Ottomanist need to continue confrontation. Iran is seen as strategically weakened, potentially seeking a deal with Trump. The conversation pivots to China, detailing rumored internal turmoil, including a coup led by General Zhang Youxia, and linking China's rare earth export threats to Beijing's leadership struggles.

HEADLINE: Released Palestinian Prisoners and Mideast Instability GUEST NAMES: Ahmad Sharawi, Bill Roggio SUMMARY: Ahmad Sharawi and Bill Roggio discuss the risks associated with Israel's release of nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, including senior Hamas, Fatah, and Islamic Jihad figures. They argue these terrorists will likely rejoin militant movements, providing crucial replacement leadership. Concerns are raised about monitoring them, especially those deported to countries like Qatar or Turkey. The conversation also covers stability risks in Syria, particularly regarding ISIS and Turkish intervention. 1950 RAMALLAH

È tra i più noti scrittori in lingua araba, e i suoi romanzi sono ora tradotti anche in italiano. Atef Abu Saif, classe 1973, è nato in un campo profughi nella striscia di Gaza ma ha avuto la possibilità di studiare e laurearsi nella prestigiosa università palestinese di Berzeit. Docente universitario, esponente politico di rilievo del movimento Fatah, è stato dal 2019 al 2024 ministro della cultura palestinese. Il suo “Vita appesa” (edizioni Polidoro) è stato finalista al premio internazionale della letteratura araba, ma è noto anche per i suoi editoriali sui giornali palestinesi e internazionali in lingua inglese. Scritti molto critici nei confronti di Hamas (che lo ha minacciato di morte e incarcerato), Atef Abu Saif non esita a condannare l'attacco di Hamas a Israele del 7 ottobre 2023 ma offre anche spunti di riflessione sulle conseguenze di quella guerra e la responsabilità di trasmettere la memoria del suo popolo. “Diario di un genocidio” (fuoriscena) resoconto dei primi due mesi di attacco israeliano a Gaza, ci offre una prospettiva unica e complessa della vita nella Striscia.

Subscribe to Inside Call me Back: https://inside.arkmedia.orgGift a subscription of Inside Call me Back: http://inside.arkmedia.org/giftsSubscribe to Amit Segal's newsletter ‘It's Noon in Israel': https://arkmedia.org/amitsegal/Watch Call me Back on YouTube: youtube.com/@CallMeBackPodcastCheck out Ark Media's other podcasts: For Heaven's Sake: https://lnk.to/rfGlrA‘What's Your Number?': https://lnk.to/rfGlrAFor sponsorship inquiries, please contact: callmeback@arkmedia.orgTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: https://arkmedia.org/Ark Media on Instagram: https://instagram.com/arkmediaorgDan on X: https://x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dansenorTo order Dan Senor & Saul Singer's book, The Genius of Israel: https://tinyurl.com/bdeyjsdnToday's Episode: Over the past few days, France, the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and several other countries formally recognized a Palestinian State at the United Nations General Assembly in New York. The practical implications of this “diplomatic wave” are yet to be seen, but the Israeli Government is taking the move seriously, as many interpret Palestinian recognition as a reward for Hamas' terrorism. Meanwhile, the IDF continues its operations in Gaza City. To discuss the implications of recognizing Palestinian statehood and the evolving situation in Gaza, Dan was joined by Ark Media contributors Nadav Eyal and Amit Segal. CREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorADAAM JAMES LEVIN-AREDDY - Executive ProducerMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorMARIANGELES BURGOS - Additional EditingMAYA RACKOFF - Operations DirectorGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer

The Names : EP 1 - Al Fatah 100% of your donations today goes towards the means of providing accessible Islamic knowledge to people around the world: supportqalam.com. Like us on Facebook: facebook.com/qalaminstitute Follow us on Twitter: twitter.com/qalaminstitute Follow us on Instagram: instagram.com/qalaminstitute Subscribe on Youtube: youtube.com/user/qalaminstitute

El Reino Unido, Canadá y Australia acaban de reconocer oficialmente al Estado palestino. Se espera que Francia y otros países europeos lo hagan a no mucho tardar. Esto supone de por sí un cambio sustantivo en el modo en el que las potencias europeas veían el conflicto. Que gobiernos tan proisraelíes como el británico o el canadiense hayan dado este paso tiene, además, un importante componente simbólico. Pero la realidad en los territorios palestinos contradice la idea de que ese Estado sea hoy posible. Sobre el terreno la situación es muy diferente a la que había hace tres décadas y la viabilidad de un Estado palestino tal y como se concibió entonces es en estos momentos una quimera. Los Acuerdos de Oslo de 1994 definieron el territorio del futuro Estado palestino en dos regiones: Cisjordania y la franja de Gaza. Cisjordania se dividió en tres zonas, una bajo control palestino, otra bajo control conjunto y otra más controlada directamente por Israel. Desde entonces se han ido estableciendo asentamientos en los territorios ocupados, asentamientos que la ONU considera ilegales, pero que en la práctica han reducido progresivamente el territorio bajo control palestino. En la actualidad Gaza está devastada tras dos años de guerra sin cuartel. En Cisjordania el territorio bajo control palestino directo no llega al 20%. La Autoridad Nacional Palestina (ANP), creada en Oslo y cuya capital se encuentra en la ciudad de Ramala, se encuentra con serias limitaciones y es una administración inoperante. Israel ha bloqueado los ingresos aduaneros que recauda en su nombre y eso ha afectado a su capacidad para pagar salarios y mantener los servicios. Además, el sistema bancario palestino depende del israelí. Las restricciones impuestas por Bezalel Smotrich, el ministro de finanzas de Netanyahu, complican todavía más las transacciones comerciales. La movilidad en Cisjordania es extremadamente difícil debido a la profusión de controles militares y a los asentamientos israelíes, que han fragmentado el territorio en un "archipiélago" de comunidades palestinas aisladas. Por ejemplo, viajar entre Belén y Hebrón, a solo 27 km, puede llevar varias horas debido a los controles y a las carreteras restringidas. Los asentamientos israelíes, impulsados por colonos religiosos que consideran la ocupación un mandato divino, han crecido exponencialmente. Estos colonos hostigan a los palestinos y, aunque algunos asentamientos agrícolas son formalmente ilegales, reciben apoyo estatal directo. La ANP, presidida desde hace más de 20 años por Mahmoud Abás, es impopular y gobierna por decreto. La división entre Fatah (que controla Cisjordania) y Hamás (que gobernaba en Gaza) ha debilitado aún más la causa palestina. Entretanto, el gobierno de Netanyahu amenaza con anexionar Cisjordania si más países reconocen el Estado palestino. En la práctica la anexión ya está en marcha. Muchos cisjordanos han perdido la esperanza en la resistencia armada, especialmente tras lo ocurrido en Gaza. En ciudades relativamente prósperas como Hebrón, son muchos los que desean marcharse o incluso aceptar acuerdos locales con Israel para garantizarse la estabilidad, aunque ésta implicase la anexión. En Israel no hay tantos partidarios de llegar a acuerdos como los que hubo en el pasado. Los partidos de derecha religiosa se oponen a ellos y los países árabes vecinos, como Jordania y Egipto, restringen la inmigración palestina. En definitiva, mientras en Europa se apresuran a reconocer un Estado palestino, sobre el terreno ese Estado se evapora. Sería una solución óptima, pero los acuerdos de Oslo han quedado sobrepasados por todo lo ocurrido desde entonces. Deben cambiar muchas cosas, empezando por los líderes de ambos lados, para que se pueda avanzar en esa dirección. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 4:12 ¿Qué Estado palestino? 30:58 Contra el pesimismo - https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R 32:46 El activismo de Charlie Kirk 38:01 ¿Existe el buen activismo? 42:33 El control de la ciudad de Gaza · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #israel #palestina Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

El Reino Unido, Canadá y Australia acaban de reconocer oficialmente al Estado palestino. Se espera que Francia y otros países europeos lo hagan a no mucho tardar. Esto supone de por sí un cambio sustantivo en el modo en el que las potencias europeas veían el conflicto. Que gobiernos tan proisraelíes como el británico o el canadiense hayan dado este paso tiene, además, un importante componente simbólico. Pero la realidad en los territorios palestinos contradice la idea de que ese Estado sea hoy posible. Sobre el terreno la situación es muy diferente a la que había hace tres décadas y la viabilidad de un Estado palestino tal y como se concibió entonces es en estos momentos una quimera. Los Acuerdos de Oslo de 1994 definieron el territorio del futuro Estado palestino en dos regiones: Cisjordania y la franja de Gaza. Cisjordania se dividió en tres zonas, una bajo control palestino, otra bajo control conjunto y otra más controlada directamente por Israel. Desde entonces se han ido estableciendo asentamientos en los territorios ocupados, asentamientos que la ONU considera ilegales, pero que en la práctica han reducido progresivamente el territorio bajo control palestino. En la actualidad Gaza está devastada tras dos años de guerra sin cuartel. En Cisjordania el territorio bajo control palestino directo no llega al 20%. La Autoridad Nacional Palestina (ANP), creada en Oslo y cuya capital se encuentra en la ciudad de Ramala, se encuentra con serias limitaciones y es una administración inoperante. Israel ha bloqueado los ingresos aduaneros que recauda en su nombre y eso ha afectado a su capacidad para pagar salarios y mantener los servicios. Además, el sistema bancario palestino depende del israelí. Las restricciones impuestas por Bezalel Smotrich, el ministro de finanzas de Netanyahu, complican todavía más las transacciones comerciales. La movilidad en Cisjordania es extremadamente difícil debido a la profusión de controles militares y a los asentamientos israelíes, que han fragmentado el territorio en un "archipiélago" de comunidades palestinas aisladas. Por ejemplo, viajar entre Belén y Hebrón, a solo 27 km, puede llevar varias horas debido a los controles y a las carreteras restringidas. Los asentamientos israelíes, impulsados por colonos religiosos que consideran la ocupación un mandato divino, han crecido exponencialmente. Estos colonos hostigan a los palestinos y, aunque algunos asentamientos agrícolas son formalmente ilegales, reciben apoyo estatal directo. La ANP, presidida desde hace más de 20 años por Mahmoud Abás, es impopular y gobierna por decreto. La división entre Fatah (que controla Cisjordania) y Hamás (que gobernaba en Gaza) ha debilitado aún más la causa palestina. Entretanto, el gobierno de Netanyahu amenaza con anexionar Cisjordania si más países reconocen el Estado palestino. En la práctica la anexión ya está en marcha. Muchos cisjordanos han perdido la esperanza en la resistencia armada, especialmente tras lo ocurrido en Gaza. En ciudades relativamente prósperas como Hebrón, son muchos los que desean marcharse o incluso aceptar acuerdos locales con Israel para garantizarse la estabilidad, aunque ésta implicase la anexión. En Israel no hay tantos partidarios de llegar a acuerdos como los que hubo en el pasado. Los partidos de derecha religiosa se oponen a ellos y los países árabes vecinos, como Jordania y Egipto, restringen la inmigración palestina. En definitiva, mientras en Europa se apresuran a reconocer un Estado palestino, sobre el terreno ese Estado se evapora. Sería una solución óptima, pero los acuerdos de Oslo han quedado sobrepasados por todo lo ocurrido desde entonces. Deben cambiar muchas cosas, empezando por los líderes de ambos lados, para que se pueda avanzar en esa dirección. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 4:12 ¿Qué Estado palestino? 30:58 Contra el pesimismo - https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R 32:46 El activismo de Charlie Kirk 38:01 ¿Existe el buen activismo? 42:33 El control de la ciudad de Gaza · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #israel #palestina

La questione palestinese negli anni Sessanta: dalla crisi di Suez alla Guerra dei Sei giorni. Il nazionalismo palestinese, Fatah e l'Olp.

La marche du monde vous invite à découvrir cette semaine Palestine, filmer pour exister, un épisode documentaire signé Maxime Grember à découvrir à l'occasion de la 80e session de l'Assemblée générale de l'Organisation des Nations unies (ONU), dont le lancement doit avoir lieu mardi 9 septembre, plusieurs pays ont annoncé vouloir reconnaître l'État de Palestine. Entre 1968 et 1982, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali et d'autres professionnels du cinéma vont réaliser des dizaines de films sous l'égide de l'Unité cinéma, une structure de production audiovisuelle liée au Fatah. Passant du fusil à la caméra, ils vont raconter en images la lutte du peuple palestinien, diffuser leurs films dans les camps de réfugiés et tenter ainsi de construire une mémoire visuelle palestinienne. Mais quelle histoire se cache derrière cette filmographie militante née dans les mois qui ont suivi la guerre des six jours de 1967 ? Qu'est-ce que ces films nous racontent du mouvement révolutionnaire palestinien et de la guerre contre l'État d'Israël ? Et enfin, que nous disent-ils du rapport que le peuple palestinien entretient avec sa propre histoire ? Le 15 juin 1969, dans une interview accordée au journal britannique The Sunday Times, Golda Meir, alors cheffe du gouvernement israélien, déclare, deux ans après la guerre des Six-Jours qui avait donné à son pays le contrôle de l'ensemble des territoires palestiniens : « Les Palestiniens n'ont jamais existé. Comment pourrions-nous rendre les territoires occupés ? Il n'y a personne à qui les rendre. » En réponse à cette provocation, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974 le documentaire They do not exist, pour insister sur le manque de soutien et de visibilité de la part de la communauté internationale. L'histoire du cinéma palestinien pourrait véritablement prendre sa source dans ce déni d'existence, car c'est bel et bien à partir de 1968 qu'une Unité cinéma va se créer et que des hommes et des femmes vont documenter en images les luttes, les souffrances et les multiples déplacements que le peuple palestinien connait depuis la Nakba de 1948. « Il n'y avait plus de rues, plus de magasins, plus d'écoles. Tout avait été détruit. Donc, l'idée était de construire un film à partir de cette phrase de Golda Meir "They do not exist". Alors Mustafa s'est dit : s'ils n'existent pas, ceux que vous bombardez, ce sont des fantômes ? ». Khadijeh Habashneh, cinéaste et archiviste du cinéma palestinien, s'exprime au sujet du film They do not exist que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974. En 1973, Mustafa Abu Ali réalise Scène d'occupations à Gaza, un film emblématique de l'Unité cinéma. Ne pouvant pas se rendre dans la bande de Gaza, sous contrôle israélien depuis 1967, il va réaliser son film à partir d'un reportage fait pour la télévision française et pour lequel il arrive à se procurer les images. Avec son nouveau montage, il veut attester en images de la souffrance endurée par le peuple gazaoui. « Mustafa Abu Ali va utiliser les moyens que le cinéma met à sa disposition, c'est-à-dire qu'il va transformer la bande son, ajouter une voix off, de la musique. Il va figer l'image sur le regard d'un des hommes palestiniens qui est contrôlé, et rajouter en insert une image d'une grenade sur un fond rouge. À travers cela, il essaye de signifier que ce jeune homme porte en lui toutes les marques de la lutte. » Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, s'exprime au sujet du film Scènes d'occupation à Gaza que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1973. À lire aussi1974, le discours historique de Yasser Arafat à l'ONU L'ensemble de ces films seront montrés dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens, mais aussi à l'étranger, dans des festivals ou dans des réseaux de solidarité, afin de faire connaître la cause palestinienne et aussi mettre en place des coproductions, comme ce sera le cas en 1977 avec l'Italie pour le documentaire Tall-al-Zaatar consacré aux massacres ayant eu lieu dans le camp de réfugiés palestiniens dans l'est de Beyrouth. Au total, près d'une centaine de reportages et de documentaires seront produits par l'unité cinéma du Fatah, d'abord installé à Amman jusqu'en 1970, puis à Beyrouth jusqu'en 1982, où une cinémathèque s'était constituée autour de cette collection. Mais, en 1982, lors de l'invasion israélienne au Liban, une partie du patrimoine culturel palestinien va être spolié, et les archives filmiques, un temps cachées dans Beyrouth, vont également disparaître au milieu des années 80. Depuis les années 2000, Khadijeh Habashneh, déjà à l'œuvre à Beyrouth entre 1976 et 1982 aux côtés de son mari Mustafa Abu Ali, tente de remettre la main sur des copies de ces films, et de trouver les partenariats et les conditions nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent être conservés et à nouveau montrés au public. C'est finalement à la Cinémathèque de Toulouse, l'une des plus importantes de France, connue pour la richesse de ses collections venant du monde entier, qu'une partie des films palestiniens vont trouver refuge en 2023. Retour sur une production cinématographique méconnue, une histoire d'archives en exil, d'images manquantes, et d'une certaine idée du cinéma comme moyen de résistance et de représentation d'un peuple par lui-même. Palestine, filmer pour exister, un nouvel épisode documentaire de La marche du monde, signé Maxime Grember, produit par Valérie Nivelon, réalisé par Sophie Janin, aux sons des archives filmiques palestiniennes. Avec les témoignages de : Samir Arabi, programmateur du festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, auteur d'une thèse sur le cinéma de la révolution palestinienne Khadijeh Habashneh, archiviste, cinéaste et psychologue Franck Loiret, directeur de la Cinémathèque de Toulouse Rona Sela, chercheuse en histoire visuelle à l'Université de Tel Aviv Remerciements à : Francesca Bozzano, Nicolas Damon, Victor Jouanneau et Franck Loiret de La Cinémathèque de Toulouse ainsi que leurs partenaires dans le projet de sauvegarde et de numérisation des films palestiniens : le ministère de la Culture palestinien, le Palestinian Cultural Fund, la Fondation Art Jameel et le Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem. Samir Arabi, Hugo Darroman, Khadijeh Habashneh, Rona Sela, Guilhem Delteil et Vanadis Feuille de RFI, Tarik Hamdan de MCD, Colette Berthès et Monica Maurer. Ainsi que Nathalie Laporte, Joe Farmer et Sophie Janin pour la voice-over. Musiques : The urgent call of Palestine, Zeinab Shaat Ounadikom, Ahmad Kaabour From Gaza with love, Saint Levant Films : Scène d'occupations à Gaza, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1973 They do not exist, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1974 Tall el-Zaatar, Mustafa Abu Ali, Adriano Pino et Jean Chamoun, 1977 Documentaires : Looted and Hidden - Palestinian Archives in Israel, Rona Sela, 2017 Ouvrages : La Palestine et le cinéma, de Guy Hennebelle et Khemaïs Khayati, Édition du Centenaire, 1977 Knights of Cinema, documentary narrative book on the story of Palestine Film Unit. From its beginning 1967 till 1982, de Khadijeh Habashneh, Alahlia Publishing house, 2020 Article : Toulouse, refuge des archives palestiniennes, sur Orient XXI Table ronde : Films palestiniens, archives en exil, organisée par la Cinémathèque de Toulouse et le festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie en 2024 Diaporama

Samer Sinijlawi, a Palestinian politician from the opposition inside Fatah, said the move to revoke the US visa of Palestinian Authority President Mahmud Abbas represented a diplomatic failure of the Palestinian leadership. Nevertheless, he told reporter Arieh O’Sullivan that the solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not go through the United States or United Nations, but by creating trust right here between the peoples. (photo: Majdi Mohamed/AP)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Marwan Barghouti has spent more than two decades in an Israeli prison. Yet, polls still place him as the most popular Palestinian leader, and a figure that many believe could unite Fatah and Hamas. Earlier this month, he was seen for the first time in years after far-right Israeli minister Itamar Ben-Gvir entered his cell and taunted him on camera. The footage sparked outrage, not least from his family. On this episode, we speak to his son Arab Barghouti about that moment, his father's enduring influence, and what the path to a Palestinian state looks like today.

Opnieuw doen Amerika, Qatar en Egypte een poging om een staakt-het-vuren af te dwingen aan Israël en Hamas. En alweer draait het om de regie. Hamas wil een bestand in stadia, met uitlevering van de helft van de Israëlische gijzelaars, Israël wil een regeling in één keer: alle gijzelaars, alle op een lijst genoteerde Palestijnse gevangenen, terugtrekking van een deel van de krijgsmacht en ontwapening door Hamas. De zoveelste herhaling van zetten – een patstelling dus. Toch denkt Donald Trump dat een doorbraak binnen afzienbare termijn mogelijk is. Dat heeft ermee te maken dat hij nu, zoals veel anderen, boos begint te worden over de enorme hoeveelheid slachtoffers, maar ook omdat hij ziet hoe overweldigend groot de acties zijn die Israëliërs zelf tegen de oorlog voeren. Het verwaarlozen van de pogingen om de gijzelaars terug te krijgen en de voortgang van een niet winbare oorlog , eigenlijk alleen omdat de zeloten in het kabinet, Smotrich en Ben-Gvir, onvermurwbaar zijn en de oorlog willen voortzetten, leidt tot diepe verontwaardiging in binnen- en buitenland. Laten we de zaak eens omdraaien. Gesteld dat Netanyahu aan de kant wordt gezet en een regering aantreedt die gelooft in compromissen, een tweestaten oplossing en in de rechten van de Palestijnen – hoe en met wie zou die regering dan moeten onderhandelen? Palestina bestaat uit twee delen, Gaza en de Westoever, waarvan de machthebbers, Hamas en Fatah, elkaars vijanden zijn. Met Israël erbij, zijn er dus niet twee, maar drie staten. Het is een raadsel waarom de internationale gemeenschap zich daar niet veel meer op richt, met uitzondering van een aantal Arabische landen, die het duidelijkst pleiten voor één nieuw, gezamenlijk bestuur over beide delen van Palestina en ontwapening van Hamas. Als dat zou gebeuren, en er is één Palestina, kan Israël daarmee aan de slag. Dan nog is er een lange weg te gaan, en het zal niet meevallen om de Israëlische zeloten die nu de koers bepalen op een zijspoor te zetten. Hetzelfde geldt voor Hamas – over zeloten gesproken. Voordat die de wapens inlevert en, zoals in Ierland is gebeurd met Sinn Fein en de IRA, het terrorisme afzweert en transformeert tot een politieke partij, stroomt er nog veel water door de Jordaan. Toch is het streven daarnaar heel wat nuttiger dan dat de rest van wereld elkaar in de haren vliegt over de definitie van genocide, of een demissionair kabinet laat vallen over sancties. Want daar – pun intended – win je de oorlog niet mee.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's newest podcast series, Friday Focus. Each Friday, join host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. This Friday, we present a third installment of our August mini-series centering on the 2005 Disengagement from Gaza, following a zoom-out conversation with public intellectual Dr. Micah Goodman and a personal account of life in Gush Katif by former Nezer Hazani resident Anita Tucker. This week, we hear from Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, who shares the perspective of Palestinians within the Gaza Strip and the ripple effect felt there after the Disengagement. Alkhatib, who left the Strip for the United States as a high school pupil in 2005, leads Realign For Palestine, an Atlantic Council project that challenges entrenched narratives in the Israel and Palestine discourse. He is an outspoken critic of Hamas, who writes and speaks about Gaza’s political and humanitarian affairs at a variety of international media outlets. We hear about Alkhatib's childhood in Gaza City and the few experiences he had with the Jewish Gush Katif residents. We learn about how, at age 17, Alkhatib became one of the first Palestinians to receive asylum in the US following the rise of Hamas in the Strip. Alkhatib describes the seeds of Hamas and how it became emboldened through the tacit encouragement of Israel. Today, he says, the terror group is so entangled with the civilian population that uprooting it is virtually impossible without any other alternative on the horizon. He looks back at the wasted opportunity of the Disengagement. "This is a thread that we had and could have grabbed onto and done something with," he tells The Times of Israel. Friday Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Palestinian police set up Palestinian and Fatah flags on top of a synagogue in the former Jewish settlement of Neve Dekalim in the southern Gaza Strip, September 12, 2005. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, File)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Pivotal PATH Podcast - Join me as I discuss my pivotal turning point that catapulted me on the pathway to entrepreneurialism and my global crowning as the ‘Queen of Manifestation'. The best advice that I ever received on the beginning of my entrepreneurial path, was from my mentor, who was at least 40 years older than me, as he explained that the road to complete entrepreneurial success is the marriage of the inner work and the external work. Amazingly, I learned that the 80/20 rule is:- work on the inside, that's the 80%, then add the external 20%. I needed to change my inner reality! That's how I started on the pathway to working with purpose. Conditioning and rewiring myself from the inside out. In my latest podcast:                    Regan Hillyer - Manifestation Needs Action & Alignment We discuss the journey of establishing, building and scaling businesses in alignment with purpose. The skill of re-writing the unconscious mind to transform your inner reality. And, embracing the energy of energetics and resonance of frequency.  Join me as I dive deep into the concepts of surrendered manifestation, energetic alignment, and the importance of being in flow rather than constantly grinding and burning out. We talk about the importance of integrity, authenticity and purpose, and listening to your ‘gut' in your working life. Surrendered manifestation, allowing the universe to come through to you, rather than controlled, manufactured manifestation where you are manipulating the outcomes. Getting out of the way of yourself. I also outline my different business models and ventures, that all resonate with my authenticity and my purpose. I discuss these businesses, their rationale and their why. “Manifestation is the fusion of the art, the science and the magic of effectively translating something that is unseen, or ethereal - an idea, a vision, a dream, a prayer and translating that through you, into the physical reality, so that it is actually there in your life” - Regan Hillyer Listen to my latest podcast for more of these gems!  Enjoy! I love you!  And remember, You absolutely can have it all! Regan x  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0dQszSMliVA Alan Skorski had the opportunity to interview the foremost expert on Islamism and the Arab world, Dr. Mordechai Kedar. Dr. Kedar also served for 25 years in the IDF Military Intelligence Unit specializing in Syria, Arab political discourse, Arab mass media, Islamic groups, and Israeli Arabs. As someone who is fluent in Arabic, Dr. Kedar is often invited onto Arab and Muslim news programs to give his perspective on the news of the day, especially during times of war and conflict. 30 years ago, Dr. Kedar proposed the “8-state” solution to address the Israeli conflict with those Arabs identifying as Palestinian, having recognized what most of the world refused to, that there can never be and will never be a “2 -State solution” with any faction or offshoot of the PLO or Fatah. In the interview, Skorski reminded the audience that we are coming up on 700 days since the Hamas Muslim Brotherhood slaughtered over 1200 Israeli citizens and kidnapped over 250 innocent hostages on October 7, 2023. Since then, the IDF has surgically crushed the infrastructures in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran. The media and so-called “humanitarian groups,” have focused all their attention on Gaza, accusing Israel of war crimes and genocide for allegedly withholding food from Gaza's civilians. In response, the morally bankrupt leaders in Europe, led by France and Britain, and followed by Canada, have threatened to recognize “Palestine” as some sort of punishment against Israel. These leaders claim that only a “2-state” solution will lead to peace and security. Never mind that the Palestinian Authority has rejected every offer made to them, and that Gaza was an independent state, NO PALESTINIAN leader is even calling for “2 states.” From the River to the Sea, opposes 2 states. There is only solution, intifada Revolution rejects 2 states. YET, Europe, western media, and many Democrats in America are calling for a “Palestine” that Palestinians don't want. In early July, the Wall Street Journal reported that Sheikh Wadee' al-Jaabari and four other prominent clan leaders from Hebron had signed a letter pledging peace and full recognition of Israel as a Jewish state. Their plan: Hebron would secede from the Palestinian Authority, establish an independent emirate, and join the Abraham Accords. With this news report, Dr. Kedar's 30 year-old prophecy resurfaced with renewed interest for his “8-state” solution, which would cut out the Palestinian terrorist leadership, and replace them with Arab tribal leaders to rule over themselves in designated Arab-run territories. Dr. Kedar cited Countries where clans have their own separate autonomy are more successful. We see this in countries such as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait, that have economic stability, safety, law, and order. These countries, by no coincidence, are run by clans: al-Sabah (Kuwait), al-Thani (Qatar), al-Nahayan (Abu Dhabi), al-Saud (Saudi Arabia), al-Hashem (Jordan), and so on. Compare these to the Arab countries where the clans are in disarray, such as Syria, Libya, Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran. Dr. Kedar is the Vice President of a recently launched App, News-Rael that gives up to the minute accurate news items about Israel and the Middle East. Alan Skorski Reports 11AUG2025 - PODCAST

Send us a textSamer Sinijlawi is a Palestinian activist from Jerusalem and a former Fatah youth leader who spent five years in Israeli prison during the First Intifada. He now chairs the Jerusalem Development Fund and advocates for a pragmatic two-state solution. Sinijlawi urges Palestinians to take the lead in building trust and dialogue with Israelis.Get in touch with Samer: https://x.com/SSinijlawi---------------------------------Want more than just watching?Connect with Israelis, Palestinians, and global voices having real conversations every day - https://discord.gg/MSTfuhnj8S Socials: https://linktr.ee/adarwSupport the Show: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/sulhaPayPal: https://paypal.me/AdarW?locale.x=en_USSupport the show

Ils sont 10 800 prisonniers palestiniens détenus dans les prisons israéliennes, d'après plusieurs ONG palestiniennes de défense des droits de l'homme comme Addameer et Palestinian Prisoner's society. C'est le chiffre le plus élevé depuis la seconde intifada dans les années 2000. Les arrestations se sont multipliées depuis le 7-Octobre. Et le début de la guerre à Gaza, les conditions de détention se sont largement dégradées d'après les prisonniers eux-mêmes : plus de droit de visite de l'entourage, des conditions d'hygiène déplorables, et des gardiens de prison particulièrement violents... Écoutez le témoignage d'Hossam Shaheen, libéré en février lors d'un échange de prisonniers conclu pendant l'accord de trêve à Gaza. Hossam, qui a passé 21 ans dans une prison israélienne, raconte un basculement dans l'horreur après le 7 octobre 2023 et les attaques du Hamas : « Ils ont commencé à nous traiter comme des combattants sur le terrain, pas comme des prisonniers dans les cellules. Avant le 7-Octobre, c'était différent, il y avait un respect mutuel. » Il décrit des coups assénés par les gardiens et des conditions d'hygiène déplorables. « J'ai attrapé la gale pendant six mois, je ne pouvais pas dormir du tout. J'étais coincé dans ma peau. J'ai eu une inflammation, ma jambe gauche a enflé », témoigne-t-il. Il assure n'avoir reçu aucun traitement durant six mois : « Les gardes m'ont demandé quelle jambe me faisait souffrir. Je leur ai montré, j'ai étiré ma jambe au sol, et ils ont sauté dessus. Cette fois-là, je demandais à Dieu "S'il vous plait, plongez-moi dans le coma". Je voulais éviter cette douleur », raconte-t-il. Sa jambe noircit, il craint la septicémie et obtient finalement une chirurgie. « Ils ont fait l'opération sans anesthésie pendant 20 minutes, les plus difficiles de toute ma vie, se souvient cet ancien chef des jeunesses du Fatah, qui décrit toutes sortes de sévices. Je suis désolé de vous le dire, mais une fois, ils m'ont mis des coups dans les testicules. Ils les ont saisies, les ont serrées et m'ont traîné sur deux ou trois mètres, j'ai cru que j'allais mourir. » Il savait que son quotidien serait différent après le 7-Octobre, mais ne s'attendait pas à un tel déchaînement de violence : « J'ai passé 21 ans en prison. Quel est le lien entre moi et ce qui s'est passé à Gaza ? C'est une revanche. L'humiliation, absolument partout dans la prison. Depuis le premier jour, tout a complètement changé, comme s'ils attendaient ce moment. » Hossam, qui se définit comme prisonnier politique, porte un regard différent sur l'avenir après sa détention : « Je suis une des personnes qui pensaient qu'un jour, on trouverait une solution à ce conflit. Mais après le 7-Octobre, toute cette provocation, cette revanche dont j'ai parlé, je n'ai plus cet espoir qu'il y aura une solution politique bientôt. » De son côté, l'administration pénitentiaire israélienne dit ne pas être au courant de telles violences et assure que les droits fondamentaux des prisonniers sont garantis. À lire aussiGuerre Israël-Iran: «Nous craignons vraiment pour la vie des prisonniers en Iran»

La Guardia Revolucionaria de Irán anunció este lunes el inicio de la Operación "Bendición de Fatah" contra la base estadounidense de Al-Udeid en Qatar.

Après «Palestine, le discours historique de Yasser Arafat à l'ONU», La Marche du monde vous invite à découvrir cette semaine «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire signé Maxime Grember.  Entre 1968 et 1982, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali et d'autres professionnels du cinéma vont réaliser des dizaines de films sous l'égide de l'Unité cinéma, une structure de production audiovisuelle liée au Fatah. Passant du fusil à la caméra, ils vont raconter en images la lutte du peuple palestinien, diffuser leurs films dans les camps de réfugiés et tenter ainsi de construire une mémoire visuelle palestinienne. Mais quelle histoire se cache derrière cette filmographie militante née dans les mois qui ont suivi la guerre des six jours de 1967 ? Qu'est-ce que ces films nous racontent du mouvement révolutionnaire palestinien et de la guerre contre l'État d'Israël ? Et enfin, que nous disent-ils du rapport que le peuple palestinien entretient avec sa propre histoire ? Le 15 juin 1969, dans une interview accordée au journal britannique The Sunday Times, Golda Meir, alors cheffe du gouvernement israélien, déclare, deux ans après la guerre des Six jours qui avait donné à son pays le contrôle de l'ensemble des territoires palestiniens : « Les Palestiniens n'ont jamais existé. Comment pourrions-nous rendre les territoires occupés ? Il n'y a personne à qui les rendre ». En réponse à cette provocation, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974 le documentaire They do not exist, pour insister sur le manque de soutien et de visibilité de la part de la communauté internationale. L'histoire du cinéma palestinien pourrait véritablement prendre sa source dans ce déni d'existence car c'est bel et bien à partir de 1968 qu'une Unité cinéma va se créer et que des hommes et des femmes vont documenter en images les luttes, les souffrances et les multiples déplacements que le peuple palestinien connait depuis la Nakba de 1948. «Il n'y avait plus de rues, plus de magasins, plus d'écoles. Tout avait été détruit. Donc, l'idée était de construire un film à partir de cette phrase de Golda Meir «They do not exist». Alors Mustafa s'est dit : s'ils n'existent pas, ceux que vous bombardez, ce sont des fantômes ?». Khadijeh Habashneh, cinéaste et archiviste du cinéma palestinien, s'exprime au sujet du film They do not exist que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974. En 1973, Mustafa Abu Ali réalise Scène d'occupations à Gaza, un film emblématique de l'Unité cinéma. Ne pouvant pas se rendre dans la bande de Gaza, sous contrôle israélien depuis 1967, il va réaliser son film à partir d'un reportage fait pour la télévision française et pour lequel il arrive à se procurer les images. Avec son nouveau montage, il veut attester en images de la souffrance endurée par le peuple gazaoui. «Mustafa Abu Ali va utiliser les moyens que le cinéma met à sa disposition, c'est-à-dire qu'il va transformer la bande son, ajouter une voix off, de la musique. Il va figer l'image sur le regard d'un des hommes palestiniens qui est contrôlé, et rajouter en insert une image d'une grenade sur un fond rouge. À travers cela, il essaye de signifier que ce jeune homme porte en lui toutes les marques de la lutte.». Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, s'exprime au sujet du film Scènes d'occupation à Gaza que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1973. L'ensemble de ces films seront montrés dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens, mais aussi à l'étranger, dans des festivals ou dans des réseaux de solidarité, afin de faire connaître la cause palestinienne et aussi mettre en place des coproductions, comme ce sera le cas en 1977 avec l'Italie pour le documentaire Tall-al-Zaatar consacré aux massacres ayant eu lieu dans le camp de réfugiés palestiniens dans l'est de Beyrouth. Au total, près d'une centaine de reportages et de documentaires seront produits par l'unité cinéma du Fatah, d'abord installé à Amman jusqu'en 1970, puis à Beyrouth jusqu'en 1982 où une cinémathèque s'était constituée autour de cette collection. Mais, en 1982, lors de l'invasion israélienne au Liban, une partie du patrimoine culturel palestinien va être spolié, et les archives filmiques, un temps cachées dans Beyrouth, vont également disparaître au milieu des années 80. Depuis les années 2000, Khadijeh Habashneh, déjà à l'œuvre à Beyrouth entre 1976 et 1982 aux côtés de son mari Mustafa Abu Ali, tente de remettre la main sur des copies de ces films, et de trouver les partenariats et les conditions nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent être conservés et à nouveau montrés au public. C'est finalement à la Cinémathèque de Toulouse, l'une des plus importantes de France, connue pour la richesse de ses collections venant du monde entier, qu'une partie des films palestiniens vont trouver refuge en 2023. Retour sur une production cinématographique méconnue, une histoire d'archives en exil, d'images manquantes, et d'une certaine idée du cinéma comme moyen de résistance et de représentation d'un peuple par lui-même. «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire de La marche du monde, signé Maxime Grember, produit par Valérie Nivelon, réalisé par Sophie Janin, aux sons des archives filmiques palestiniennes. Avec les témoignages de : Samir Arabi, programmateur du festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie, Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, auteur d'une thèse sur le cinéma de la révolution palestinienne, Khadijeh Habashneh, archiviste, cinéaste et psychologue, Franck Loiret, directeur de la Cinémathèque de Toulouse. Rona Sela, chercheuse en histoire visuelle à l'Université de Tel Aviv. Remerciements à : Francesca Bozzano, Nicolas Damon, Victor Jouanneau et Franck Loiret de La Cinémathèque de Toulouse ainsi que leurs partenaires dans le projet de sauvegarde et de numérisation des films palestiniens : le ministère de la Culture palestinien, le Palestinian Cultural Fund, la Fondation Art Jameel et le Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem. Samir Arabi, Hugo Darroman, Khadijeh Habashneh, Rona Sela, Guilhem Delteil et Vanadis Feuille de RFI, Tarik Hamdan de MCD, Colette Berthès et Monica Maurer. Ainsi que Nathalie Laporte, Joe Farmer et Sophie Janin pour la voice-over. Musiques : The urgent call of Palestine, Zeinab Shaat Ounadikom, Ahmad Kaabour From Gaza with love, Saint Levant. Films : Scène d'occupations à Gaza, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1973 They do not exist, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1974 Tall el-Zaatar, Mustafa Abu Ali, Adriano Pino et Jean Chamoun, 1977. Documentaires : Looted and Hidden - Palestinian Archives in Israel, Rona Sela, 2017 Ouvrages : « La Palestine et le cinéma », de Guy Hennebelle et Khemaïs Khayati, Édition du Centenaire, 1977 « Knights of Cinema» Documentary Narrative Book on the story of Palestine Film Unit. From its beginning 1967 till 1982 », de Khadijeh Habashneh, Alahlia Publishing house, 2020. Article : Toulouse, refuge des archives palestiniennes, sur Orient XXI. Table ronde : Films palestiniens, archives en exil, organisée par la Cinémathèque de Toulouse et le festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie en 2024. Diaporama

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Emile Habibi, Leila Khaled, and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were still the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah, although the Left has lost much of its influence in the period since then. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our final episode examines the framework of the Oslo Accords and, as Hamas became the main force articulating opposition, the response of the Left. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

(0:00) Intro(0:12) Hajj se mutaliq Qur'ani aayat(0:38) Arafah Day ka bayan(0:50) Nabi ﷺ ka farman(0:58) Hajj ke 2 arkaan(1:22) Islam ka intihai daur(2:22) Islam ka ibtidaai daur(5:15) Islam vs Qabar parast, aazadi pasand, aur apni marzi ka deen(6:48) Islam: Allah ka pasandeeda deen(7:37) Nabi ﷺ ki hijrat aur great vision(8:52) Fatah-e-Makkah(9:12) Hajja tul Wida(9:28) Arafah mein rush(9:57) Abdullah bin Umar RA ka waqia(10:16) Nabi ﷺ ke daur mein Hajj ka rush(10:27) Khutba Hajja tul Wida likhne ki taakeed(11:34) Khutba Hajja tul Wida ke aham nukat(11:53) Kisi cheez ko uske opposite se samajhna(14:11) Zamana-e-Jahiliyat kaisa tha?(15:39) Sahih Bukhari/Muslim: Baiti se nafrat khatam karnay wali hadis(17:44) Hazrat Umar RA ka qoul(17:59) Western society vs Muslim society(19:50) Humanity First slogan ka jawab(20:56) Allah ke ehkam aur molviyon par tanqeed(21:59) Rishton ke naam par haqooq, tehzeeb ke thekedaar(24:04) Islam mein haqooq ki tafseel(25:30) Sahabi RA ka waqia: Mulazim se salook(27:10) Allah ka haqq aur uske ehsanat ki fehrist(28:34) Arafah ke din Darwin's theory se tauba(29:13) Allah ki muhabbat ka graph(32:18) Allah ki hum se demand(32:48) Arafah ke din behayai se tauba(34:32) Mufti sb ka viral bayan(35:45) Madad sirf Allah se(36:40) Allah ke qawaneen(37:11) Arafah ke din tamam gunahon se tauba(37:26) Badd akhlaq shohr(38:55) Khush akhlaq air hostess (Saeed Anwar ka waqia)(40:39) Sawab vs paisa(41:23) Harmful wives(42:05) Harmless wives(42:18) Walidain ke saath behtareen salook(43:55) Biwi, bachon se salook(44:18) Sila rehmi ka hukam (Memes on sila rehmi in

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Emile Habibi, Leila Khaled, and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were still the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah, although the Left has lost much of its influence in the period since then. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our fifth episode focuses on the period from the First Intifada, arguably the high-point of the Palestinian left-wing movement, to the Oslo Accords. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

Samer joined the Fatah party in Palestine at the early age of 14 during the first Intifada. At the age of 15, he was arrested and had to spend 5 years in jail in Israel. After his prison sentence, Samer was elected as international secretary for the Fatah Youth. He was later elected as a head of International and Israeli relations on the Fatah Supreme Committee. For over 35 years, Samer has worked tirelessly to build bridges, engage in dialogue, and fight for a future where Israelis and Palestinians recognize each other's humanity. Samer hopes to end suffering as a political weapon to spread the courage to feel each other's pain and to find a path to lasting peace for both Israel and Palestine.Twitter: https://x.com/SSinijlawiInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/ssinijlawi/

Ein Gerücht hält sich hartnäckig: dass Robert irgendetwas mit Geheimdiensten zu tun gehabt haben soll. Ist es denkbar, dass er für einen oder mehrere Geheimdienste als Informant gearbeitet hat? Es stellt sich heraus, dass Robert gute Kontakte zum Geheimdienst der Fatah hatte. Und eins ist sicher: In Beirut waren viele Spione aktiv, Beirut war in den 70ern und 80ern auch als „Stadt der Geheimdienste“ bekannt. Kilian Pfeffer versucht in dieser Folge zu klären, was an den Gerüchten dran ist – und ob es eine Verbindung zu dem Mord gibt. Ihr habt Feedback, Kritik oder kanntet Robert Pfeffer? Dann schreibt uns unter RobertPfefferPodcast@swr3.de Bei “Zwei Schüsse ins Herz – Warum musste mein Onkel sterben?” gibt es ab sofort alle Folgen in der ARD Audiothek und wöchentlich jeweils eine neue Folge überall sonst, wo es Podcasts gibt. Und hier noch ein Tipp zum Weiterhören: “Berlin Code - aus dem ARD-Hauptstadtstudio mit Linda Zervakis” https://www.ardaudiothek.de/sendung/berlin-code-aus-dem-ard-hauptstadtstudio-mit-linda-zervakis/14053111/

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our fourth episode focuses on the movement's turn to Lebanon, where Palestinian radicals found a new base and hoped to launch a wider Arab revolution. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. The podcast examines the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. In our third episode, we discuss two of the most prominent figures associated with Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine: Ghassan Kanafani and Leila Khaled. Get a digital subscription to Jacobin for just $1, or $10 for the print magazine, by following this link: https://jacobin.com/subscribe/?code=MAYDAY2025 Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

La W conversó con Munther al-Hayek, portavoz de Fatah en Gaza, el partido que lidera la Autoridad Nacional Palestina y que gobierna Cisjordania, facción rival de Hamás.

Guðjón var einungis 26 ára gamall þegar hann greindist með MS.

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian Left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We'll be looking at the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We'll also be looking at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. This second episode examines the left-wing movement that took shape under the banner of the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the role of figures such as George Habash and Nayef Hawatmeh. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

We recommend watching this episode on video, on our YouTube channel. You can find it here:Shopping in the Souks of Marrakech: An Insider's Tour!----If you want to see what it's like visiting the souk, going into a real artisan shop: the sales pitch, the bartering, the valuable information and explanations, the language barriers and yet finding common ground and understanding - this will be an eye-opening episode.Azdean tours the souk of Marrakech, and visits two artisan craft workshops. Our camera crew was there to document the entire experience.He starts with the artisan wool shop, in fact a cooperative that provides hand-dyed wool for the women's cooperatives that we've featured on the podcast. You'll see the different types of coloring, in powder form, and watch as the wool master adds a few little drops of water to make it transform into a vibrant indigo blue.We go from the initial stages of steaming and spin drying to seeing the finished product: pashmina shawls, scarves, pillow cases, carpets, hand bags and more. Azdean tries on a Saharan turban, designed for keeping out sand while you're on your camel crossing the desert.We then go over to the wood-carver's shop, where we see a complex system of tools and chisels that requires three limbs for operation. That's right: if both of your hands are busy, you need to use your feet too! The carver deftly holds the chisel between his toes as the wood is spun by one hand and the other hand manoeuvres the angle of the chisel. The wood shop features all kinds of intricate carvings and contraptions, but for very useful and practical things: tissue boxes, door knockers, jewelry boxes, backgammon and chess boards - items that don't just look nice on a shelf but gathering dust, but that you can actually use and enjoy regularly.Although, there are also the soccer balls. Decorative wooden balls with inlaid pieces of wood, designed to mimic a real soccer ball. Okay, these ones you won't want to kick around but they are beautiful works of art.The souk can be a little intimidating and overwhelming. It takes some getting used to. This episode will help get you not just prepared, but excited to see and touch, and dive into the shopping experience.Check out the beautiful video on our YouTube channel, put together by our videographers in Morocco, Youssef and Fatah. Do you dream of exploring the enchanting land of Morocco?Destination Morocco is your ultimate travel experience for those seeking luxury and adventure. We specialize in crafting bespoke itineraries tailored to your unique tastes and desires.If you're a discerning traveler who values an immersive, curated adventure, visit www.destinationsmorocco.com, and let us bring your dream Moroccan vacation to life.Learn more about Azdean and Destination Morocco.Explore our Private Tours and Small Group Tours!

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We'll be looking at the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We'll also be looking at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. This first episode focuses on the communist movement in Palestine from its early years until the 1960s. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, calling it Operation Al Aqsa. For journalist Yardena Schwartz, the massacre was a chilling echo of the 1929 Hebron Massacre—the brutal slaughter of nearly 70 Jews, incited by propaganda that Jews sought to seize the Al Aqsa Mosque. At the time, she was deep into writing her first book, Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In this episode, Yardena shares how history repeated itself, how the October 7 attack reshaped her book, and why understanding the past is essential to making sense of the present. ___ Read:  Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab Israeli Conflict Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran Social media influencer Hen Mazzig on leaving Tunisia Chef Einat Admony on leaving Iran Playwright Oren Safdie on leaving Syria Cartoonist Carol Isaacs on leaving Iraq Novelist Andre Aciman on leaving Egypt People of the Pod:  Latest Episode: Higher Education in Turmoil: Balancing Academic Freedom and the Fight Against Antisemitism Held Hostage in Gaza: A Mother's Fight for Freedom and Justice Yossi Klein Halevi on the Convergence of Politics and Religion at Jerusalem's Temple Mount Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. __ Transcript of Interview with Yardena Schwartz: Manya Brachear Pashman: Hello, and welcome to People of the Pod, brought to you by American Jewish Committee. Each week, we take you beyond the headlines to help you understand what they all mean for America, Israel and the Jewish people. I'm your host Manya Brachear Pashman:. In October 2023 journalist Yardena Schwartz was in the middle of writing her first book exploring the rarely talked about 1929 Hebron massacre, in which nearly 70 Jews were murdered, dozens more injured by their Muslim neighbors during riots incited by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who spread lies that Jews wanted to take over the Al Aqsa Mosque. When she heard reports of the October 7 terror attacks by Hamas dubbed Operation Al Aqsa, she realized just how relevant and prescient her book would be, and began drafting some new chapters. Yardena is with us now to discuss that book titled Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine that ignited the Arab Israeli conflict. Yardena, welcome to People of the Pod.  Yardena Schwartz: Great to be here, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So full disclosure to you and our audience. You attended Columbia Journalism School 10 years after I did, and you took Professor Ari Goldman's class on covering religions 10 years after I did that, class had always traveled to Israel, and I had hoped it would be my ticket to go to Israel for the first time, but the Second Intifada prevented that, and we went to Russia and Ukraine. Instead, your class did go to Israel, and that was your first visit to Hebron, correct?  Yardena Schwartz: So it was in 2011 and we went to Hebron for one day out of our 10 day trip to Israel, and it was my first time there. I was the only Jewish student in our class. It was about 15 of us, and I was the only one who had been to Israel. I had been all over Israel, but I had never been to Chevron. And our tour was with Breaking the Silence, an organization of former Israeli soldiers who had served in Hebron or in other parts of the West Bank and wanted Israelis to know what was happening in Hebron and how Palestinians were living there, and the various restrictions that were put in place as a result of terrorist attacks. But nevertheless, you know, those restrictions were extremely disturbing, and that brief visit in 2011 made me really never want to go back to Hebron. And when I moved to Israel two years later to become a freelance journalist there, and, you know, to move to Israel because I loved Israel, and still obviously love Israel, I didn't really go back to Chevron because I, you know, was really troubled by what I saw there. But this book took me, of course, back to Chevron hundreds of times, spending hundreds of hours there. And it came to be, you know, my expertise in this conflict, in my reporting. And you know, of course, Heron is kind of the main character in this book, Manya Brachear Pashman: Tell us how you came to find out about this massacre. Was it mentioned during that class visit in 2011 or was it later that you learned about it? Yardena Schwartz: So that was one of the most interesting things about my early adventure into writing this book, was that I had of course been to have Ron, and yet, during that day that we spent there learning so much about the history of this place, this deeply holy place to so many people, there was no mention of the massacre of 1929, so, you know, I knew that Chevron is, you know, the second holiest city in Judaism, the burial place of Abraham And the matrix and patriarchs of the Jewish people. And you know the first place where King David established his kingdom before Jerusalem. So it was holy before Jerusalem. And yet I had no idea that this ancient Jewish community in Hebron had been decimated in 1929 in one of the worst pogroms ever perpetrated. We all know about the kishineff pogrom of 1904 and yet the pogrom in 1929 in Hebron, perpetrated by the Muslim residents of Hebron, against their Jewish neighbors, was more deadly and more gruesome than the kishineff pogrom, and it effectively ended 1000s of years of Jewish presence in this holy city. And so when I was told by my mentor, Yossi Klein Halevi, the amazing writer, that there was a family in Memphis, Tennessee that had discovered a box of letters in their attic written by a young American man from. Memphis, who had traveled to Chevron in 1928 to study at the Hebron yeshiva, which was at the time, the most prestigious yeshiva in the land of Israel in what was then, of course, British Mandate Palestine. And that this young man had been killed in that massacre. Yet his letters, you know, painted this vivid portrait of what Chevron was before the massacre that took his life. I was immediately fascinated. And I, you know, wanted to meet this family, read these letters and see how I could bring the story to life. And I was introduced to them by, yes, in 2019 so that's when I began working on my book. And you know, as you mentioned, I was still writing the book in 2023 on October 7, and this book I had been writing about this massacre nearly a century ago immediately became more relevant than I ever hoped it would be.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The young American man from Memphis. His name was David Schoenberg. Give our listeners a history lesson. Tell us about this 1929 massacre. So Yardena Schwartz: On August 24 1929 also a Shabbat morning in crevorone, every Jewish family had locked their doors and windows. They were cowering in fear as 1000s of Muslim men rioted outside their homes, throwing rocks at their windows, breaking down their doors and essentially hunting down Jews, much like they did on October 7, families were slaughtered. Women and teenage girls were raped by their neighbors in front of their family members. Infants were murdered in their mother's arms. Children watched as their parents were butchered by their neighbors, rabbis, yeshiva students were castrated and Arabic speaking Jews, you know, Sephardi, Mizrahi, Jews, who composed about half of the Jewish population in Hebron at the time, and were very friendly with their Arab neighbors. You know, they went to each other's weddings and holidays, went to each other's shops, and these people were also slaughtered. It wasn't just the yeshiva students who had come from Europe or from America to study there, or, you know, the Ashkenazi Jewish families. It was, you know, Arabic speaking Jews whose families had been there for generations and had lived side by side in peace with their Muslim neighbors for centuries. They too were slaughtered. Manya Brachear Pashman: Why did their Muslim neighbors turn on them so suddenly and violently? The Yardena Schwartz: rioters that day were shouting Allahu Akbar. They claimed to be defending Islam and Al Aqsa from this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa in order to rebuild the Third Temple. This is what they had been told by their leaders and by Imams and their mosques and in Hebron, that Lai had also extended to the tomb of the patriarchs and matriarchs, which is known in Arabic as the Ibrahimi mosque. Imams there had told Muslims in Hebron that the Jews of Hebron were planning to conquer Ibrahimi mosque in order to turn it into a synagogue. So this incitement and this disinformation that continues to drive the conflict today. Really began in 1929 the rumors about this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa that began in 1928 around the same time that David Schoenberg arrived in Palestine to study at the yeshiva. Manya Brachear Pashman: So in addition to the letters that David Schoenberg wrote to his family back in Tennessee. How else did you piece together this history? How did you go about reporting and researching it? Who kept records?  Yardena Schwartz: So it's really interesting, because I was so surprised by the lack of literature on this really dramatic moment in history, in the history of Israel, the history of this conflict. And yet, despite the fact there are really no books in English, at least, about the massacre and about these riots and what led to them, there were mountains of, you know, testimony from victims and survivors. The British carried out this commission after the riots that produced this 400 page report filled with testimony of British officials, Arab officials, Jewish officials, survivors. So there was just so much material to work with. Also, survivors ended up writing books about their experiences in Hebron, very similar to David's letters, in a way, because they wrote not only about the riots and the massacre itself, but also what they experienced in Hebron before they too, wrote about, you know, the relatively peaceful relations between the city's Jewish minority and the Arab majority. And I also relied on archival newspaper reports so the. Riots really occupied the front pages of American newspapers for about a week, because it took about a week for the British to quell the riots, and they did so with an air, land and sea campaign. They sent warships and war planes from across the British Empire and sent troops from other parts of the British Empire. Because one of the reasons the riots were so effective, in a way, you know, were so deadly, especially in kharag, was because there was just no military force in Palestine. At the time, the British did not have a Palestine military force, and it was only after the 1929 riots that they did have troops in Palestine. Until then, they had the Palestine police force, and that police force was mostly Arabs. In Hebron, for example, there were about 40 policemen under the stewardship of one British police chief, and all but one of those policemen were Arabs, and many of them participated in the massacre or stood by outside of Jewish homes and allowed the mobs to enter the homes and carry out their slaughter. And Manya Brachear Pashman: I'm curious. There was a lot of newspaper coverage, but what about the international community's response beyond the British Empire? Yardena Schwartz: So there were actually protests around the world against the massacre in New York. 35,000 people marched through the streets of Manhattan to protest the British failure to protect their Jewish subjects from these riots. Most of the marchers were Jewish, but nevertheless, I mean 35,000 people. We didn't see anything like that after October 7. Of course, we saw the opposite people marching through the streets of New York and cities around the world supporting the mass of October 7. You know, I mentioned this March in New York, but similar protests were held around the world, mostly in Jewish communities. So in Poland, Warsaw and in England, there were protests against the British failure to protect Jews in Palestine from these riots. And the American government was livid with the British and they sent statements put out, statements to the press, criticizing the British inaction, the British failure to protect the Jewish subjects and the American citizens who were in Palestine at the time, there were eight Americans killed in Hebron on August 24 1929. Out of the 67 Jewish men, women and children who were killed, and all of them were unarmed. The Haganah at the time, you know, the underground Jewish Defense Force that would later become the nucleus of the IDF, the Haganah was active then, mostly in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there were no Haganah members in Hebron. The Hebron Jewish community was very traditional, very religious, and when Haganah came to Hebron two days before the riots erupted, they because they knew that these riots were going to happen. There had been calls from Arab officials to riot, to attack Jewish communities across Palestine. And so the Haganah came to Hebron to warn Jewish leaders of Hebron that they could either come there to protect them or evacuate them to Jerusalem to safety until the riots subsided and the Jewish leaders of Hebron were unanimous in their opposition. They said, No, you know, we're friends with our Arab neighbors. They'll never hurt us. We trust them. If anything happens elsewhere, it won't happen here. And they believed that because, not only because they had such a good relationship with their Arab neighbors and friends, but also because in previous outbursts of violence in other years, like in 1920 1921 when they were much smaller riots and much less deadly riots. When those riots reached other parts of Palestine, they didn't reach Hebron because of those relations and because they weren't fueled by incitement and disinformation, which was what led the riots of 1929 to be so massive and so deadly, and what led them to be embraced by previously peaceful neighbors. Manya Brachear Pashman: How did that disinformation travel in 1929 How did it reach those neighbors in Hebron? Yardena Schwartz: When we talk about disinformation and misinformation today, we think of it as this, you know, modern plague of, you know, the social media era, or, you know our fractured media landscape. But back in 1929 disinformation was rampant, and it also traveled through Arabic newspapers. They were publishing these statements by Arab officials, mostly the Grand Mufti Hajime Husseini, who was the leader of Palestinian Muslims under British rule, he began this rumor that the Jews of Palestine were plotting to conquer Al Aqsa mosque to rebuild their ancient temple. Of course, Al Aqsa is built upon the ruins of the ancient temples. Temple Mount is the holiest place for Jews in the world. And in 1929, Jews were forbidden from accessing the Temple Mount because it was considered, you know, a solely holy Muslim site. But the closest place they could pray was the Western Wall, the Kotel. And Jews who were demanding British protection to pray in peace at the Western Wall without being attacked by Muslims as a result of this disinformation campaign were then painted by the Arabic press as working to conquer the Western Wall, turn it into a synagogue, and then from there, take Al Aqsa Mosque.  So this disinformation traveled from the very highest of Muslim officials. So the imams in mosques across Palestine, specifically in Al Aqsa and in Hebron, were repeating these rumors, these lies about this supposed Jewish plot. Those lies were then being published in flyers that were put in city squares. Jewish officials were warning the British and telling, you know, they should have known and they should have done more to end this campaign of disinformation, not only to achieve peace in this land that they were ruling over, but also because they were responsible for installing hajamina Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, into his position they had chosen him for that position, that all powerful position. And so they were responsible, in a way, for all of these lies that he was spreading. And yet they took no responsibility.  And even in the commission that they sent to Palestine from London to investigate the causes of the riots, despite the fact that, you know, if you read these, you know, 400 pages, I don't recommend it. It's a tough reading. But, you know, I did that for this book. And it's so clear from all of these hearings that this disinformation campaign was very obvious, very clear and very clearly to blame for the riots. And yet, because saying so would have made the British responsible for so much death, their conclusions in this commission was that it was Jewish immigration to Palestine and Jewish land purchases at the time that had sparked the riots, and that it was this Jewish demonstration, peaceful demonstration at the Western Wall on to Shabaab in August of 1929 that had sparked these riots.  So there's just, you know, this absolute lack of accountability, not only for the Mufti, who retained his position and became even more powerful and more popular as a leader after these riots, but also for the British and instead, you know, the Jewish victims were blamed for their suffering. At the time, Jews were just 20% of the Palestinian population, which was just 1 million people. Of course, today, Israel is home to more than 10 million people. So you know, clearly there was room for everyone. And the Jews at the time were very peaceful. The Haganah was a very, you know, weak, decentralized force, and after these riots, it became much stronger, and Sephardi Jews and Mizrahi Jews, more traditional Jews who had not joined the Haganah before 1929 had not really embraced Zionism before 1929 now agreed that if Jews were going to be safe in our homeland, then we would need our own army. Manya Brachear Pashman: Can we talk a little bit about the turn toward radicalization and extremism during this time, and what role that has played in the years since? Yardena Schwartz: you know, the Zionist leadership was very adamant that Jews in Palestine should not be carrying out attacks against Arabs in Palestine. You know, it should be really about defending Jews, preventing attacks, but not carrying out retaliatory attacks. But as we've seen throughout the century, of this conflict. You know, extremism begets extremism. And you know, when violence is being used by one side, it is going to be used by the other side as well. And so the rise of a more militant form of Zionism was a direct result of 1929 and this feeling of just helplessness and this feeling of relying on this foreign power, the British, to protect them, and realizing that no foreign power was going to protect the Jews of Palestine and that Jews would have to protect themselves, and the radicalism and the extremism within the Muslim population, particularly the Muslim leadership of Palestine, really just accelerated after the massacre, because they saw that it succeeded. I mean, the British punished the Jewish population of Palestine for the riots by vastly limiting Jewish immigration, vastly limiting Jewish land purchases. Notice, I use the word land purchases because, contrary to a lot of the disinformation we hear. Much today, none of this land was being stolen. It was being purchased by Jews from Muslim land owners. Many of them were absentee landowners. Many of them were from the wealthiest families in Palestine. And many of them were members of, you know, this anti Zionist, pro Mufti circle, who were then telling their own people that Jews are stealing your land and evicting you from your land, when, in fact, it was these wealthy Arab landowners who were selling their land to Jews at exorbitant prices. Manya Brachear Pashman: Did you establish a motive for the Mufti and what were his intentions spreading this disinformation? Yardena Schwartz: Great question. So it was very clear. I mean, he never admitted this, but it was very clear what his motives were, and that was to counter the criticism and accusations of corruption that had dogged him for years, until he began this campaign of propaganda which led much of that criticism and much of those stories of his corruption within the Arabic press and among his Arab rivals to essentially disappear, because now they had a much more threatening enemy, and that enemy was the Jewish community of Palestine, who was plotting to destroy Al Aqsa, conquer Al Aqsa, rebuild their temple, take over Palestine and his campaign worked. You know, after that propaganda campaign became so successful, there were very few people willing to stand up to him and to criticize him, because after 1929 when he became so much more powerful, he began a campaign of assassinations and intimidation and violence used against not only his political rivals and dissidents, but also just Anyone who favored cooperation between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. So there were various mayors of Arab cities who wanted to work together with the Jewish community of those cities or with other Jewish leaders to bring about various economic initiatives, for instance. And some of those mayors were assassinated by the muftis henchmen, or they were just intimidated into silence and into kind of embracing his platform, which was that Palestine is and has always been and should always be, a purely Muslim land, and that there is no place for any kind of Jewish sovereignty or Jewish power in that land.  So, you know, the Mufti, in 1936 he ended up leading a violent rebellion against the British. And the British at that point, had gotten tired of ruling Palestine. They realized it was much more work than they were interested in doing, and they were interested in leaving Palestine, handing over governance to the local population to the Jews and Arabs of Palestine, and they had been interested in figuring out what could be done. Could there be a binational state with equal representation, or representative governance? If Jews are 40% of the population and Arabs are 60% then there could be some kind of governance on those ratios, all of those solutions, including a two state solution, which was presented in 1937 all of those solutions were rejected by the grand mufti, and his platform was embraced by the other Arab officials within Palestine, because if it wasn't, they could face death or violence. And he even rejected the idea of Jews remaining in Palestine under Arab rule. You know when the British said to him, okay, so what will be done with the 400,000 Jews who are in Palestine right now? He said they can't stay. So he didn't only reject the two state solution. He rejected, you know, this bi national, equal utopian society that we hear proposed by so many in pro Palestine movement today. You know, all of these solutions have been on the table for a century and always. They have been rejected by Palestinian leaders, whether it was the Grand Mufti or his apprentice, his young cousin, yas Arafat. Manya Brachear Pashman: Ah, okay, so what happened to Grand Mufti Husseini? Did he stick around? So The Mufti was eventually, finally wanted for arrest by the British after his rebellion claimed the life of a British official. Until then, it had only claimed the lives of Jews and Arabs, but once a British official was killed, then the British had decided that they'd had enough of the Mufti, and they ordered his arrest. He fled Palestine. He ended up in Iraq, where he was involved in riots there the far hood in which many Jews were massacred, perhaps hundreds, if not over 1000 Jews were slaughtered in Baghdad, which was at the time home to about. 100,000 Jews. He then fled Iraq and ended up in Berlin, where he lived from 1941 to 1945 in a Nazi financed mansion, and he led the Arab branch of Joseph Goebbels Ministry of Propaganda. He was the Nazi's leading voice in the Arab world, he spread Nazi propaganda throughout the Muslim world and recruited 10s of 1000s of Muslims to fight for the Nazis, including in the Waffen SS and when the war ended, when world war two ended, and the UN wanted him for Nazi war crimes, he was wanted for Nazi war crimes, placed on the UN's list of Nazi war criminals. Once again, he fled, first to France, then to Cairo, eventually settling in Beirut, where he continued to lead his people's jihad against the Jews of Palestine. So when, in 1947, when the UN voted to partition British Mandate Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state so that the British could finally leave Palestine. He declared jihad, and he rejected the Partition Plan, along with every other Arab state which also rejected it. Of course, the Jews of Palestine embraced it, celebrated it, and the very next day after the UN vote, riots erupted throughout Palestine, and he helped. He was kind of pulling the strings of that Jihad taking place in Palestine. And in fact, 1000 Muslim men who he had recruited for the Waffen. SS joined that holy war in Palestine. The Mufti helped create the army of the holy war. Yasser Arafat, who was also in Beirut at the time, also assisted the army of the holy war. He actually fought in the war that began in 1947 alongside the Muslim Brotherhood. So, you know the legacy that the Mufti had? You know, it doesn't end there. It continued to his dying day in 1974 and Arafat took over his mantle as the leader of the Palestinian people. And you know, we see how the disinformation and incitement and rejection of Jewish sovereignty in any part of the ancient land of Israel has continued to be a prominent force in Palestinian politics no matter who was in charge. You know, the Fatah, Mahmoud, Abbas and Hamas, of course, perpetuate the same lies about Al Aqsa. They perpetuate the same denial of a Jewish right to live in peace in our homeland, deny the history of Jewish presence in Israel. So, you know, it's really astounding to me how little is known about the Grand Mufti and how little is known about his impact on this conflict, and particularly in the very beginnings, the ground zero of this conflict in 1929 Manya Brachear Pashman: It's so interesting. We talk so much about Hitler, right? And his antisemitism, but we don't talk about Husseini. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, and they were good friends. I mean, they met in 1941 shortly after the Mufti arrived, he had a private chauffeur. He was lavishly paid by the Nazis, and he was good friends with Himmler. He toured concentration camps. He knew very well about the final solution. Hitler himself considered the Mufti an honorary Aryan. I mean, the Mufti had blue eyes, fair skin, light hair. Hitler believed that Husseini had Roman blood, and he saw him as someone who could lead the Nazi forces once they arrived in the Middle East. He saw him as, you know, a great ally of the Nazis. He didn't just participate in the Nazis quest to eradicate the Jewish population of Europe and eventually arrive in Palestine, but he also the Mufti worked to convince various European leaders not to allow Jewish refugees from fleeing Europe and not allowing them to come to Palestine. He told them, send them to Poland, and he knew very well what was happening in Poland. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to go back to this family in Tennessee, the genesis of this story, and I'm curious. David Schoenberg's niece said that at one point in the book, she said they're Southern, so they sweep ugly under the rug in the south. And so they just didn't talk about that. And when I read that, I thought, actually, that's kind of a Jewish approach, not a southern approach, except we wouldn't say we sweep things under the rug. We move on, right? We treasure our resilience, and we move on from that pain and we build anew. But is moving on really in the Jewish community's best interest? Is that how we end up forgetting and letting this history and this very important history fade?. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, absolutely. You know, I think it is possible to do both. It is possible to take great pride in our resilience and in our strength and our ability to experience so much devastation and suffering, and yet every time emerge stronger.  I mean, think about the Holocaust. First of all, for many years, we did sweep that under the rug. Survivors were discouraged from speaking about what they went through. They were seen as, you know, especially in Israel, they were seen as, you know, people who went like sheep to the slaughter. It wasn't something to talk about. It was something to move on from. And yet now we are able to hold both in both hands. You know. We're able to honor and commemorate the memory and speak about the atrocities that millions of Jews suffered during the Holocaust, while also celebrating where we went after the Holocaust. I mean, three years after the Holocaust, Israel was born. You know, that's just, on its own, you know, a remarkable symbol of our resilience and our strength as a people. But I think the way we commemorate the Holocaust is a really great example of how we do both how we honor the memory and use that as a lesson so that it never happens again.  And yet, I think that when it comes to the conflict and the various forces that have led us to where we are today, there is this tendency to kind of try to move on and not really speak about how we got here. And it's really a shame, because I think that this is the only way we'll ever find a way out of this tragic cycle of violence, is if we learn how we got here, the forces that continue to drive this conflict after a century, and you know, the people who brought us here. Not only the Grand Mufti, but also, you know, the leaders today who are very much capitalizing on fear and religion, exploiting religion for their own, their own interests, and utilizing disinformation to remain in power. And I think that, you know, we can't afford not to speak about these things and not to know about our own history. It's really telling that, you know, even in Jewish communities, where people know so much about Israel and about this conflict, there is just a complete lack of knowledge of, you know, the very bedrock of this conflict. And I think without that knowledge, we'll never get out of this mess. Manya Brachear Pashman: Yardena, thank you so much. This is such a wonderful book, and congratulations on writing it.  Yardena Schwartz: Thank you so much.  Manya Brachear Pashman: If you missed last week's episode, be sure to tune in for my conversation with Dr Laura Shaw Frank, Director of AJC Center for Education Advocacy. We discussed the delicate balance between combating antisemitism, safeguarding free speech, and ensuring campuses remain safe for all students.  Thank you for listening. This episode is brought to you by AJC. Our producer is Atara Lakritz. Our sound engineer is TK Broderick. You can subscribe to People of the Pod on Apple podcasts, Spotify or Google podcasts, or learn more at ajc.org/PeopleofthePod. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC. We'd love to hear your views and opinions or your questions. You can reach us at PeopleofthePod@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends. Tag us on social media with hashtag People of the Pod and hop on to Apple podcasts to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Tune in next week for another episode of People of the Pod.

This week for the Conflicted Community we begin a series of conversations about the conflict in Israel and Palestine, with Palestinians themselves, to shed some light on the Palestinian perspective of this most complex of conflicts. And this week it is the turn of Khalil Sayegh, a Palestinian Christian political analyst, who shares his personal journey from Gaza to Ramallah, to Washington D.C.  In this episode, Khalil tells us about his opposition to Hamas, the impact of war on his life, and gives some insights into the historical roots of Palestinian nationalism and the challenges faced by Palestinians under both Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. We delve into the complex historical and political dynamics of between Fatah and Hamas, the impact of settler movements, and the ongoing challenges faced by Palestinians in their quest for rights and recognition. And by emphasizing the need for Palestinian rights and the importance of survival amidst ongoing violence, while also reflecting on the complexities of liberalism in the context of the conflict. To listen to the full episode, you'll need to subscribe to the Conflicted Community. And don't forget, subscribers can also join our Conflicted Community chatroom, where you can interact with fellow dearest listeners, discuss episodes past and future, get exclusive messages from Thomas and Aimen, ask future Q&A questions and so much more. All the information you need to sign up is on this link: https://conflicted.supportingcast.fm/  Conflicted is proudly made by Message Heard, a full-stack podcast production agency which uses its extensive expertise to make its own shows such as Conflicted, shows for commissioners such as the BBC, Spotify and Al Jazeera, and powerfully effective podcasts for other companies too. If you'd like to find out how we can help get your organisation's message heard, visit messageheard.com or drop an email to hello@messageheard.com! Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

L'offensive israélienne continue de s'étendre à Gaza, quinze jours après la fin de la trêve. Plus de 50.000 personnes ont été tuées en 18 mois de guerre, selon les autorités locales. Et les habitants commencent à exprimer leur rejet du Hamas au pouvoir dans l'enclave : ainsi plusieurs centaines de personnes ont récemment manifesté et affiché des slogans hostiles au mouvement islamiste. Une mobilisation qui fait écho à l'appel du porte-parole du Fatah à un départ du Hamas de Gaza. Quelle est la popularité du Hamas aujourd'hui à Gaza ? Quel interlocuteur pour parvenir à la paix et à la reconstruction ? Pour en débattre :- Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, professeur émérite des Universités, président de l'IReMMO et co-auteur du livre Atlas du Moyen-Orient, éditions Autrement- Guilhem Delteil, journaliste au service international de RFI, auteur du podcast Palestiniens, ancien correspondant à Jérusalem - Leila Seurat,  chercheuse au Centre arabe de recherches et d'études politiques de Paris Carep, autrice du « Hamas et le Monde », aux CNRS Éditions.

A look at Iraqi political parties Email: whydocountriesexist@gmail.com Website: https://whydocountriesexist.libsyn.com/ Patreon: patreon.com/Whydocountriesexist797 Paypal: paypal.me/whydocountriesexist Feedback and request forum: https://forms.gle/H5hG9zcZbFPBAz8t7   Intro 0:00 Background and political structure 0:50 Sadrist movement 5:22 Takadum (progress party) 7:34 State of the Law (Islamic Dawa party) 9:35 Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) 12:45 Conquest alliance (Fatah) 16:04 Patriotic Union for Kurdistan (PUK) 19:06 Emtidad movement 21:48 Azzam Alliance 23:09 Victory Alliance 23:55 New Generation Movement (NGM) 25:12 Babylon Movement 26:36 Kurdistan Justice Group (Komeli) 28:21 Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) 29:18 Other groups 30:01 Outro 32:48

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. US bureau chief Jacob Magid joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. US President-elect Donald Trump on Monday threatened those holding hostages in the Middle East with unprecedented American firepower if they are not released by the time he enters office on January 20.The latest warning was posted on Truth Social came two days after Hamas released a propaganda video showing American-Israeli hostage Edan Alexander pleading with the president-elect to secure his release and hours after the IDF revealed that another American-Israeli hostage — Omer Neutra — was killed during Hamas's October 7 onslaught and that his body is being held in Gaza. We discuss what efforts have not yet been brought to the table and how Neutra's death was covered in US media. Israel's Channel 12 reported yesterday that an Israeli delegation will travel to Cairo early next week after Egypt has put together a new multi-stage hostage deal proposal. Also, earlier in the week, we heard that the Palestinian terror group Hamas and the Palestinian Authority's Fatah party have agreed to create a committee to jointly administer postwar Gaza. Magid weighs in whether this new alliance could be enough to give Hamas the lifeline it needs to claim post-war victory. US President-elect Donald Trump on Sunday announced the appointment of his Lebanese-American in-law Massad Boulos to be his senior adviser on Arab and Middle Eastern affairs. Boulos will likely work alongside Steve Witkoff, who Trump last month appointed as his special envoy for the Middle East to work on expanding the Abraham Accords that he brokered at the end of his first term. Are these the right men for the job? For news updates, please check out The Times of Israel's ongoing live blog. Discussed articles include: Trump warns there will be ‘all hell to pay' if hostages aren't released by Jan. 20 Slain Israeli-American hostage remembered as ‘hero of Israel' at NY memorial service Fatah, Hamas agree to form committee to run postwar Gaza Trump says Lebanese-American in-law will be senior aide on Arab and Mideast affairs Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Illustrative: Campaigning for a second term, former US President Donald Trump speaks before prominent Jewish donors at an event titled 'Fighting Antisemitism in America' at the Hyatt Regency Capitol Hill, Washington DC, September 19, 2024. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images via JTA)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A.M. Edition for Nov. 12. WSJ correspondent Thomas Grove explains how Senator Marco Rubio and Representative Mike Waltz – Trump's pick for White House national security advisor – could steer U.S. diplomacy. Plus, rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah craft a plan for Gaza's postwar recovery. And Shell wins an appeal against a landmark carbon-emissions ruling. Luke Vargas hosts.  Sign up for the WSJ's free What's News newsletter.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Dr. Li-Meng Yan w/ The Voice of Dr. Yan – The heads of the Fatah and Hamas delegations noted that China holds an important place in the hearts of the Palestinian people and expressed sincere appreciation for President Xi and China's unchanging, firm support and selfless assistance to Palestine over a long period of time. The Beijing Declaration is viewed as evidence of China's increasing ambition to boost itself as a prominent mediator in...

The US vice-president's campaign has secured a record amount of donations. Also, China says Hamas, Fatah and a dozen other Palestinian factions have agreed to set up an interim administration for Gaza, and the first blind Barbie doll goes on sale.