Podcasts about Fatah

La marche du monde vous invite à découvrir cette semaine Palestine, filmer pour exister, un épisode documentaire signé Maxime Grember à découvrir à l'occasion de la 80e session de l'Assemblée générale de l'Organisation des Nations unies (ONU), dont le lancement doit avoir lieu mardi 9 septembre, plusieurs pays ont annoncé vouloir reconnaître l'État de Palestine. Entre 1968 et 1982, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali et d'autres professionnels du cinéma vont réaliser des dizaines de films sous l'égide de l'Unité cinéma, une structure de production audiovisuelle liée au Fatah. Passant du fusil à la caméra, ils vont raconter en images la lutte du peuple palestinien, diffuser leurs films dans les camps de réfugiés et tenter ainsi de construire une mémoire visuelle palestinienne. Mais quelle histoire se cache derrière cette filmographie militante née dans les mois qui ont suivi la guerre des six jours de 1967 ? Qu'est-ce que ces films nous racontent du mouvement révolutionnaire palestinien et de la guerre contre l'État d'Israël ? Et enfin, que nous disent-ils du rapport que le peuple palestinien entretient avec sa propre histoire ? Le 15 juin 1969, dans une interview accordée au journal britannique The Sunday Times, Golda Meir, alors cheffe du gouvernement israélien, déclare, deux ans après la guerre des Six-Jours qui avait donné à son pays le contrôle de l'ensemble des territoires palestiniens : « Les Palestiniens n'ont jamais existé. Comment pourrions-nous rendre les territoires occupés ? Il n'y a personne à qui les rendre. » En réponse à cette provocation, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974 le documentaire They do not exist, pour insister sur le manque de soutien et de visibilité de la part de la communauté internationale. L'histoire du cinéma palestinien pourrait véritablement prendre sa source dans ce déni d'existence, car c'est bel et bien à partir de 1968 qu'une Unité cinéma va se créer et que des hommes et des femmes vont documenter en images les luttes, les souffrances et les multiples déplacements que le peuple palestinien connait depuis la Nakba de 1948. « Il n'y avait plus de rues, plus de magasins, plus d'écoles. Tout avait été détruit. Donc, l'idée était de construire un film à partir de cette phrase de Golda Meir "They do not exist". Alors Mustafa s'est dit : s'ils n'existent pas, ceux que vous bombardez, ce sont des fantômes ? ». Khadijeh Habashneh, cinéaste et archiviste du cinéma palestinien, s'exprime au sujet du film They do not exist que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974. En 1973, Mustafa Abu Ali réalise Scène d'occupations à Gaza, un film emblématique de l'Unité cinéma. Ne pouvant pas se rendre dans la bande de Gaza, sous contrôle israélien depuis 1967, il va réaliser son film à partir d'un reportage fait pour la télévision française et pour lequel il arrive à se procurer les images. Avec son nouveau montage, il veut attester en images de la souffrance endurée par le peuple gazaoui. « Mustafa Abu Ali va utiliser les moyens que le cinéma met à sa disposition, c'est-à-dire qu'il va transformer la bande son, ajouter une voix off, de la musique. Il va figer l'image sur le regard d'un des hommes palestiniens qui est contrôlé, et rajouter en insert une image d'une grenade sur un fond rouge. À travers cela, il essaye de signifier que ce jeune homme porte en lui toutes les marques de la lutte. » Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, s'exprime au sujet du film Scènes d'occupation à Gaza que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1973. À lire aussi1974, le discours historique de Yasser Arafat à l'ONU L'ensemble de ces films seront montrés dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens, mais aussi à l'étranger, dans des festivals ou dans des réseaux de solidarité, afin de faire connaître la cause palestinienne et aussi mettre en place des coproductions, comme ce sera le cas en 1977 avec l'Italie pour le documentaire Tall-al-Zaatar consacré aux massacres ayant eu lieu dans le camp de réfugiés palestiniens dans l'est de Beyrouth. Au total, près d'une centaine de reportages et de documentaires seront produits par l'unité cinéma du Fatah, d'abord installé à Amman jusqu'en 1970, puis à Beyrouth jusqu'en 1982, où une cinémathèque s'était constituée autour de cette collection. Mais, en 1982, lors de l'invasion israélienne au Liban, une partie du patrimoine culturel palestinien va être spolié, et les archives filmiques, un temps cachées dans Beyrouth, vont également disparaître au milieu des années 80. Depuis les années 2000, Khadijeh Habashneh, déjà à l'œuvre à Beyrouth entre 1976 et 1982 aux côtés de son mari Mustafa Abu Ali, tente de remettre la main sur des copies de ces films, et de trouver les partenariats et les conditions nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent être conservés et à nouveau montrés au public. C'est finalement à la Cinémathèque de Toulouse, l'une des plus importantes de France, connue pour la richesse de ses collections venant du monde entier, qu'une partie des films palestiniens vont trouver refuge en 2023. Retour sur une production cinématographique méconnue, une histoire d'archives en exil, d'images manquantes, et d'une certaine idée du cinéma comme moyen de résistance et de représentation d'un peuple par lui-même. Palestine, filmer pour exister, un nouvel épisode documentaire de La marche du monde, signé Maxime Grember, produit par Valérie Nivelon, réalisé par Sophie Janin, aux sons des archives filmiques palestiniennes. Avec les témoignages de : Samir Arabi, programmateur du festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, auteur d'une thèse sur le cinéma de la révolution palestinienne Khadijeh Habashneh, archiviste, cinéaste et psychologue Franck Loiret, directeur de la Cinémathèque de Toulouse Rona Sela, chercheuse en histoire visuelle à l'Université de Tel Aviv Remerciements à : Francesca Bozzano, Nicolas Damon, Victor Jouanneau et Franck Loiret de La Cinémathèque de Toulouse ainsi que leurs partenaires dans le projet de sauvegarde et de numérisation des films palestiniens : le ministère de la Culture palestinien, le Palestinian Cultural Fund, la Fondation Art Jameel et le Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem. Samir Arabi, Hugo Darroman, Khadijeh Habashneh, Rona Sela, Guilhem Delteil et Vanadis Feuille de RFI, Tarik Hamdan de MCD, Colette Berthès et Monica Maurer. Ainsi que Nathalie Laporte, Joe Farmer et Sophie Janin pour la voice-over. Musiques : The urgent call of Palestine, Zeinab Shaat Ounadikom, Ahmad Kaabour From Gaza with love, Saint Levant Films : Scène d'occupations à Gaza, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1973 They do not exist, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1974 Tall el-Zaatar, Mustafa Abu Ali, Adriano Pino et Jean Chamoun, 1977 Documentaires : Looted and Hidden - Palestinian Archives in Israel, Rona Sela, 2017 Ouvrages : La Palestine et le cinéma, de Guy Hennebelle et Khemaïs Khayati, Édition du Centenaire, 1977 Knights of Cinema, documentary narrative book on the story of Palestine Film Unit. From its beginning 1967 till 1982, de Khadijeh Habashneh, Alahlia Publishing house, 2020 Article : Toulouse, refuge des archives palestiniennes, sur Orient XXI Table ronde : Films palestiniens, archives en exil, organisée par la Cinémathèque de Toulouse et le festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie en 2024 Diaporama

Samer Sinijlawi, a Palestinian politician from the opposition inside Fatah, said the move to revoke the US visa of Palestinian Authority President Mahmud Abbas represented a diplomatic failure of the Palestinian leadership. Nevertheless, he told reporter Arieh O’Sullivan that the solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not go through the United States or United Nations, but by creating trust right here between the peoples. (photo: Majdi Mohamed/AP)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Marwan Barghouti has spent more than two decades in an Israeli prison. Yet, polls still place him as the most popular Palestinian leader, and a figure that many believe could unite Fatah and Hamas. Earlier this month, he was seen for the first time in years after far-right Israeli minister Itamar Ben-Gvir entered his cell and taunted him on camera. The footage sparked outrage, not least from his family. On this episode, we speak to his son Arab Barghouti about that moment, his father's enduring influence, and what the path to a Palestinian state looks like today.

Cuộc chiến tranh tại dải Gaza giữa quân đội Israel và lực lượng Hamas, bùng lên sau vụ tấn công khủng bố của Hamas trên đất Israel khiến hơn một nghìn người chết, và hơn 250 người bị bắt làm con tin, đã kéo dài gần hai năm. Vùng lãnh thổ rộng hơn 40 km² của người Palestine bị tàn phá tan hoang, khiến hàng chục nghìn người chết, hàng trăm nghìn người bị thương, đa số dân cư phải sống trong cảnh màn trời chiếu đất. Tuy nhiên, việc công nhận Nhà nước Palestine một lần nữa trở thành một vấn đề nóng bỏng của thời sự quốc tế. Nhiều nước châu Âu, tuyên bố công nhận Nhà nước Palestine. Nước Pháp dự kiến sẽ chính thức công nhận Palestine trong dịp Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc vào tháng 9/2025. Nhà nước Palestine là một trong những vấn đề chính trị quốc tế đương đại phức tạp bậc nhất. Tạp chí Tiêu điểm thời sự điểm lại một số diễn biến chính trong tiến trình tranh đấu vì một Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine. Nghị quyết LHQ năm 1947 về hai Nhà nước, thế giới Ả Rập không công nhận Về vấn đề Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine, ngày 29/11/1947 mà một cái mốc lịch sử. « Nghị quyết của ủy ban lâm thời của Liên Hiệp Quốc về vấn đề Palestine đã được thông qua với 33 phiếu thuận, 13 phiếu chống và 10 phiếu trắng. » Theo Nghị quyết 181 của Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc, vùng lãnh thổ gọi là xứ Palestine, nằm dọc bờ biển đông Địa Trung Hải, phía bắc là Liban và phía nam là Ai Cập hiện nay, sẽ được chia thành hai Nhà nước, một Nhà nước của người Ả Rập và một của người Do Thái, và một khu vực do quốc tế kiểm soát, bao gồm các thánh địa như Jerusalem và thành Bethleem. Theo nghị quyết 181 của Liên Hiệp Quốc, nước Anh, quốc gia được Hội Quốc Liên – tiền thân của Liên Hiệp Quốc - giao trách nhiệm bảo trợ cho vùng đất này từ năm 1922, sau khi đế chế Ottoman giải thể, sẽ phải rút khỏi Palestine vào cuối năm 1948. Nghị quyết về hai Nhà nước liên quan đến vùng đất lịch sử Palestine được coi là một nguyên tắc pháp lý căn bản của Liên Hiệp Quốc về « vấn đề Palestine ». Năm 2000, Hội đồng Bảo an Liên Hiệp Quốc đã thông qua nghị quyết 1397 tái khẳng định « giải pháp hai Nhà nước ». Tuy nhiên, nghị quyết 181 của Liên Hiệp Quốc đã không được thực thi đầy đủ. Ngày 14/05/1948, Nhà nước Israel của người Do Thái chính thức ra đời. Nhưng đã không có một Nhà nước của người Ả Rập. Các đụng độ bùng phát dữ dội giữa các cộng đồng người Ả Rập cư trú lâu đời tại xứ Palestine, với người Do Thái, trong đó có rất nhiều người đến từ châu Âu, đặc biệt sau các cuộc diệt chủng người Do Thái của chế độ Đức Quốc xã. Ước tính từ khoảng 800.000 người đến hơn 1 triệu người Ả Rập tại Palestine đã phải rời bỏ quê hương trong biến cố được gọi là « Nakba », tiếng Ả Rập có nghĩa là đại thảm họa. Năm 2023, lần đầu tiên Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc chính thức tổ chức kỷ niệm thường niên biến cố « Nakba ». Cho đến nay, theo Liên Hiệp Quốc, có hơn 4 triệu người là người Palestine tị nạn sau biến cố Nakba, hoặc hậu duệ của họ. Thế giới Ả Rập không công nhận nhà nước Do Thái. Cuộc chiến tranh Ả Rập – Do Thái đầu tiên bùng nổ vào năm 1949. Sau cuộc chiến tranh này Jordanie kiểm soát vùng Cisjordanie và Đông Jerusalem, dải Gaza thuộc quyền kiểm soát của Ai Cập. Cũng năm này, Liên Hiệp Quốc công nhận Nhà nước Israel. Hai mươi năm « bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử » Nếu như trước khi Nhà nước Do Thái ra đời, các cộng đồng người Ả Rập Palestine từng có một vị thế nhất định, thì sau thời điểm này, người Palestine hoàn toàn « bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử », như ghi nhận của chuyên gia Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, giáo sư danh dự các trường Đại học, chủ tịch Viện nghiên cứu về vùng Trung Đông Địa Trung Hải (IREMMO) với đài France Culture : « Trong suốt 20 năm đó – từ 1949 đến cuộc chiến 1967 - có thể nói rằng người Palestine đã bị đẩy ra khỏi ‘‘lịch sử'' hoặc bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử như người ta thường nói, và chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine – vốn đang hình thành - đã bị suy yếu nghiêm trọng. Những người mang tinh thần dân tộc chủ nghĩa Palestine vào thời điểm đó chính là những người Palestine đã rời khỏi vùng đất nơi Nhà nước Israel được thành lập. Đó là những người tị nạn, những người sẽ đến Liban, đến Jordanie. Có rất nhiều người tị nạn ở Jordanie. Họ cũng đến dải Gaza, nơi đang nằm dưới sự quản lý của Ai Cập của thời điểm đó. Điều này khiến dân số dải Gaza vào những năm 1949 - 1950 gồm đến 90% là người tị nạn, tức là những người có quê hương tại các vùng đất ở Palestine, cách đó chỉ 10, 30, 50, 100 km, tức rất gần, vì Gaza là một vùng lãnh thổ rất nhỏ, chỉ bằng hai, ba tỉnh của nước Pháp. Như vậy là người Palestine biến mất và trên bình diện quốc tế, người ta chỉ còn nói đến ‘‘vấn đề người tị nạn''. Người ta thậm chí không còn dùng đến từ “Palestine” nữa. Để lấy một ví dụ cụ thể, có thể dễ dàng kiểm chứng về mặt pháp lý : Đó là nghị quyết đầu tiên sau cuộc chiến tranh năm 1967, nghị quyết 242 tháng 11/1967. Đây là một nghị quyết quan trọng, nghị quyết đầu tiên sau cuộc chiến năm 1967. Nghị quyết này nói rằng các lãnh thổ đã chiếm đoạt phải được trả lại cho các quốc gia, và khi nói về người tị nạn, thì chỉ có một dòng về họ. Người ta thậm chí không dùng từ “Palestine”, mà chỉ yêu cầu có ‘‘một giải pháp công bằng'', chỉ một dòng đó mà thôi (un juste règlement du problème des réfugiés). Nói cách khác, người Palestine đã biến mất. » Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine ra đời dưới quyền kiểm soát của Ai Cập Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine PLO được thành lập chính thức vào năm 1964. Tuy nhiên, trong giai đoạn đầu, tổ chức mang tôn chỉ giải phóng Palestine phục vụ trước hết cho quyền lợi của một số thế lực Ả Rập trong khu vực, đặc biệt là nước Ai Cập của Nasser (một cường quốc trong khu vực, đặc biệt sau cuộc chiến thắng lợi trước liên minh Anh, Pháp và Israel nhằm kiểm soát kênh đào Suez năm 1956), và vương quốc Jordanie, kiểm soát vùng Cisjordanie của người Palestine. Chuyên gia Jean-Paul Chagnollaud nhận định : « Lãnh đạo Palestine Arafat, với việc thành lập tổ chức Fatah (phong trào giải phóng dân tộc Palestine) năm 1959, đã xuất hiện trong bối cảnh đó, một bối cảnh bị chi phối bởi lãnh đạo Ai Cập Nasser. Còn người dân vùng Cisjordanie bị chi phối bởi quan điểm chính thống về dân tộc Jordan, với những gia tộc lớn gần gũi với hoàng gia Jordanie, các thế lực kiểm soát các thành phố Cisjordanie. Trong toàn bộ giai đoạn này, việc khẳng định tinh thần dân tộc Palestine là điều gần như bất khả thi. Làm sao có thể làm cho người Palestine cảm thấy mình là một dân tộc đang hình thành sau tất cả những sự kiện đã làm cho họ bị phân mảnh, tan tác, bị đập nát theo cả nghĩa đen lẫn nghĩa bóng. Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine PLO được thành lập năm 1964. PLO được thành lập bởi ai ? Trong tổ chức này có người Palestine, nhưng PLO là do lãnh đạo Ai Cập Nasser lập ra, với sự ủng hộ của vua Jordanie Hussein. Tại sao họ lại thành lập PLO vào thời điểm đó ? Bởi vì họ biết rằng thực sự có một phong trào dân tộc đang manh nha, đang được xây dựng, đang định hình, đó là phong trào dân tộc chủ nghĩa Fatah, do Arafat lãnh đạo, từ đầu những năm 1960. Nasser không thể để mình bị vượt mặt. Và vì vậy, cần phải kiểm soát. Vậy làm sao để kiểm soát ? Bằng cách thành lập một tổ chức, Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine, với sứ mệnh lúc đó là xác lập sự thống nhất của các nước Ả Rập, trước khi lo chuyện Palestine. Khối Ả Rập thống nhất sẽ cho phép giải phóng Palestine, đó là cách người ta nói vào thời điểm đó. Trong kịch bản đó, PLO không phải là của người Palestine, mặc dù người đứng đầu PLO là Ahmad Shukeiri. Ông ấy là một người Palestine, nhưng là một người Palestine làm bình phong cho Nasser. Nhân vật này từng làm việc tại Liên đoàn Ả Rập với Nasser. Lập ra PLO thực sự là một việc chủ yếu do Ai Cập chủ trương để cố gắng kiểm soát tình hình, và họ đã thành công. » Cuộc chiến « Sáu ngày » 1967 : Thất bại của khối Ả Rập và sự trỗi dậy của chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine Năm 1967, cuộc chiến tranh thứ ba giữa các nước Ả Rập và Israel bùng nổ. Cuộc chiến chỉ kéo dài 6 ngày nhưng để lại các hệ quả lớn. Israel giành lại dải Gaza và vùng Cisjordanie, nhưng thất bại của khối Ả Rập, cũng để ngỏ cơ hội cho sự trỗi dậy của phong trào dân tộc Palestine với vai trò hàng đầu của nhà lãnh đạo Arafat. Giáo sư Jean-Paul Chagnollaud nhận định : « Đối với chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine, vốn bị kìm hãm bởi chủ nghĩa dân tộc Ả Rập, điều này đã mở ra những triển vọng mới. Chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine có thể nói đã nhanh chóng lấp đầy khoảng trống, đột ngột mở ra do thất bại hoàn toàn của các nước Ả Rập, do thảm họa năm 1967. Việc thay đổi lãnh thổ như vậy đã mang lại thay đổi địa-chính trị to lớn, và tiếp đó là sự suy yếu của chủ nghĩa dân tộc Ả Rập, đã mở rộng đường cho chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine và cho Arafat. Tôi có thể nói thêm một điều này : Nếu như năm 1964 PLO đã bị Ai Cập, Nasser và Ahmad Shukeiri thao túng, thì ngay sau cuộc chiến, tức là vào những năm 1968-1969, người Palestine đã giành quyền kiểm soát PLO. Kể từ tháng 2/1969, PLO đã thực sự trở thành tổ chức của người Palestine kể từ năm 1968. » Phong trào Intifada đầu tiên, PLO tuyên bố thành lập Nhà nước Palestine Phong trào PLO dưới sự lãnh đạo của Arafat, để hướng tới khẳng định quyền tự quyết dân tộc, quyền của một Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine, đã tiến hành cùng lúc hai cuộc chiến, cuộc tranh đấu vũ trang và cuộc tranh đấu về chính trị và ngoại giao. Năm 1974, Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc chính thức công nhận « quyền tự quyết » và « nền độc lập » của người Palestine, và công nhận vai trò quan sát viên của PLO tại Liên Hiệp Quốc.   Trong tiến trình tranh đấu của người Palestine, phong trào tranh đấu ôn hòa Intifada lần thứ nhất, bùng lên từ cuối năm 1987 trước hết tại Gaza, rồi lan rộng sang vùng Cisjordanie, có ý nghĩa đặc biệt quan trọng. Nhà nghiên cứu François Ceccaldi, đảm nhiệm môn lịch sử thế giới Ả Rập đương đại của Collège de France nhận định : « Phong trào Intifada là một giai đoạn lịch sử trong đó đã có rất nhiều biến chuyển, ít nhất là đã cho phép Arafat thay đổi phần nào chính sách của mình, thúc đẩy bởi những thành quả của phong trào Intifada và uy tín ngày càng tăng của tổ chức PLO. Ông đã quyết định thực hiện một chiến lược có thể gọi là tìm kiếm đồng thuận. Và ông đã đưa ra quyết định như vậy trong một cuộc họp của Hội đồng Quốc gia vào tháng 11/1988, tuyên bố Nhà nước Palestine độc lập với Jerusalem làm thủ đô. Arafat công nhận Nghị quyết 181 năm 1947 của Liên Hiệp Quốc, tức là kế hoạch phân chia đất đai xứ Palestine. Ông lên án việc sử dụng vũ lực. Đặc biệt là trong giai đoạn này, ông đã có hai bài phát biểu khá nổi tiếng tại Alger và Geneva năm 1988, và đặc biệt là bài phát biểu tại Geneva, có lẽ bị thúc đẩy bởi Mỹ. Đi xa hơn, trong một phiên họp của Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc tổ chức bất thường tại Genève năm 1988, Arafat công nhận hai nghị quyết 242 và 338 của Liên Hiệp Quốc và lên án hành động khủng bố. Điều quan trọng ở đây không phải là nội dung của các nghị quyết của Liên Hiệp Quốc, mà Arafat, cùng với ông phong trào dân tộc Paletine, cam kết hoặc chấp nhận tuân thủ pháp lý quốc tế và ngầm công nhận pháp lý này, do đó cũng ngầm công nhận Nhà nước Israel. Đương nhiên, điều này có những hệ quả khá quan trọng. Hai bài phát biểu tại Alger và Geneva cùng phong trào Intifada đã buộc Israel và Mỹ phải tái suy nghĩ về mối quan hệ với PLO, và mở đường cho các đàm phán Madrid rồi Oslo. » Các thỏa ước Oslo 1993 – 1995 với Israel : Nỗ lực dang dở Việc Tổ chức PLO của Arafat chuyển hẳn sang con đường tranh đấu khẳng định nền độc lập bằng biện pháp hòa bình đã dọn đường cho việc đúc kết với Israel hai thỏa ước Oslo, với sự bảo trợ của Mỹ. Thỏa ước Oslo I vào năm 1993 lập ra Cơ quan Quyền lực Palestine, dự kiến tồn tại cho đến năm 1999, sau khi một Nhà nước Palestine độc lập chính thức ra đời. Năm 1994, lãnh tụ Arafat lần đầu tiên trở về Palestine sau 27 năm sống lưu vong. Năm 1995, Israel và Arafat ra được thỏa ước Oslo II, chia vùng Cisjordanie làm ba phần, trong đó tiểu vùng A do người Palestine tự điều hành, tiểu vùng B, hai bên phối hợp quản lý, và vùng C dự kiến sẽ chuyển giao dần quyền quản lý do Palestine, nhưng Israel vẫn duy trì quân đội. Đọc thêm - Palestine – Israel: Hòa ước Oslo chết lâm sàng Các thỏa ước Oslo rút cục đã không dẫn đến việc thành lập một Nhà nước Palestine độc lập. Vì sao các thỏa ước Oslo thất bại, trả lời France Culture, nhà nghiên cứu François Ceccaldi, trường Collège de France, nêu bật một số lý do : « Thực ra có nhiều lý do, có lẽ đơn giản trước hết vì đây chỉ là một tuyên bố nguyên tắc như tên gọi của nó. Sau giai đoạn chuyển tiếp này, các vấn đề về ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'', là những vấn đề nhạy cảm nhất, sẽ phải được đàm phán. Tại sao đàm phán thất bại ? Tôi cảm thấy rằng có lẽ trong các hiệp định Oslo, có một số yếu tố có thể dự báo trước thất bại ngay từ đầu. Đương nhiên lúc ấy đa số đã ghi nhận hoặc ít nhất hy vọng rằng một nền hòa bình là có thể đạt được. Vào thời điểm đó, đã có một số ít người phản đối, tôi đặc biệt nghĩ đến nhà nghiên cứu Edward Said, là những người đã nhanh chóng nhìn thấy những khiếm khuyết của hiệp định này. Có lẽ cũng vì trong các hiệp định này, chẳng hạn về vấn đề nhà nước Palestine, người Palestine đã có một số cách hiểu khá mơ hồ. Tuyên bố nguyên tắc dự kiến thành lập ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'' sau giai đoạn chuyển tiếp 5 năm, dựa trên các nghị quyết 242 và 338. Trong diễn đạt mơ hồ về ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'' dựa trên nghị quyết 242 rõ ràng người Palestine đã thấy đó là việc thành lập một nhà nước trong các đường biên giới như trước cuộc chiến tranh năm 1967. Trên thực tế, vấn đề nhà nước Palestine đã không bao giờ được đề cập trực tiếp trong các hiệp định. Có rất nhiều sự mơ hồ mà tôi nghĩ là đặc trưng của tuyên bố mang tính nguyên tắc, cộng với tất cả những gì xảy ra từ năm 1993 đến 1999, 2000, cho thấy thực sự có một sự phá vỡ lòng tin dần dần giữa các bên.  Mối quan hệ tin cậy được cho là sẽ phải được xây dựng trong giai đoạn chuyển tiếp đã không xảy ra vì nhiều lý do, có lẽ vì cuối cùng là do việc xây dựng các khu định cư của người Do Thái không bao giờ ngừng, vì thủ tướng Israel Rabin - người cổ vũ cho các hiệp định – bị ám sát. Tổng thống Mỹ Clinton vào cuối nhiệm kỳ của mình đã cố gắng tổ chức một cuộc đàm phán cuối cùng giữa thủ tướng Israel Ehud Barak và lãnh đạo PLO Arafat, nhưng đã thất bại. » Nội bộ phương Tây ngày càng nghiêng về công nhận Palestine Đầu những năm 2000, tiến trình hướng đến một xứ sở Palestine độc lập có một số bước tiến, với việc quân đội Israel lần đầu tiên rút khỏi dải Gaza kể từ năm 1967. Tuy nhiên, tình hình thay đổi sau khi tổ chức Hồi giáo Hamas, không thừa nhận Israel và chủ trương dùng vũ lực, lên nắm quyền tại Gaza năm 2007 : Nội bộ Palestine chia rẽ sâu sắc. Việc Hamas kiểm soát Gaza đẩy người Palestine dấn sâu vào thế đối đầu một mất một còn với Israel. Con đường hướng đến hai nhà nước Palestine - Israel cùng tồn tại hòa bình, đã bắt đầu hé mở thời Arafat, ngày càng trở nên xa vời. Tuy nhiên, về mặt ngoại giao, nỗ lực của Cơ quan Quyền lực Palestine gặt hái một số thành công. Năm 2012, Liên Hiệp Quốc công nhận Palestine là « nhà nước quan sát viên không phải thành viên » Liên Hiệp Quốc. Năm 2024, Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc ra một nghị quyết mang tính biểu tượng, yêu cầu kết nạp Palestine làm thành viên chính thức. Điều không được chấp nhận do lá phiếu phủ quyết của Mỹ.  Kể từ tháng 5/2024, Palestine được Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc tiếp nhận gần như một thành viên chính thức của Liên Hiệp Quốc với vị trí được xếp theo thứ tự ABC, và được phép đề xuất các dự thảo nghị quyết, đồng chủ trì dự thảo nghị quyết (với 143 phiếu thuận, 9 phiếu chống và 25 vắng mặt). Theo chủ tịch Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc « những sự kiện kinh hoàng trong bảy tháng qua chỉ làm tăng thêm tính cấp bách của việc đạt được một giải pháp hòa bình công bằng, toàn diện và lâu dài cho tình hình ở Trung Đông » và con đường khả thi duy nhất dẫn đến hòa bình ở Trung Đông là thông qua giải pháp hai nhà nước. Cho đến nay, Palestine đã được hơn 140 quốc gia công nhận, vượt 2/3 số thành viên Liên Hiệp Quốc. Trong nội bộ các nước phương Tây, ngày càng nhiều nước coi việc công nhận Palestine là biện pháp cần thiết để thực thi « giải pháp hai nhà nước », đã được Liên Hiệp Quốc đề ra hồi 1947. Công nhận nhà nước Palestine là « điều kiện để bảo đảm an ninh cho Israel », như một tuyên bố của Hội đồng Châu Âu năm 1999. 

Opnieuw doen Amerika, Qatar en Egypte een poging om een staakt-het-vuren af te dwingen aan Israël en Hamas. En alweer draait het om de regie. Hamas wil een bestand in stadia, met uitlevering van de helft van de Israëlische gijzelaars, Israël wil een regeling in één keer: alle gijzelaars, alle op een lijst genoteerde Palestijnse gevangenen, terugtrekking van een deel van de krijgsmacht en ontwapening door Hamas. De zoveelste herhaling van zetten – een patstelling dus. Toch denkt Donald Trump dat een doorbraak binnen afzienbare termijn mogelijk is. Dat heeft ermee te maken dat hij nu, zoals veel anderen, boos begint te worden over de enorme hoeveelheid slachtoffers, maar ook omdat hij ziet hoe overweldigend groot de acties zijn die Israëliërs zelf tegen de oorlog voeren. Het verwaarlozen van de pogingen om de gijzelaars terug te krijgen en de voortgang van een niet winbare oorlog , eigenlijk alleen omdat de zeloten in het kabinet, Smotrich en Ben-Gvir, onvermurwbaar zijn en de oorlog willen voortzetten, leidt tot diepe verontwaardiging in binnen- en buitenland. Laten we de zaak eens omdraaien. Gesteld dat Netanyahu aan de kant wordt gezet en een regering aantreedt die gelooft in compromissen, een tweestaten oplossing en in de rechten van de Palestijnen – hoe en met wie zou die regering dan moeten onderhandelen? Palestina bestaat uit twee delen, Gaza en de Westoever, waarvan de machthebbers, Hamas en Fatah, elkaars vijanden zijn. Met Israël erbij, zijn er dus niet twee, maar drie staten. Het is een raadsel waarom de internationale gemeenschap zich daar niet veel meer op richt, met uitzondering van een aantal Arabische landen, die het duidelijkst pleiten voor één nieuw, gezamenlijk bestuur over beide delen van Palestina en ontwapening van Hamas. Als dat zou gebeuren, en er is één Palestina, kan Israël daarmee aan de slag. Dan nog is er een lange weg te gaan, en het zal niet meevallen om de Israëlische zeloten die nu de koers bepalen op een zijspoor te zetten. Hetzelfde geldt voor Hamas – over zeloten gesproken. Voordat die de wapens inlevert en, zoals in Ierland is gebeurd met Sinn Fein en de IRA, het terrorisme afzweert en transformeert tot een politieke partij, stroomt er nog veel water door de Jordaan. Toch is het streven daarnaar heel wat nuttiger dan dat de rest van wereld elkaar in de haren vliegt over de definitie van genocide, of een demissionair kabinet laat vallen over sancties. Want daar – pun intended – win je de oorlog niet mee.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's newest podcast series, Friday Focus. Each Friday, join host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. This Friday, we present a third installment of our August mini-series centering on the 2005 Disengagement from Gaza, following a zoom-out conversation with public intellectual Dr. Micah Goodman and a personal account of life in Gush Katif by former Nezer Hazani resident Anita Tucker. This week, we hear from Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, who shares the perspective of Palestinians within the Gaza Strip and the ripple effect felt there after the Disengagement. Alkhatib, who left the Strip for the United States as a high school pupil in 2005, leads Realign For Palestine, an Atlantic Council project that challenges entrenched narratives in the Israel and Palestine discourse. He is an outspoken critic of Hamas, who writes and speaks about Gaza’s political and humanitarian affairs at a variety of international media outlets. We hear about Alkhatib's childhood in Gaza City and the few experiences he had with the Jewish Gush Katif residents. We learn about how, at age 17, Alkhatib became one of the first Palestinians to receive asylum in the US following the rise of Hamas in the Strip. Alkhatib describes the seeds of Hamas and how it became emboldened through the tacit encouragement of Israel. Today, he says, the terror group is so entangled with the civilian population that uprooting it is virtually impossible without any other alternative on the horizon. He looks back at the wasted opportunity of the Disengagement. "This is a thread that we had and could have grabbed onto and done something with," he tells The Times of Israel. Friday Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Palestinian police set up Palestinian and Fatah flags on top of a synagogue in the former Jewish settlement of Neve Dekalim in the southern Gaza Strip, September 12, 2005. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, File)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Pivotal PATH Podcast - Join me as I discuss my pivotal turning point that catapulted me on the pathway to entrepreneurialism and my global crowning as the ‘Queen of Manifestation'. The best advice that I ever received on the beginning of my entrepreneurial path, was from my mentor, who was at least 40 years older than me, as he explained that the road to complete entrepreneurial success is the marriage of the inner work and the external work. Amazingly, I learned that the 80/20 rule is:- work on the inside, that's the 80%, then add the external 20%. I needed to change my inner reality! That's how I started on the pathway to working with purpose. Conditioning and rewiring myself from the inside out. In my latest podcast:                    Regan Hillyer - Manifestation Needs Action & Alignment We discuss the journey of establishing, building and scaling businesses in alignment with purpose. The skill of re-writing the unconscious mind to transform your inner reality. And, embracing the energy of energetics and resonance of frequency.  Join me as I dive deep into the concepts of surrendered manifestation, energetic alignment, and the importance of being in flow rather than constantly grinding and burning out. We talk about the importance of integrity, authenticity and purpose, and listening to your ‘gut' in your working life. Surrendered manifestation, allowing the universe to come through to you, rather than controlled, manufactured manifestation where you are manipulating the outcomes. Getting out of the way of yourself. I also outline my different business models and ventures, that all resonate with my authenticity and my purpose. I discuss these businesses, their rationale and their why. “Manifestation is the fusion of the art, the science and the magic of effectively translating something that is unseen, or ethereal - an idea, a vision, a dream, a prayer and translating that through you, into the physical reality, so that it is actually there in your life” - Regan Hillyer Listen to my latest podcast for more of these gems!  Enjoy! I love you!  And remember, You absolutely can have it all! Regan x  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0dQszSMliVA Alan Skorski had the opportunity to interview the foremost expert on Islamism and the Arab world, Dr. Mordechai Kedar. Dr. Kedar also served for 25 years in the IDF Military Intelligence Unit specializing in Syria, Arab political discourse, Arab mass media, Islamic groups, and Israeli Arabs. As someone who is fluent in Arabic, Dr. Kedar is often invited onto Arab and Muslim news programs to give his perspective on the news of the day, especially during times of war and conflict. 30 years ago, Dr. Kedar proposed the “8-state” solution to address the Israeli conflict with those Arabs identifying as Palestinian, having recognized what most of the world refused to, that there can never be and will never be a “2 -State solution” with any faction or offshoot of the PLO or Fatah. In the interview, Skorski reminded the audience that we are coming up on 700 days since the Hamas Muslim Brotherhood slaughtered over 1200 Israeli citizens and kidnapped over 250 innocent hostages on October 7, 2023. Since then, the IDF has surgically crushed the infrastructures in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran. The media and so-called “humanitarian groups,” have focused all their attention on Gaza, accusing Israel of war crimes and genocide for allegedly withholding food from Gaza's civilians. In response, the morally bankrupt leaders in Europe, led by France and Britain, and followed by Canada, have threatened to recognize “Palestine” as some sort of punishment against Israel. These leaders claim that only a “2-state” solution will lead to peace and security. Never mind that the Palestinian Authority has rejected every offer made to them, and that Gaza was an independent state, NO PALESTINIAN leader is even calling for “2 states.” From the River to the Sea, opposes 2 states. There is only solution, intifada Revolution rejects 2 states. YET, Europe, western media, and many Democrats in America are calling for a “Palestine” that Palestinians don't want. In early July, the Wall Street Journal reported that Sheikh Wadee' al-Jaabari and four other prominent clan leaders from Hebron had signed a letter pledging peace and full recognition of Israel as a Jewish state. Their plan: Hebron would secede from the Palestinian Authority, establish an independent emirate, and join the Abraham Accords. With this news report, Dr. Kedar's 30 year-old prophecy resurfaced with renewed interest for his “8-state” solution, which would cut out the Palestinian terrorist leadership, and replace them with Arab tribal leaders to rule over themselves in designated Arab-run territories. Dr. Kedar cited Countries where clans have their own separate autonomy are more successful. We see this in countries such as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait, that have economic stability, safety, law, and order. These countries, by no coincidence, are run by clans: al-Sabah (Kuwait), al-Thani (Qatar), al-Nahayan (Abu Dhabi), al-Saud (Saudi Arabia), al-Hashem (Jordan), and so on. Compare these to the Arab countries where the clans are in disarray, such as Syria, Libya, Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran. Dr. Kedar is the Vice President of a recently launched App, News-Rael that gives up to the minute accurate news items about Israel and the Middle East. Alan Skorski Reports 11AUG2025 - PODCAST

Send us a textSamer Sinijlawi is a Palestinian activist from Jerusalem and a former Fatah youth leader who spent five years in Israeli prison during the First Intifada. He now chairs the Jerusalem Development Fund and advocates for a pragmatic two-state solution. Sinijlawi urges Palestinians to take the lead in building trust and dialogue with Israelis.Get in touch with Samer: https://x.com/SSinijlawi---------------------------------Want more than just watching?Connect with Israelis, Palestinians, and global voices having real conversations every day - https://discord.gg/MSTfuhnj8S Socials: https://linktr.ee/adarwSupport the Show: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/sulhaPayPal: https://paypal.me/AdarW?locale.x=en_USSupport the show

Ils sont 10 800 prisonniers palestiniens détenus dans les prisons israéliennes, d'après plusieurs ONG palestiniennes de défense des droits de l'homme comme Addameer et Palestinian Prisoner's society. C'est le chiffre le plus élevé depuis la seconde intifada dans les années 2000. Les arrestations se sont multipliées depuis le 7-Octobre. Et le début de la guerre à Gaza, les conditions de détention se sont largement dégradées d'après les prisonniers eux-mêmes : plus de droit de visite de l'entourage, des conditions d'hygiène déplorables, et des gardiens de prison particulièrement violents... Écoutez le témoignage d'Hossam Shaheen, libéré en février lors d'un échange de prisonniers conclu pendant l'accord de trêve à Gaza. Hossam, qui a passé 21 ans dans une prison israélienne, raconte un basculement dans l'horreur après le 7 octobre 2023 et les attaques du Hamas : « Ils ont commencé à nous traiter comme des combattants sur le terrain, pas comme des prisonniers dans les cellules. Avant le 7-Octobre, c'était différent, il y avait un respect mutuel. » Il décrit des coups assénés par les gardiens et des conditions d'hygiène déplorables. « J'ai attrapé la gale pendant six mois, je ne pouvais pas dormir du tout. J'étais coincé dans ma peau. J'ai eu une inflammation, ma jambe gauche a enflé », témoigne-t-il. Il assure n'avoir reçu aucun traitement durant six mois : « Les gardes m'ont demandé quelle jambe me faisait souffrir. Je leur ai montré, j'ai étiré ma jambe au sol, et ils ont sauté dessus. Cette fois-là, je demandais à Dieu "S'il vous plait, plongez-moi dans le coma". Je voulais éviter cette douleur », raconte-t-il. Sa jambe noircit, il craint la septicémie et obtient finalement une chirurgie. « Ils ont fait l'opération sans anesthésie pendant 20 minutes, les plus difficiles de toute ma vie, se souvient cet ancien chef des jeunesses du Fatah, qui décrit toutes sortes de sévices. Je suis désolé de vous le dire, mais une fois, ils m'ont mis des coups dans les testicules. Ils les ont saisies, les ont serrées et m'ont traîné sur deux ou trois mètres, j'ai cru que j'allais mourir. » Il savait que son quotidien serait différent après le 7-Octobre, mais ne s'attendait pas à un tel déchaînement de violence : « J'ai passé 21 ans en prison. Quel est le lien entre moi et ce qui s'est passé à Gaza ? C'est une revanche. L'humiliation, absolument partout dans la prison. Depuis le premier jour, tout a complètement changé, comme s'ils attendaient ce moment. » Hossam, qui se définit comme prisonnier politique, porte un regard différent sur l'avenir après sa détention : « Je suis une des personnes qui pensaient qu'un jour, on trouverait une solution à ce conflit. Mais après le 7-Octobre, toute cette provocation, cette revanche dont j'ai parlé, je n'ai plus cet espoir qu'il y aura une solution politique bientôt. » De son côté, l'administration pénitentiaire israélienne dit ne pas être au courant de telles violences et assure que les droits fondamentaux des prisonniers sont garantis. À lire aussiGuerre Israël-Iran: «Nous craignons vraiment pour la vie des prisonniers en Iran»

Ils sont 10 800 prisonniers palestiniens détenus dans les prisons israéliennes, d'après plusieurs ONG palestiniennes de défense des droits de l'homme comme Addameer et Palestinian Prisoner's society. C'est le chiffre le plus élevé depuis la seconde intifada dans les années 2000. Les arrestations se sont multipliées depuis le 7-Octobre. Et le début de la guerre à Gaza, les conditions de détention se sont largement dégradées d'après les prisonniers eux-mêmes : plus de droit de visite de l'entourage, des conditions d'hygiène déplorables, et des gardiens de prison particulièrement violents... Écoutez le témoignage d'Hossam Shaheen, libéré en février lors d'un échange de prisonniers conclu pendant l'accord de trêve à Gaza. Hossam, qui a passé 21 ans dans une prison israélienne, raconte un basculement dans l'horreur après le 7 octobre 2023 et les attaques du Hamas : « Ils ont commencé à nous traiter comme des combattants sur le terrain, pas comme des prisonniers dans les cellules. Avant le 7-Octobre, c'était différent, il y avait un respect mutuel. » Il décrit des coups assénés par les gardiens et des conditions d'hygiène déplorables. « J'ai attrapé la gale pendant six mois, je ne pouvais pas dormir du tout. J'étais coincé dans ma peau. J'ai eu une inflammation, ma jambe gauche a enflé », témoigne-t-il. Il assure n'avoir reçu aucun traitement durant six mois : « Les gardes m'ont demandé quelle jambe me faisait souffrir. Je leur ai montré, j'ai étiré ma jambe au sol, et ils ont sauté dessus. Cette fois-là, je demandais à Dieu "S'il vous plait, plongez-moi dans le coma". Je voulais éviter cette douleur », raconte-t-il. Sa jambe noircit, il craint la septicémie et obtient finalement une chirurgie. « Ils ont fait l'opération sans anesthésie pendant 20 minutes, les plus difficiles de toute ma vie, se souvient cet ancien chef des jeunesses du Fatah, qui décrit toutes sortes de sévices. Je suis désolé de vous le dire, mais une fois, ils m'ont mis des coups dans les testicules. Ils les ont saisies, les ont serrées et m'ont traîné sur deux ou trois mètres, j'ai cru que j'allais mourir. » Il savait que son quotidien serait différent après le 7-Octobre, mais ne s'attendait pas à un tel déchaînement de violence : « J'ai passé 21 ans en prison. Quel est le lien entre moi et ce qui s'est passé à Gaza ? C'est une revanche. L'humiliation, absolument partout dans la prison. Depuis le premier jour, tout a complètement changé, comme s'ils attendaient ce moment. » Hossam, qui se définit comme prisonnier politique, porte un regard différent sur l'avenir après sa détention : « Je suis une des personnes qui pensaient qu'un jour, on trouverait une solution à ce conflit. Mais après le 7-Octobre, toute cette provocation, cette revanche dont j'ai parlé, je n'ai plus cet espoir qu'il y aura une solution politique bientôt. » De son côté, l'administration pénitentiaire israélienne dit ne pas être au courant de telles violences et assure que les droits fondamentaux des prisonniers sont garantis. À lire aussiGuerre Israël-Iran: «Nous craignons vraiment pour la vie des prisonniers en Iran»

Hall of Fame Nominierung von Martin: https://www.football-hall-of-fame.de/kandidaten/ ---- 00:00 ELF-Teams gründen EFA 13:50 Berlin Thunder kämpfen ums überleben 20:15 Shuan Fatah Teil 2: Wohin entwickelt sich EU Football? 41:50 ELF & GFL Spieltags Rückblick & Ausblick ---- Infos zu unserer Kooperation mit der "German Football Academy": - Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/germanfootball_academy - Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61555741196921 - TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@germanfootball.ac -- Kontaktiere Martin direkt: mailto:info@martin-hanselmann.de -- Kontaktier uns (Johannes & Martin) per Mail: mailto:football.hautnah@martin-hanselmann.de -- Schicke uns gerne deine Fragen. Kontaktiere uns hier (auch via Sprachnachricht) & weitere Infos zu Martin und Johannes oder dem CTK Sportpark: https://linktr.ee/footballhautnah ----- Musik von ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Gvidon⁠⁠⁠⁠

En Gaza, dos modelos de poder chocan: las shuras islamistas de Hamas y la Yihad Islámica Palestina, y el sistema tradicional de clanes. Las shuras, basadas en la consulta pero jerárquicas, unifican a líderes políticos, militares y religiosos bajo una misma ideología, lo que les ha permitido consolidar su dominio, coordinar acciones contra Israel y asegurar financiamiento de potencias como Irán y Catar. Sin embargo, su rigidez las lleva a excluir a rivales como Fatah o clanes disidentes, perpetuando el conflicto y dependiendo de actores externos. Por otro lado, los clanes, con sus redes locales, resuelven disputas rápidamente, mantienen el comercio informal bajo el bloqueo,, y actúan con pragmatismo, incluso colaborando con Israel cuando les conviene. Pero su falta de unidad los hace vulnerables a la cooptación y los deja sin un proyecto político común.Los intentos de integrar ambos sistemas han fracasado: Hamas no está dispuesto a ceder poder, y los clanes desconfían de su autoritarismo. Mientras tanto, los actores regionales prefieren negociar con Hamas por su estructura centralizada. Así, Gaza sigue atrapada: las shuras imponen orden, pero ahondan el aislamiento, mientras los clanes garantizan la supervivencia día a día, pero sin futuro colectivo. Sin un cambio drástico — ya sea por presión externa o una revuelta interna —esta división seguirá condenando a los palestinos de Gaza al mismo callejón sin salida.Radio Sefarad

00:00 Was ist bei Shuan gerade los? 13:15 Finanzielle Unsicherheit als Vollzeit Head Coach? 27:30 Wie wichtig ist commitment? 38:30 Wie hat sich der Football entwickelt in Deutschland? 01:05:45 ELF & GFL Spieltagsrückblick -- Hall of Fame Nominierung von Martin: https://www.football-hall-of-fame.de/kandidaten/ ---- Infos zu unserer Kooperation mit der "German Football Academy": - Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/germanfootball_academy - Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61555741196921 - TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@germanfootball.ac -- Kontaktiere Martin direkt: mailto:info@martin-hanselmann.de -- Kontaktier uns (Johannes & Martin) per Mail: mailto:football.hautnah@martin-hanselmann.de -- Schicke uns gerne deine Fragen. Kontaktiere uns hier (auch via Sprachnachricht) & weitere Infos zu Martin und Johannes oder dem CTK Sportpark: https://linktr.ee/footballhautnah ----- Musik von ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Gvidon⁠⁠⁠⁠

La Guardia Revolucionaria de Irán anunció este lunes el inicio de la Operación "Bendición de Fatah" contra la base estadounidense de Al-Udeid en Qatar.

Après «Palestine, le discours historique de Yasser Arafat à l'ONU», La Marche du monde vous invite à découvrir cette semaine «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire signé Maxime Grember.  Entre 1968 et 1982, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali et d'autres professionnels du cinéma vont réaliser des dizaines de films sous l'égide de l'Unité cinéma, une structure de production audiovisuelle liée au Fatah. Passant du fusil à la caméra, ils vont raconter en images la lutte du peuple palestinien, diffuser leurs films dans les camps de réfugiés et tenter ainsi de construire une mémoire visuelle palestinienne. Mais quelle histoire se cache derrière cette filmographie militante née dans les mois qui ont suivi la guerre des six jours de 1967 ? Qu'est-ce que ces films nous racontent du mouvement révolutionnaire palestinien et de la guerre contre l'État d'Israël ? Et enfin, que nous disent-ils du rapport que le peuple palestinien entretient avec sa propre histoire ? Le 15 juin 1969, dans une interview accordée au journal britannique The Sunday Times, Golda Meir, alors cheffe du gouvernement israélien, déclare, deux ans après la guerre des Six jours qui avait donné à son pays le contrôle de l'ensemble des territoires palestiniens : « Les Palestiniens n'ont jamais existé. Comment pourrions-nous rendre les territoires occupés ? Il n'y a personne à qui les rendre ». En réponse à cette provocation, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974 le documentaire They do not exist, pour insister sur le manque de soutien et de visibilité de la part de la communauté internationale. L'histoire du cinéma palestinien pourrait véritablement prendre sa source dans ce déni d'existence car c'est bel et bien à partir de 1968 qu'une Unité cinéma va se créer et que des hommes et des femmes vont documenter en images les luttes, les souffrances et les multiples déplacements que le peuple palestinien connait depuis la Nakba de 1948. «Il n'y avait plus de rues, plus de magasins, plus d'écoles. Tout avait été détruit. Donc, l'idée était de construire un film à partir de cette phrase de Golda Meir «They do not exist». Alors Mustafa s'est dit : s'ils n'existent pas, ceux que vous bombardez, ce sont des fantômes ?». Khadijeh Habashneh, cinéaste et archiviste du cinéma palestinien, s'exprime au sujet du film They do not exist que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974. En 1973, Mustafa Abu Ali réalise Scène d'occupations à Gaza, un film emblématique de l'Unité cinéma. Ne pouvant pas se rendre dans la bande de Gaza, sous contrôle israélien depuis 1967, il va réaliser son film à partir d'un reportage fait pour la télévision française et pour lequel il arrive à se procurer les images. Avec son nouveau montage, il veut attester en images de la souffrance endurée par le peuple gazaoui. «Mustafa Abu Ali va utiliser les moyens que le cinéma met à sa disposition, c'est-à-dire qu'il va transformer la bande son, ajouter une voix off, de la musique. Il va figer l'image sur le regard d'un des hommes palestiniens qui est contrôlé, et rajouter en insert une image d'une grenade sur un fond rouge. À travers cela, il essaye de signifier que ce jeune homme porte en lui toutes les marques de la lutte.». Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, s'exprime au sujet du film Scènes d'occupation à Gaza que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1973. L'ensemble de ces films seront montrés dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens, mais aussi à l'étranger, dans des festivals ou dans des réseaux de solidarité, afin de faire connaître la cause palestinienne et aussi mettre en place des coproductions, comme ce sera le cas en 1977 avec l'Italie pour le documentaire Tall-al-Zaatar consacré aux massacres ayant eu lieu dans le camp de réfugiés palestiniens dans l'est de Beyrouth. Au total, près d'une centaine de reportages et de documentaires seront produits par l'unité cinéma du Fatah, d'abord installé à Amman jusqu'en 1970, puis à Beyrouth jusqu'en 1982 où une cinémathèque s'était constituée autour de cette collection. Mais, en 1982, lors de l'invasion israélienne au Liban, une partie du patrimoine culturel palestinien va être spolié, et les archives filmiques, un temps cachées dans Beyrouth, vont également disparaître au milieu des années 80. Depuis les années 2000, Khadijeh Habashneh, déjà à l'œuvre à Beyrouth entre 1976 et 1982 aux côtés de son mari Mustafa Abu Ali, tente de remettre la main sur des copies de ces films, et de trouver les partenariats et les conditions nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent être conservés et à nouveau montrés au public. C'est finalement à la Cinémathèque de Toulouse, l'une des plus importantes de France, connue pour la richesse de ses collections venant du monde entier, qu'une partie des films palestiniens vont trouver refuge en 2023. Retour sur une production cinématographique méconnue, une histoire d'archives en exil, d'images manquantes, et d'une certaine idée du cinéma comme moyen de résistance et de représentation d'un peuple par lui-même. «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire de La marche du monde, signé Maxime Grember, produit par Valérie Nivelon, réalisé par Sophie Janin, aux sons des archives filmiques palestiniennes. Avec les témoignages de : Samir Arabi, programmateur du festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie, Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, auteur d'une thèse sur le cinéma de la révolution palestinienne, Khadijeh Habashneh, archiviste, cinéaste et psychologue, Franck Loiret, directeur de la Cinémathèque de Toulouse. Rona Sela, chercheuse en histoire visuelle à l'Université de Tel Aviv. Remerciements à : Francesca Bozzano, Nicolas Damon, Victor Jouanneau et Franck Loiret de La Cinémathèque de Toulouse ainsi que leurs partenaires dans le projet de sauvegarde et de numérisation des films palestiniens : le ministère de la Culture palestinien, le Palestinian Cultural Fund, la Fondation Art Jameel et le Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem. Samir Arabi, Hugo Darroman, Khadijeh Habashneh, Rona Sela, Guilhem Delteil et Vanadis Feuille de RFI, Tarik Hamdan de MCD, Colette Berthès et Monica Maurer. Ainsi que Nathalie Laporte, Joe Farmer et Sophie Janin pour la voice-over. Musiques : The urgent call of Palestine, Zeinab Shaat Ounadikom, Ahmad Kaabour From Gaza with love, Saint Levant. Films : Scène d'occupations à Gaza, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1973 They do not exist, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1974 Tall el-Zaatar, Mustafa Abu Ali, Adriano Pino et Jean Chamoun, 1977. Documentaires : Looted and Hidden - Palestinian Archives in Israel, Rona Sela, 2017 Ouvrages : « La Palestine et le cinéma », de Guy Hennebelle et Khemaïs Khayati, Édition du Centenaire, 1977 « Knights of Cinema» Documentary Narrative Book on the story of Palestine Film Unit. From its beginning 1967 till 1982 », de Khadijeh Habashneh, Alahlia Publishing house, 2020. Article : Toulouse, refuge des archives palestiniennes, sur Orient XXI. Table ronde : Films palestiniens, archives en exil, organisée par la Cinémathèque de Toulouse et le festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie en 2024. Diaporama

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Emile Habibi, Leila Khaled, and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were still the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah, although the Left has lost much of its influence in the period since then. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our final episode examines the framework of the Oslo Accords and, as Hamas became the main force articulating opposition, the response of the Left. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

(0:00) Intro(0:12) Hajj se mutaliq Qur'ani aayat(0:38) Arafah Day ka bayan(0:50) Nabi ﷺ ka farman(0:58) Hajj ke 2 arkaan(1:22) Islam ka intihai daur(2:22) Islam ka ibtidaai daur(5:15) Islam vs Qabar parast, aazadi pasand, aur apni marzi ka deen(6:48) Islam: Allah ka pasandeeda deen(7:37) Nabi ﷺ ki hijrat aur great vision(8:52) Fatah-e-Makkah(9:12) Hajja tul Wida(9:28) Arafah mein rush(9:57) Abdullah bin Umar RA ka waqia(10:16) Nabi ﷺ ke daur mein Hajj ka rush(10:27) Khutba Hajja tul Wida likhne ki taakeed(11:34) Khutba Hajja tul Wida ke aham nukat(11:53) Kisi cheez ko uske opposite se samajhna(14:11) Zamana-e-Jahiliyat kaisa tha?(15:39) Sahih Bukhari/Muslim: Baiti se nafrat khatam karnay wali hadis(17:44) Hazrat Umar RA ka qoul(17:59) Western society vs Muslim society(19:50) Humanity First slogan ka jawab(20:56) Allah ke ehkam aur molviyon par tanqeed(21:59) Rishton ke naam par haqooq, tehzeeb ke thekedaar(24:04) Islam mein haqooq ki tafseel(25:30) Sahabi RA ka waqia: Mulazim se salook(27:10) Allah ka haqq aur uske ehsanat ki fehrist(28:34) Arafah ke din Darwin's theory se tauba(29:13) Allah ki muhabbat ka graph(32:18) Allah ki hum se demand(32:48) Arafah ke din behayai se tauba(34:32) Mufti sb ka viral bayan(35:45) Madad sirf Allah se(36:40) Allah ke qawaneen(37:11) Arafah ke din tamam gunahon se tauba(37:26) Badd akhlaq shohr(38:55) Khush akhlaq air hostess (Saeed Anwar ka waqia)(40:39) Sawab vs paisa(41:23) Harmful wives(42:05) Harmless wives(42:18) Walidain ke saath behtareen salook(43:55) Biwi, bachon se salook(44:18) Sila rehmi ka hukam (Memes on sila rehmi in

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Emile Habibi, Leila Khaled, and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were still the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah, although the Left has lost much of its influence in the period since then. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our fifth episode focuses on the period from the First Intifada, arguably the high-point of the Palestinian left-wing movement, to the Oslo Accords. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

Samer joined the Fatah party in Palestine at the early age of 14 during the first Intifada. At the age of 15, he was arrested and had to spend 5 years in jail in Israel. After his prison sentence, Samer was elected as international secretary for the Fatah Youth. He was later elected as a head of International and Israeli relations on the Fatah Supreme Committee. For over 35 years, Samer has worked tirelessly to build bridges, engage in dialogue, and fight for a future where Israelis and Palestinians recognize each other's humanity. Samer hopes to end suffering as a political weapon to spread the courage to feel each other's pain and to find a path to lasting peace for both Israel and Palestine.Twitter: https://x.com/SSinijlawiInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/ssinijlawi/

Ein Gerücht hält sich hartnäckig: dass Robert irgendetwas mit Geheimdiensten zu tun gehabt haben soll. Ist es denkbar, dass er für einen oder mehrere Geheimdienste als Informant gearbeitet hat? Es stellt sich heraus, dass Robert gute Kontakte zum Geheimdienst der Fatah hatte. Und eins ist sicher: In Beirut waren viele Spione aktiv, Beirut war in den 70ern und 80ern auch als „Stadt der Geheimdienste“ bekannt. Kilian Pfeffer versucht in dieser Folge zu klären, was an den Gerüchten dran ist – und ob es eine Verbindung zu dem Mord gibt. Ihr habt Feedback, Kritik oder kanntet Robert Pfeffer? Dann schreibt uns unter RobertPfefferPodcast@swr3.de Bei “Zwei Schüsse ins Herz – Warum musste mein Onkel sterben?” gibt es ab sofort alle Folgen in der ARD Audiothek und wöchentlich jeweils eine neue Folge überall sonst, wo es Podcasts gibt. Und hier noch ein Tipp zum Weiterhören: “Berlin Code - aus dem ARD-Hauptstadtstudio mit Linda Zervakis” https://www.ardaudiothek.de/sendung/berlin-code-aus-dem-ard-hauptstadtstudio-mit-linda-zervakis/14053111/

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We examine the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. Our fourth episode focuses on the movement's turn to Lebanon, where Palestinian radicals found a new base and hoped to launch a wider Arab revolution. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

(0:00) Intro(0:46) Aayaat from Surah Ma'arij(1:14) Aaj ka Topic — War, Armed Forces & Pakistan's Future(1:55) Pakistan Army ke liye Negative Thinking(2:34) Mufti Sahab is Fatah par khush kyun hue?(3:54) Pakistan Army par lagay tamaam ilzamat ka jawab(4:56) Musharraf ki ghalti ki talafi(6:21) Army morale down karne wale comments aur MTM ki depression(8:15) Fauji ka haath choomne par Mufti Abdul Raheem sb par aitraaz(9:32) Enemy ka attack ka tareeqa(10:00) Jahil Pakistani awaam ka masla(11:07) Wagah Border par Mufti sb ka 3rd visit — Infantry Colonel's appreciation(14:12) India Media vs Pakistan ISPR(16:45) ISPR bayan par comments(17:04) War days mein Mufti sb inactive kyun rahe?(18:40) India ne civilians par attack kyun kiya?(19:32) Is war ka duniya bhar mein Pakistan ka message(21:49) MTM ke mobile mein memes(24:25) Pakistan ki azeem fatah(25:44) BBC ki war report(26:27) Extremism ki wajah Pakistan mein(26:57) Ab humein kya karna chahiye?(28:10) Pakistan atomic power kaise bana?(29:04) Pakistan Pilots ka jazba-e-shahadat(31:12) Pakistan Army proved best globally — MTM ki Modi se umeed(31:42) Mufti sb ki taraf se mubarakbaad & Indians ke liye paigham(33:10) Pakistani shuhada vs kafiron ke janazay(33:56) Shuhada ko Qur'ani aayaat se tasalli(35:51) Hafiz-e-Qur'an aur Tahajjud guzar Army Chief Asim Munir ka “Bunyan ul Marsoos” vs India's “Sindoor” operation(41:26) Pakistan ke weapons(41:53) Is fatah ke baad India Army ki beizzati globally(43:25) Fatah par Allah ka hukm(44:29) Brigadier dost ne late attack ki wajah batayi(45:13) US kab involve hua?(45:35) Pakistan ghareeb hai lekin Ghairat pe compromise nahi(48:08) Pakistan ka Aain(50:58) MTM's judicial divorce law efforts(53:06) University mein bayan se Mufti sb ka inkar(54:44) Asri taleem mein mahol ka asar(57:01) Pakistan mein Islam abhi tak kyun nahi?(1:00:12) Islamisation in Pakistan(1:05:53) MTM's message to Modi & Indian Muslims

प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने की NSA अजित डोभाल के साथ बैठक, राहुल गांधी मीटिंग के लिए पीएमओ पहुंचे, रूसी राष्ट्रपति पुतिन ने भारत आने का निमंत्रण किया स्वीकार, केंद्रीय वित्त मंत्री निर्मला सीतारमण ने इटली में एशियन डेवलपमेंट बैंक के अध्यक्ष से की मुलाकात, पाकिस्तान ने किया FATAH मिसाइल का सफल प्रशिक्षण, मोहम्मद शमी को मिली जान से मारने की धमकी और IPL में आज सनराइजर्स हैदराबाद का सामना दिल्ली कैपिटल्स से. सिर्फ 5 मिनट में सुनिए शाम 7 बजे तक की बड़ी खबरें.

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. The podcast examines the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We also look at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. In our third episode, we discuss two of the most prominent figures associated with Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine: Ghassan Kanafani and Leila Khaled. Get a digital subscription to Jacobin for just $1, or $10 for the print magazine, by following this link: https://jacobin.com/subscribe/?code=MAYDAY2025 Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

La W conversó con Munther al-Hayek, portavoz de Fatah en Gaza, el partido que lidera la Autoridad Nacional Palestina y que gobierna Cisjordania, facción rival de Hamás.

Guðjón var einungis 26 ára gamall þegar hann greindist með MS.

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian Left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We'll be looking at the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We'll also be looking at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. This second episode examines the left-wing movement that took shape under the banner of the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the role of figures such as George Habash and Nayef Hawatmeh. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

We recommend watching this episode on video, on our YouTube channel. You can find it here:Shopping in the Souks of Marrakech: An Insider's Tour!----If you want to see what it's like visiting the souk, going into a real artisan shop: the sales pitch, the bartering, the valuable information and explanations, the language barriers and yet finding common ground and understanding - this will be an eye-opening episode.Azdean tours the souk of Marrakech, and visits two artisan craft workshops. Our camera crew was there to document the entire experience.He starts with the artisan wool shop, in fact a cooperative that provides hand-dyed wool for the women's cooperatives that we've featured on the podcast. You'll see the different types of coloring, in powder form, and watch as the wool master adds a few little drops of water to make it transform into a vibrant indigo blue.We go from the initial stages of steaming and spin drying to seeing the finished product: pashmina shawls, scarves, pillow cases, carpets, hand bags and more. Azdean tries on a Saharan turban, designed for keeping out sand while you're on your camel crossing the desert.We then go over to the wood-carver's shop, where we see a complex system of tools and chisels that requires three limbs for operation. That's right: if both of your hands are busy, you need to use your feet too! The carver deftly holds the chisel between his toes as the wood is spun by one hand and the other hand manoeuvres the angle of the chisel. The wood shop features all kinds of intricate carvings and contraptions, but for very useful and practical things: tissue boxes, door knockers, jewelry boxes, backgammon and chess boards - items that don't just look nice on a shelf but gathering dust, but that you can actually use and enjoy regularly.Although, there are also the soccer balls. Decorative wooden balls with inlaid pieces of wood, designed to mimic a real soccer ball. Okay, these ones you won't want to kick around but they are beautiful works of art.The souk can be a little intimidating and overwhelming. It takes some getting used to. This episode will help get you not just prepared, but excited to see and touch, and dive into the shopping experience.Check out the beautiful video on our YouTube channel, put together by our videographers in Morocco, Youssef and Fatah. Do you dream of exploring the enchanting land of Morocco?Destination Morocco is your ultimate travel experience for those seeking luxury and adventure. We specialize in crafting bespoke itineraries tailored to your unique tastes and desires.If you're a discerning traveler who values an immersive, curated adventure, visit www.destinationsmorocco.com, and let us bring your dream Moroccan vacation to life.Learn more about Azdean and Destination Morocco.Explore our Private Tours and Small Group Tours!

The complexities upon complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict make a peaceful solution very hard, if not highly unlikely. In recent days, BizNews was on the ground with both Palestinians and Israelis whose lives have to be balanced on the pretty non-negotiable differences in ideology and religion. These voices include Dr. Sabri Saidam of Fatah's Central Committee (in Ramallah, West Bank); political analyst Haviv Gur (in Jerusalem); Lieutenant-Colonel Eyal Dror, Commander of the Reserve Forces in the Golan Heights (on the border with Syria); Lieutenant-Colonel Sarit Zehavi, Founder of the Alma Research Centre on the war with Hezbollah (on the border with Lebanon); Orit Tzedikovitch, spokesperson of Kibbutz Kfar Azza (on the border with Gaza) one of the hardest hit in the October 7 terror attack; Nova Festival massacre survivor Rita Yedid (at the memorial park for the slain); Ruth Wasserman-Lande, former Knesset member, on Iran's grand strategy (in Tel Aviv); as well Israeli history expert and private travel guide Daniel Cedar on how the war has devastated the tourism industry in the region.

For many years, Palestine had one of the strongest left-wing movements in the Arab world, represented by prominent figures such as Leila Khaled and Ghassan Kanafani. At the beginning of the First Intifada in the 1980s, Palestinian left groups were the main challengers to the hegemony of Fatah. Although the Palestinian left has lost much of its influence since the 1980s, they still play an important role today. Red Star Over Palestine: Histories of the Palestinian Left is a six-part series from Long Reads exploring radical movements and progressive organizations of the region. We'll be looking at the experience of Palestinian communism and the left-wing currents inside the PLO, the Palestine Liberation Organization. We'll also be looking at the outsized impact of the Left on Palestinian cultural life. This first episode focuses on the communist movement in Palestine from its early years until the 1960s. Red Star Over Palestine is hosted by Daniel Finn and produced by Conor Gillies. Music provided by Fadi Tabbal.

On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, calling it Operation Al Aqsa. For journalist Yardena Schwartz, the massacre was a chilling echo of the 1929 Hebron Massacre—the brutal slaughter of nearly 70 Jews, incited by propaganda that Jews sought to seize the Al Aqsa Mosque. At the time, she was deep into writing her first book, Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In this episode, Yardena shares how history repeated itself, how the October 7 attack reshaped her book, and why understanding the past is essential to making sense of the present. ___ Read:  Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab Israeli Conflict Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran Social media influencer Hen Mazzig on leaving Tunisia Chef Einat Admony on leaving Iran Playwright Oren Safdie on leaving Syria Cartoonist Carol Isaacs on leaving Iraq Novelist Andre Aciman on leaving Egypt People of the Pod:  Latest Episode: Higher Education in Turmoil: Balancing Academic Freedom and the Fight Against Antisemitism Held Hostage in Gaza: A Mother's Fight for Freedom and Justice Yossi Klein Halevi on the Convergence of Politics and Religion at Jerusalem's Temple Mount Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. __ Transcript of Interview with Yardena Schwartz: Manya Brachear Pashman: Hello, and welcome to People of the Pod, brought to you by American Jewish Committee. Each week, we take you beyond the headlines to help you understand what they all mean for America, Israel and the Jewish people. I'm your host Manya Brachear Pashman:. In October 2023 journalist Yardena Schwartz was in the middle of writing her first book exploring the rarely talked about 1929 Hebron massacre, in which nearly 70 Jews were murdered, dozens more injured by their Muslim neighbors during riots incited by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who spread lies that Jews wanted to take over the Al Aqsa Mosque. When she heard reports of the October 7 terror attacks by Hamas dubbed Operation Al Aqsa, she realized just how relevant and prescient her book would be, and began drafting some new chapters. Yardena is with us now to discuss that book titled Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine that ignited the Arab Israeli conflict. Yardena, welcome to People of the Pod.  Yardena Schwartz: Great to be here, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So full disclosure to you and our audience. You attended Columbia Journalism School 10 years after I did, and you took Professor Ari Goldman's class on covering religions 10 years after I did that, class had always traveled to Israel, and I had hoped it would be my ticket to go to Israel for the first time, but the Second Intifada prevented that, and we went to Russia and Ukraine. Instead, your class did go to Israel, and that was your first visit to Hebron, correct?  Yardena Schwartz: So it was in 2011 and we went to Hebron for one day out of our 10 day trip to Israel, and it was my first time there. I was the only Jewish student in our class. It was about 15 of us, and I was the only one who had been to Israel. I had been all over Israel, but I had never been to Chevron. And our tour was with Breaking the Silence, an organization of former Israeli soldiers who had served in Hebron or in other parts of the West Bank and wanted Israelis to know what was happening in Hebron and how Palestinians were living there, and the various restrictions that were put in place as a result of terrorist attacks. But nevertheless, you know, those restrictions were extremely disturbing, and that brief visit in 2011 made me really never want to go back to Hebron. And when I moved to Israel two years later to become a freelance journalist there, and, you know, to move to Israel because I loved Israel, and still obviously love Israel, I didn't really go back to Chevron because I, you know, was really troubled by what I saw there. But this book took me, of course, back to Chevron hundreds of times, spending hundreds of hours there. And it came to be, you know, my expertise in this conflict, in my reporting. And you know, of course, Heron is kind of the main character in this book, Manya Brachear Pashman: Tell us how you came to find out about this massacre. Was it mentioned during that class visit in 2011 or was it later that you learned about it? Yardena Schwartz: So that was one of the most interesting things about my early adventure into writing this book, was that I had of course been to have Ron, and yet, during that day that we spent there learning so much about the history of this place, this deeply holy place to so many people, there was no mention of the massacre of 1929, so, you know, I knew that Chevron is, you know, the second holiest city in Judaism, the burial place of Abraham And the matrix and patriarchs of the Jewish people. And you know the first place where King David established his kingdom before Jerusalem. So it was holy before Jerusalem. And yet I had no idea that this ancient Jewish community in Hebron had been decimated in 1929 in one of the worst pogroms ever perpetrated. We all know about the kishineff pogrom of 1904 and yet the pogrom in 1929 in Hebron, perpetrated by the Muslim residents of Hebron, against their Jewish neighbors, was more deadly and more gruesome than the kishineff pogrom, and it effectively ended 1000s of years of Jewish presence in this holy city. And so when I was told by my mentor, Yossi Klein Halevi, the amazing writer, that there was a family in Memphis, Tennessee that had discovered a box of letters in their attic written by a young American man from. Memphis, who had traveled to Chevron in 1928 to study at the Hebron yeshiva, which was at the time, the most prestigious yeshiva in the land of Israel in what was then, of course, British Mandate Palestine. And that this young man had been killed in that massacre. Yet his letters, you know, painted this vivid portrait of what Chevron was before the massacre that took his life. I was immediately fascinated. And I, you know, wanted to meet this family, read these letters and see how I could bring the story to life. And I was introduced to them by, yes, in 2019 so that's when I began working on my book. And you know, as you mentioned, I was still writing the book in 2023 on October 7, and this book I had been writing about this massacre nearly a century ago immediately became more relevant than I ever hoped it would be.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The young American man from Memphis. His name was David Schoenberg. Give our listeners a history lesson. Tell us about this 1929 massacre. So Yardena Schwartz: On August 24 1929 also a Shabbat morning in crevorone, every Jewish family had locked their doors and windows. They were cowering in fear as 1000s of Muslim men rioted outside their homes, throwing rocks at their windows, breaking down their doors and essentially hunting down Jews, much like they did on October 7, families were slaughtered. Women and teenage girls were raped by their neighbors in front of their family members. Infants were murdered in their mother's arms. Children watched as their parents were butchered by their neighbors, rabbis, yeshiva students were castrated and Arabic speaking Jews, you know, Sephardi, Mizrahi, Jews, who composed about half of the Jewish population in Hebron at the time, and were very friendly with their Arab neighbors. You know, they went to each other's weddings and holidays, went to each other's shops, and these people were also slaughtered. It wasn't just the yeshiva students who had come from Europe or from America to study there, or, you know, the Ashkenazi Jewish families. It was, you know, Arabic speaking Jews whose families had been there for generations and had lived side by side in peace with their Muslim neighbors for centuries. They too were slaughtered. Manya Brachear Pashman: Why did their Muslim neighbors turn on them so suddenly and violently? The Yardena Schwartz: rioters that day were shouting Allahu Akbar. They claimed to be defending Islam and Al Aqsa from this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa in order to rebuild the Third Temple. This is what they had been told by their leaders and by Imams and their mosques and in Hebron, that Lai had also extended to the tomb of the patriarchs and matriarchs, which is known in Arabic as the Ibrahimi mosque. Imams there had told Muslims in Hebron that the Jews of Hebron were planning to conquer Ibrahimi mosque in order to turn it into a synagogue. So this incitement and this disinformation that continues to drive the conflict today. Really began in 1929 the rumors about this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa that began in 1928 around the same time that David Schoenberg arrived in Palestine to study at the yeshiva. Manya Brachear Pashman: So in addition to the letters that David Schoenberg wrote to his family back in Tennessee. How else did you piece together this history? How did you go about reporting and researching it? Who kept records?  Yardena Schwartz: So it's really interesting, because I was so surprised by the lack of literature on this really dramatic moment in history, in the history of Israel, the history of this conflict. And yet, despite the fact there are really no books in English, at least, about the massacre and about these riots and what led to them, there were mountains of, you know, testimony from victims and survivors. The British carried out this commission after the riots that produced this 400 page report filled with testimony of British officials, Arab officials, Jewish officials, survivors. So there was just so much material to work with. Also, survivors ended up writing books about their experiences in Hebron, very similar to David's letters, in a way, because they wrote not only about the riots and the massacre itself, but also what they experienced in Hebron before they too, wrote about, you know, the relatively peaceful relations between the city's Jewish minority and the Arab majority. And I also relied on archival newspaper reports so the. Riots really occupied the front pages of American newspapers for about a week, because it took about a week for the British to quell the riots, and they did so with an air, land and sea campaign. They sent warships and war planes from across the British Empire and sent troops from other parts of the British Empire. Because one of the reasons the riots were so effective, in a way, you know, were so deadly, especially in kharag, was because there was just no military force in Palestine. At the time, the British did not have a Palestine military force, and it was only after the 1929 riots that they did have troops in Palestine. Until then, they had the Palestine police force, and that police force was mostly Arabs. In Hebron, for example, there were about 40 policemen under the stewardship of one British police chief, and all but one of those policemen were Arabs, and many of them participated in the massacre or stood by outside of Jewish homes and allowed the mobs to enter the homes and carry out their slaughter. And Manya Brachear Pashman: I'm curious. There was a lot of newspaper coverage, but what about the international community's response beyond the British Empire? Yardena Schwartz: So there were actually protests around the world against the massacre in New York. 35,000 people marched through the streets of Manhattan to protest the British failure to protect their Jewish subjects from these riots. Most of the marchers were Jewish, but nevertheless, I mean 35,000 people. We didn't see anything like that after October 7. Of course, we saw the opposite people marching through the streets of New York and cities around the world supporting the mass of October 7. You know, I mentioned this March in New York, but similar protests were held around the world, mostly in Jewish communities. So in Poland, Warsaw and in England, there were protests against the British failure to protect Jews in Palestine from these riots. And the American government was livid with the British and they sent statements put out, statements to the press, criticizing the British inaction, the British failure to protect the Jewish subjects and the American citizens who were in Palestine at the time, there were eight Americans killed in Hebron on August 24 1929. Out of the 67 Jewish men, women and children who were killed, and all of them were unarmed. The Haganah at the time, you know, the underground Jewish Defense Force that would later become the nucleus of the IDF, the Haganah was active then, mostly in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there were no Haganah members in Hebron. The Hebron Jewish community was very traditional, very religious, and when Haganah came to Hebron two days before the riots erupted, they because they knew that these riots were going to happen. There had been calls from Arab officials to riot, to attack Jewish communities across Palestine. And so the Haganah came to Hebron to warn Jewish leaders of Hebron that they could either come there to protect them or evacuate them to Jerusalem to safety until the riots subsided and the Jewish leaders of Hebron were unanimous in their opposition. They said, No, you know, we're friends with our Arab neighbors. They'll never hurt us. We trust them. If anything happens elsewhere, it won't happen here. And they believed that because, not only because they had such a good relationship with their Arab neighbors and friends, but also because in previous outbursts of violence in other years, like in 1920 1921 when they were much smaller riots and much less deadly riots. When those riots reached other parts of Palestine, they didn't reach Hebron because of those relations and because they weren't fueled by incitement and disinformation, which was what led the riots of 1929 to be so massive and so deadly, and what led them to be embraced by previously peaceful neighbors. Manya Brachear Pashman: How did that disinformation travel in 1929 How did it reach those neighbors in Hebron? Yardena Schwartz: When we talk about disinformation and misinformation today, we think of it as this, you know, modern plague of, you know, the social media era, or, you know our fractured media landscape. But back in 1929 disinformation was rampant, and it also traveled through Arabic newspapers. They were publishing these statements by Arab officials, mostly the Grand Mufti Hajime Husseini, who was the leader of Palestinian Muslims under British rule, he began this rumor that the Jews of Palestine were plotting to conquer Al Aqsa mosque to rebuild their ancient temple. Of course, Al Aqsa is built upon the ruins of the ancient temples. Temple Mount is the holiest place for Jews in the world. And in 1929, Jews were forbidden from accessing the Temple Mount because it was considered, you know, a solely holy Muslim site. But the closest place they could pray was the Western Wall, the Kotel. And Jews who were demanding British protection to pray in peace at the Western Wall without being attacked by Muslims as a result of this disinformation campaign were then painted by the Arabic press as working to conquer the Western Wall, turn it into a synagogue, and then from there, take Al Aqsa Mosque.  So this disinformation traveled from the very highest of Muslim officials. So the imams in mosques across Palestine, specifically in Al Aqsa and in Hebron, were repeating these rumors, these lies about this supposed Jewish plot. Those lies were then being published in flyers that were put in city squares. Jewish officials were warning the British and telling, you know, they should have known and they should have done more to end this campaign of disinformation, not only to achieve peace in this land that they were ruling over, but also because they were responsible for installing hajamina Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, into his position they had chosen him for that position, that all powerful position. And so they were responsible, in a way, for all of these lies that he was spreading. And yet they took no responsibility.  And even in the commission that they sent to Palestine from London to investigate the causes of the riots, despite the fact that, you know, if you read these, you know, 400 pages, I don't recommend it. It's a tough reading. But, you know, I did that for this book. And it's so clear from all of these hearings that this disinformation campaign was very obvious, very clear and very clearly to blame for the riots. And yet, because saying so would have made the British responsible for so much death, their conclusions in this commission was that it was Jewish immigration to Palestine and Jewish land purchases at the time that had sparked the riots, and that it was this Jewish demonstration, peaceful demonstration at the Western Wall on to Shabaab in August of 1929 that had sparked these riots.  So there's just, you know, this absolute lack of accountability, not only for the Mufti, who retained his position and became even more powerful and more popular as a leader after these riots, but also for the British and instead, you know, the Jewish victims were blamed for their suffering. At the time, Jews were just 20% of the Palestinian population, which was just 1 million people. Of course, today, Israel is home to more than 10 million people. So you know, clearly there was room for everyone. And the Jews at the time were very peaceful. The Haganah was a very, you know, weak, decentralized force, and after these riots, it became much stronger, and Sephardi Jews and Mizrahi Jews, more traditional Jews who had not joined the Haganah before 1929 had not really embraced Zionism before 1929 now agreed that if Jews were going to be safe in our homeland, then we would need our own army. Manya Brachear Pashman: Can we talk a little bit about the turn toward radicalization and extremism during this time, and what role that has played in the years since? Yardena Schwartz: you know, the Zionist leadership was very adamant that Jews in Palestine should not be carrying out attacks against Arabs in Palestine. You know, it should be really about defending Jews, preventing attacks, but not carrying out retaliatory attacks. But as we've seen throughout the century, of this conflict. You know, extremism begets extremism. And you know, when violence is being used by one side, it is going to be used by the other side as well. And so the rise of a more militant form of Zionism was a direct result of 1929 and this feeling of just helplessness and this feeling of relying on this foreign power, the British, to protect them, and realizing that no foreign power was going to protect the Jews of Palestine and that Jews would have to protect themselves, and the radicalism and the extremism within the Muslim population, particularly the Muslim leadership of Palestine, really just accelerated after the massacre, because they saw that it succeeded. I mean, the British punished the Jewish population of Palestine for the riots by vastly limiting Jewish immigration, vastly limiting Jewish land purchases. Notice, I use the word land purchases because, contrary to a lot of the disinformation we hear. Much today, none of this land was being stolen. It was being purchased by Jews from Muslim land owners. Many of them were absentee landowners. Many of them were from the wealthiest families in Palestine. And many of them were members of, you know, this anti Zionist, pro Mufti circle, who were then telling their own people that Jews are stealing your land and evicting you from your land, when, in fact, it was these wealthy Arab landowners who were selling their land to Jews at exorbitant prices. Manya Brachear Pashman: Did you establish a motive for the Mufti and what were his intentions spreading this disinformation? Yardena Schwartz: Great question. So it was very clear. I mean, he never admitted this, but it was very clear what his motives were, and that was to counter the criticism and accusations of corruption that had dogged him for years, until he began this campaign of propaganda which led much of that criticism and much of those stories of his corruption within the Arabic press and among his Arab rivals to essentially disappear, because now they had a much more threatening enemy, and that enemy was the Jewish community of Palestine, who was plotting to destroy Al Aqsa, conquer Al Aqsa, rebuild their temple, take over Palestine and his campaign worked. You know, after that propaganda campaign became so successful, there were very few people willing to stand up to him and to criticize him, because after 1929 when he became so much more powerful, he began a campaign of assassinations and intimidation and violence used against not only his political rivals and dissidents, but also just Anyone who favored cooperation between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. So there were various mayors of Arab cities who wanted to work together with the Jewish community of those cities or with other Jewish leaders to bring about various economic initiatives, for instance. And some of those mayors were assassinated by the muftis henchmen, or they were just intimidated into silence and into kind of embracing his platform, which was that Palestine is and has always been and should always be, a purely Muslim land, and that there is no place for any kind of Jewish sovereignty or Jewish power in that land.  So, you know, the Mufti, in 1936 he ended up leading a violent rebellion against the British. And the British at that point, had gotten tired of ruling Palestine. They realized it was much more work than they were interested in doing, and they were interested in leaving Palestine, handing over governance to the local population to the Jews and Arabs of Palestine, and they had been interested in figuring out what could be done. Could there be a binational state with equal representation, or representative governance? If Jews are 40% of the population and Arabs are 60% then there could be some kind of governance on those ratios, all of those solutions, including a two state solution, which was presented in 1937 all of those solutions were rejected by the grand mufti, and his platform was embraced by the other Arab officials within Palestine, because if it wasn't, they could face death or violence. And he even rejected the idea of Jews remaining in Palestine under Arab rule. You know when the British said to him, okay, so what will be done with the 400,000 Jews who are in Palestine right now? He said they can't stay. So he didn't only reject the two state solution. He rejected, you know, this bi national, equal utopian society that we hear proposed by so many in pro Palestine movement today. You know, all of these solutions have been on the table for a century and always. They have been rejected by Palestinian leaders, whether it was the Grand Mufti or his apprentice, his young cousin, yas Arafat. Manya Brachear Pashman: Ah, okay, so what happened to Grand Mufti Husseini? Did he stick around? So The Mufti was eventually, finally wanted for arrest by the British after his rebellion claimed the life of a British official. Until then, it had only claimed the lives of Jews and Arabs, but once a British official was killed, then the British had decided that they'd had enough of the Mufti, and they ordered his arrest. He fled Palestine. He ended up in Iraq, where he was involved in riots there the far hood in which many Jews were massacred, perhaps hundreds, if not over 1000 Jews were slaughtered in Baghdad, which was at the time home to about. 100,000 Jews. He then fled Iraq and ended up in Berlin, where he lived from 1941 to 1945 in a Nazi financed mansion, and he led the Arab branch of Joseph Goebbels Ministry of Propaganda. He was the Nazi's leading voice in the Arab world, he spread Nazi propaganda throughout the Muslim world and recruited 10s of 1000s of Muslims to fight for the Nazis, including in the Waffen SS and when the war ended, when world war two ended, and the UN wanted him for Nazi war crimes, he was wanted for Nazi war crimes, placed on the UN's list of Nazi war criminals. Once again, he fled, first to France, then to Cairo, eventually settling in Beirut, where he continued to lead his people's jihad against the Jews of Palestine. So when, in 1947, when the UN voted to partition British Mandate Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state so that the British could finally leave Palestine. He declared jihad, and he rejected the Partition Plan, along with every other Arab state which also rejected it. Of course, the Jews of Palestine embraced it, celebrated it, and the very next day after the UN vote, riots erupted throughout Palestine, and he helped. He was kind of pulling the strings of that Jihad taking place in Palestine. And in fact, 1000 Muslim men who he had recruited for the Waffen. SS joined that holy war in Palestine. The Mufti helped create the army of the holy war. Yasser Arafat, who was also in Beirut at the time, also assisted the army of the holy war. He actually fought in the war that began in 1947 alongside the Muslim Brotherhood. So, you know the legacy that the Mufti had? You know, it doesn't end there. It continued to his dying day in 1974 and Arafat took over his mantle as the leader of the Palestinian people. And you know, we see how the disinformation and incitement and rejection of Jewish sovereignty in any part of the ancient land of Israel has continued to be a prominent force in Palestinian politics no matter who was in charge. You know, the Fatah, Mahmoud, Abbas and Hamas, of course, perpetuate the same lies about Al Aqsa. They perpetuate the same denial of a Jewish right to live in peace in our homeland, deny the history of Jewish presence in Israel. So, you know, it's really astounding to me how little is known about the Grand Mufti and how little is known about his impact on this conflict, and particularly in the very beginnings, the ground zero of this conflict in 1929 Manya Brachear Pashman: It's so interesting. We talk so much about Hitler, right? And his antisemitism, but we don't talk about Husseini. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, and they were good friends. I mean, they met in 1941 shortly after the Mufti arrived, he had a private chauffeur. He was lavishly paid by the Nazis, and he was good friends with Himmler. He toured concentration camps. He knew very well about the final solution. Hitler himself considered the Mufti an honorary Aryan. I mean, the Mufti had blue eyes, fair skin, light hair. Hitler believed that Husseini had Roman blood, and he saw him as someone who could lead the Nazi forces once they arrived in the Middle East. He saw him as, you know, a great ally of the Nazis. He didn't just participate in the Nazis quest to eradicate the Jewish population of Europe and eventually arrive in Palestine, but he also the Mufti worked to convince various European leaders not to allow Jewish refugees from fleeing Europe and not allowing them to come to Palestine. He told them, send them to Poland, and he knew very well what was happening in Poland. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to go back to this family in Tennessee, the genesis of this story, and I'm curious. David Schoenberg's niece said that at one point in the book, she said they're Southern, so they sweep ugly under the rug in the south. And so they just didn't talk about that. And when I read that, I thought, actually, that's kind of a Jewish approach, not a southern approach, except we wouldn't say we sweep things under the rug. We move on, right? We treasure our resilience, and we move on from that pain and we build anew. But is moving on really in the Jewish community's best interest? Is that how we end up forgetting and letting this history and this very important history fade?. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, absolutely. You know, I think it is possible to do both. It is possible to take great pride in our resilience and in our strength and our ability to experience so much devastation and suffering, and yet every time emerge stronger.  I mean, think about the Holocaust. First of all, for many years, we did sweep that under the rug. Survivors were discouraged from speaking about what they went through. They were seen as, you know, especially in Israel, they were seen as, you know, people who went like sheep to the slaughter. It wasn't something to talk about. It was something to move on from. And yet now we are able to hold both in both hands. You know. We're able to honor and commemorate the memory and speak about the atrocities that millions of Jews suffered during the Holocaust, while also celebrating where we went after the Holocaust. I mean, three years after the Holocaust, Israel was born. You know, that's just, on its own, you know, a remarkable symbol of our resilience and our strength as a people. But I think the way we commemorate the Holocaust is a really great example of how we do both how we honor the memory and use that as a lesson so that it never happens again.  And yet, I think that when it comes to the conflict and the various forces that have led us to where we are today, there is this tendency to kind of try to move on and not really speak about how we got here. And it's really a shame, because I think that this is the only way we'll ever find a way out of this tragic cycle of violence, is if we learn how we got here, the forces that continue to drive this conflict after a century, and you know, the people who brought us here. Not only the Grand Mufti, but also, you know, the leaders today who are very much capitalizing on fear and religion, exploiting religion for their own, their own interests, and utilizing disinformation to remain in power. And I think that, you know, we can't afford not to speak about these things and not to know about our own history. It's really telling that, you know, even in Jewish communities, where people know so much about Israel and about this conflict, there is just a complete lack of knowledge of, you know, the very bedrock of this conflict. And I think without that knowledge, we'll never get out of this mess. Manya Brachear Pashman: Yardena, thank you so much. This is such a wonderful book, and congratulations on writing it.  Yardena Schwartz: Thank you so much.  Manya Brachear Pashman: If you missed last week's episode, be sure to tune in for my conversation with Dr Laura Shaw Frank, Director of AJC Center for Education Advocacy. We discussed the delicate balance between combating antisemitism, safeguarding free speech, and ensuring campuses remain safe for all students.  Thank you for listening. This episode is brought to you by AJC. Our producer is Atara Lakritz. Our sound engineer is TK Broderick. You can subscribe to People of the Pod on Apple podcasts, Spotify or Google podcasts, or learn more at ajc.org/PeopleofthePod. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC. We'd love to hear your views and opinions or your questions. You can reach us at PeopleofthePod@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends. Tag us on social media with hashtag People of the Pod and hop on to Apple podcasts to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Tune in next week for another episode of People of the Pod.

This week for the Conflicted Community we begin a series of conversations about the conflict in Israel and Palestine, with Palestinians themselves, to shed some light on the Palestinian perspective of this most complex of conflicts. And this week it is the turn of Khalil Sayegh, a Palestinian Christian political analyst, who shares his personal journey from Gaza to Ramallah, to Washington D.C.  In this episode, Khalil tells us about his opposition to Hamas, the impact of war on his life, and gives some insights into the historical roots of Palestinian nationalism and the challenges faced by Palestinians under both Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. We delve into the complex historical and political dynamics of between Fatah and Hamas, the impact of settler movements, and the ongoing challenges faced by Palestinians in their quest for rights and recognition. And by emphasizing the need for Palestinian rights and the importance of survival amidst ongoing violence, while also reflecting on the complexities of liberalism in the context of the conflict. To listen to the full episode, you'll need to subscribe to the Conflicted Community. And don't forget, subscribers can also join our Conflicted Community chatroom, where you can interact with fellow dearest listeners, discuss episodes past and future, get exclusive messages from Thomas and Aimen, ask future Q&A questions and so much more. All the information you need to sign up is on this link: https://conflicted.supportingcast.fm/  Conflicted is proudly made by Message Heard, a full-stack podcast production agency which uses its extensive expertise to make its own shows such as Conflicted, shows for commissioners such as the BBC, Spotify and Al Jazeera, and powerfully effective podcasts for other companies too. If you'd like to find out how we can help get your organisation's message heard, visit messageheard.com or drop an email to hello@messageheard.com! Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

L'offensive israélienne continue de s'étendre à Gaza, quinze jours après la fin de la trêve. Plus de 50.000 personnes ont été tuées en 18 mois de guerre, selon les autorités locales. Et les habitants commencent à exprimer leur rejet du Hamas au pouvoir dans l'enclave : ainsi plusieurs centaines de personnes ont récemment manifesté et affiché des slogans hostiles au mouvement islamiste. Une mobilisation qui fait écho à l'appel du porte-parole du Fatah à un départ du Hamas de Gaza. Quelle est la popularité du Hamas aujourd'hui à Gaza ? Quel interlocuteur pour parvenir à la paix et à la reconstruction ? Pour en débattre :- Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, professeur émérite des Universités, président de l'IReMMO et co-auteur du livre Atlas du Moyen-Orient, éditions Autrement- Guilhem Delteil, journaliste au service international de RFI, auteur du podcast Palestiniens, ancien correspondant à Jérusalem - Leila Seurat,  chercheuse au Centre arabe de recherches et d'études politiques de Paris Carep, autrice du « Hamas et le Monde », aux CNRS Éditions.

L'offensive israélienne continue de s'étendre à Gaza, quinze jours après la fin de la trêve. Plus de 50.000 personnes ont été tuées en 18 mois de guerre, selon les autorités locales. Et les habitants commencent à exprimer leur rejet du Hamas au pouvoir dans l'enclave : ainsi plusieurs centaines de personnes ont récemment manifesté et affiché des slogans hostiles au mouvement islamiste. Une mobilisation qui fait écho à l'appel du porte-parole du Fatah à un départ du Hamas de Gaza. Quelle est la popularité du Hamas aujourd'hui à Gaza ? Quel interlocuteur pour parvenir à la paix et à la reconstruction ? Pour en débattre :- Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, professeur émérite des Universités, président de l'IReMMO et co-auteur du livre Atlas du Moyen-Orient, éditions Autrement- Guilhem Delteil, journaliste au service international de RFI, auteur du podcast Palestiniens, ancien correspondant à Jérusalem - Leila Seurat,  chercheuse au Centre arabe de recherches et d'études politiques de Paris Carep, autrice du « Hamas et le Monde », aux CNRS Éditions.

A look at Iraqi political parties Email: whydocountriesexist@gmail.com Website: https://whydocountriesexist.libsyn.com/ Patreon: patreon.com/Whydocountriesexist797 Paypal: paypal.me/whydocountriesexist Feedback and request forum: https://forms.gle/H5hG9zcZbFPBAz8t7   Intro 0:00 Background and political structure 0:50 Sadrist movement 5:22 Takadum (progress party) 7:34 State of the Law (Islamic Dawa party) 9:35 Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) 12:45 Conquest alliance (Fatah) 16:04 Patriotic Union for Kurdistan (PUK) 19:06 Emtidad movement 21:48 Azzam Alliance 23:09 Victory Alliance 23:55 New Generation Movement (NGM) 25:12 Babylon Movement 26:36 Kurdistan Justice Group (Komeli) 28:21 Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) 29:18 Other groups 30:01 Outro 32:48

Days after the guns fell silent in Gaza, violence erupted less than 200km away in the occupied West Bank city of Jenin.   Israel's military deployed tanks, snipers and special forces in the city on Tuesday, where it began an operation named “Iron Wall”, cracking down on what it described as terrorists within the Iranian axis. But videos have surfaced showing unarmed Palestinians being shot by Israeli forces. Twelve people have been killed in the raid so far and scores more injured.   At the same time, Israel has tightened security across the rest of the West Bank, drastically increasing the number of checkpoints and conducting mass arrests. This comes after 90 Palestinian detainees were released from Israeli prisons in exchange for three Israeli hostages being freed by Hamas in Gaza, as part of the first phase of the ceasefire that took effect there on Sunday.   Jenin had already been the site of another security offensive by the Palestinian Authority (PA) since December last year to root out what it called outlaws, drawing many questions about the back-to-back timing of these operations. The UN has said that Jenin's sprawling refugee camp has become almost uninhabitable; Jordan's foreign minister warned on the sidelines of Davos that Israel's incursion could lead the West Bank to “explode”.   In this episode of Beyond the Headlines, host Nada AlTaher talks with Ahmed Fattouh, spokesperson for Fatah, the leading party within the PA, and with Palestinian political analyst Khalil Sayegh. They discuss whether the West Bank could be another flashpoint for long-term violence and what this escalation could mean for Gaza's fragile truce.

Who is Marwan Barghouti? Why is he nicknamed “Palestine's Mandela”? And why does Israel see him as such a big threat, even behind bars, that it is adamantly refusing to release him as part of the Gaza ceasefire deal?This week on Mehdi Unfiltered, Mehdi goes on a deep dive into Barghouti's life, his activism, and most importantly, all the red flags around his trial and imprisonment by Israel.Barghouti's story, like that of most Palestinians, is a mix of struggle and hope. The former Fatah official, the political party currently led by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, is the most popular leader among Palestinians today. And while 89-year-old Abbas sets a low bar for competition, Mehdi explains what makes Barghouti still so popular after decades of imprisonment - and such a threat to both Benjamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas.It is rare for any Palestinian to see an inkling of justice in Israel's military courts. Red flag after red flag, Mehdi details everything that went wrong in Barghouti's trial, from torture to international law violations to a judge with a grudge, because there is no statute of limitations on injustice, especially when its victims continue to pay the price for it.“My father used to always tell me that hope is sometimes a privilege, and being hopeless is a privilege that we can't have as Palestinians.”Also, Marwan Barghouti's son, Arab Barghouthi, joins Mehdi to discuss the latest on his father's condition, his health after decades behind bars, and whether prison changed him from the leader he was.“I don't think so,” Arab refutes, “I have my trust in God first and in my father, because he is someone who has been through a lot in his life.” Despite his hope, Arab is also well aware of his father's difficult conditions in prison, especially since the October 7 attack.“The head of Ofer prison came to him and in front of other prisoners, he asked him to put his hands behind his back and to kneel, to try to tell the other prisoners that if I can humiliate your leader, I can humiliate you all, which he refused. So they forced him to do it, which got his shoulder dislocated,” Arab recounts, adding that many more torture techniques were used against his father including solitary confinement and sleep deprivation.Watch the full interview above to find out why Marwan Barghouti's case should have never reached Israeli courts, and if Arab believes Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas would actually support his father's release in 2025.If you liked this episode of Mehdi Unfiltered, do consider becoming a paid subscriber today and let us know who you'd like to see on our show next! This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit zeteo.com/subscribe

Proč to nejdůležitější z prezidentova projevu zapadlo; Česká opozice v roce 2024; Palestinské hnutí Fatah kontra televize Al-Džazíra; Bez hodnot se nedá udržet svoboda a demokracie; Francouzský Mayotte po cyklonu; Ivan Medek, muž staré občiny

Palestinská samospráva sáhla k nezvyklému řešení, a pozastavila činnost katarské televize Al-Džazíra na území, které ovládá. Zní to zvláštně, ale vedení v Ramalláhu mělo své velmi dobré důvody.

The Palestinian Authority is cracking down on non-state militias in Jenin on the occupied West Bank – find out why Fatah is fighting Fatah. Israel is making incursions into Syria and bombing its weapons arsenal to bits – why is it doing this, and what does it mean?Finally, the Kurdish-controlled area in northeastern Syria is coming into question. Raqqa, for example, is a majority sunni Arab city under Kurdish control. How will this be resolved in a new Syria?If you enjoy Kalam Podcast and want to support the show, there is an excellent way to do so - by signing up to our Patreon. For just $3/month you'll gain access to full length interviews with all our guests and lots of bonus material - including our series Kalam Shorts: 10-15 explainers of concepts like Zionism and Orientalism. Join at patreon.com/kalampodcastFor continuous updates on the podcast and content about Palestine and the Middle East, follow us on Instagram @kalampodcast Please subscribe to Kalam Podcast in whatever podcast application you're listening to right now - and give us a rating. It helps other people find out about us.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. US bureau chief Jacob Magid joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. US President-elect Donald Trump on Monday threatened those holding hostages in the Middle East with unprecedented American firepower if they are not released by the time he enters office on January 20.The latest warning was posted on Truth Social came two days after Hamas released a propaganda video showing American-Israeli hostage Edan Alexander pleading with the president-elect to secure his release and hours after the IDF revealed that another American-Israeli hostage — Omer Neutra — was killed during Hamas's October 7 onslaught and that his body is being held in Gaza. We discuss what efforts have not yet been brought to the table and how Neutra's death was covered in US media. Israel's Channel 12 reported yesterday that an Israeli delegation will travel to Cairo early next week after Egypt has put together a new multi-stage hostage deal proposal. Also, earlier in the week, we heard that the Palestinian terror group Hamas and the Palestinian Authority's Fatah party have agreed to create a committee to jointly administer postwar Gaza. Magid weighs in whether this new alliance could be enough to give Hamas the lifeline it needs to claim post-war victory. US President-elect Donald Trump on Sunday announced the appointment of his Lebanese-American in-law Massad Boulos to be his senior adviser on Arab and Middle Eastern affairs. Boulos will likely work alongside Steve Witkoff, who Trump last month appointed as his special envoy for the Middle East to work on expanding the Abraham Accords that he brokered at the end of his first term. Are these the right men for the job? For news updates, please check out The Times of Israel's ongoing live blog. Discussed articles include: Trump warns there will be ‘all hell to pay' if hostages aren't released by Jan. 20 Slain Israeli-American hostage remembered as ‘hero of Israel' at NY memorial service Fatah, Hamas agree to form committee to run postwar Gaza Trump says Lebanese-American in-law will be senior aide on Arab and Mideast affairs Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Illustrative: Campaigning for a second term, former US President Donald Trump speaks before prominent Jewish donors at an event titled 'Fighting Antisemitism in America' at the Hyatt Regency Capitol Hill, Washington DC, September 19, 2024. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images via JTA)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A.M. Edition for Nov. 12. WSJ correspondent Thomas Grove explains how Senator Marco Rubio and Representative Mike Waltz – Trump's pick for White House national security advisor – could steer U.S. diplomacy. Plus, rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah craft a plan for Gaza's postwar recovery. And Shell wins an appeal against a landmark carbon-emissions ruling. Luke Vargas hosts.  Sign up for the WSJ's free What's News newsletter.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic reporter Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. This morning, the Foreign Ministry officially informed the United Nations that Israel is withdrawing from the 1967 agreement recognizing the Palestinian refugee agency UNRWA after the Knesset passed legislation to severely limit the operations of the agency in Israel and in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. We hear about practical implications. A round of talks between Hamas and Fatah officials in Cairo ended with an agreement to establish a technocratic committee composed of independent Palestinian figures to manage the Gaza Strip, according to an unnamed Hamas source quoted by the Qatari-owned paper Al-Araby al-Jadeed. Berman weighs in on the chances of this agreement coming to fruition. Eli Feldstein, a spokesperson working with the Prime Minister's Office, is accused of divulging top-secret information with national security implications to European media outlets, according to a ruling published Sunday evening by Rishon Lezion Magistrate Court head Menahem Mizrahi. The names of three other suspects remain gagged by the court, but it confirmed that they were connected to the defense establishment. Berman examines what we know about the case and how serious the charges are. Touring the northern border on Sunday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that whether via a negotiated settlement or military force, Israel will achieve the conditions it needs to restore security to the area and keep the Hezbollah terror group at bay. Relatedly, we're hearing that Iran's president said a potential ceasefire between Israel and its allies Hamas and Hezbollah “could affect the intensity” of Tehran's threatened attack. Could this added pressure see a ceasefire agreement solidify?For news updates, please check out The Times of Israel's ongoing live blog. Discussed articles include: Israel informs UN that 1967 agreement recognizing UNRWA is void PM spokesman Eli Feldstein suspected of leaking intel that may have hurt hostage efforts Visiting border, PM vows to restore security in north ‘with or without an agreement' Iran said planning to use more powerful weapons in next attack on Israel Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Illustrative: Released hostages and their family members seen after meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, outside the Prime Minister's office in Jerusalem, August 23, 2024. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dr. Li-Meng Yan w/ The Voice of Dr. Yan – The heads of the Fatah and Hamas delegations noted that China holds an important place in the hearts of the Palestinian people and expressed sincere appreciation for President Xi and China's unchanging, firm support and selfless assistance to Palestine over a long period of time. The Beijing Declaration is viewed as evidence of China's increasing ambition to boost itself as a prominent mediator in...

Rashid Khalidi, the Edward Said emeritus professor of modern Arab studies at Columbia University, is back on the program for a discussion of where things stand regarding Palestine, the diaspora, and the Palestinian national movement. They talk about the abysmal state of US politics around the issue, Western and Israeli media coverage, the generational shift in Americans' outlook, Palestinian nationalism in the wake of the past year's onslaught, Fatah, current regional governing structures and the prospect of democracy, and more.Be sure to check out our series with Dr. Khalidi, A History of Modern Palestine.Grab a copy of his book The Hundred Years' War on Palestine.Subscribe to AP now! This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.americanprestigepod.com

Rashid Khalidi, the Edward Said emeritus professor of modern Arab studies at Columbia University, is back on the program for a discussion of where things stand regarding Palestine, the diaspora, and the Palestinian national movement. They talk about the abysmal state of US politics around the issue, Western and Israeli media coverage, the generational shift in Americans' outlook, Palestinian nationalism in the wake of the past year's onslaught, Fatah, current regional governing structures and the prospect of democracy, and more. Be sure to check out our series with Dr. Khalidi, A History of Modern Palestine. Grab a copy of his book The Hundred Years' War on Palestine. Subscribe to AP now!

It's an EmMajority Report Thursday! She speaks with Zachary Foster, historian of Palestine and proprietor of the website Palestine Nexus, to discuss Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu's address to a joint session of Congress yesterday. First, Emma runs through updates on Biden's passing of the torch, the mass crackdown on pro-Palestine protesters in DC yesterday, Netanyahu's joint congressional address, falling inflation rates, labor action, Trump's assassin, Trump's bigotry, the destruction in the wake of southeast Asia's Super Typhoon, and early polling on Harris, before giving a quick cheat sheet for Harris' VP picks, and the insane “family-first” policy that JD Vance and his tech bro funders have backed in the past. Zachary Foster then joins, as he and Emma jump right into the complete shame of yesterday's joint Congressional address by Netanyahu, before touching on some of the biggest updates on Israel's continuing genocide of Gaza from the last few weeks as it has been pushed to the side in the news cycle. After an expansive conversation on Netanyahu's commitment to this offensive, and the devastating impact it is having on the country's economy and workforce, Foster explores the ongoing attempt to create a unity government between Fatah and Hamas. Zachary also gives a background on Israel's manufactured conflict with Iran, wrapping up the interview by parsing through the highlights (or lowlights, really) from Netanyahu's Congressional address, and his love for manipulating real issues for the Zionist cause. And in the Fun Half: Emma is joined by Brandon Sutton and Matt Binder, as they parse through the different stances on Israel between Obama, Biden, and Harris, unpack the whiplash in the shift from Biden's dropout to Netanyahu's joint congressional address and Harris' denouncement of protesters, and parse through the right wing's struggle to stay away from weird and obviously-misogynistic critiques of Kamala Harris. They also expand on Netanyahu's visit to Congress and photo op with Biden, and watch Peter Thiel show why he's better as a shadowy oligarch (less public speaking), plus, your IMs! Follow Zach on Twitter here: https://x.com/_ZachFoster Check out Palestine Nexus here: https://palestinenexus.com/ Check out Anne from Portland's website where her Vergogna t-shirt will be available soon!: https://www.pictrixdesign.com/ Become a member at JoinTheMajorityReport.com: https://fans.fm/majority/join Follow us on TikTok here!: https://www.tiktok.com/@majorityreportfm Check us out on Twitch here!: https://www.twitch.tv/themajorityreport Find our Rumble stream here!: https://rumble.com/user/majorityreport Check out our alt YouTube channel here!: https://www.youtube.com/majorityreportlive Join Sam on the Nation Magazine Cruise! 7 days in December 2024!!: https://nationcruise.com/mr/ Check out the "Repair Gaza" campaign courtesy of the Glia Project here: https://www.launchgood.com/campaign/rebuild_gaza_help_repair_and_rebuild_the_lives_and_work_of_our_glia_team#!/ Check out StrikeAid here!; https://strikeaid.com/ Gift a Majority Report subscription here: https://fans.fm/majority/gift Subscribe to the ESVN YouTube channel here: https://www.youtube.com/esvnshow Subscribe to the AMQuickie newsletter here: https://am-quickie.ghost.io/ Join the Majority Report Discord! http://majoritydiscord.com/ Get all your MR merch at our store: https://shop.majorityreportradio.com/ Get the free Majority Report App!: http://majority.fm/app Follow the Majority Report crew on Twitter: @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech @BradKAlsop Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on Youtube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's show The Discourse on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/ExpandTheDiscourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here! https://avaraiza.bandcamp.com/ The Majority Report with Sam Seder - https://majorityreportradio.com/

The US vice-president's campaign has secured a record amount of donations. Also, China says Hamas, Fatah and a dozen other Palestinian factions have agreed to set up an interim administration for Gaza, and the first blind Barbie doll goes on sale.