Podcasts about Yalta Conference

Putin's Yalta Model: Out-Negotiating Donald Trump. Cliff May, writing for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, looks at Putin's ambition to out-negotiate Donald Trump by emulating Stalin's success at the 1945 Yalta Conference. Stalin won that round of negotiations against Churchill and Roosevelt, securing Poland and much of Eastern Europe. This outcome was partly facilitated because Roosevelt, who was ill and viewed himself as a mediator, thought he could handle Stalin. The discussion reviews history to see if this model foreshadows future negotiations over Ukraine.

The last 100 days of Franklin Roosevelt's life coincided with some momentous events in US history. As WWII was drawing to a close, the Yalta Conference brought together the three Allied leaders, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin to confront some of the thorniest issues of the day and that still loom large to this day. That conference laid the groundwork for the Post World War II Order which prevail to this day, 80 years later.

Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

Last time we spoke about the Siege of Japan. In the summer of 1945, Japan faced its most devastating siege. A pivotal component was the aerial mining campaign entitled "Starvation," masterminded by General Curtis LeMay. B-29 Superfortress bombers were deployed to lay mines in critical waterways, cutting off resources and crippling Japan's industrial capabilities. This silent assault inflicted chaos on Japan's shipping lanes, sinking over 670 vessels and significantly disrupting supply lines. Amid this turmoil, the Allies intensified their firebombing campaigns, targeting urban centers like Tokyo, Osaka, and Kobe, leading to extensive devastation and loss of life. By August, Japan's civilian and military morale crumbled under the weight of destruction. The climax of this siege came with the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, which unleashed unparalleled destruction. As Japan's leadership struggled for options, the nation was effectively brought to its knees. The relentless siege had achieved its goal, Japan was irrevocably broken, marking a profound moment in history. This episode is the Atomic Bombing of Nagasaki Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  Hello there, again like in the previous episode, this one is just going to state what happened, I am not going to delve into the why's just yet. I am currently writing an entire special episode on why exactly Japan surrendered, focused on the actions of Emperor Hirohito, who I will argue prolonged the 15 year war to protect the Kokutai. So a bit of a spoiler there I guess.  The worst has come to pass for the Japanese Empire. An atomic bomb has fallen, devastating an entire city. In a blinding flash, over 140,000 lives were lost or forever altered. But this was merely the beginning. The Americans were poised to unleash destruction from the skies, a scale of devastation never before witnessed on this planet. The choices were grim: surrender or complete annihilation.The Japanese faced not only this overwhelming threat but also another peril. The Soviet Union prepared to invade Manchuria and other crucial territories within its reach. As we last left off, the Americans had been conducting a prolonged and devastating air and naval siege of the Japanese Home Islands in preparation for the invasion of Kyushu. This campaign culminated in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, reducing the once-great city to ruins and leaving a staggering casualty toll that would forever haunt the Japanese people. Survivor accounts recount the haunting experience of wandering through the destruction, disoriented and unsure of where to go. They spoke of hearing the desperate cries of those trapped beneath crushed buildings or suffering from horrific burns. As small fires ignited by the blast began to spread, they coalesced into a firestorm that surged through the rubble, claiming the lives of many still trapped inside. Frightened residents jumped into the rivers of Hiroshima, only to drown in their desperate attempts to escape the flames. Over 90% of the doctors and 93% of the nurses in Hiroshima perished or were injured, and most hospitals were either destroyed or heavily damaged. By early afternoon, police and volunteers worked tirelessly to establish evacuation centers at hospitals, schools, and tram stations. Yet, tragically, many would die before receiving aid, leaving behind grim rings of corpses around these facilities. Some survivors who initially appeared unharmed would succumb within hours or days to what would later be identified as radiation sickness. Most members of General Hata's 2nd General Army headquarters were undergoing physical training on the grounds of Hiroshima Castle, barely 900 yards from the hypocenter. As a result, 3,243 troops lost their lives on the parade ground. Miraculously, Hata himself survived the explosion with only minor injuries, but many of his staff were not so fortunate, including Lieutenant-Colonel Yi U, a prince of the Korean imperial family, who was killed or fatally wounded. In total, the 2nd General Army, 59th Army, 5th Division, and other combat units in the city lost an estimated 20,000 troops. Survivors regrouped at the Ujina Air Base on the outskirts of Hiroshima, where they organized relief efforts and maintained public order once martial law was declared. With Mayor Awaya Senkichi killed at the mayoral residence, Hata assumed control of the city's administration and coordinated relief efforts. The initial reaction of the Japanese government to the devastation in Hiroshima was mixed. The Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy military leadership received only fragmentary reports about the tragedy, as communications with Hiroshima had been severed. Meanwhile, American and British radio broadcasts promptly informed ordinary Japanese civilians and their government about the atomic bomb attack on August 7. The following day, Tokyo issued a press release confirming the bombing of Hiroshima, but it notably did not state that the United States had dropped an atomic weapon. After technical teams visited the site of the bombing, they concluded that the enemy B-29s had indeed used a nuclear device. At this juncture, the diplomatic situation within Japan was chaotic. Many members of the Japanese cabinet believed that surrender was the only viable option, while others, particularly military figures like Hata, were determined to continue the fight. Looking back, between July 17 and August 2, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and U.S. President Harry Truman convened in Potsdam to negotiate terms for the end of World War II. The Potsdam Conference is perhaps best known for President Truman's conversation with Soviet leader Joseph Stalin on July 24, during which Truman informed Stalin that the United States had successfully detonated the first atomic bomb on July 16. Prior to leaving for the conference, a top-level civilian Interim Committee, led by Secretary of War Henry Stimson, suggested that Truman inform Stalin about America's new nuclear capability. This was intended to prevent the Soviets from learning about the bomb through leaked information, and Truman agreed to share this news. Historians have often interpreted Truman's somewhat firm stance during negotiations as a reflection of the U.S. negotiating team's belief that their nuclear capability would enhance their bargaining power. However, Stalin was already well-informed about the American nuclear program, courtesy of the Soviet intelligence network. This understanding enabled him to hold firm in his positions, complicating the negotiations. In the end, the leaders of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union, despite their differences, remained allied throughout the war. However, they would never meet again collectively to discuss cooperation in postwar reconstruction. One of the critical topics discussed was how to handle Japan. During the conference, Truman sought and received Stalin's final assurance of entering the war on August 9, in accordance with the agreements made among the Allies during the Yalta Conference in February 1945. On April 5, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov informed Tokyo of the Soviet Union's unilateral abrogation of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact. He assured Japan that the treaty would remain in effect until April 1946, even though the Soviets were already planning an offensive in the Far East. A Soviet invasion would prove beneficial for the Americans, as it could prevent the movement of hostile troops from Manchuria, Korea, and North China to the Home Islands of Japan before an invasion of Kyushu was launched. On July 26, the United States, Great Britain, and China released a declaration demanding Japan's immediate surrender. The declaration called for the dismemberment of Japan's remaining empire, the demobilization of all military forces, trials for war criminals, and the elimination of Japan's capacity for future belligerence. While the declaration did not alter the requirement for unconditional surrender, critically it left ambiguous how the Japanese people might shape their future government, as it did not specify a direct end to or continuation of the imperial dynasty. The crux of that matter was the preservation of the Kokutai. The Kokutai was the national essence of Japan. It was all aspects of Japanese polity, derived from history, tradition and customs all focused around the cult of the Emperor. The government run by politicians was secondary, at any given time the kokutai was the belief the Emperor could come in and directly rule. If you are confused, dont worry, I am too haha. Its confusing. The Meiji constitution was extremely ambiguous. It dictated a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor and the “seitai” that being the actual government. Basically on paper the government runs things, but the feeling of the Japanese people was that the wishes of the emperor should be followed. Thus the kokutai was like an extra-judicial structure built into the constitution without real legal framework, its a nightmare I know. Let me make an example, most of you are American I imagine. Your congress and senate actually run the country, wink wink lets forget about lobbyists from raytheon. The president does not have executive powers to override any and all things, but what if all American voters simply felt he did. So the president goes above his jurisdiction, and the American people violently attack Congress and the Senate if they don't abide by the president's wishes. That's kind of how it works for a lack of better words. Again in the specials I will roll out soon, it will make more sense after I blabber about it in roughly 7000 words. Now, in response, Prime Minister Suzuki Kantaro expressed to the Japanese press on July 29 his belief that the Potsdam Declaration was nothing new and held no "significant value." This statement was interpreted by Truman and his administration as a rejection of the declaration. In reality, since the Yalta Conference, Japan had repeatedly approached the Soviet Union in an attempt to extend the Neutrality Pact and to enlist the Russians in negotiating peace with the Allies, offering attractive territorial concessions in return.  The Japanese, therefore, chose not to officially respond to the Potsdam Declaration as they awaited a reply from the Soviet Union. However, this response never materialized. The Soviet Union was preparing for an invasion of Manchuria, fully aware that Japan had become a weakened nation after suffering several defeats in the Pacific. In contrast, the once-inadequate Russian military had transformed into one of the strongest forces of the time. They had successfully absorbed powerful German offensives in 1941, 1942, and 1943, and rebounded with their own offensives in 1944 and 1945, ultimately crushing the military might of Nazi Germany. Motivated by Allied requests for support and the desire to solidify the Soviet Union's post-war position in the Far East, Soviet leaders began planning in March for a final campaign to reclaim Manchuria, northern Korea, southern Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands from Japan. However, most Soviet troops were stationed more than 10,000 kilometers away in Europe. As a result, forces and equipment designated for deployment to Manchuria had to be transported along a fragile and limited-capacity network over a five-month period from April to August. Initially, they stockpiled equipment in the Far East to re-equip units already present in that region. Then, a massive regrouping of forces to the east commenced in May, with units still arriving even as the campaign opened in August. This shift, involving nearly one million men, effectively doubled the strength of Soviet forces in the Far East from forty to more than eighty divisions. Opposing Valisevsky's Far East Command was General Yamada Otozo's Kwantung Army, along with its Manchukuoan and Inner Mongolian auxiliaries. Once the most prestigious and powerful unit of the Imperial Japanese Army, the Kwantung Army had significantly eroded in strength and quality over the past few years due to the diversion of its main assets to other theaters. Consequently, many experienced units were siphoned off and replaced by formations made up of draft levies, reservists, and smaller, cannibalized units. By August, the Kwantung Army consisted of General Kita Seiichi's 1st Area Army in eastern Manchuria, which included the 3rd and 5th Armies, alongside two divisions under direct area army control. General Ushiroku Jun commanded the 3rd Area Army in central and western Manchuria, encompassing the 30th and 44th Armies, plus two divisions, three independent mixed brigades, and one independent tank brigade under his direct command. In northern Manchuria, Lieutenant-General Uemura Mikio led the 4th Army, which was composed of three divisions and four independent mixed brigades. Additionally, the army of Manchukuo contributed eight infantry and seven cavalry divisions, along with fourteen brigades of infantry and cavalry. Mengjiang added six cavalry formations and other garrison forces from Inner Mongolia. Furthermore, Lieutenant-General Kozuki Yoshio's 17th Area Army was stationed in central and southern Korea, totaling seven divisions and three independent mixed brigades. In northern Korea, Lieutenant-General Kushibuchi Senichi's 34th Army consisted of two divisions and one independent mixed brigade. Recognizing that his forces lacked adequate training and equipment, Yamada's plans called for a delay at the borders, followed by a defense consisting of successive positions culminating in a final stand at a stronghold constructed in the Tunghua area. This strategy would see roughly one-third of the Japanese forces deployed in the border region, while the remaining two-thirds would be concentrated in operational depth to create a series of defensive lines. By July 25, Soviet force deployments to the Far East were virtually complete. The Soviets meticulously tailored all military units, from the front level down to army, corps, division, brigade, and battalion, to effectively achieve specific missions. This tailoring took into account not only the strength and dispositions of enemy forces but also the terrain where the unit would operate and the desired speed of the operation. Each unit was equipped with the necessary artillery, anti-tank, tank, air defense, and engineer support. For instance, the 1st Far Eastern Front received heavy artillery attachments to provide the firepower needed to breach heavily fortified Japanese positions. In contrast, the Transbaikal Front was given heavy vehicular and motorized rifle support, enabling it to conduct rapid, balanced combined arms operations across the broad expanses of western Manchuria and Inner Mongolia. Within each front, armies assigned to assault strong enemy fortified zones had significantly more artillery assets compared to those operating on open axes of advance. Units deployed in difficult terrain were afforded extensive engineer support to facilitate their operations. At the lowest tactical levels, specially tailored forward detachments from rifle divisions and tank and mechanized corps, alongside assault groups from rifle regiments and battalions, ensured the firepower and mobility necessary to execute high-speed operations. However, the final decision to attack would not be made until August 7, when Vasilevsky committed the Transbaikal and 1st Far Eastern Fronts to a simultaneous assault scheduled for August 9. It is believed that the detonation of the atomic bomb the previous day prompted this hasty decision, resulting in the short two-day period between the decision and the planned attack. Vasilevsky's strategy called for a double envelopment conducted by Soviet forces along three axes to secure Manchuria and destroy a significant portion of the Kwantung Army. The Transbaikal Front was tasked with attacking eastward into western Manchuria, while the 1st Far Eastern Front would move westward into eastern Manchuria. Both offensives were to converge in the Mukden, Changchun, Harbin, and Kirin areas of south-central Manchuria. Meanwhile, the 2nd Far Eastern Front would conduct a supporting attack into northern Manchuria, driving southward toward Harbin and Tsitsihar. Moreover, the timing of on-order operations against southern Sakhalin and the Kuriles would depend on the progress of these main attacks. For the western pincer, Malinovsky's plan involved the 17th and 39th Armies and the 6th Guards Tank Army, followed by the 53rd Army, launching the primary assault. Their objective was to bypass the Halung-Arshaan Fortified Region to the south and advance toward Changchun. The success of the Transbaikal Front operation hinged on speed, surprise, and the deployment of mobile forces across virtually every sector, aiming to preempt effective Japanese defenses. To achieve this swiftness and surprise, tank formations were positioned in the first echelon of units at all command levels. The operation required tank-heavy forward detachments at each command level, with the 6th Guards Tank Army designated to spearhead the front's efforts. A tank division would lead the advance of the 39th Army, supported by tank brigades assigned to the first-echelon corps and divisions. Planned rates of advance were ambitious: 23 kilometers per day for combined arms units and an impressive 70 kilometers for tank units. However, the operation involved significant risks. If Japanese units responded quickly to the Soviet attack, or if even nominal forces occupied strategic positions in the Grand Khingan mountain passes, the Soviet advance could be severely hampered. Additionally, the success of the operation relied heavily on logistical units' capability to supply these fast-moving formations deep into Manchuria. Despite these challenges, the Soviets confidently accepted the risks involved. Their mission was to crush the enemy in the border regions, cross the Grand Khingan Mountains, and occupy positions in the central Manchurian plain from Lupei to Solun by the tenth to fifteenth day of the operation.In support, the Soviet-Mongolian Cavalry-Mechanized Group was to attack across the Inner Mongolian desert and southern Grand Khingan Mountains toward Kalgan and Dolonnor. Simultaneously, the 36th Army was set to advance from Duroy and Staro-Tsurukaytuy across the Argun River to secure Hailar. In the next phase, for the second pincer, Meretskov's plan involved the 1st Red Banner Army, the 5th Army, and the 10th Mechanized Corps launching the main attack from the Grodekova area, located northwest of Vladivostok. Their objective was to advance toward Mutanchiang to exploit and secure the Kirin, Changchun, and Harbin regions, while coordinating with Soviet forces from the Transbaikal Front. Additionally, the 35th Army was tasked with attacking from the Lesozavodsk-Iman area, north of Lake Khanka, to capture Mishan, Linkou, and Poli. Meanwhile, the 25th Army would launch an offensive from northwest of Ussurysk to secure the Tungning, Wangching, and Yenchi areas. Once the 1st Far Eastern and Transbaikal Fronts converged in the Changchun area, they would advance together to eliminate the final Japanese resistance on the Liaotung Peninsula and secure the strategic naval base at Port Arthur. Furthermore, Purkayev's 2nd Far Eastern Front was to advance on a broad front across the Amur and Ussuri rivers, extending from Blagoveshchensk to south of Khabarovsk. This movement aimed to exert maximum pressure on Japanese forces in northern Manchuria. The 15th Army would spearhead the main attack across the Amur River in the Leninskoye area, advancing southward into the regions around the Sungari and Ruhe rivers. In support, the 2nd Red Banner Army was designated to attack across the Amur River from the Blagoveshchensk area to Sunwu and then advance southward to Tsitsihar. The 5th Rifle Corps would also be involved, attacking from Bikin to secure Paoching and Poli. This multifront operational plan aimed for the complete destruction of Kwantung Army units in Manchuria with maximum speed, effectively cutting off Japanese troops from reinforcements coming from northern China or Korea. These relentless mobile attacks, deployed across the broadest of fronts, were designed to prevent the Japanese from reallocating forces, leading to their ultimate collapse and piecemeal defeat. As planned, the Japanese were caught completely by surprise when they received the Soviet declaration of war just an hour before midnight on August 8. At the same time, they were facing a critical decision in response to the recent bombing of Hiroshima. After learning about the success of Colonel Tibbets' mission, President Truman released a pre-approved statement that detailed the atomic bomb's destructive capabilities and warned that if Japan did not accept the Potsdam Declaration, "they may expect a rain of ruin from the air, the like of which has never been seen on this earth." Although Truman had only the plutonium Fat Man device remaining for use, he had been informed that a third bomb might be ready sometime in August. Among American military leaders, including Admiral Nimitz and Generals Spaatz, LeMay, and Twining, there was a belief that this third nuclear weapon should be dropped on Tokyo if Japan did not surrender. Conversely, some Japanese senior officials, like Admiral Toyoda, speculated that even if the Allies had used an atomic bomb, they likely would not have many more at their disposal. They argued that the Japanese people should be prepared to defend their home islands to the death if favorable terms of surrender could not be secured. However, on August 8, Prime Minister Suzuki instructed Foreign Minister Togo Shigenori, who advocated for negotiating with the United States, to inform Emperor Hirohito about the devastation caused by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima. Hirohito responded by authorizing foreign minister Togo to notify the world on August 10th that Japan would accept the allied terms of surrender with one condition “that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler.”  In the meantime, to increase pressure on the Japanese, Twinning launched additional conventional B-29 raids. A total of 412 B-29s targeted the Nakajima aircraft plant in Musashino during a daylight attack on August 8. However, the United States also needed to demonstrate to the Japanese government and people that Little Boy was not just an isolated experimental device. As a result, a decision was made to drop the Fat Man plutonium bomb on either the primary target of Kokura or the secondary target of Nagasaki, with this mission scheduled for August 9. For this operation, Tibbets selected Major Charles Sweeney to pilot the B-29 named Bockscar and deliver the device. The leading B-29 would decide the ultimate target based on weather reports from two reconnaissance B-29s, followed by two additional aircraft assigned to scientific and photographic missions. To prepare for takeoff, the bomb was armed by installing three plugs. At 03:49 on August 9, Sweeney departed from Tinian, heading toward Yakushima Island to rendezvous with his escorts. The mission began with complications that only escalated. A typhoon near Iwo Jima forced mission planners to relocate the planned rendezvous between Bockscar and her escorts to Yakushima, an island south of Kyushu. Sweeney took off at 03:49 on August 9 and headed north, but strong headwinds hindered her progress toward Yakushima. A further issue arose when a photographic specialist assigned to the support aircraft Full House was barred from flying due to forgetting his parachute. Consequently, Major Hopkins on Full House had to break radio silence to seek instructions on operating the camera. However, a more critical situation was uncovered when Commander Ashworth and his assistant discovered that an indicator was showing that Fat Man's electronic fusing circuits had closed, indicating that arming was complete. A faulty switch, with incorrectly installed wiring, posed the risk of a premature explosion. As the mission continued over Yakushima, Sweeney successfully met up with Captain Bock, piloting the scientific support B-29, but failed to rendezvous with Major Hopkins. This meant that Bockscar would only have The Great Artiste to accompany it for the final leg of its mission. According to Ashworth's log, they arrived at the rendezvous point at 09:00 and saw Bock at 09:20, while Full House waited south of the arranged position. Sweeney had initially agreed to circle Yakushima for only 15 minutes; however, he ended up waiting approximately 50 minutes for Hopkins to arrive, wasting precious fuel in the process. Due to the weather conditions, Hopkins had lost visual contact with the other B-29s and had to break radio silence again to locate Bockscar, but Sweeney did not respond. Despite reports indicating 30% cloud cover over Kokura, Sweeney chose to proceed there, believing the haze over the city would clear. Bockscar arrived at the initial start point for the bomb run over Kokura at 10:44, but unfortunately, heavy cloud cover had settled over the city, preventing a successful bomb delivery. After three unsuccessful bomb runs, which consumed an additional 45 minutes of fuel, a flight engineer discovered that a fuel pump had malfunctioned, trapping 600 gallons of fuel in the auxiliary bomb bay fuel tanks. Despite fuel concerns, Sweeney chose to proceed with the mission, heading south and then east toward Nagasaki, which he reached at 11:50. Unfortunately, the weather there was as poor as it had been at Kokura, prompting Sweeney to make the controversial decision to drop Fat Man using radar guidance. Due to the fuel shortage, he only conducted a single bomb run. Just before initiating the radar approach, a hole in the clouds opened, revealing the aim point: the Mitsubishi Steel and Arms Works located on the Urakami River. Fat Man was dropped at 11:58 and detonated approximately 1,650 feet above the target after a 50-second descent. Initial reports indicated that the explosion occurred about 500 yards north of the Mitsubishi plant and roughly 0.8 miles south of another Mitsubishi facility. While Fat Man had a more powerful detonation, the damage and casualties were not as extensive as those caused by the lower-yield Little Boy. The topography of Nagasaki, surrounded by hills, confined the explosion to the bowl-shaped center of the city, in stark contrast to Hiroshima's relatively flat landscape. Of the 7,500 Japanese employees at the Mitsubishi plant, 6,200 were killed, with an additional 17,000 to 22,000 employees at other war plants and factories also perishing. Unlike Hiroshima, where the military death toll was high, only about 150 Japanese soldiers were killed instantly, alongside at least 8 prisoners of war. Overall, it is estimated that around 45,000 civilians lost their lives due to the explosion, with between 50,000 and 60,000 sustaining injuries. The radius of total destruction extended about one mile, with fires spreading across the northern portion of the city to two miles south of the impact point. Thankfully, no firestorm developed as it had in Hiroshima. Bomb damage to physical structures in Nagasaki was erratic. Some areas, such as the Nagasaki Arsenal and the Mitsubishi plant, experienced significant destruction, while nearby locations appeared almost untouched. Despite this, Sweeney's mission resulted in an estimated 68.3% loss of pre-existing industrial production, excluding the harbor facilities, without disrupting the critical north-south National Railway track. While Fat Man's debut was historic, its destructive capability was comparable to other B-29 incendiary night raids. After circling Fat Man's expanding mushroom cloud, Sweeney headed toward Okinawa at 12:05, with only 300 gallons of fuel remaining. Fortunately, Bockscar's crew managed to return to Yontan Field with just seven gallons of fuel left, successfully making their way back to Tinian later that same day.  Simultaneously, Vasilevsky's Far East Command began its offensive just ten minutes after midnight on August 9. Reconnaissance units, forward detachments, and advanced guard units of the Transbaikal Front crossed the border into Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Initially, attacking units faced resistance primarily in the 36th Army zone, where their attack routes passed through fortified Japanese border installations. However, most assault units advanced with little opposition. By 04:30, main force units had begun to follow closely behind the assault troops. Colonel-General Issa Pliyev's Soviet-Mongolian Cavalry-Mechanized Group advanced in two march columns, 200 kilometers apart. By nightfall, they had penetrated 55 miles into the arid expanses of Inner Mongolia, moving southward toward Dolonnor and Kalgan while sweeping aside small detachments of Inner Mongolian cavalry. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-General Aleksei Danilov's 17th Army entered Inner Mongolia virtually unopposed in two columns, advancing approximately 70 kilometers by nightfall. To the left, Colonel-General Andrey Kravchenko's 6th Guards Tank Army led the main attack into Inner Mongolia in two columns, encountering limited opposition and rapidly advancing about 150 kilometers until reaching the foothills of the Grand Khingan Mountains, west and north of Khorokhon Pass, by nightfall. Simultaneously, Colonel-General Ivan Lyudnikov's 39th Army advanced along two divergent axes. The 5th Guards and 113th Rifle Corps gained 60 kilometers as they bypassed the Halung-Arshaan and Wuchakou Fortified Regions to the south. Meanwhile, the 94th Rifle Corps struck northeast towards the rear of the Hailar Fortified Region, swiftly overcoming light resistance. The 124th Rifle Division was also deployed between both axes to probe toward the Halung-Arshaan Fortified Region. Lieutenant-General Alexander Luchinsky's 36th Army advanced on two fronts, with the 2nd and 86th Rifle Corps successfully crossing the rain-swollen Argun River between Staro-Tsurukhaytuy and Duroy and securing key bridges north of Hailar. Additionally, an operational group of two rifle divisions attacked across the border, establishing a foothold in the small fortified post at Manchouli. During the night, Luchinsky sent the 205th Tank Brigade to assault Hailar from the northeast, while the 152nd Rifle Regiment maneuvered to attack from the southeast. This offensive succeeded only in capturing the railroad station in the northern part of Hailar, as the southern and eastern sections of the city fell the following day. However, the 80th Independent Mixed Brigade continued to delay the Soviet advance, while the 119th Division moved eastward to fortify positions in the Grand Khingan Mountains, stretching from Yakoshih to Pokotu. Despite these setbacks, the 36th Army had advanced 60 kilometers into Manchuria and had partially secured Hailar. Meanwhile, to the east, drenched by inundating thunderstorms, the 1st Far Eastern Front advanced under the worst weather conditions during the dark of night. This totally surprised the Japanese defenders and led to the rapid reduction of many unsuspecting border posts. Colonel-General Nikolay Krylov's 5th Army spearheaded the main attack, with the 17th, 65th, and 72nd Rifle Corps quickly breaking through the Volynsk center of resistance. They achieved a penetration of 16 to 22 kilometers toward Laotsaiying and Machiacho. Meanwhile, the 105th Fortified Region and assault engineer units attacked the Suifenho center of resistance, successfully seizing critical railroad tunnels on the main rail line into Manchuria. In support, Colonel-General Afanasy Beloborodov's 1st Red Banner Army to the north launched an assault with the 26th and 59th Rifle Corps over a 16-kilometer sector through heavily wooded, wet terrain. As they advanced, they constructed roads through the forest. By nightfall, forward divisional elements had advanced five to six kilometers deep into Manchuria, crossing the Shitouho River and half of the forested region. At the same time, the 6th Field Fortified Region and the 112th Fortified Region stormed several Japanese border positions and slowly advanced north towards Mishan. This assault supported Lieutenant-General Nikanor Zakhvatayev's 35th Army, which deployed the 66th and 363rd Rifle Divisions to cross the Sungacha River and attack towards Mishan. The 264th Rifle Division and the 109th Fortified Region assaulted across the Ussuri River against Hutou. After securing a crossing over the Sungacha, the 66th Division penetrated deep into the swamps, managing to advance 12 kilometers into Tachiao. Meanwhile, the 363rd Division successfully broke through an enemy strongpoint at Maly Huankang, ultimately reaching the southwest edge of Tachiao. In turn, the 264th Division crossed the Ussuri River and outflanked Hutou to the south, capturing the railroad depot and cutting the highway to Hulin. Lastly, Colonel-General Ivan Chistyakov's 25th Army launched an attack along two principal axes. The 39th Rifle Corps and the 259th Tank Brigade targeted Tungning, while border guard units, along with the 108th and 113th Fortified Regions, crossed the Hunchun and Tumen rivers to engage Japanese defenses in Korea and at Hunchun. Shielded by rain, the Russians swiftly captured or subdued the Japanese forward defenses along the front. By nightfall, the 39th Rifle Corps had advanced ten to twelve kilometers into the Japanese rear along the Pad Sennaya River. Lead elements, reinforced by the 72nd Tank Brigade, began their assault on the town of Tungning and the vital railroad line to Tumen. To the north, the 2nd Far Eastern Front deployed its forces across three separate sectors. Lieutenant-General Stepan Mamonov's 15th Army was tasked with the main attack across the Amur River in the center of the front sector. Lieutenant-General Makar Teryokhin's 2nd Red Banner Army was assigned to conduct a supporting attack against the Aihun and Sunwu Fortified Regions, while Major-General Ivan Pashkov's 5th Rifle Corps aimed to seize the fortified region at Jaoho. Supported by the Amur Naval Flotilla, reconnaissance and advanced detachments of the 15th Army launched assaults without artillery preparation and rapidly secured major islands in the Amur River. Mamonov's rifle divisions then sent reconnaissance units across to the south bank of the river, which was likewise secured against light opposition. Throughout the remainder of the day, reconnaissance units and advanced battalions of the 15th Army consolidated their positions on the islands and the south bank, while main forces concentrated on conducting a challenging river crossing, hampered by heavy rains, high water, and mud. At the same time, assault units and reconnaissance detachments of the 5th Rifle Corps crossed the Ussuri River, successfully securing a beachhead north of Jaoho while the remainder of the corps was transported across the river. From August 9 to 11, the forces of the 2nd Red Banner Army limited their activities to reconnaissance, focusing on seizing islands in the Amur River and harassing Japanese installations. This operation occurred at a critical moment for the Japanese, who were still reeling from the impacts of two atomic bombings. The Soviet Union had successfully initiated its invasion of Manchuria, setting the stage for a campaign that, although brief, was just beginning. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Two atomic bombs have been dropped and the Soviet Union has invaded Manchuria. For months the Japanese had been working tirelessly to obtain better peace terms through the Soviets, hoping above all else to preserve the Kokutai. It was all for nothing. The Americans offered terms, leaving the Kokutai ambiguous. What would Japan, or better said, the Emperor do?

Martin Kreutner, Dean Emeritus of the International Anti-Corruption Academy and a distinguished former member of the Austrian Federal Appeals Tribunal traces the historical roots of our present global order and compellingly argues that the shift to various forms of strongman diplomacy currently under way, in the spirit of the 1945 Yalta conference that established the key political parameters of the United Nations, is likely to be costly for human well-being. Much better to build a more inclusive system, that gives voice to people everywhere and recognizes that we live in a different world in which economic and political power is more diffuse and confronting myriad global challenges which require stronger international cooperation.  Learn more on GlobalGovernanceForum.org

In this week's episode we're joined by renowned historian Tim Bouverie to discuss his new book, Allies at War, and the political role that country houses played during the Second World War. From Chequers and Ditchley to the Livadia Palace (location of the Yalta Conference), country houses have long been important instruments of 'soft power' during times of war and peace.Allies at War by Tim Bouverie is published this week and is available from all good bookshops.

This week, Joe comes awfully close to asking a "what if" question (and getting a shoe thrown at him)! Join us as we discuss historical perspectives on the Yalta Conference at the end of World War Two and what the West could have done differently in confronting the growing Soviet threat in Eastern Europe.

His critics say President Trump is selling out Ukraine just as Franklin Delano Roosevelt supposedly sold out Poland at the 1945 Yalta Conference. Some historians have compared Trump's "appeasement" of Putin to Neville Chamberlain's appeasement of Hitler in 1938. Or, as Democrats contend, Donald Trump is betraying the Cold War legacy of Ronald Reagan. What if none of these historical episodes can be applied to today's crisis, as Ukraine defends itself against a nuclear-armed Russia? In this episode, historian Sergey Radchenko of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies compares and contrasts the past and present. Recommended reading: To Run the World: The Kremlin's Cold War Bid for Global Power by Sergey Radchenko The Talks That Could Have Ended the War in Ukraine by Samuel Charap and Sergey Radchenko (article in Foreign Affairs)

Today we have the March 1, 1945, address by President Franklin Roosevelt to a joint session of Congress. He reports on the recent summit in Yalta with other Allied leaders and discusses the future of the war and plans for the post-war world. Visit our website at BrickPickleMedia.com/podcasts. Subscribe to the ad-free version at https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/worldwar2radio/subscribe.

In this episode, we break down election results in Germany, growing Trump administration pressure on Ukraine, as well as the EU's upcoming Clean Industrial Deal. Wojciech Przybylski joins from the Yalta Conference in Kyiv, and we hear from special guest David Criekemans – a distinguished Professor of International Relations and Specialist in Geopolitics from Antwerp University.

Did Churchill and FDR really 'lose' the Yalta conference to Josef Stalin? 

Today the Late Crew reacts to Air Force deportation flights with Ravens onboard (08:00), the new Air Force dress and grooming standards (19:40), the Pentagon does away with “Identity Months” (33:22), audit results for the Government Travel Card (42:32), we play the Military Auction Game (58:04), and the history of the Yalta Conference (01:11:14).

This Day in Legal History: George Washington Unanimously ElectedOn February 4, 1789, George Washington was unanimously elected as the first President of the United States by the Electoral College, setting a precedent for democratic governance under the newly ratified Constitution. His election marked the formal beginning of the executive branch, shaping the legal and political framework of the young nation. On the same date in 1801, John Marshall was sworn in as Chief Justice of the United States. Marshall's tenure, spanning 34 years, would profoundly influence American law, particularly through landmark decisions like Marbury v. Madison, which established judicial review. His leadership solidified the Supreme Court as a coequal branch of government. Decades later, on February 4, 1945, the Yalta Conference began, with President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin meeting to discuss Europe's post-World War II reorganization. The conference had lasting legal implications, shaping international law, the formation of the United Nations, and the division of Germany. More recently, on this day in 1997, a civil jury found O.J. Simpson liable for the wrongful deaths of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman, a stark contrast to his earlier criminal trial acquittal. This verdict highlighted the differing burdens of proof in civil versus criminal law. Each of these events reflects the evolving nature of law and governance, from the founding of the presidency to the expansion of judicial power and international legal agreements.President Donald Trump has announced plans to invoke the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 as part of his strategy to deport millions of undocumented immigrants. The law, originally passed during rising tensions with France, gives the president broad authority to detain, deport, or impose restrictions on foreign nationals deemed a threat during wartime. It can be activated when the U.S. is at war or facing an “invasion or predatory incursion” by a foreign government. Trump has directed his administration to assess whether drug cartels operating in the U.S. qualify as an invasion, which could serve as the legal basis for invoking the act.Historically, the Alien Enemies Act has been used in wartime, including during the War of 1812 and both World Wars. President Woodrow Wilson imposed restrictions on foreign nationals, and President Franklin Roosevelt used the law to justify the internment of Japanese, German, and Italian Americans during World War II. The Supreme Court has upheld the law's constitutionality, even allowing deportations after wartime, as seen in the 1948 case of a former Nazi, Kurt Ludecke. However, courts have been reluctant to define “invasion” broadly, previously ruling that large numbers of migrants crossing the border do not meet the founders' definition of an armed threat.Democratic lawmakers have recently pushed to repeal the act, citing its historical use in violating civil rights. If Trump proceeds with his plan, legal challenges will likely arise over whether cartel activity constitutes an invasion and whether the law can be used outside of traditional wartime contexts.What is the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 that Trump wants to use in deportations? | ReutersA Trump-appointed federal prosecutor, Edward Martin, has warned that anyone obstructing Elon Musk's government efficiency initiative could face criminal charges. In a letter posted on X, Martin assured Musk that his office would take legal action against anyone threatening or hindering the work of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). Musk responded with a public thank-you.The warning follows reports that career government officials tried to block DOGE employees from accessing sensitive information. At the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), two top security officials were removed after preventing DOGE representatives from entering secure areas. Similarly, a Treasury Department official reportedly resisted efforts by DOGE to access financial systems.Martin revealed that his office had been working with DOGE but did not provide specifics. He also encouraged Musk to report any “questionable conduct” for potential legal action. The Trump administration has been expanding its control over the Justice Department, recently launching an investigation into a sheriff's office for releasing an undocumented immigrant in defiance of federal orders. Martin, who previously dropped all Jan. 6-related cases, has been outspoken in support of Trump, a departure from the typical neutrality of U.S. attorneys.US prosecutor warns of legal risk for anyone hindering Musk's efficiency effort | ReutersLawyers representing plaintiffs in a $2.8 billion antitrust settlement with Blue Cross Blue Shield have asked a federal judge in Alabama to approve over $754 million in legal fees and expenses. The legal team, led by Joe Whatley and Edith Kallas, is requesting $657.1 million in fees—equal to 23.47% of the settlement fund—along with at least $97 million in expenses. They argue this percentage is consistent with a similar $2.7 billion Blue Cross settlement in 2020, which awarded lawyers a comparable fee.The case, which has been in litigation for over a decade, accuses Blue Cross of dividing the country into exclusive territories to avoid competition, which allegedly drove up insurance costs and lowered reimbursements. Blue Cross has denied any wrongdoing. The lawyers claim they have worked 373,000 hours and spent $100 million on expert witnesses and other expenses.A previous $2.7 billion settlement involving Blue Cross, which addressed overcharging claims, was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court last year and resulted in $667 million in legal fees. The current settlement agreement permits lawyers to request up to 25% of the total fund for legal fees, leaving the judge to decide whether the request is reasonable.Lawyers seek $754 million in new Blue Cross antitrust settlement | ReutersA U.S. judge has extended a pause on the Trump administration's plan to freeze federal loans, grants, and financial aid after advocacy groups challenged the policy in court. Judge Loren AliKhan warned that cutting off funding would be "catastrophic" for organizations serving the public interest. The extension follows an earlier short-term pause, which was set to expire Monday.The funding freeze originated from a White House budget office memo directing agencies to halt funding in line with Trump's executive orders on immigration, climate change, and diversity. The memo was later withdrawn, but some grant recipients reported ongoing difficulties accessing funds.A Rhode Island judge issued a separate restraining order last week in response to a lawsuit from 22 Democratic attorneys general and Washington, D.C. Despite these rulings, a Trump administration lawyer argued that the president has the right to direct agencies under his executive authority. The legal battle over whether the funding freeze can move forward remains unresolved.US judge extends pause on Trump's plan to freeze federal grants, loans | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

In this episode Patrick is joined by writer and historian Giles Milton, who is expertly placed to discuss the seismic events of the Yalta conference which dictated the fate of post war Europe, which he describes so eloquently in his book Checkmate in Berlin. Yalta was the scene of a political battle between the leaders of the soon to be victorious Allied powers, with Stalin skilfully manoeuvring and exploiting his strong hand with the Red Army having already wrestled control over most of Eastern Europe. If you have any thoughts or questions, you can send them to - battlegroundukraine@gmail.com Producer: James Hodgson X: @PodBattleground Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Alger Hiss worked in high-level roles in the U.S. government during the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration. And then he was accused of using his access to spy for the Soviets. Research: “Alger Hiss.” FBI. https://www.fbi.gov/history/famous-cases/alger-hiss “A Byte Out of History, the Alger Hiss Story.” FBI. Jan. 25, 2013. https://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/a-byte-out-of-history-the-alger-hiss-story Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Alger Hiss". Encyclopedia Britannica, 8 Jul. 2024, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Alger-Hiss Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Whittaker Chambers". Encyclopedia Britannica, 5 Jul. 2024, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Whittaker-Chambers Chambers, Whittaker. “The Ghosts on the Roof.” Time. 5, 1948. https://time.com/archive/6784924/the-ghosts-on-the-roof/ Mark, Eduard. “In ReAlger Hiss: A Final Verdict from the Archives of the KGB.” Journal of Cold War Studies, vol. 11, no. 3, 2009, pp. 26–67. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26923052 Fox, John F. Jr. “In the Enemy's House: Venona and the Maturation of American Counterintelligence.” FBI.gov. Oct. 27, 2005. https://www.fbi.gov/history/history-publications-reports/in-the-enemys-house-venona-and-the-maturation-of-american-counterintelligence Hadley, David. “The Long Controversy Over Alger Hiss.” Teaching American History. Jan. 21, 2020. https://teachingamericanhistory.org/blog/the-long-controversy-over-alger-hiss/ “KGB interviews GRU agent and net controller name ALES 30 March 1945.” https://media.defense.gov/2021/Aug/01/2002818545/-1/-1/0/30MAR_KGB_INTERVIEWS_GRU_AGENT.PDF Rowe, Daniel, and Sarah Fagg, ed. “Alger Hiss and American Anti-communism.” New Histories. Vol. 3, Issue 5. https://newhistories.sites.sheffield.ac.uk/volumes/2011-12/volume-3/issue-5-crime-punishment/alger-hiss-and-american-anti-communism Sander, Gordon F. “Microfilm hidden in a pumpkin launched Richard Nixon's career 75 years ago.” New York Times.  Dec. 2, 2023. https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2023/12/02/pumpkin-papers-richard-nixon/ “Secrets, Lies, and Atomic Spies: Alger Hiss.” NOVA. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/venona/dece_hiss.html “The Yalta Conference.” U.S. State Department, Office of the Historian. https://history.state.gov/milestones/1937-1945/yalta-conf#:~:text=At%20Yalta%2C%20Roosevelt%20and%20Churchill,of%20influence%20in%20Manchuria%20following See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Do you want to get that 5?  Enter code “GO4FIVE” at checkout for 25% OFF the Lyndeurozone Online Resources! Online access expires June 15th, 2024. In this final episode on World War II we look at Nazi Germany's final attempt at survival with the Battle of the Bulge, the Yalta Conference, the allied victory over Europe, and the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan. Lyndeurozone.com  Patreon If you use this podcast regularly would you please consider supporting us on Patreon for as little as a dollar a month?  The Euro Simplified Podcast has no advertising revenue and is produced by a public school teacher.  We love and appreciate our supporters on Patreon as our supporters help us meet the costs associated with the production of this free resource for students. Episodes will be released on the following schedule: Unit 1 and Unit 2 - August/September Unit 3: October Unit 4: November Unit 5: November and December Unit 6: January Unit 7: Late January & February Unit 8 : March Unit 9: April   If you have any questions you can contact Robert Lynde at Lyndeurozone.com.

Having destroyed the German Army Group Center and pushed back Army Group North and Army Group South, the Soviet Army in late 1944 and early 1945 swept through the Balkans and Poland, while thousands of German refugees fled westward. Join Sean and James as they discuss the westward drive of the Soviet juggernaut as well as the fateful February 1945 Yalta Conference.This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/4747725/advertisement

In this final episode on World War II we look at Nazi Germany's final attempt at survival with the Battle of the Bulge, the Yalta Conference, the allied victory over Europe, and the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan. Do you want to get that 5?  Enter code “GO4FIVE” at checkout for 25% OFF the Lyndeurozone Online Resources! Online access expires June 15th, 2023. Lyndeurozone.com  Patreon If you use this podcast regularly would you please consider supporting us on Patreon for as little as a dollar a month?  The Euro Simplified Podcast has no advertising revenue and is produced by a public school teacher.  We love and appreciate our supporters on Patreon as our supporters help us meet the costs associated with the production of this free resource for students. Episodes will be released on the following schedule: Unit 1 and Unit 2 - August/September Unit 3: October Unit 4: November Unit 5: November and December Unit 6: January Unit 7: Late January & February Unit 8 : March Unit 9: April   If you have any questions you can contact Robert Lynde at Lyndeurozone.com.   Instagram: @Lyndeurozone  

In this final episode on World War II we look at Nazi Germany's final attempt at survival with the Battle of the Bulge, the Yalta Conference, the allied victory over Europe, and the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan. Do you want to get that 5?  Enter code “GO4FIVE” at checkout for 25% OFF the Lyndeurozone Online Resources! Online access expires June 15th, 2023. Lyndeurozone.com  Patreon If you use this podcast regularly would you please consider supporting us on Patreon for as little as a dollar a month?  The Euro Simplified Podcast has no advertising revenue and is produced by a public school teacher.  We love and appreciate our supporters on Patreon as our supporters help us meet the costs associated with the production of this free resource for students. Episodes will be released on the following schedule: Unit 1 and Unit 2 - August/September Unit 3: October Unit 4: November Unit 5: November and December Unit 6: January Unit 7: Late January & February Unit 8 : March Unit 9: April   If you have any questions you can contact Robert Lynde at Lyndeurozone.com.   Instagram: @Lyndeurozone  

In early 1945, with an inevitable defeat of Nazi Germany on the horizon, the Allied leaders of the United States, Britain and Russia came together to decide the postwar future of Europe itself. The ‘Big Three', made up of Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin - met at Yalta in Crimea, with the reorganisation of Germany a top priority to be discussed. But within a few years of the Yalta Conference, any hopes for a new era of peace was shattered by the arrival of the Cold War.In this episode, James is joined by leading war historian Caroline Kennedy-Pipe, to learn more about what happened at the Yalta conference over those eight momentous days. What deals were struck? Why did the conference fail to stop the Cold War? And why does the Yalta Conference remain such a controversial topic today?Caroline's book is available here.Senior Producer was Elena Guthrie. The Assistant Producer was Annie Coloe. Edited by Aidan Lonergan.For more Warfare content, subscribe to our Warfare newsletter here. If you'd like to learn even more, we have hundreds of history documentaries, ad free podcasts and audiobooks at History Hit - subscribe today! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this edition of Channeling History, President Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill discuss the decisions made at the Yalta Conference and how Stalin set the foundation for the Cold War.  A great look at the events that altered the world and still affect our current times.  Please tell your friends about Channeling History and subscribe to our channel.

The conference saw Allied leaders United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin meet to discuss the government of post-war ...

Minisode: February 4, This Day in HistoryListen to this episode to discover what happened on this day in history. Clues are in the title!The People History: https://www.thepeoplehistory.comHistory: https://www.history.com/this-day-in-historyBritannica: https://www.britannica.com/on-this-daySupport the show

Photo: No known restrictions on publication. 2/1945 @Batchelorshow #Ukraine:  The unforced errors of Yalta Conference of the Big Three, February,.1945.   Professor H.J. Mackinder, International Relations. #FriendsofHistoryDebatingSociety https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yalta_Conference

Tour Guide Tell All is BACK for the fall! We are starting with a pivotal moment at the end of world war 2, the Yalta Conference between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin discussing war aims and peace negotiations   Join Rebecca and Becca as we discuss the fate of the post-war world.   Comments or Questions? Or have an idea for future episodes - #pitchtothepod? Email us tourguidetellall@gmail.com Support Tour Guide Tell All: Want to send a one off donation to support the podcast team? We have a venmo @tourguide-tellall Check out our STORE for Tour Guide Tell All podcast paraphernalia from tote bags to stickers - https://tour-guide-tell-all.myshopify.com/ Become a Patron for bonus episodes and early release: https://www.patreon.com/tourguidetellall If you are looking for more information, we found these resources to be helpful:   Full length books: Yalta, the Price of Peace by SM Plokhy Eight Days at Yalta by Diana Preston Daughters of Yalta by Catharine Grace Katz   Standard overview with some good photos: https://www.britannica.com/event/Yalta-Conference   What went wrong with Poland: https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/what-went-wrong-on-poland-reconsidering-the-legacy-of-the-yalta-agreement/   Big 3 Joint statement at the conclusion of the conference: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/joint-statement-with-churchill-and-stalin-the-yalta-conference   FDR statement to congress post Yalta: https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/march-1-1945-address-congress-yalta   You're Listening To: Becca Grawl & Rebecca Fachner Produced / Edited by: Canden Arciniega   Intro/Outro Music: Well-Seasoned from Audio Hero

In this episode, Lexman interviews François Chollet, a French historian and author who has written extensively on Russia's Yalta Conference. Chollet discusses the negotiations that took place at the conference, and how they shaped the world we live in today.

Photo: No known restrictions on publication. @Batchelorshow #Ukraine: Looking to the New Yalta Conference to divide up Eurasia after the Ukraine conflict.  Professor H.J. Mackinder, International Relations. #FriendsofHistoryDebatingSociety https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yalta_Conference

On Tuesday, June 7, your History Group will discuss the consequences of WWII after Yalta and the expanded roles of the privileged daughters of the three powerful leaders. Here's the NLS annotation: The daughters of Yalta: the Churchills, Roosevelts, and Harrimans : a story of love and war DB102417 Katz, Catherine Grace Reading time: 14 hours, 57 minutes. Christine Rendel Biography World History and Affairs An account of the "daughter diplomacy" of Anna Roosevelt, Sarah Churchill, and Kathleen Harriman, who accompanied their powerful fathers to the Yalta Conference with Joseph Stalin in the final days of World War II. Unrated. Commercial audiobook. 2020. Don Queen

On Tuesday, June 7, your History Group will discuss the consequences of WWII after Yalta and the expanded roles of the privileged daughters of the three powerful leaders. Here's the NLS annotation: The daughters of Yalta: the Churchills, Roosevelts, and Harrimans : a story of love and war DB102417 Katz, Catherine Grace Reading time: 14 hours, 57 minutes. Christine Rendel Biography World History and Affairs An account of the "daughter diplomacy" of Anna Roosevelt, Sarah Churchill, and Kathleen Harriman, who accompanied their powerful fathers to the Yalta Conference with Joseph Stalin in the final days of World War II. Unrated. Commercial audiobook. 2020. Don Queen

Berlin's fate was sealed at the 1945 Yalta Conference: the city, along with the rest of Germany, was to be carved up between the victorious powers - American, British, French and Soviet. On paper, it seemed a pragmatic solution. In reality, once the four powers were no longer united by their common purpose of defeating Germany they wasted little time reverting to their pre-war hostility toward each other.Writer and historian Giles Milton joins Dan on the podcast to share the story of the race to seize Berlin in the aftermath of World War II. They discuss how rival systems, rival ideologies and rival personalities ensured that the German capital became an explosive battleground.Produced by Hannah WardMixed and Mastered by Dougal PatmoreIf you'd like to learn more, we have hundreds of history documentaries, ad-free podcasts and audiobooks at History Hit - subscribe today! To download the History Hit app please go to the Android or Apple store. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

It's time to study if you want that 5!  Enter code “GO4FIVE” at checkout for 25% OFF the Lyndeurozone Online Resources.  Sale ends May 1st! In this final episode on World War II we look at Nazi Germany's final attempt at survival with the Battle of the Bulge, the Yalta Conference, the allied victory over Europe, and the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan.

Exploring what fun historical event took place on this day

Winter storm Landon is wreaking havoc on the U.S., The Beijing Olympics have officially started, Norway has banned certain dog breeds for health concerns (00:17:45), Joe Biden ordered the hit on an ISIS leader (00:25:15), META announced it is shrinking, Hackers stole $320 million wrapped Etherium, hacker took down North Korea's internet, new “hot felon” in the UK (00:49:45), Bezos tearing down historic bridge in the Netherlands so his yacht can sail through, Florida Man finds sniper rifles while magnet fishing & of course voicemails and five star reviews. (00:00:00) - Timestamps Cup of Coffee in the Big Time (00:06:10) - Fun Fact: Moonquakes & country without mosquitoes (00:08:35) - Holidays: Bubble Gum Day, National Hemp Day, Stuffed Mushroom Day & many more (00:10:05) - This Day in History: 1945 Yalta Conference, 2004 Facebook launched, 1789 George Washington elected as first President (00:13:14) - Honorable Mentions: Winter Storm Landon taking over the country & The Beijing Winter Olympics has started (00:17:45) - #2 - Norway has banned English Bulldogs & The Cavalier King Charles Spaniel over health and moral concerns (00:25:15) - #1 - Joe Biden video of him leaving stage has many questioning his health and a leader of ISIS is taken out by US Special Forces Al Gore Invented The Internet (00:39:15) - META announced that it is shrinking in users for first time in history (00:43:08) - Hackers steal $320 Million in wormhole between Solana and Etherium (00:46:50) - One U.S. hacker has taken down North Korea's internet Tik Tok International Moment (00:49:45) -UK - New “hot felon” is taking internet by storm after cops post his mugshot (00:55:20) - Netherlands - Historic bridge is to be dismantled so Jeff Bezos' new yacht can pass through it (01:00:15) -Florida Man - Grandfather and grandson pull up two sniper rifles while magnet fishing from a bridge (01:05:30) - Jeff Zucker out as head of CNN & Voice Mails and five star reviews These stories, and much more, brought to you by our incredible sponsors: Bird Dogs - If you want comfortable pants and shorts and a free whistle football go to https://birddogs.com/hardfactor and use promo code Factor at checkout Predictit - Go to Predictit.org/promo/hardfactor40 to get $40 matched on your first deposit when you also deposit $40 Go to store.hardfactor.com and patreon.com/hardfactor to support the pod with incredible merch and bonus podcasts Leave us a Voicemail at 512-270-1480, send us a voice memo to hardfactorvoicemail@gmail.com, and/or leave a 5-Star review on Apple Podcasts to hear it on Friday's show Other Places to Listen: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Stitcher, Lots More... Watch Full Episodes on YouTube Follow @HardFactorNews on Instagram, Twitter, TikTok, and Facebook

In the book, Daughters of Yalta: The Churchills, Roosevelts, Harrimans: A Story of Love and War by Catherine Grace Katz, the reader gets to experience the Yalta Conference through the three daughters of world leaders trying to come to agreements after World War II. This book is written by a woman who tells us about three women who influenced history, but whose story has remained largely untold. In this episode, Kara shares how the three daughters: Anna Roosevelt, Sarah Churchill and Kathleen Harriman helped their fathers during the Yalta conference and explains why this book she be next on your reading list.

The French Forces in Berlin were the units of the French Armed Forces stationed from 1945 until the end of the Cold War-era in West Berlin according to the agreements of the Yalta Conference and Potsdam Conference. The troops were the French counterparts to the United States' Berlin Brigade and the United Kingdom's Berlin Infantry Brigade in the city. Philippe was stationed in Berlin from 1972 to 1973 with the French army for his military service. He did not volunteer and was not too happy at first, but started enjoying life outside of the “Quartier Napoleon” as it was called, near the Tegel airport.His role was in Signals intelligence and during the day he listened to FM radio transmissions of the East German Army as well as the Soviets (GFSA). If you are enjoying the podcast, you can help me to keep producing these episodes by a small monthly donation via Patreon, plus you will get the sought after CWC coaster as a thank you and bask in the warm glow of knowing you are helping to preserve Cold War history. Just go to https://coldwarconversations.com/donate/If a financial contribution is not your cup of tea, you can still help us by leaving written reviews wherever you listen to us and sharing us on social media. It really helps us get new guests on the show.I am delighted to welcome Philippe to our Cold War conversation…There's further information on this episode here.   https://coldwarconversations.com/episode189/If you can't wait for next week's episode, visit our Facebook discussion group where guests and listeners continue the Cold War Conversation. Just search Cold War Conversations in Facebook.Thank you very much for listening. It is really appreciated – goodbye.Support the show (https://www.patreon.com/coldwarpod)

In the aftermath of World War II, amongst the shattered ruins of Berlin a new conflict was born, the Cold War. With the common purpose of defeating Nazi Germany gone the allied powers were soon no longer allies. Berlin had been divided before the end of the war at the Yalta Conference between the British, French, United States and Soviets. However, Berlin was deep in the Soviet-occupied zone of Germany and Stalin wished to wrest control of it from the other allied powers. The situation became so tense that it almost sparked another world war and the allies remained steadfast in their determination to hold onto their sectors of the city. This culminated in the Berlin Airlift where many thousands of tons of supplies were flown into the city daily to defy the Soviet blockade and keep its residents from starvation. The fantastic historian and writer Giles Milton is today's guest to discuss his new book Checkmate in Berlin which explores the history of Berlin in the immediate post-war period. Giles and Dan discuss how tensions between the former allies flared, the flourishing black market in Berlin at the time, how the British and Americans were able to pull off the extraordinary feat of the airlift and its consequences. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In the aftermath of World War II, amongst the shattered ruins of Berlin a new conflict was born, the Cold War. With the common purpose of defeating Nazi Germany gone the allied powers were soon no longer allies. Berlin had been divided before the end of the war at the Yalta Conference between the British, French, United States and Soviets. However, Berlin was deep in the Soviet-occupied zone of Germany and Stalin wished to wrest control of it from the other allied powers. The situation became so tense that it almost sparked another world war and the allies remained steadfast in their determination to hold onto their sectors of the city. This culminated in the Berlin Airlift where many thousands of tons of supplies were flown into the city daily to defy the Soviet blockade and keep its residents from starvation. The fantastic historian and writer Giles Milton is today's guest to discuss his new book Checkmate in Berlin which explores the history of Berlin in the immediate post-war period. Giles and Dan discuss how tensions between the former allies flared, the flourishing black market in Berlin at the time, how the British and Americans were able to pull off the extraordinary feat of the airlift and its consequences. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

A compulsive listen about the battle for Berlin and control of the Western world in the aftermath of the Second World War from 'the master of narrative history'. Berlin was in ruins when Soviet forces fought their way towards the Reichstag in the spring of 1945. Streets were choked with rubble, power supplies severed and the population close to starvation. The arrival of the Soviet army heralded yet greater terrors: the city's civilians were to suffer rape, looting and horrific violence. Worse still, they faced a future with neither certainty nor hope. Berlin's fate had been sealed four months earlier at the Yalta Conference. The city, along with the rest of Germany, was to be carved up between the victorious powers - British, American, French and Soviet. On paper, it seemed a pragmatic solution; in reality, it fired the starting gun for the Cold War. As soon as the four powers were no longer united by the common purpose of defeating Germany, they reverted to their pre-war hostility and suspicion. Rival systems, rival ideologies and rival personalities ensured that Berlin became an explosive battleground. The ruins of this once-great city were soon awash with spies, gangsters and black-marketeers, all of whom sought to profit from the disarray. For the next four years, a handful of charismatic but flawed individuals - British, American and Soviet - fought an intensely personal battle over the future of Germany, Europe and the entire free world. Checkmate in Berlin tells this exhilarating, high-stakes tale of grit, skullduggery, and raw power. From the high politics of Yalta to the desperate scramble to break the Soviet stranglehold of Berlin with the greatest aerial operation in history, this is the epic story of the first battle of the Cold War and how it shaped the modern world.

Strom Thurmond landed on a glider behind enemy lines at D-Day and then went with the 82nd Airborne Division and then the First Army Division all the way to nearly Berlin. Listen as he talks about that campaign from D-Day through Belgium and the Battle of the Bulge and across the Rhine River as we also mix in Newsreel coverage from the time. It is the closing days of 1944 and the Allies are on the march through out Europe. Then listen as Franklin Roosevelt addresses the nation about the Allied intentions as it closes in on Germany, then again as he is Inaugurated for an unprecedented fourth term and finally as he addresses Congress after his return from the big three Yalta Conference in a speech that he begins with the only acknowledgement in his entire career of his handicap in public.  Finally, we close the episode with a look back at the life and career of the extraordinary man who led America through a Great Depression and a World War. 

From the Yalta Conference to the centrist Dwight Eisenhower administration, members of the far-right feel a sense of betrayal as the country integrates and embraces separation of church and state, laying the foundation for a paranoid style of politics and a flight from fact. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

From the Yalta Conference to the centrist Dwight Eisenhower administration, members of the far-right feel a sense of betrayal as the country integrates and embraces separation of church and state, laying the foundation for a paranoid style of politics and a flight from fact.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Ryan and Jamie discuss the events and consequences of the Yalta Conference in February 1945. They cover topics such as Poland, the United Nations and Columbo. 

In February 1945, the ‘Big Three' met for arguably the most important and controversial of the conferences of the Second World War. At the Yalta Conference, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin discussed the post-war reorganisation of Europe. The British and American leaders had come a long way to cooperate with Stalin, but they had not come alone. Roosevelt's daughter, Anna, Churchill's daughter Sarah and Kathleen Harriman, the daughter of the US ambassador to the Soviet Union were all in attendance. For her new book, Catherine Grace Katz has approached the Yalta conference from the perspective of these women, each of whom had a different angle and role there. In this episode Catherine shares her understanding of each of these women and what this can, in turn, tell us about the relationships between the United States, Britain and the USSR. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

FEBRUARY 11 -- 1945 FDR and oldest daughter Anne leave for Yalta Conference; 2014 Chevron well explodes, apologize to town with free pizza; 1805 Sacagawea gives birth to Jean Baptiste; SPORTS: 1996 Michael Jordon scores 22 points in 20 minutes, 1997Bill Parcells becomes Jets head coach, 1982 San Diego trades Ozzie Smith to St. Louis

It was no joke, on April 1st, 1901 Jay Vivian Chambers was born in Philadelphia on a cold early morning with snow blanketing the ground; a blizzard was soon to come. Weighing 12 pounds and measuring 12 inches across the shoulders, his birth nearly killed his mother Laha. An artery was torn and baby Jay had to be removed with instruments. It was sad but fitting that Jay was born in this fashion, difficult and dangerous; his birth would serve as a type of foreboding for the remainder of his life. He was an abnormally large  newborn, and he’d grow to live an abnormally large life.Young Jay was named after his father Jay Chambers. His middle name, Vivian was the last name of one of his mother’s lifelong friends. As a child and young adult, he despised his first and middle names and vowed to change them as soon as he was able. While he didn’t know it at the time, he would live to have multiple first and last names - most of them assigned to him. Eventually, Jay would take his mother’s maiden name for his first, and keep his father’s surname, going by who the world now knows him as, Whittaker Chambers.Young Whittaker grew up in Lynbrook, New York State. His family moved there in 1904 just after Whittaker’s little brother Richard was born.  As Whittaker became a child and began to understand and compare his world with that of others, he became keenly aware of the dysfunction that he was continually surrounded by. Both of his parents, Jay and Laha came from the world of art as they were both thespians in their young life. They loved the stage and continued to act even after having their two boys. More so Jay - He was truly an artist and viewed himself as much. He didn’t care for the comforts of a middle class family. This was made apparent by withholding any money for his wife to beautify or to just repair their humble home. Nor did he pay any attention to his son’s overall health - Both Richard and Whittaker often suffered tooth aches to no relief from a dentist. As Jay submerged himself in his work as an artist for the local paper, and took a liking for the opera, and all things “culture”, he became completely absent from the family. He would come home in the middle hours of the night, almost always drunk. For this, and many other reasons, young Whittaker regrettably, but honestly lacked any respect for his father (p. 142).Jay’s absence and lack of engagement made Laha become Whittaker’s favorite parent, even if it was by default. Their shared sentiments regarding Jay, drew them into a close relationship. But Laha struggled with her own demons. She became dependent upon her young boys and could be described as acting somewhat neurotic at times. For some reason she felt the need to frequently remind Whittaker of how much pain his delivery had caused her.  Understandably, he resented this. Yet, despite all of her faults and problems, Laha loved her two boys and they became her life and her world. The small family even tried attending an Episcopalian Church for a time. But without reason, the boys were suspected of passing the whooping cough to another attendant. That ended their three month trial - as such religion played no part in their home. Whittaker would later write, “What I knew as a child about religion, I did not know as the result of any instruction. I knew it as a result of something I heard by chance, or that happened to me, and that touched something that was already in me.” (p. 116).Whittaker might not have needed religious education, but he would need all the hope and grounding he could get because the tenuous marriage of his parents rapidly dissolved when Whittaker and Richard were still young. Jay had his own life outside his family and simply solidified this by moving out. He would send the family 8 dollars a week, which at the time, Laha and her two boys managed fairly well. But Whittaker knew they were poor and would understand later that Jay could have given more in alimony, seeing as he had a steady and relatively good paying job. The good part of Whittaker’s father being gone was that their home became a much happier place. His father’s absence at home lightened the usually oppressive atmosphere.But it wasn’t long before Jay had moved out, that Grandma Whittaker would move in. And she was anything but a calming presence in their house. With early dementia, Grandma Whittaker would lock herself into her room and light little fires “cooking” something. The family learned to disregard her insistent self ramblings as well as the smell of smoke coming from her room. There were several times when Whittaker, being the largest in the family, would have to intervene - whether it was breaking down a door to see what was aflame or wrestling scissors or knives from her clinched fists, Grandma being at the house, in addition to the old tensions, was like having a demoniac presence sitting in the heart of their home. (p. 169). Whittaker would later write, “I suppose nobody ever sleeps quite peacefully in a house where a woman sometimes wanders around with a knife.” (p. 170).While Whittaker seemed to take the brunt of all this abnormality, the weight was surely shared by both brothers. Living under the same roof caused Whittaker and Richard to become very close even though they were growing up to be quite different men. Richard was good with his hands, and worked with them often. He ended up building a guesthouse on their property which he would soon move into as a young adult. He was more outspoken, expressed more emotion, and soon became Laha’s favorite sons’ as it was natural for him to confide in her - something she desperately craved. Yet, as he neared his late teenage years, Richard began to find solace from his pitiful life in drinking  more prohibition whiskey than he clearly ought. By the time he was twenty, he could be found drunk in the early hours of the day. Whittaker, on the other hand was more cerebral, immersing himself into books and self reflection, guarding and keeping his thoughts almost entirely to himself.In the fall of 1920, Whittaker enrolled at Columbia College (p.164). Upon attending, he took the opportunity to finally rid himself of the name Vivian to officially take his mother’s maiden name, Whittaker. And although he was already abreast of the Communist movement, it was here that he began reading more  of its happenings and was encouraged by others to delve deeper into the social, economic, and political world of Marxism. Here, Whittaker’s skills and talent with writing, reading, and translating the languages was noticed among his peers and professors. Many thought he’d become a novelist or major poet. Indeed, Whittaker did  write - among his works was a short play entitled: A Play for Puppets. It was featured in Columbia's literary magazine. But the atheistic nature of the playlet caused controversy among the school and even spread to the New York City newspaper. Whittaker was disheartened and came to dislike Columbia - Although it wasn’t his first choice of colleges, it allowed him to live at home and save the family from paying boarding fees. Choosing to live at home rather than live at a dorm not only saved the family money, but in a sense, saved the family, or what was left of it  - if only for a short time.In the two years Whittaker attended college, Richard found himself further down the road of self destruction - continual drinking with self absorbed unhappiness.  One night at a bar with his friends and brother, Richard became so belligerent, he began cursing for all to hear, himself and his parents for ruining not only their own lives, but his life as well. The sober Whittaker took offense at the remarks and with the bar tender’s approval, threw a tumbler of whiskey at Richard’s face. The two brothers fought in the bar and throughout the night. Whittaker, although larger but not as scrappy, finally went to bed bleeding from the bridge of his nose. The scar Richard left him would remain with Whittaker for the remainder of his life. It was a sort of going away gift as Richard was soon to leave.Within a years time - Richard would take his life. He was found in his kitchen one morning with his head resting on a pillow inside the gas oven - his feet propped up on a pile of books with a bottle of whiskey just below his rigid fingers. Whittaker, although in shock from seeing his brother and best friend cold and lifeless, was not surprised. Richard had tried this multiple times before without success only because of his older brother’s intervention. It was only a matter of time. Not long after Whittaker removed his brother from his house and had him buried, did he receive a call from Laha informing him that his father Jay had passed away. His mother said that Jay “had simply dropped dead in the bathroom as he prepared to shave.”Whittaker was 22 years old and his small world, as broken and fragile as it was, had mostly died - and what was left, was dying. His mother was withering away from grief and His grandmother was clinically insane. Whittaker was convinced that the death surrounding him and the many pains that preceded it was a just microcosm of the world at large. World War One had just ended three years before claiming twenty-two million lives. The Bolshevik revolution in Russia was nearing its end, having murdered tens of millions and served as Communism’s catalyst to spread across the globe. Revolutions were happening, as were epidemics. The Spanish flu was in full swing and would kill fifty million people before it ended, not to mention smallpox that would end up taking many more than that.Much of what Whittaker intimately knew was poverty, neglect, alcoholism, and dysfunction. And at the time, the world seemed to reflect that stark reality. Yes, “The world was dying of its own vulgarity, stupidity, complacency, inhumanity, power and materialism - a death of the spirit… That this world was dying both brothers knew.” (p.185). “But they differed on how to face the fact. Richard had simply removed himself from what he found unsolvable or unworthy to be solved. He had made his choice, (186-187) and so would Whittaker. But whereas Richard succumbed to the world’s cancer of wars, economic crises’ and moral enervation, finding nothing to live for, Whittaker committed to become the cure, having found something to die for. By the time his brother and father expired, Whittaker was already a member in the Communist Party. But now he became an un-reconcilable Communist - in both body and spirit. Not because he was simply attracted to it, but was driven to it from despair by the crisis of history through which the world [was] passing.” (p.191).Whittaker was at a loss. And he felt helpless - God was not in control - not in control of his circumstances, nor his brother’s. God wasn’t in control of the wars and revolutions, nor the epidemics of diseases spreading across the globe. If God could not, or would not solve the problems plaguing mankind - then mankind had no choice but to assume the throne. Whittaker would write that “Communism restores to man his sovereignty by the simple method of denying God.” (p. 10). But although Whittaker was about to plunge deep and long into a world view that not only denies God, but seeks to eradicate any trace of him, God would not deny Whittaker. Rather, God would pursue him!Whittaker was now in his early 50’s - and was now a counter-revolutionist testifying against Communism. What had at once given him a reason to live had now become evil; and now risked taking his life. Whittaker, in the midst of deadly consequences from without and emotional turmoil from within, was presently shinning an unwanted light on not only his past affairs working for the Soviet’s secret military intelligence, but many others who were still working within the United States Government. After twenty five years, Whittaker would look back on his time as a Communist.In those beginning years, soon after Richard’s suicide, Whittaker’s ability with writing and editing were quickly put to use for the Communist Party - specifically “Class-angling”. This was the art of rewriting news stories with a Communist interpretation. That was just the beginning though. Whittaker’s proficiency and devotion to Communism exceeded simply working for the Party and being shuffled around to  and from various Socialist presses, producing pamphlets, magazines, and any other forms of literary propaganda. He had more services to offer, and others laying in wait had taken notice. And within a short time, Chambers was recruited to join the "Communist underground”.Accepting it as his solemn duty, Whittaker was now a spy working to overthrow the U.S. government on behalf of Stalin’s Soviet Union in the military intelligence agency - the GRU. After serving under various controllers, taking assorted identities, holding numerous job titles, and only living in places for short periods, Whittaker finally came under the direction of Harold Ware, a member of the Washington spy apparatus. Ware was an agricultural engineer and was employed by the federal New Deal while covertly leading a group of about 75 operatives within the U.S. government. It was in this place and time that Chambers became close to Alger Hiss. Hiss was a fellow communist spy and like Ware, served within the higher echelons of the Washington establishment. He was a government attorney, served in the New Deal, the Justice Department, and would later even serve in the U.S. delegation to attend the famous Yalta Conference where Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill met to negotiate the terms for the end of the War. Circumstances had Whittaker and Alger in close contact. Living together for a time, their families shared a rare type of intimacy; that kind that could only be relegated to secrecy and truly understood by the life of a spy. From the plenty of people that came in and out of Whittaker’s life within his service as a Russian asset, Chambers would later confess that “Mr. Hiss had become his closest friend.” (p. 694).By now, Whittaker was in the thick of his espionage activity, but his concerns with  taking orders from the Soviet Union were growing. At first he was specifically disillusioned with Stalin’s personal perversion by turning to Fascism. But shortly after, that, Whittaker came to see that is wasn’t Stalin he was concerned with, but Communism itself. He would later write, “The point was not that Stalin is evil, but that Communism is more evil, and that, acting through his person, it found its supremely logical manifestation. The important point was not the character of Stalin, but the character of Communism,…”( p. 249).Through Whittaker’s marriage to his wife Esther, in the early 30’s and the births of their two children afterwards, (both events which were unofficially frowned upon by the Party), God was slowly but steadily convicting Whittaker not only of the evils of Communism, but the joy and grace that can only be had in a life surrendered to Himself. God was calling Whittaker to come forth.  And it wasn’t until 1937, until he  first began to feel like Lazarus - a man making “the impossible return”; climbing from the deep underground into the realm of the living. And within a year’s time, in April of 1938, Whittaker and his wife, made that final decision - the only possible choice; that they’d rather die, than live under Communism. It would be all sorts of hell that they would have to endure. Whittaker faced the threat of physical death for defecting  from anybody at anytime, but it was the emotional turmoil he suffered that was just as troubling. In times of weakness and unbearable stress, it was as if Whittaker’s brother was calling from the ground to join him. But through all the pain, and all the trials, nothing made the couple regret their decision. (p.25). Chambers finally and officially broke with communism and took his wife and two children into hiding. But Whittaker did not break from Communism just to remain quiet, but to eventually fight against it.In April of 1939, almost one year exactly from leaving the Soviet underground did Whittaker come out of hiding to go work for Time. His actions against Communism were going to be slow and methodical and his new job allowed those two maneuvers. He began at Time as a no-body; a third-string book reviewer making an annual 5 thousand dollars and quickly rose to senior editor making 30 thousand. Never once did he ask for a raise. As a well trained former Communist, Whittaker never really knew or cared how much he made. Nearly 10 years later, he resigned as one of the best known writer-editors from Time because the court case he was in “had reached a crisis.” (p. 86). Looking back, Whittaker would write, “My debt and my gratitude to Time cannot be measured. At a critical moment, Time gave me back my life. It gave me my voice. It gave me sanctuary, professional respect, peace and time in which to mature my changed view of the world and man’s destiny, and mine, it it. I went to Time a fugitive; I left a citizen. In my years with it, I became a Quaker and took my wife and children with me into the spiritual peace of the meeting.” (p. 87-88). And Whittaker would need a reservoir of peace for the long battle ahead.Soon after leaving Time, on August 3, 1948, Chambers was called to testify before the House on the Un-American Activities Committee. It was here where he  gave witness to the names to all those he knew inside the underground Ware group. This undoubtedly, included his once good friend, Alger Hiss. It caused Whittaker, the disheveled and portly witness, much anguish to have to testify against him. His statements didn’t accuse Alger of espionage activity, but straightly claimed that he was or at least had been a member of the Communist Party. But the buttoned-up and good looking Hiss flatly rejected any allegations that he had ever been a Communist and claimed no knowledge as to who Chambers was. The long trials that pursued would be called the “Hiss Trials”. These were some of Whittaker’s worst years of defection. By now, he was thankful to not really worry about being snuffed out by an unknown assassin, and he remained grateful for his work at Time where he gained respect and a bit of editorial notoriety. But coming before the United States Government to confess his past, and having to charge others, specifically his friend Alger, of secret allegiance to Soviet Russia, bore down on his body and his soul.In the beginning, the majority of people just couldn’t believe that the U.S. government had been infiltrated to such an extent. And on the surface, Hiss was likable, believable,  and had a mirror-finish education and career. Whittaker on the other hand looked tired and depressed and his accusations - too far fetched. President Truman straightforwardly dismissed  Whittaker’s testimony as a “Red Herring”. He surely didn’t like the allegation that the man responsible for the United Nations Charter Conference was a Communist. But Whittaker simply knew too many intimate details about Alger that couldn’t be easily ignored. Yet, without evidence, the first trial ended in 1949 with the jury deadlocked.Meanwhile, Hiss’s attorneys referred to Whittaker as an “enemy of the Republic, a blasphemer of Christ, and a disbeliever in God,”. This was ironic, since it was due to Whittaker’s hope to save the Republic and trust in God that he was testifying. Regardless, the defense also put on a psychiatrist who pointed out Chamber’s childhood, characterizing him as a sort of psychopath who’s only nature was to lie. But the evidence finally produced by Chambers in the second trial was undeniable. Under subpoena, Whittaker presented four handwritten notes composed by Hiss,  65 State Department documents, and 4 strips of microfilm that had once been hidden inside a hollowed out pumpkin. These papers and microfilm became known as the “pumpkin papers.” The reason for the delay in producing the evidence was by Whittaker’s account, “to spare an old friend from more trouble than necessary.” But even though Whittaker tried to guard his old friend, the evidence was not as gracious. And eventually, in 1950, when the second trial had reached its conclusion, Hiss was found guilty on two counts of perjury being sentenced to five years in prison. He couldn’t be charged with espionage because the statute of limitations for such a crime was only five years.The whole ordeal was unpleasant to say the least. The international attention, the constant personal attacks, and the character assassination left Whittaker troubled, saddened, and took a brutal toll on his overall health. He had been suffering from heart problems for over 10 years now. But although the court case was conclusively over,  and the smoke had settled, Whittaker had much more to say, un-encumbered by interruptions from attorneys and groans from the crowds. He would do what he knew best - Write his account - his life story; why and how he became a Communist and why he defected. He would explain everything in vivid detail, in his 800 page autobiography, aptly entitled: Witness. In 1952, Chambers published his work to widespread acclaim. The book was a bestseller for nearly a year which helped to pay some of the legal debts that had been growing. But, as an Ex-Communist and now a Quaker, money meant little to Whittaker whereas honesty and honor meant everything.His autobiography served to make the record straight. It laid to rest the suggestion  that he fabricated anything in his testimony. But Witness wasn’t just written as a counter revolutionist’s hope to win over his enemies, but as a father gently explaining his complex life to his two children, who were too young to understand all the drama swirling around them and their father. As such, Whittaker bore his soul for all to see that  Communism and Freedom were the two irreconcilable faiths of his time. To Whittaker, a Witness against Communism was a Witness for God. And that calling to witness in every sense of it, became Whittaker’s cross to bear. He would explain this to his son and daughter in the introduction of autobiography:“My children, when you were little, we [to] used sometimes to go for walks in our pine woods.  In the open fields, you would run along by yourselves.  But you used [to] instinctively … give me your hands as we entered those woods, where it was darker, lonelier, and in the stillness our voices sounded loud and frightening.  In this book I am again giving you my hands.  I am leading you, not through cool pinewoods, but up and up a narrow defile between bare and steep rocks from which, in shadow, things uncoil and slither away.  It will be dark.  But, in the end, if I have led you aright, you will make out three crosses, from two of which hang thieves.  I will have brought you to Golgotha— the place of skulls.  This is the meaning of the journey.  Before you understand, I may not be there; my hands maybe have slipped from yours.  It will not matter.  For when you understand what you see, you will no longer be children.  You will know that life is pain, that each of us hangs always upon the cross of himself.  And when you know that this is true of every man, woman, and child on earth, you will be wise.” (p. 21).Nine years after, on July 9, 1961, Whittaker died of a heart attack at his 300-acre farm in Westminster, Maryland. Having said his peace - he left his wife and children the life he had always wanted and a Witness the world could never ignore. 

Attended by the “Big Three” Allied leaders, the conference saw United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin meet to discuss the government of post-war ...

Catherine Grace Katz joins us to tell the story of three intelligent and glamorous young women (Sarah Churchill, Anna Roosevelt, and Kathleen Harriman) who accompanied their famous fathers to the Yalta Conference in February 1945, and how they affected the conference and its fateful reverberations in the waning days of World War II. Episode #404.

KFI Radio legend Tim Conway Jr. may be the funniest man on the radio in Los Angeles. He may even be the funniest Tim Conway. Tim unleashes stories about his bold career launch, the dawn of internet radio, growing up in Hollywood, Tim Conway Sr., Don Knotts, Ernie Anderson, Rick Dees and More. Plus, Fritz and Weezy are recommending Joe Bonamassa: Guitar Man, Jimmy Carter: Rock and Roll President, The Daughters of Yalta, The Roosevelts: An Intimate History and Dash & Lily. All that AND race track betting tips!

We do a brief deep-dive into Book of Mormon archaeology, but probably not a story you’ve heard before. Thomas Stuart Ferguson was hired by BYU and the Mormon church to study Mesoamerica for ties to ancient Book of Mormon cities and artifacts. His findings will SHOCK you! Then we dive into the next installment of The Naked Communist with more background on post WWII history and the rise of fear and loathing of Communism in America. Finally we wrap with a feel-good story about a remote village in Canada supplementing their reliance on fossil fuels with tons of solar power!   Links:   Thomas Stuart Fergusonhttps://www.sciencemag.org/news/2018/01/how-mormon-lawyer-transformed-archaeology-mexico-and-ended-losing-his-faith http://www.ancientamerica.org/library/media/HTML/1bvanve9/30.%20IN%20HONOR%20OF%20THOMAS%20STUART%20FERGUSON.htm?n=0 https://www.fairmormon.org/answers/Book_of_Mormon/Archaeology/Thomas_Stuart_Ferguson   NWAFhttps://byuorg.lib.byu.edu/index.php/New_World_Archaeological_Foundation#Assets_and_Administrative_Structure   Hitler’s invasion of Russia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Barbarossa    Harry Hopkins: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_Hopkins   George Racey Jordan: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Racey_Jordan    Lend-Lease —   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lend-Lease    1936 Communist Constitution of Russia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union    United Nations Charter: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charter_of_the_United_Nations    Yalta Conference AKA Crimea Conference: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yalta_Conference    Julius and Ethel Rosenberg:  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julius_and_Ethel_Rosenberg    Happy News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/indigenous-owned-solar-farm-fort-chip-1.5807721   Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/glassboxpodcast   Merch store: https://groundgnomes.launchcart.store/shop

In this BONUS episode, the Histories of the Unexpected buddies, James and Sam, renew their explorations in the archives to investigate further the wonderfully pleasant expected history of FRIENDSHIP! Which is all about childhood memories, oral history and essays, pals battalions and WWI, Francis Bacon and Cicero, friendship albums at the British Library, as well as relations between nations and the Yalta Conference of 1945! Who knew! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this BONUS episode, the Histories of the Unexpected buddies, James and Sam, renew their explorations in the archives to investigate further the wonderfully pleasant expected history of FRIENDSHIP! Which is all about childhood memories, oral history and essays, pals battalions and WWI, Francis Bacon and Cicero, friendship albums at the British Library, as well as relations between nations and the Yalta Conference of 1945! Who knew! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this podcast, Serhii Plokhii -- Mykhailo S. Hrushevs'kyi Professor of Ukrainian History at Harvard University and Director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute (HURI) -- spoke with University of Cambridge students enrolled in Paper (course) SL9 (Introduction to the Language, Literature and Culture of Ukraine) and in Paper SL12 (Socialist Russia from 1917-1991). Collectively, these Cambridge students have read Plokhii's books 'The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine', 'Lost Kingdom: A History of Russian Nationalism from Ivan the Great to Vladimir Putin', 'Tsars and Cossacks: A Study in Iconography', and a number of his scholarly articles. Professor Plokhii has written extensively on such topics as the origins of Slavic nations, the Cossak period in Ukraine, the history of Russian nationalism, the Cold War, the Yalta Conference, Chornobyl', and the figures of Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi and Stepan Bandera. Professor Plokhii has won numerous awards for his publications, all of which position Ukraine in the cultural framework of European history. The conversation was recorded on 18 May 2020.

Catherine Grace Katz looks at the daughters who accompanied their fathers, the leaders who negotiated the peace following WWII at the Yalta Conference. Jay Nordlinger explores the lives of the children of some of the world's worst modern dictators.

Stinky Pete and The Silencer travel through history and see how farts have affected major historical events! Also to all of our UK listeners out there stay tuned till the end for our this week in the news!

In this episode Matt Crawford speaks with author Catherine Grace Katz about her book The Daughters of Yalta. This book is the Yalta Conference through the eyes of Churchill, FDR and Harriman's daughters who attended as their father's assistants. While the backdrop of this book is one of the most momentous occasions of WWII, this truly is an intimate dive into history. Katz brings us along on the most personal and enriching of levels that cast these larger than life figures in a new and relatable light. Well done!

In the February 1945, the U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin met at an old Romanov palace in Crimea, which had once been enjoyed by Tsar Nicholas II and his family. Over eight days the 'Big Three' discussed and debated issues of vast international importance - such as the endgame of the war against Nazi Germany, the constitution of the United Nations, the price of Soviet entry into the war against Japan and the new borders of Poland. Diana Preston joined me on the podcast to discuss this remarkable event. She gave me an inside picture of eavesdropping amongst the delegates, the dwindling health of Churchill and Roosevelt, the laborious dinners with endless Russian toasts, and whether Yalta was really a turning point in 20th century history. Subscribe to History Hit and you'll get access to hundreds of history documentaries, as well as every single episode of this podcast from the beginning (400 extra episodes). We're running live podcasts on Zoom, we've got weekly quizzes where you can win prizes, and exclusive subscriber only articles. It's the ultimate history package. Just go to historyhit.tv to subscribe. Use code 'pod1' at checkout for your first month free and the following month for just £/€/$1. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In the February 1945, the U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin met at an old Romanov palace in Crimea, which had once been enjoyed by Tsar Nicholas II and his family. Over eight days the 'Big Three' discussed and debated issues of vast international importance - such as the endgame of the war against Nazi Germany, the constitution of the United Nations, the price of Soviet entry into the war against Japan and the new borders of Poland. Diana Preston joined me on the podcast to discuss this remarkable event. She gave me an inside picture of eavesdropping amongst the delegates, the dwindling health of Churchill and Roosevelt, the laborious dinners with endless Russian toasts, and whether Yalta was really a turning point in 20th century history. Subscribe to History Hit and you'll get access to hundreds of history documentaries, as well as every single episode of this podcast from the beginning (400 extra episodes). We're running live podcasts on Zoom, we've got weekly quizzes where you can win prizes, and exclusive subscriber only articles. It's the ultimate history package. Just go to historyhit.tv to subscribe. Use code 'pod1' at checkout for your first month free and the following month for just £/€/$1. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this final episode on World War II we look at Nazi Germany's final attempt at survival with the Battle of the Bulge, the Yalta Conference, the allied victory over Europe, and the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan.

The Yalta Conference was a meeting where government leaders from the allied nations of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union met up to discuss how Germany and Europe should be organized following the end of WWII.

The Yalta Conference was a meeting where government leaders from the allied nations of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union met up to discuss how Germany and Europe should be organized following the end of WWII.

n February of 1945, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Joseph Stalin, and Winston Churchill met on the Crimean peninsula to divvy the spoils of World War II. The world is still feeling the effects of that meeting. FFF president Jacob Hornberger and Citadel professor Richard Ebeling discuss. Please subscribe to our email newsletter FFF Daily here https://fff.us2.list-manage.com/subsc...

[00:30] Yalta Conference Anniversary (27 minutes) This week is the 75-year anniversary of the Yalta Conference. In this segment, I talk about the impact of that conference and its failure to bring peace. [27:45] Israel’s Resurgence (10 minutes) The little nation of Israel is riding high on the Trump-tide. From the latest peace plan to confronting Iran, Israel is benefiting from America’s strong support. How does Bible prophecy say this will play out? [38:30] Democrats’ Iowa Debacle (11 minutes) Last night the Democrat Party had lots of trouble counting votes for the Iowa caucus. This is the same party that routinely accuses President Donald Trump of rigging elections. It’s also the party that tells Americans to just trust government as it takes over more and more of the private sector. [47:20] Graham Ban (8 minutes) Franklin Graham was scheduled for an eight-city speaking tour in the United Kingdom. Thanks to activists petitioning their local governments, Graham has been banned from speaking in most of the cities.

SUMMARY of Episode 6 – Cold War Pawns – After HitlerWe continue to look at the growing conflict between the USA and the USSR.We look the conferences that took place between Roosevelt, Stalin andChurchill. Then, first Roosevelt dies and then Hitler follows. World War Twoends. Both the USA and the USSR develop nuclear bombs. Harry Trumanbecomes US president. The Communists take power in China.Starring: Mao Zedong; Chiang Kai-Shek; Communist Party of China; theNuclear Bomb; Yalta Conference; League of Nations; United Nations; TehranConference; and many others See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

It’s a special edition of Remainiacs as we welcome our brothers-in-podcasting STEVE BULLOCK AKA @GuitarMoog (left) and CHRIS KENDALL AKA @ottocrat of the brilliant Cakewatch podcast for what the world is already calling the Yalta Conference of Remain.Embedded in Brussels deep inside the EU policymaking machine, Steve and Chris bring their insider knowledge to the Remainiacs bunker for a fascinating hour of Brexit talk. What do EU decision-makers really think of Britain’s antics? Even if we avert Brexit, how can we make amends with our European “colleagues”? And how is Brexit inadvertently bringing about exactly the same EU solidarity and ever-closer union that the Brexiters pretended was happening back when it wasn’t?Plus all your favourite news explainers, head-scratchers and face-palmers. We might not get an EU army but we’re well on the way to a Single European Podcast. Salut! This week’s REMAINIACS is presented by Dorian Lynskey with Nina Schick. Audio production is by Sophie Black. Remainiacs is a Podmasters production.Get every new episode of Remainiacs a whole day early when you back us on the Patreon crowdfunding platform. You’ll also get our monthly Ask Remainiacs special episode plus smart merchandise, an exclusive weekly column by our panel, and discounts on #RemainiacsLive tickets too. #OwnTheRemoan REMAINIACS.comGet your free download of our theme tune ‘Demon Is A Monster’ by Cornershop. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We review the great book by SM Plokhy on the Yalta conference titled “Yalta: the Price of Peace”, and discuss this historic event dividing the world... --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/ogb/support

In American history, four U.S. Presidents have been murdered at the hands of an assassin. In each case the assassinations changed the course of American history.But most historians have overlooked or downplayed the many threats modern presidents have faced, and survived. In this podcast series we will be looking at the largely forgotten—or never-before revealed attempts to slay America’s leaders.Such incidents include:How an armed, would-be assassin stalked President Roosevelt and spent ten days waiting across the street from the White House for his chance to shoot himHow the Secret Service foiled a plot by a Cuban immigrant who told coworkers he was going to shoot LBJ from a window overlooking the president’s motorcade routeHow a deranged man broke into Reagan’s California home and attempted to strangle the former president before he was subdued by Secret Service agents.In early 1992 a mentally deranged man stalking Bush turned up at the wrong presidential venue for his planned assassination attemptThe relationships presidents held with their protectors and the effect it had on the Secret Service’s missionIn the first episode of this series, we will look at assassination attempts against Franklin Roosevelt. He received thousands of threats on his life during his four presidential terms. The danger only increased in the World War 2 years, with his protection detail fearing an Axis assassin would take him out. There were several near-misses, with a would-be killer's bullet coming with in two feet of his head, or a torpedo nearly sinking his ship while going to the Yalta Conference to meet Churchill and Stalin.

Dr. Arnn joins Hugh Hewitt to discuss Sir Winston Churchill and his negotiations with Stalin in the Yalta Conference and other summits during WWII.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dr. Arnn joins Hugh Hewitt to discuss Sir Winston Churchill and his negotiations with Stalin in the Yalta Conference and other summits during WWII.

Harvard professor of Ukrainian History Serhii Plokii talks about the Yalta Conference. See how an eight day meeting between three superpowers would change our post WWII world forever.

This week, GOP nominee Donald Trump and House Speaker Paul Ryan sat down for a meeting that the media has been hyping as something on the level of the Yalta Conference, if the Yalta Conference was about domesticating an insane, doll-handed white supremacist. But unifying the party won't be easy: there remains a subset of conservatives that's not given up on stopping Trump's ascension. Joining to talk about what the "NeverTrump" movement plans to do is one of its chief organizers, Republican consultant Liz Mair. Meanwhile, North Carolina Governor Pat McCrory's quest to demonize transgendered residents of the Tar Heel state has entered a new stage, in which the Federal government threatens to withhold federal money from the state on the grounds that they've enshrined unconstitutional discrimination as a state practice, and the state answers back with a legal claim of their own. Who is suing who and why and how and good lord why is any of this happening and has everyone forgotten it's 2016 and we're all... See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Guest:   Barry Jacobsen, military historian and blogger, will join us for a look at national security stories of the week.........confrontations between refugees and Europeans......women in the US armed forces.......the situation in the Middle East continues to be on the front pages.......the zika virus presents a new challenge.....US Navy vs China Navy in the open waters....and we remember the Yalta Conference of 1945 attended by PM Churchill, Premier Stalin and President Rooseveltr....plus a few more stories of the week .... Click to support some of our friends.... ...CLICK AUDIBLE.COM, YOUR SOURCE FOR AUDIO BOOKS! CHECK OUT MY FRIEND CARLOS GUEDES AND HIS MUSIC........ FOLLOW ME ON TWITTER......

by February 1945 The Soviet Union controlled most of Eastern Europe and outnumbered the Western Allies 3-1. Stalin was in a uniquely powerful bargaining position at the Yalta Conference in the Crimea to shape the post war world and demand concessions from Churchill and Roosevelt. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory.

by February 1945 The Soviet Union controlled most of Eastern Europe and outnumbered the Western Allies 3-1. Stalin was in a uniquely powerful bargaining position at the Yalta Conference in the Crimea to shape the post war world and demand concessions from Churchill and Roosevelt. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

On this special Gallifrey edition of Radio Free Skaro, we delve deep into the dark underbelly of Doctor Who, first in a discussion with writer Tony Lee and artist Matthew Dow Smith about the new Tenth and Eleventh Doctor comics coming soon from IDW Publishing, and second, (and far more sinister) the 2010 Podcast Summit, where the evil practitioners of the dark art held forth on their methods and madness. The terror!   Check out the show notes at www.radiofreeskaro.com.

At Gallifrey '09, three of the most preeminent Doctor Who podcasts around - Podshock, Tachyon TV, and Radio Free Skaro - converged for a tell all panel entitled "So You Want To Podcast Doctor Who?", ready to dispense vital information to a room full of eager fans wanting to venture into the cutthroat world of podcasting. With three panelists per podcast, the panel was chock full of on-air talent; it looked like the Yalta Conference of podcasting. Of course, occuring at 11:00 AM on a Saturday morning, the energy in the room was far from palpable. And the party only really began once Damon from Tachyon TV started dispensing beer to all who wanted one (some of the panelists had, at that point, barely stopped drinking since the previous afternoon). But the panel's main goal was achieved - there actually more people in the audience than on the panel.Have a listen to the audio from the event here.