Podcasts about Hata

The fourth and final episode in our series on the Jinshin no Ran: we cover the campaign in Afumi (aka Ōmi - 近江).  Prince Ōama and Prince Ōtomo (aka Kōbun Tennō), have drawn up their forces.  Last episode we covered the fighting in the Nara Basin, around the ancient Yamato capital: Asuka.  This episode focuses on the defense of the Karafu and Fuwa passes and the eventual march to the bridge at Setagawa. This is a name heavy episode, and we'll be noting some of it here: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-132   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 132: The Jinshin no Ran, Part 4: The Afumi Campaign The Afumi soldiers on the western side of the bridge looked across the open expanse of water towards their Yoshino rivals on the eastern side.  If it weren't for the banners and the red tags barely visible on the sleeves of the opposing forces, it would be hard to know which side was which.  Both were equipped in similar ways, and a few of the soldiers could even make out familiar faces on the other side.  That is the nature of civil wars—especially in a conscript society, where the soldiers often had little choice which side they were fighting for.  Not that it necessarily mattered much to them which side came out on top, whatever their commanders might have told them. The bridge across the Seta river was large and wide, and normally quite well traveled.  Now, however, the central boards had been pulled up for a span of about 30 feet or so, leaving a gap spanned by only a single, narrow plank.  That plank was, itself, tied to a rope, which was being held by the Afumi troops.  The soldiers knew that should any of the enemy try to cross, they could pull the plank out from under them and they would fall into the river, their metal armor dragging them down into the dark depths of swirling water below.  Even should they somehow make it across without being peppered by arrows, there would be no reinforcements coming: they would be slaughtered, and the trap would be reset. It seemed like the Afumi forces held all the cards in this battle, and yet they were still tense. Archers could still shoot across the distance. The front rank of troops held wooden shields as a defense, but there were still openings in the formation and the armor, and in the chaos of battle, nobody was truly safe. And so the Afumi forces waited.  Confident, but wary. A commotion on the eastern side of the bridge grabbed the spotlight.  The Yoshino forces had approached, and they were clearly preparing for something.  The Afumi soldiers strained to see what was going on.  Suddenly, the front line of the Yoshino forces parted, and a strange sight confronted the Afumi soldiers.  It took them a moment to fully comprehend what was barreling towards them at full tilt: a soldier that looked almost like two soldiers put together, wearing armor placed over armor, in an attempt to protect from harm.  It must have been heavy, and as he stepped on the beam, it visibly buckled under the weight.  The Afumi archers let loose with their arrows and crossbow bolts, but to no avail.  They simply stuck in the armor, adding to the bizarre and otherworldly appearance of their opponent. The spell was broken on the Afumi side as arrows came cascading in.  The Yoshino forces weren't just sitting idly back, they were making sure they were doing everything they could to keep the Afumi forces distracted.  And for a split second it worked—and a split second was all they needed.  Before the soldiers could gather up their wits about them enough to pull the rope there was a terrifying sound of metal on wood.  The Afumi soldiers pulled the rope, but it came all too easy—the Yoshino soldier had dashed across and cut the rope tied to the plank.  Behind him, the Yoshino forces were now pouring across the bridge.  Soon they would establish a foothold, and behind the front line they would be able to have other soldiers place more planks so that the number of Yoshino soldiers on the Western side of the bridge only continued to increase. Realizing that their trap had been circumvented, the Afumi forces fell back, but their strategic withdrawal soon turned into a full on retreat.  While pockets of soldiers resisted, many were suddenly all too aware that perhaps it was better to live and fight another day, instead.  Despite threats and even attacks from their own commanders, the Afumi forces fled the battlefield, leaving the Yoshino army victorious.  With the Seta bridge now secured, there were no more major obstacles in their way:  They would march to the capital at Ohotsu and finish this war.   Welcome back!  This is Part 4, and so if you haven't already done so, I recommend going back and starting with Part 1.  That said, we'll briefly recap here. Over the past three episodes, we've talked about the causes of the war between Prince Ohotomo and Prince Ohoama as they vied for the throne.  Prince Ohotomo seemingly had the stronger position, as he was actually running the Yamato state from the Afumi capital in Ohotsu.  He had the various ministers and all the official organs of the state on his side.   He was also 23 years old. Ohoama, on the other side, was Ohotomo's paternal uncle.  His own son, Prince Takechi, was 19 years old and helping to lead the army.   Upon learning that the State was gathering forces against him, Ohoama had quickly moved east, gathering forces as he went, and now he stood near Fuwa, modern day Sekigahara, prepared to begin his march on the capital.   This episode we are going to cover the conclusion of the war.  Warning, though, this is going to be a *lot*.  A lot of place names and people names.  Apologies if it is hard to follow.  I'll have a rough map and info on the various players on the podcast blog, so you may want to bring that up if you are having problems following. In Part I of this series we covered the causes leading up to the conflict.  In Part II we covered Ohoama's mad dash to Fuwa, at modern Sekigahara.  Last episode, Part III we covered the fighting in the Nara Basin. This episode we are going to talk about the last two fronts of the war: the defense of the Iga area and Kurafu Pass, and the march from Fuwa to the Afumi capital of Ohotsu. Before we go into the details of the next battles, let's look at what each side of the conflict was doing, what they are concerned about, and where they are on the board.  We'll then go into how the rest of the war played out, and its conclusion and aftermath.     Ohoama's Yoshino forces had largely been drawn from the countries in the east—the very same countries that Ohoama was denying to the Afumi court.  In response, the Afumi court had drawn their forces from where they could.  There were those that they had already called up under the pretense of building Naka no Oe's burial mound, but they had sent others out to raise troops in Yamato and out the western side of Honshu, all the way to Tsukushi—modern Kyushu.  However, not everyone in the Western region of the archipelago was friendly to the Afumi court—especially the regions of Kibi and Tsukushi.  This was significant.  Kibi was an ancient rival of Yamato, and likely could contribute a sizeable force.  Tsukushi, on the other hand, was quite large, and besides the conscripts from among the regular inhabitants, Tsukushi also was in charge of defending the archipelago from invasion—they were the first line of defense.  They had constructed numerous castles and fortifications to defend against a possible invasion, and those castles and fortifications were no doubt manned by troops that had been raised for that purpose.  If they could now be turned inwards, that could be enough to really turn the tide against Ohoama and his Yoshino army. The only problem was that neither Kibi nor Tsukushi were exactly sympathetic to the Afumi court.  The governor of Kibi and Prince Kurikuma, the viceroy of Tsukushi, both had ties to Ohoama, and the ministers suspected them of sympathizing with their Yoshino rivals.  As such the envoys that were sent out were authorized to take whatever drastic steps they felt necessary to secure the troops. So how did that all go down?  Well, last episode we talked about how Hodzumi no Momotari and his crew had been stopped from raising troops in Asuka by Ohotomo no Fukei, whose bluff of pretending to be Prince Takechi and a host of cavalry soldiers caused the conscripted troops to flee, and ended up in the death of Momotari and the capture of his compatriots. In Kibi, things took a turn in Afumi's favor.  When the Afumi government's envoy arrived at the government center in Kibi, he tricked the governor into taking off his sword.  Once he had done so, the envoy drew his own sword and killed the governor.  Without the governor to get in his way, the envoy then went about securing the land and troops for the Afumi court. Prince Kurikuma, the viceroy in Tsukushi, at the Dazaifu, was not quite so easily fooled, however.  Kurikuma knew how the court operated, and was apparently well informed of what was going on.  When the Afumi court's envoy met with Kurikuma, the Prince was flanked by two of his sons, Prince Mino and Prince Takebe, each one armed.  When Prince Kurikuma heard what the Afumi court wanted—for him to send the troops from Tsukushi to help quell Ohoama's rebellion—Kurikuma responded that he needed those troops to hold the border.  After all, the Tang dynasty was still a potential threat, and what good would it do to send the troops from the border regions to fight an internal war, only to then have an invader come in and destroy the state entirely?  No, he reasoned, he would not be sending the troops as the Afumi court requested. We are told that for a moment, the Afumi envoy thought about grabbing his sword and killing Prince Kurikuma, as the Afumi court had suggested, but with both of Kurikuma's sons armed on either side of him, he realized that he didn't have great odds, and so he eventually left, empty handed, but alive. This is significant.  While we don't know exact numbers, it is likely that there were quite a few troops stationed in Kyushu and the islands, all in case of foreign invasion.  By not supplying them to the Afumi court, Prince Kurikuma dealt a huge blow to the Afumi's ability to make war.  Add to that the fact that Ohoama had likewise blocked the court's access to the eastern countries, and that further narrowed the troops that Afumi had access to.  Nonetheless, they still had enough to be dangerous, and it is impossible to say exactly what might happen in a war. So we know where the Afumi and Yoshino forces ostensibly came from, but let's talk about the battlefield.  All of the fighting that we talk about was happening in an area between Naniwa—modern Ohosaka—and Fuwa, modern Sekigahara, northwest from the modern city of Nagoya. There are three main theaters we are talking about.  The first is in the Nara basin, which we talked about extensively in the last episode.  The Nara basin itself was not necessarily of the most strategic importance, militarily, but it was of huge symbolic importance.  After all, that was still the ancient capital, even though the governmental functions had been moved north, to Ohotsu, on the shores of Lake Biwa.  The second is in the Suzuka mountains.  This includes the areas of Iga and Kouka, and it is bordered by the Nara basin on the west, the Mie coastline on the east, and Afumi, the area around lake Biwa, to the north.  This is the same region that Ohoama had to naviagate through on his way from Yoshino to the east, and the mountains and valleys make it so that there are only so many traversable routes through.  For our narrative we are going to be primarily talking about the Kurafu Pass, between Kouka and Iga, at modern Tsuge city.  This pass  was an important route between Kouka, Iga, and Mie.  The road followed the Soma River which eventually flowed into Lake Biwa.  This made it a route out of Afumi, and if the Afumi forces could secure the Kurafu pass and the fields of Tara, just on the other side, they could split Ohoama's forces and cut off any help that he could possibly send to the Nara basin, and possibly even take Ohoama from behind. Finally, let's talk about our third theater:  Afumi itself.  Specifically, we are looking at the southern and eastern sides around Lake Biwa.  Biwa is the largest lake in Japan, and it is almost entirely surrounded by mountains except for where the Seta river flows south, eventually winding its way to Naniwa.  Today, the area of Afumi is largely co-located with modern Shiga Prefecture. Back in 668, after finding themselves on the losing side of the Baekje-Tang war, Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou, had moved the capital to Ohotsu, or Big Port, in Afumi, on the shores of Lake Biwa, likely for the protection it gave.  From Afumi, there were three major routes out of the basin, and a few minor ones.  All of them were through defensible mountain passes, like Karafu Pass, Fuwa Pass, and Suzuka Pass.  Three such passes:  Fuwa, Suzuka, and Arachi would become prominent barriers, or seki, along the ancient roads, and were known as the Sangen, or Three Barriers, protecting the capital region.  Suzuka no seki, at the pass of the same name, was in the south.  To reach it from Afumi, one crossed the Karafu pass, and then turned east through a pass near Mt. Miyama.  At the northern tip of the Suzuka mountains was Fuwa pass, future home of the Fuwa barrier.  The Barrier, or “Seki” would give its name to the area in another form:  Sekigahara.  This was along the Tousandou, the Eastern Mountain road, and even today it is the path through which roads and even the Shinkansen traverse between eastern and western Honshu.  Finally, though less important to our story, was the Arachi pass. Arachi no seki was part of the Hokurikudo, the Northern Land Route, and led to the ancient country of Kochi and the port of Tsuruga, which had a long history as an alternate port, especially for ships sailing from Goguryeo.  Later, Arachi no seki would be replaced in the Sangen ranking by another pass between Afumi and modern Kyoto, which would be known as the Afusaka, or Ohosaka, Pass.  This was the pass that would have been used to get to Yamashiro and, from there, to Naniwa and the Nara Basin. These three passes would come to define the island of Honshu, and became the dividing line between the Kanto region, in the east, and the Kansai region, in the west.  By holding the Suzuka and Fuwa passes, Ohoama effectively denied any travel to the eastern regions.  Sure, Afumi could have tried going through the Arachi pass and into Kochi, but then they would have had to traverse the Japan alps—no small feat, especially without modern conveniences like the trains and busses used today. From Fuwa Pass, where Ohoama and Prince Takechi had set up their headquarters, it was largely a straight shot to the Afumi capital of Ohotsu.  Between Lake Biwa and the Suzuka mountains is a wide, flat plain, divided primarily by the rivers and streams running out from the mountains into the lake.  Immediately west of Fuwa is the area of Maibara.  Following the shore of the lake one traverses through modern Hikone, to Yasu.  Yasu would also have been the location where the road to the Karafu pass broke off into the Suzuka mountains.  Beyond that was the bridge across the Seta River. The Seta river was one of the largest obstacles that would have to be negotiated, and the Afumi forces knew this.  Just as Ohoama would set up at Fuwa pass, a large number of the Afumi forces were set up on the western bank of the Seta river.  If the Yoshino forces could get across, however, it would mean that they had a more or less unimpeded route to the capital at Ohotsu. So now let's talk about what was happening in each of these places. Ohoama had set up at Fuwa—Sekigahara—and had begun to call soldiers to him.  Not only did did this allow him to block the rival Afumi troops from accessing the Eastern countries and possibly raising troops to use against him, but he was also able to maintain a line of communication with ancient Yamato, in the Nara Basin.  In order to keep his communication lines open, and to ensure that the Afumi forces couldn't sneak up behind him, Ohoama split his forces in two.  He knew that Afumi forces were trying to take his stronghold in Yamato, and if successful, from there they could move in to Uda and on to Iga.  thereafter that, they could march up behind him through the Suzuka pass.  Alternatively, the forces in Afumi could come up through Kouka and the Karafu pass, and then try to divide and conquer So the first group of Ohoama's army were to go south, through the Suzuka pass into their mountain namesake.  Once there, Oho no Omi no Honji was to hold Tarano, the Plain of Tara, where the routes to Suzuka, Kafuka, and Iga met.  Tanaka no Omi no Tarumaro went with him, with orders to guard the Kurafu pass, which is to say the road to Kouka.  This first group was headed by Ki no Omi no Abemaro, and also included Miwa no Kimi no Kobito, and Okizome no Muraji no Usagi.  Along with what we are told were tens of thousands of men, this first made their way south from Fuwa  through Mie and Ise and over the Suzuka pass.  Once there, they took up their positions at Karafu and Tarano.  It was a good thing, too, because only a couple of days after they arrived, the enemy struck.   Now as soon as he got there, Oho no Honji had fortified Tarano with some three thousand men, and Tanaka no  Tarumaro was sent to guard the Kurafu pass.  Prior to this, Tarumaro had been the official in charge of the Hot Springs in Ise, but he had joined Ohoama and the Yoshino forces when they first arrived over the Suzuka Pass.  Now he was in charge of a military force, encamped along the road through the Kurafu pass, waiting for the enemy. Unbeknownst to him, a deputy commander of the Afumi forces, Tanabe no Wosumi, was approaching from Mt. Kafuka.  Presumably he'd been sent out from Ohotsu and had followed the road along the Yasu and Soma rivers towards the pass.  Wosumi had  sizeable force with him, but he was not looking for a direct assault.  Even if he would win, he would suffer casualties, especially trying to attack an entrenched enemy in a fortified position.  He needed to be sneaky.  He had no way of knowing that, centuries later, the lands of Iga and Kouka would be known for their sneaky warriors—their legendary ninja—but I digressed.  What Wosumi did was this.  First, he rolled up his banners and muffled the drums.  He even had his men gag themselves—a continental custom where soldiers were given a stick to hold in their mouth, like a horse's bit, to discourage any talking amongst the ranks as they approached.  Presumably, they kept them in until just before attacking, because they also devised a watchword “kane”—transcribed as metal or gold.  Wosumi knew that it would be hard enough to tell who was who in the daytime—after all, it wasn't like these were regimented forces with uniforms.  The soldiers were likely all wearing whatever they had available, and clothing and armor would have been similar across the two armies.  At night, even some kind of mark or flag would hardly be enough to tell who was who in the dark.  As lines broke and melee ensued, it would be easy to get turned around, and find yourself facing a friend.  By saying the watchword you could distinguish friend from foe. Sure enough, this tactic worked.  The Afumi forces broke through the Yoshino fortifications in the middle of the night and swarmed into the encampment.  Men who had been asleep were waking up to chaos.  Tarumaro's Yoshino soldiers were thrown into confusion.  Tarumaro himself, escaped, but just barely.  we are told that he noticed that the enemy kept shouting the word “kane”, and so he started doing it as well. The Afumi forces, assuming he was one of their own, left him alone.  Still, he only escaped with difficulty. His escape was no doubt critical, however.   He presumably would have headed to Tarano to try and warn Oho no Honji, but this may not have been possible, as we are told that on the following day, after the attack at Karafu pass, the Afumi commander Wosumi continued his advance, and came upon the Yoshino encampment at Tarano unexpectedly.  Still, General Honji did not back down.  With a force of hand-picked soldiers, Honji counterattacked against Wosumi and struck him.  We are told that Wosumi made it out—the only one who did—but that he did not try and make another attack.  The Yoshino forces would ultimately hold the pass and the critical juncture of Tarano.  The Afumi forces would not get a second chance. By the way, a quick note here:  I can't help but notice a bit of a trope showing up in these stories:  At Narayama, General Fukei is defeated, and is the only person who makes his escape.  Then Tarumaro is the only person to escape his defeat.  Finally, Wosumi is the only one of his forces to leave the plain of Tara. I am more than a little incredulous that these generals are the only ones who actually survived, and that the rest of the army was slaughtered.  In fact, you may recall that at the battle at Taima, General Fukei told his men not to pursue the fleeing common soldiers.  As I've tried to point out, the common soldiers were not likely as invested in the cause.  In fact, it is just as possible that the common soldiers may have changed sides and joined the other army if they thought it would serve them well.  Or maybe they were escaping and just blending into the countryside.  After all, the elites weren't really spending the time to get to know them, let along record any details about them.  So I suspect that it was more about the fact that the various armies would be broken, and the soldiers flung to the four corners, rather than that they were necessarily slaughtered.  After all, if you had the choice, would you have stayed there? A few days after Wosumi was defeated, the Yoshino general that Ohoama had sent to Iga along with Honji and Tarumaro, Ki no Omi no Abemaro, heard that their ally, Ohotomo no Fukei was in trouble in the Nara Basin.  He'd been defeated by the Afumi general Ohono no Hatayasu at Narayama,  and without reinforcements, the entire Nara Basin could fall, along with the ancient Yamato capital at Asuka. So Abemaro sent Okizome no Muraji no Usagi with more than a thousand cavalry to go assist.  They met Fukei at Sumizaka, and suddenly, things were looking up in the Nara Basin.  For more on how that turned out, check out last episode, where we covered the events in the Nara Basin. Once the events in the Nara Basin settled out, then both the Nara Basin and the Karafu pass would be well and truly in the hands of the Yoshino forces.  But there was no way for those guarding those locations to know that the fighting was over, and they would have to hold their positions until the fighting had definitively stopped.  Which brings us back to Ohoama and the Yoshino troops gathered at Fuwa, where things were about to kick off as well.  The troops at Fuwa, while being led by Ohoama and his 19 year old son, Takechi, were placed under the command of Murakuni no Muraji no Woyori—who, , as things progressed, would be noted as the primary general for the campaign that would lead Yoshino troops from Fuwa, on the offensive towards Ohotsu. The only reason that they seem to have waited before going on the offensive was that every day, more troops were coming in.  So even as the fighting was going on in Nara and at the Karafu pass, the Yoshino army at Fuwa gathered men and made their preparations.  As they did so, the Afumi court Was going to do whatever they could to try and break them, hoping that they could stop the threat posed by Ohoama and his men before they began their march. For the Afumi forces first attempt to break the Yoshino defenses at Fuwa pass, they picked troops to try and make an incursion into the village of Tamakurabe, which appears to have been in the pass itself; it was probably modern Tama district of Sekigahara.  They were repelled, however, by Izumo no Omi no Koma, who drove them off. Later, the Afumi court ordered another force of several tens of thousands of men to attack under the command of Prince Yamabe no Ou, Soga no Omi no Hatayasu, and Kose no Omi no Hito.  Soga no Hatayasu and Kose no Hito were both part of the inner circle of the Afumi court, or so it would seem.  When Prince Ohotomo had taken the reins of the government in a ceremony in the Western Hall of the Palace, he was attended by the ministers of the right and left, as well as Soga no Hatayasu, Kose no Hito, and Ki no Ushi.  They were at the very heart of this whole matter.  Prince Yamabe is a little bit more of a mystery.  We know he was someone of note, and when Prince Ohotsu was brought to his parents, they were apparently traveling under the guise of Prince Yamabe and another prince, Prince Ishikawa.  But we know little else. The three men and their Afumi troops headed out and camped on the bank of the Inukami river, near modern Hikone.  There, however, trouble broke out. The Nihon Shoki does not record exactly what it was, but there must have been some kind of falling out.  Prince Yamabe no Ou was killed by Soga no Hatayasu and Kose no Hito.  We don't know if this was due to some quarrel or what, but either way, it threw the army into a state of disarray and there was no way for them to move forward.  Soga no Hatayasu appears to have taken responsibility for whatever happened, as he headed back from Inukami, presumably back to Ohotsu, where he took his own life by stabbing himself in the throat.  There would be no attack on Fuwa Pass, however. Finally, the Nihon Shoki also recounts the story of another Afumi general, named Hata no Kimi no Yakuni, and his son, Ushi.  Together with others, who remain unnamed, they surrendered themselves to Ohoama and the Yoshino forces, rather than fighting.  It isn't clear if they were deserters, if they had been part of one of the other two attempts to take Fuwa Pass, or if there was something else going on.  Either way, Ohoama was so pleased that he welcomed them in and we are told that Hata no Yakuni was “granted a battle axe and halberd” and appointed a general.  This is probably stock phrasing, but it does seem he was given some measure of trust.  Yakuni's men were then sent north, to Koshi. We aren't quite sure what those forces' ultimate objective was.  It may have been that he was to take the northern pass and make sure that none of the Afumi troops tried to escape and head to the East along that road.  Many of the accounts of this war seem to suggest that he, or at least some part of the forces, were to head north and then come around Lake Biwa the long way.  This would mean that if Ohoama attacked, there would be no easy way to flee.  From Ohotsu they couldn't turn north without running into more troops, and their only escape would seem to be through the Afusaka pass towards the area of modern Kyoto.  And of course, whoever was victorious in the Nara Basin would then be able to control the route to the coast. It is unclear how much Ohoama could have actually known, though, about what was happening across the various distances.  Messages would have meant riders on swift horses carrying them; they couldn't just text each other what was going on. And so, with one attack repelled, another aborted, and a turncoat now on their side, Ohoama's Yoshino forces were finally ready to head out on the offensive themselves.  According to the Nihon Shoki this was on the 7th day of the 7th month—Tanabata, today, but I doubt people were paying much mind to the Weaver and the Cowherd.  Murakuni no Woyori, with the group advancing from Fuwa to Afumi, set out, and met with their first resistance at the Yokugawa river in Okinaga.  As far as I can tell, this is likely the Amano River in modern Maibara, which anyone who takes the Shinkansen between Kanto and Kansai probably recognizes as one of the usual stops.  Once again, we have a situation where, while they would have had banners flying, in the crush of battle it could be quite easy to mistake friend for foe, especially with large numbers of troops who were pulled from vastly different regions.  You had to have some way of knowing quickly who was on your side – that's why the Afumi commander Wosumi had his troops use the password “kane”, for example.  Ohoama's approach was to have his men place a red mark—possibly a ribbon or similar—on their clothing so that one could tell who, at a glance, was on their side.  As a note, later samurai would sometimes attach flags to their shoulder armor, or sode, and these “sode-jirushi” would help identify you even if people didn't recognize your armor.  Ohoama's troops may have used something similar. And so Woyori's Yoshino forces attacked the Afumi defenders, and the Afumi troops were clearly outmatched.  Woyori's men killed the Afumi commander and defeated the opposing forces. But that was just the beginning.  Afumi forces had been stationed all along the route from Fuwa to Ohotsu.  Thus it was that only two days later Woyori and his men made it to Mt. Tokoyama, probably in Hikone, by the Seri river.  There they met more Afumi soldiers, but once again they were triumphant and slew the opposing commander.   Woyori and his men were on a roll. I would point out that these battles aren't given much detail, but we do see how it progressed.  There are names of various individuals and commanders—certainly not much on the common people.  From what we can tell, this was not a rush to Ohotsu, but rather a slow march, probably doing their best to fortify their positions and make sure that nobody was sneaking up on them.  After each battle, it is some days before the next, probably spent spying out ahead and formulating plans. Woyori and his men next fought a battle on the banks of the Yasukawa River, presumably near modern Yasu city.  Here, Aston's translation claims that he suffered a great defeat, but more likely I suspect it means to say that he inflicted a great defeat on the Afumi forces, because if he had been defeated, how would he have pressed on only a few days later.  We are told that  two men, presumably the Afumi commanders, were both taken prisoner. Since we don't have anything more about them in the narrative all we can really do is assume that they must have therefore been on the side of the Afumi forces. By taking Yasu, that would have likely cut off the Afumi forces from any future considerations about using the Kurafu Pass.  The noose around Ohotsu was slowly tightening. Four days after that, on the 17th day of the 7th month, Woyori attacked and repulsed the Kurimoto army—presumably a force loyal to the Afumi court under a general named Kurimoto, or possibly raised from a place called Kurimoto, perhaps over on Awaji.  Either way, it was another victory on Woyori's belt. From there, Woyori and his men arrived at Seta, where they would have to cross the Setagawa—the Seta River. The Seta River is a wide river, and the only one flowing out of Lake Biwa.  It winds its way south and west, eventually becoming the Uji and then the Yodo rivers, which flow all the way to Naniwa—modern Ohosaka.  At the Seta river, there was a major bridge, the only way across, other than to swim.  Prince Ohotomo and his ministers, along with their entire army, were encamped on the west side of the bridge.  Their forces were so numerous that it was said you could not see all the way to the back of them.  Their banners covered the plain, and the dust of their movement caused a cloud to rise into the sky.  Their drums and songs could be heard for miles around.  We are told they even had crossbows, and when they were discharged the arrows fell like rain.  Of course, some of this may have just been more poetic license by the authors of the Nihon Shoki, but you get the picture:  There were a lot of troops on the western side of the river. The bridge itself was defended by General Chison.  We know very little of this general, as he only appears in this one part of the record, but his name implies that he may have been from the continent.  We aren't given a surname, and it is possible he was one of the Baekje refugees, now fighting for the Afumi court.  He led an advance body of specially selected troops, and in the middle of the bridge they had removed planks for about three rods or thirty feet.  Across that span was a single plank, daring anyone to try and cross it.  Of course, if they did, they would be a sitting duck in front of the enemy archers, and the plank was attached by a rope so that it could always be pulled out from under them.  It seemed as if it were impossible to advance. Finally, one of Woyori's soldiers, Ohokida no Kimi no Wakaomi, got up the courage to cross.  We are told that he put on double armor, put down his long spear, and drew his sword.  He then charged suddenly across the plank and cut the rope on the other side before the Afumi troops could pull it back.  In spite of the arrows that were raining down on him, he entered the ranks of the Afumi troops, slashing with his sword as he went.  The Afumi forces were thrown into confusion and some of them tried to leave, but General Chison drew his own sword and began to cut down anyone who tried to flee.  Still, he was unable to check the rout.  Woyori's troops secured the bridge and soon were pouring across it.  They cut down General Chison and advanced into the Afumi army, who broke and ran.  The Afumi sovereign, Ohotomo, aka Koubun Tennou, along with the Ministers of the Left and Right, narrowly escaped with their lives. Woyori and his troops marched to the foot of Awazu hill, and we are told that Hata no Yakuni, the Afumi commander who had earlier defected, and whose men were sent north to Koshi, set a siege to Miwo castle along with Izumo no Koma, who had defended against the attempted seizure of Tamakurabe.  Presumably this is Mio, south of Ohotsu, and it was likely guarding the southern approach to the Afumi capital. The only thing here that gives me pause is that we were earlier told that Yakuni's men, after he defected, were sent to Koshi.  So was Yakuni not with them?  Had he returned?  Or had the troops made it all the way around Lake Biwa already, taking the longer route up and around the lake? Regardless of how it happened, Yakuni and Koma were able to take Miwo castle.  As a reminder, a “castle” at this time would have likely been defined more by its walls, which were probably rammed earth and wood—not the elegantly sloping stone walls and  donjon base that would come to typify castles of the Warring States period. The following day, Woyori and his men continued their pursuit.  At the Awazu marketplace, Woyori ran into the Afumi generals Inukahi no Muraji no Isokimi and Hasama no Atahe no Shihote.  We mentioned Isokimi last episode—he was the Afumi commander attacking the Middle Road in the Nara Basin.  His deputy, Kujira, had been defeated, and it seems Isokimi had retreated back to Afumi and rejoined the main force. He would not be quite so fortunate this time.  Isokimi and Shihote were both slain, and Ohotomo fled once again.  He didn't get very far, hiding at Yamazaki, thought to be near the site of the modern city hall, in Ohotsu. Despite his best efforts, he knew he would be discovered, and he eventually strangled himself, rather than facing the humiliation and punishment that would come with capture. With Ohotomo dead, the other ministers of the Afumi court dispersed and fled.  Woyori and his men, meeting up at Sasanami, hunted down the Ministers of the Left and Right—Soga no Akaye and Nakatomi no Kane—as well as others who had fought with Ohotomo and who were considered criminals. They were all marched back to Fuwa, where, on the 25th day of the 7th month, Ohotomo's head was presented to Ohoama.  The war, it seems, was over. Or at least, the fighting was over.  There was still a lot to be settled.  First off, it would hardly have been practical to wipe out every single person on the losing side.  For one thing, that would have devastated the Court even further, likely creating a huge power vacuum.  In addition, many of the supporters on both sides were not necessarily there out of purely partisan reasons.  I would point out that many of the family names that we see in the record are found on both sides of the conflict.  Inukahi no Isokimi may have fought for Ohotomo, but we also see an Inukahi no Ohotomo fighting on the behalf of Ohoama.  Fumi no Nemaro was a major commander in Ohoama's army, while Fumi no Kusuri had been sent by the Afumi court to raise troops in the East Country.  And Hasama no Shihote was killed with Isokimi at Awazu, while a Hasama no Nemaro was working under the command of General Fukei, in Nara, to guard Tatsuta. There wasn't necessarily a simple divide along family lines.  It is possible that these individuals were all fairly well removed from each other, and from different parts of their respective families, or clans. They are often given different kabane, the family rank system used at this time, though I suspect that may have more to do with later changes, with those on the winning side being promoted over those who supported the Afumi court.  However, it is also the case that Japan has a long history of family members supporting both sides in any major conflict.  That way, no matter who wins, the family itself finds itself on the winning side. But there did have to be some accountability.  This is something that one can point to time and again—if the losing side is not held accountable for their actions, then what is to prevent them from just regrouping and trying again?  And yet that need for justice and punishment must be tempered with some amount of humanity. Ultimately, about one month after the end of the war, eight of the Afumi ministers were found guilty of truly heinous offences and they were condemned to suffer what the Nihon Shoki says was the “Extreme Penalty”.  The Minister of the Right, Nakatomi no Kane, was executed at Tane, in Asai.  Meanwhile the Minister of the Left, Soga no Akaye; along with the Dainagon, or Grand Councillor, Kose no Hito, as well as their children and grandchildren, along with the children of the late Nakatomi no Kane and Soga no Hatayasu, were all sent into banishment.  All others were pardoned. And of course those who had supported Ohoama, and who had come to his aid, were given public favour and reward.  In many cases this likely meant receiving high office and corresponding rank, along with increased stipend payments.  There is a notable shift in the makeup of the court, going forward, and it seems clear that families would want to associate themselves with those who fought on Ohoama's side, rather than Ohotomo's, if they could help it.  That was no doubt a part of works like the various diaries and house records that would have been used to compile the Nihon Shoki, recording the deeds that any house did for the throne. Along with all of the punishments and plaudits that were meted out in the 8th month of 672, there was one more event—something of an outlier.  We are told that Chihisakobe no Muraji no Sabichi, the governor of the province of Wohari, went off into the mountains and committed suicide. Sabichi had originally met Ohoama at the Kuwana district house—the local government office—when he had first arrived from Yoshino.  He had a large number of troops—20,000 by the Nihon Shoki's count—which helped Ohoama to ultimately defeat the Afumi court.  So why he would go off into the mountains and commit suicide was anyone's guess.  The Nihon Shoki suggests that it was possible that his allegiance had changed, and he may have been trying to plot against Ohoama.  Perhaps he had been convinced that Afumi court was going to come out on top, and so had begun some plot.  Or he just had a falling out or became disillusioned for some reason.  Whatever it was, it remains a mystery, even today. With the war concluded, it was time for Ohoama to make his way from the field to the Capital so that he could transition to ruling the State properly.  But Ohoama was not interested, it would seem, in setting himself up in his brother's capital.  Setting up in the Ohotsu capital may have raised a few eyebrows.  It had not been a completely popular move to begin with, and it was also the home of the Afumi court's legitimacy.  To take up the throne there, I can only imagine that it would have further reinforced the idea that Ohoama was the usurper, taking the throne that was meant for his nephew.  Instead, he made the decision to travel to the ancient capital, in Asuka, but he was not in a hurry. They headed out on the 8th day of the 9th month of 672, making it from Fuwa to Kuwana.  Here he likely met up with his wife, Princess Uno, and his ten year old son, Prince Ohotsu.  The following day they headed out, traveling back along the route that they had taken from Yoshino, but at a much more leisurely route.  The royal carriage stayed the night in Suzuka.  From there, it was another day to Abe, likely referring to modern Ahai county, in Iga, near Ueno city.  They then continued on to Nabari.  Finally, on the 12th day,they arrived at the Yamato capital—that is to say Asuka—and Ohoama took up residence for a time at the Shima Palace.  This was only, it seems, to give people time to get the actual palace ready, because three days later, Ohoama moved into the Wokamoto Palace.  And with that, Ohoama began the work of running the state—but there was still plenty to prepare.  For one thing, there were foreign embassies—Kim Ap-sil and others arrived.  It was still going to take a while to get the capital ready for guests, though.  From what we can tell, they were probably building a grand new palace, and it would take some time for it to be prepared.  So the Silla embassy was entertained in Tsukushi, where Prince Kurikuma would have been in charge of hosting them.  They were likely filled on the new developments and provided a ship. Meanwhile, Ohoama made sure that all of the appropriate rewards were given out.  On the 4th day of the 12th month, we are told that all those who had rendered services were given higher cap-ranks, based on what they had done. And as the year 672 closes out—and with it, the first of the two Chronicles for Ohoama, the soon-to-be elevated Temmu Tennou. But there is one final entry, marking the death of Wina no Kimi no Takami in the 12th month of the year.  We know that Wina no Kimi no *Iwasuki* was working for the Afumi court, sent to rally troops in the East, but he fled when they encountered Ohoama's troops at Fuwa Pass.  Takami, on the other hand, we know little about, but I suspect may have been on the side of Ohoama.  It is an odd entry, and, like so many, unexplained.  Perhaps it meant something to the people of the early 8th century, but if so, that meaning is likely lost to us. And so we close the book on the Jinshin no Ran—the Jinshin War, or possibly the Disturbance or even Rebellion, depending on how you feel about it.  This account is one of the most detailed we have of this kind of event, and yet it does not seem that it was entirely unique.  There are plenty of indications that previous sovereigns had to fight their way to the throne, or else had to repel others who would try to take it by force.  This was almost a tradition among the royal house of Yamato.  But now that the matter of succession was well and truly settled, it was time to get on with other things. Who knows what an Afumi court may have done and how they could have changed things.  What we do know is what Ohoama—and his queen, Uno no Himemiko—did.  They built upon, or in some cases possibly even fabricated, the legacy of Naka no Oe.  They would set in stone many of the things that had been put in place, and at the same time make certain changes, as well.  The Yamato state was getting started. And we'll start to dive into that next episode.  Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  

Last time we spoke about the Siege of Japan. In the summer of 1945, Japan faced its most devastating siege. A pivotal component was the aerial mining campaign entitled "Starvation," masterminded by General Curtis LeMay. B-29 Superfortress bombers were deployed to lay mines in critical waterways, cutting off resources and crippling Japan's industrial capabilities. This silent assault inflicted chaos on Japan's shipping lanes, sinking over 670 vessels and significantly disrupting supply lines. Amid this turmoil, the Allies intensified their firebombing campaigns, targeting urban centers like Tokyo, Osaka, and Kobe, leading to extensive devastation and loss of life. By August, Japan's civilian and military morale crumbled under the weight of destruction. The climax of this siege came with the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, which unleashed unparalleled destruction. As Japan's leadership struggled for options, the nation was effectively brought to its knees. The relentless siege had achieved its goal, Japan was irrevocably broken, marking a profound moment in history. This episode is the Atomic Bombing of Nagasaki Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  Hello there, again like in the previous episode, this one is just going to state what happened, I am not going to delve into the why's just yet. I am currently writing an entire special episode on why exactly Japan surrendered, focused on the actions of Emperor Hirohito, who I will argue prolonged the 15 year war to protect the Kokutai. So a bit of a spoiler there I guess.  The worst has come to pass for the Japanese Empire. An atomic bomb has fallen, devastating an entire city. In a blinding flash, over 140,000 lives were lost or forever altered. But this was merely the beginning. The Americans were poised to unleash destruction from the skies, a scale of devastation never before witnessed on this planet. The choices were grim: surrender or complete annihilation.The Japanese faced not only this overwhelming threat but also another peril. The Soviet Union prepared to invade Manchuria and other crucial territories within its reach. As we last left off, the Americans had been conducting a prolonged and devastating air and naval siege of the Japanese Home Islands in preparation for the invasion of Kyushu. This campaign culminated in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, reducing the once-great city to ruins and leaving a staggering casualty toll that would forever haunt the Japanese people. Survivor accounts recount the haunting experience of wandering through the destruction, disoriented and unsure of where to go. They spoke of hearing the desperate cries of those trapped beneath crushed buildings or suffering from horrific burns. As small fires ignited by the blast began to spread, they coalesced into a firestorm that surged through the rubble, claiming the lives of many still trapped inside. Frightened residents jumped into the rivers of Hiroshima, only to drown in their desperate attempts to escape the flames. Over 90% of the doctors and 93% of the nurses in Hiroshima perished or were injured, and most hospitals were either destroyed or heavily damaged. By early afternoon, police and volunteers worked tirelessly to establish evacuation centers at hospitals, schools, and tram stations. Yet, tragically, many would die before receiving aid, leaving behind grim rings of corpses around these facilities. Some survivors who initially appeared unharmed would succumb within hours or days to what would later be identified as radiation sickness. Most members of General Hata's 2nd General Army headquarters were undergoing physical training on the grounds of Hiroshima Castle, barely 900 yards from the hypocenter. As a result, 3,243 troops lost their lives on the parade ground. Miraculously, Hata himself survived the explosion with only minor injuries, but many of his staff were not so fortunate, including Lieutenant-Colonel Yi U, a prince of the Korean imperial family, who was killed or fatally wounded. In total, the 2nd General Army, 59th Army, 5th Division, and other combat units in the city lost an estimated 20,000 troops. Survivors regrouped at the Ujina Air Base on the outskirts of Hiroshima, where they organized relief efforts and maintained public order once martial law was declared. With Mayor Awaya Senkichi killed at the mayoral residence, Hata assumed control of the city's administration and coordinated relief efforts. The initial reaction of the Japanese government to the devastation in Hiroshima was mixed. The Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy military leadership received only fragmentary reports about the tragedy, as communications with Hiroshima had been severed. Meanwhile, American and British radio broadcasts promptly informed ordinary Japanese civilians and their government about the atomic bomb attack on August 7. The following day, Tokyo issued a press release confirming the bombing of Hiroshima, but it notably did not state that the United States had dropped an atomic weapon. After technical teams visited the site of the bombing, they concluded that the enemy B-29s had indeed used a nuclear device. At this juncture, the diplomatic situation within Japan was chaotic. Many members of the Japanese cabinet believed that surrender was the only viable option, while others, particularly military figures like Hata, were determined to continue the fight. Looking back, between July 17 and August 2, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and U.S. President Harry Truman convened in Potsdam to negotiate terms for the end of World War II. The Potsdam Conference is perhaps best known for President Truman's conversation with Soviet leader Joseph Stalin on July 24, during which Truman informed Stalin that the United States had successfully detonated the first atomic bomb on July 16. Prior to leaving for the conference, a top-level civilian Interim Committee, led by Secretary of War Henry Stimson, suggested that Truman inform Stalin about America's new nuclear capability. This was intended to prevent the Soviets from learning about the bomb through leaked information, and Truman agreed to share this news. Historians have often interpreted Truman's somewhat firm stance during negotiations as a reflection of the U.S. negotiating team's belief that their nuclear capability would enhance their bargaining power. However, Stalin was already well-informed about the American nuclear program, courtesy of the Soviet intelligence network. This understanding enabled him to hold firm in his positions, complicating the negotiations. In the end, the leaders of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union, despite their differences, remained allied throughout the war. However, they would never meet again collectively to discuss cooperation in postwar reconstruction. One of the critical topics discussed was how to handle Japan. During the conference, Truman sought and received Stalin's final assurance of entering the war on August 9, in accordance with the agreements made among the Allies during the Yalta Conference in February 1945. On April 5, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov informed Tokyo of the Soviet Union's unilateral abrogation of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact. He assured Japan that the treaty would remain in effect until April 1946, even though the Soviets were already planning an offensive in the Far East. A Soviet invasion would prove beneficial for the Americans, as it could prevent the movement of hostile troops from Manchuria, Korea, and North China to the Home Islands of Japan before an invasion of Kyushu was launched. On July 26, the United States, Great Britain, and China released a declaration demanding Japan's immediate surrender. The declaration called for the dismemberment of Japan's remaining empire, the demobilization of all military forces, trials for war criminals, and the elimination of Japan's capacity for future belligerence. While the declaration did not alter the requirement for unconditional surrender, critically it left ambiguous how the Japanese people might shape their future government, as it did not specify a direct end to or continuation of the imperial dynasty. The crux of that matter was the preservation of the Kokutai. The Kokutai was the national essence of Japan. It was all aspects of Japanese polity, derived from history, tradition and customs all focused around the cult of the Emperor. The government run by politicians was secondary, at any given time the kokutai was the belief the Emperor could come in and directly rule. If you are confused, dont worry, I am too haha. Its confusing. The Meiji constitution was extremely ambiguous. It dictated a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor and the “seitai” that being the actual government. Basically on paper the government runs things, but the feeling of the Japanese people was that the wishes of the emperor should be followed. Thus the kokutai was like an extra-judicial structure built into the constitution without real legal framework, its a nightmare I know. Let me make an example, most of you are American I imagine. Your congress and senate actually run the country, wink wink lets forget about lobbyists from raytheon. The president does not have executive powers to override any and all things, but what if all American voters simply felt he did. So the president goes above his jurisdiction, and the American people violently attack Congress and the Senate if they don't abide by the president's wishes. That's kind of how it works for a lack of better words. Again in the specials I will roll out soon, it will make more sense after I blabber about it in roughly 7000 words. Now, in response, Prime Minister Suzuki Kantaro expressed to the Japanese press on July 29 his belief that the Potsdam Declaration was nothing new and held no "significant value." This statement was interpreted by Truman and his administration as a rejection of the declaration. In reality, since the Yalta Conference, Japan had repeatedly approached the Soviet Union in an attempt to extend the Neutrality Pact and to enlist the Russians in negotiating peace with the Allies, offering attractive territorial concessions in return.  The Japanese, therefore, chose not to officially respond to the Potsdam Declaration as they awaited a reply from the Soviet Union. However, this response never materialized. The Soviet Union was preparing for an invasion of Manchuria, fully aware that Japan had become a weakened nation after suffering several defeats in the Pacific. In contrast, the once-inadequate Russian military had transformed into one of the strongest forces of the time. They had successfully absorbed powerful German offensives in 1941, 1942, and 1943, and rebounded with their own offensives in 1944 and 1945, ultimately crushing the military might of Nazi Germany. Motivated by Allied requests for support and the desire to solidify the Soviet Union's post-war position in the Far East, Soviet leaders began planning in March for a final campaign to reclaim Manchuria, northern Korea, southern Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands from Japan. However, most Soviet troops were stationed more than 10,000 kilometers away in Europe. As a result, forces and equipment designated for deployment to Manchuria had to be transported along a fragile and limited-capacity network over a five-month period from April to August. Initially, they stockpiled equipment in the Far East to re-equip units already present in that region. Then, a massive regrouping of forces to the east commenced in May, with units still arriving even as the campaign opened in August. This shift, involving nearly one million men, effectively doubled the strength of Soviet forces in the Far East from forty to more than eighty divisions. Opposing Valisevsky's Far East Command was General Yamada Otozo's Kwantung Army, along with its Manchukuoan and Inner Mongolian auxiliaries. Once the most prestigious and powerful unit of the Imperial Japanese Army, the Kwantung Army had significantly eroded in strength and quality over the past few years due to the diversion of its main assets to other theaters. Consequently, many experienced units were siphoned off and replaced by formations made up of draft levies, reservists, and smaller, cannibalized units. By August, the Kwantung Army consisted of General Kita Seiichi's 1st Area Army in eastern Manchuria, which included the 3rd and 5th Armies, alongside two divisions under direct area army control. General Ushiroku Jun commanded the 3rd Area Army in central and western Manchuria, encompassing the 30th and 44th Armies, plus two divisions, three independent mixed brigades, and one independent tank brigade under his direct command. In northern Manchuria, Lieutenant-General Uemura Mikio led the 4th Army, which was composed of three divisions and four independent mixed brigades. Additionally, the army of Manchukuo contributed eight infantry and seven cavalry divisions, along with fourteen brigades of infantry and cavalry. Mengjiang added six cavalry formations and other garrison forces from Inner Mongolia. Furthermore, Lieutenant-General Kozuki Yoshio's 17th Area Army was stationed in central and southern Korea, totaling seven divisions and three independent mixed brigades. In northern Korea, Lieutenant-General Kushibuchi Senichi's 34th Army consisted of two divisions and one independent mixed brigade. Recognizing that his forces lacked adequate training and equipment, Yamada's plans called for a delay at the borders, followed by a defense consisting of successive positions culminating in a final stand at a stronghold constructed in the Tunghua area. This strategy would see roughly one-third of the Japanese forces deployed in the border region, while the remaining two-thirds would be concentrated in operational depth to create a series of defensive lines. By July 25, Soviet force deployments to the Far East were virtually complete. The Soviets meticulously tailored all military units, from the front level down to army, corps, division, brigade, and battalion, to effectively achieve specific missions. This tailoring took into account not only the strength and dispositions of enemy forces but also the terrain where the unit would operate and the desired speed of the operation. Each unit was equipped with the necessary artillery, anti-tank, tank, air defense, and engineer support. For instance, the 1st Far Eastern Front received heavy artillery attachments to provide the firepower needed to breach heavily fortified Japanese positions. In contrast, the Transbaikal Front was given heavy vehicular and motorized rifle support, enabling it to conduct rapid, balanced combined arms operations across the broad expanses of western Manchuria and Inner Mongolia. Within each front, armies assigned to assault strong enemy fortified zones had significantly more artillery assets compared to those operating on open axes of advance. Units deployed in difficult terrain were afforded extensive engineer support to facilitate their operations. At the lowest tactical levels, specially tailored forward detachments from rifle divisions and tank and mechanized corps, alongside assault groups from rifle regiments and battalions, ensured the firepower and mobility necessary to execute high-speed operations. However, the final decision to attack would not be made until August 7, when Vasilevsky committed the Transbaikal and 1st Far Eastern Fronts to a simultaneous assault scheduled for August 9. It is believed that the detonation of the atomic bomb the previous day prompted this hasty decision, resulting in the short two-day period between the decision and the planned attack. Vasilevsky's strategy called for a double envelopment conducted by Soviet forces along three axes to secure Manchuria and destroy a significant portion of the Kwantung Army. The Transbaikal Front was tasked with attacking eastward into western Manchuria, while the 1st Far Eastern Front would move westward into eastern Manchuria. Both offensives were to converge in the Mukden, Changchun, Harbin, and Kirin areas of south-central Manchuria. Meanwhile, the 2nd Far Eastern Front would conduct a supporting attack into northern Manchuria, driving southward toward Harbin and Tsitsihar. Moreover, the timing of on-order operations against southern Sakhalin and the Kuriles would depend on the progress of these main attacks. For the western pincer, Malinovsky's plan involved the 17th and 39th Armies and the 6th Guards Tank Army, followed by the 53rd Army, launching the primary assault. Their objective was to bypass the Halung-Arshaan Fortified Region to the south and advance toward Changchun. The success of the Transbaikal Front operation hinged on speed, surprise, and the deployment of mobile forces across virtually every sector, aiming to preempt effective Japanese defenses. To achieve this swiftness and surprise, tank formations were positioned in the first echelon of units at all command levels. The operation required tank-heavy forward detachments at each command level, with the 6th Guards Tank Army designated to spearhead the front's efforts. A tank division would lead the advance of the 39th Army, supported by tank brigades assigned to the first-echelon corps and divisions. Planned rates of advance were ambitious: 23 kilometers per day for combined arms units and an impressive 70 kilometers for tank units. However, the operation involved significant risks. If Japanese units responded quickly to the Soviet attack, or if even nominal forces occupied strategic positions in the Grand Khingan mountain passes, the Soviet advance could be severely hampered. Additionally, the success of the operation relied heavily on logistical units' capability to supply these fast-moving formations deep into Manchuria. Despite these challenges, the Soviets confidently accepted the risks involved. Their mission was to crush the enemy in the border regions, cross the Grand Khingan Mountains, and occupy positions in the central Manchurian plain from Lupei to Solun by the tenth to fifteenth day of the operation.In support, the Soviet-Mongolian Cavalry-Mechanized Group was to attack across the Inner Mongolian desert and southern Grand Khingan Mountains toward Kalgan and Dolonnor. Simultaneously, the 36th Army was set to advance from Duroy and Staro-Tsurukaytuy across the Argun River to secure Hailar. In the next phase, for the second pincer, Meretskov's plan involved the 1st Red Banner Army, the 5th Army, and the 10th Mechanized Corps launching the main attack from the Grodekova area, located northwest of Vladivostok. Their objective was to advance toward Mutanchiang to exploit and secure the Kirin, Changchun, and Harbin regions, while coordinating with Soviet forces from the Transbaikal Front. Additionally, the 35th Army was tasked with attacking from the Lesozavodsk-Iman area, north of Lake Khanka, to capture Mishan, Linkou, and Poli. Meanwhile, the 25th Army would launch an offensive from northwest of Ussurysk to secure the Tungning, Wangching, and Yenchi areas. Once the 1st Far Eastern and Transbaikal Fronts converged in the Changchun area, they would advance together to eliminate the final Japanese resistance on the Liaotung Peninsula and secure the strategic naval base at Port Arthur. Furthermore, Purkayev's 2nd Far Eastern Front was to advance on a broad front across the Amur and Ussuri rivers, extending from Blagoveshchensk to south of Khabarovsk. This movement aimed to exert maximum pressure on Japanese forces in northern Manchuria. The 15th Army would spearhead the main attack across the Amur River in the Leninskoye area, advancing southward into the regions around the Sungari and Ruhe rivers. In support, the 2nd Red Banner Army was designated to attack across the Amur River from the Blagoveshchensk area to Sunwu and then advance southward to Tsitsihar. The 5th Rifle Corps would also be involved, attacking from Bikin to secure Paoching and Poli. This multifront operational plan aimed for the complete destruction of Kwantung Army units in Manchuria with maximum speed, effectively cutting off Japanese troops from reinforcements coming from northern China or Korea. These relentless mobile attacks, deployed across the broadest of fronts, were designed to prevent the Japanese from reallocating forces, leading to their ultimate collapse and piecemeal defeat. As planned, the Japanese were caught completely by surprise when they received the Soviet declaration of war just an hour before midnight on August 8. At the same time, they were facing a critical decision in response to the recent bombing of Hiroshima. After learning about the success of Colonel Tibbets' mission, President Truman released a pre-approved statement that detailed the atomic bomb's destructive capabilities and warned that if Japan did not accept the Potsdam Declaration, "they may expect a rain of ruin from the air, the like of which has never been seen on this earth." Although Truman had only the plutonium Fat Man device remaining for use, he had been informed that a third bomb might be ready sometime in August. Among American military leaders, including Admiral Nimitz and Generals Spaatz, LeMay, and Twining, there was a belief that this third nuclear weapon should be dropped on Tokyo if Japan did not surrender. Conversely, some Japanese senior officials, like Admiral Toyoda, speculated that even if the Allies had used an atomic bomb, they likely would not have many more at their disposal. They argued that the Japanese people should be prepared to defend their home islands to the death if favorable terms of surrender could not be secured. However, on August 8, Prime Minister Suzuki instructed Foreign Minister Togo Shigenori, who advocated for negotiating with the United States, to inform Emperor Hirohito about the devastation caused by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima. Hirohito responded by authorizing foreign minister Togo to notify the world on August 10th that Japan would accept the allied terms of surrender with one condition “that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler.”  In the meantime, to increase pressure on the Japanese, Twinning launched additional conventional B-29 raids. A total of 412 B-29s targeted the Nakajima aircraft plant in Musashino during a daylight attack on August 8. However, the United States also needed to demonstrate to the Japanese government and people that Little Boy was not just an isolated experimental device. As a result, a decision was made to drop the Fat Man plutonium bomb on either the primary target of Kokura or the secondary target of Nagasaki, with this mission scheduled for August 9. For this operation, Tibbets selected Major Charles Sweeney to pilot the B-29 named Bockscar and deliver the device. The leading B-29 would decide the ultimate target based on weather reports from two reconnaissance B-29s, followed by two additional aircraft assigned to scientific and photographic missions. To prepare for takeoff, the bomb was armed by installing three plugs. At 03:49 on August 9, Sweeney departed from Tinian, heading toward Yakushima Island to rendezvous with his escorts. The mission began with complications that only escalated. A typhoon near Iwo Jima forced mission planners to relocate the planned rendezvous between Bockscar and her escorts to Yakushima, an island south of Kyushu. Sweeney took off at 03:49 on August 9 and headed north, but strong headwinds hindered her progress toward Yakushima. A further issue arose when a photographic specialist assigned to the support aircraft Full House was barred from flying due to forgetting his parachute. Consequently, Major Hopkins on Full House had to break radio silence to seek instructions on operating the camera. However, a more critical situation was uncovered when Commander Ashworth and his assistant discovered that an indicator was showing that Fat Man's electronic fusing circuits had closed, indicating that arming was complete. A faulty switch, with incorrectly installed wiring, posed the risk of a premature explosion. As the mission continued over Yakushima, Sweeney successfully met up with Captain Bock, piloting the scientific support B-29, but failed to rendezvous with Major Hopkins. This meant that Bockscar would only have The Great Artiste to accompany it for the final leg of its mission. According to Ashworth's log, they arrived at the rendezvous point at 09:00 and saw Bock at 09:20, while Full House waited south of the arranged position. Sweeney had initially agreed to circle Yakushima for only 15 minutes; however, he ended up waiting approximately 50 minutes for Hopkins to arrive, wasting precious fuel in the process. Due to the weather conditions, Hopkins had lost visual contact with the other B-29s and had to break radio silence again to locate Bockscar, but Sweeney did not respond. Despite reports indicating 30% cloud cover over Kokura, Sweeney chose to proceed there, believing the haze over the city would clear. Bockscar arrived at the initial start point for the bomb run over Kokura at 10:44, but unfortunately, heavy cloud cover had settled over the city, preventing a successful bomb delivery. After three unsuccessful bomb runs, which consumed an additional 45 minutes of fuel, a flight engineer discovered that a fuel pump had malfunctioned, trapping 600 gallons of fuel in the auxiliary bomb bay fuel tanks. Despite fuel concerns, Sweeney chose to proceed with the mission, heading south and then east toward Nagasaki, which he reached at 11:50. Unfortunately, the weather there was as poor as it had been at Kokura, prompting Sweeney to make the controversial decision to drop Fat Man using radar guidance. Due to the fuel shortage, he only conducted a single bomb run. Just before initiating the radar approach, a hole in the clouds opened, revealing the aim point: the Mitsubishi Steel and Arms Works located on the Urakami River. Fat Man was dropped at 11:58 and detonated approximately 1,650 feet above the target after a 50-second descent. Initial reports indicated that the explosion occurred about 500 yards north of the Mitsubishi plant and roughly 0.8 miles south of another Mitsubishi facility. While Fat Man had a more powerful detonation, the damage and casualties were not as extensive as those caused by the lower-yield Little Boy. The topography of Nagasaki, surrounded by hills, confined the explosion to the bowl-shaped center of the city, in stark contrast to Hiroshima's relatively flat landscape. Of the 7,500 Japanese employees at the Mitsubishi plant, 6,200 were killed, with an additional 17,000 to 22,000 employees at other war plants and factories also perishing. Unlike Hiroshima, where the military death toll was high, only about 150 Japanese soldiers were killed instantly, alongside at least 8 prisoners of war. Overall, it is estimated that around 45,000 civilians lost their lives due to the explosion, with between 50,000 and 60,000 sustaining injuries. The radius of total destruction extended about one mile, with fires spreading across the northern portion of the city to two miles south of the impact point. Thankfully, no firestorm developed as it had in Hiroshima. Bomb damage to physical structures in Nagasaki was erratic. Some areas, such as the Nagasaki Arsenal and the Mitsubishi plant, experienced significant destruction, while nearby locations appeared almost untouched. Despite this, Sweeney's mission resulted in an estimated 68.3% loss of pre-existing industrial production, excluding the harbor facilities, without disrupting the critical north-south National Railway track. While Fat Man's debut was historic, its destructive capability was comparable to other B-29 incendiary night raids. After circling Fat Man's expanding mushroom cloud, Sweeney headed toward Okinawa at 12:05, with only 300 gallons of fuel remaining. Fortunately, Bockscar's crew managed to return to Yontan Field with just seven gallons of fuel left, successfully making their way back to Tinian later that same day.  Simultaneously, Vasilevsky's Far East Command began its offensive just ten minutes after midnight on August 9. Reconnaissance units, forward detachments, and advanced guard units of the Transbaikal Front crossed the border into Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. Initially, attacking units faced resistance primarily in the 36th Army zone, where their attack routes passed through fortified Japanese border installations. However, most assault units advanced with little opposition. By 04:30, main force units had begun to follow closely behind the assault troops. Colonel-General Issa Pliyev's Soviet-Mongolian Cavalry-Mechanized Group advanced in two march columns, 200 kilometers apart. By nightfall, they had penetrated 55 miles into the arid expanses of Inner Mongolia, moving southward toward Dolonnor and Kalgan while sweeping aside small detachments of Inner Mongolian cavalry. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-General Aleksei Danilov's 17th Army entered Inner Mongolia virtually unopposed in two columns, advancing approximately 70 kilometers by nightfall. To the left, Colonel-General Andrey Kravchenko's 6th Guards Tank Army led the main attack into Inner Mongolia in two columns, encountering limited opposition and rapidly advancing about 150 kilometers until reaching the foothills of the Grand Khingan Mountains, west and north of Khorokhon Pass, by nightfall. Simultaneously, Colonel-General Ivan Lyudnikov's 39th Army advanced along two divergent axes. The 5th Guards and 113th Rifle Corps gained 60 kilometers as they bypassed the Halung-Arshaan and Wuchakou Fortified Regions to the south. Meanwhile, the 94th Rifle Corps struck northeast towards the rear of the Hailar Fortified Region, swiftly overcoming light resistance. The 124th Rifle Division was also deployed between both axes to probe toward the Halung-Arshaan Fortified Region. Lieutenant-General Alexander Luchinsky's 36th Army advanced on two fronts, with the 2nd and 86th Rifle Corps successfully crossing the rain-swollen Argun River between Staro-Tsurukhaytuy and Duroy and securing key bridges north of Hailar. Additionally, an operational group of two rifle divisions attacked across the border, establishing a foothold in the small fortified post at Manchouli. During the night, Luchinsky sent the 205th Tank Brigade to assault Hailar from the northeast, while the 152nd Rifle Regiment maneuvered to attack from the southeast. This offensive succeeded only in capturing the railroad station in the northern part of Hailar, as the southern and eastern sections of the city fell the following day. However, the 80th Independent Mixed Brigade continued to delay the Soviet advance, while the 119th Division moved eastward to fortify positions in the Grand Khingan Mountains, stretching from Yakoshih to Pokotu. Despite these setbacks, the 36th Army had advanced 60 kilometers into Manchuria and had partially secured Hailar. Meanwhile, to the east, drenched by inundating thunderstorms, the 1st Far Eastern Front advanced under the worst weather conditions during the dark of night. This totally surprised the Japanese defenders and led to the rapid reduction of many unsuspecting border posts. Colonel-General Nikolay Krylov's 5th Army spearheaded the main attack, with the 17th, 65th, and 72nd Rifle Corps quickly breaking through the Volynsk center of resistance. They achieved a penetration of 16 to 22 kilometers toward Laotsaiying and Machiacho. Meanwhile, the 105th Fortified Region and assault engineer units attacked the Suifenho center of resistance, successfully seizing critical railroad tunnels on the main rail line into Manchuria. In support, Colonel-General Afanasy Beloborodov's 1st Red Banner Army to the north launched an assault with the 26th and 59th Rifle Corps over a 16-kilometer sector through heavily wooded, wet terrain. As they advanced, they constructed roads through the forest. By nightfall, forward divisional elements had advanced five to six kilometers deep into Manchuria, crossing the Shitouho River and half of the forested region. At the same time, the 6th Field Fortified Region and the 112th Fortified Region stormed several Japanese border positions and slowly advanced north towards Mishan. This assault supported Lieutenant-General Nikanor Zakhvatayev's 35th Army, which deployed the 66th and 363rd Rifle Divisions to cross the Sungacha River and attack towards Mishan. The 264th Rifle Division and the 109th Fortified Region assaulted across the Ussuri River against Hutou. After securing a crossing over the Sungacha, the 66th Division penetrated deep into the swamps, managing to advance 12 kilometers into Tachiao. Meanwhile, the 363rd Division successfully broke through an enemy strongpoint at Maly Huankang, ultimately reaching the southwest edge of Tachiao. In turn, the 264th Division crossed the Ussuri River and outflanked Hutou to the south, capturing the railroad depot and cutting the highway to Hulin. Lastly, Colonel-General Ivan Chistyakov's 25th Army launched an attack along two principal axes. The 39th Rifle Corps and the 259th Tank Brigade targeted Tungning, while border guard units, along with the 108th and 113th Fortified Regions, crossed the Hunchun and Tumen rivers to engage Japanese defenses in Korea and at Hunchun. Shielded by rain, the Russians swiftly captured or subdued the Japanese forward defenses along the front. By nightfall, the 39th Rifle Corps had advanced ten to twelve kilometers into the Japanese rear along the Pad Sennaya River. Lead elements, reinforced by the 72nd Tank Brigade, began their assault on the town of Tungning and the vital railroad line to Tumen. To the north, the 2nd Far Eastern Front deployed its forces across three separate sectors. Lieutenant-General Stepan Mamonov's 15th Army was tasked with the main attack across the Amur River in the center of the front sector. Lieutenant-General Makar Teryokhin's 2nd Red Banner Army was assigned to conduct a supporting attack against the Aihun and Sunwu Fortified Regions, while Major-General Ivan Pashkov's 5th Rifle Corps aimed to seize the fortified region at Jaoho. Supported by the Amur Naval Flotilla, reconnaissance and advanced detachments of the 15th Army launched assaults without artillery preparation and rapidly secured major islands in the Amur River. Mamonov's rifle divisions then sent reconnaissance units across to the south bank of the river, which was likewise secured against light opposition. Throughout the remainder of the day, reconnaissance units and advanced battalions of the 15th Army consolidated their positions on the islands and the south bank, while main forces concentrated on conducting a challenging river crossing, hampered by heavy rains, high water, and mud. At the same time, assault units and reconnaissance detachments of the 5th Rifle Corps crossed the Ussuri River, successfully securing a beachhead north of Jaoho while the remainder of the corps was transported across the river. From August 9 to 11, the forces of the 2nd Red Banner Army limited their activities to reconnaissance, focusing on seizing islands in the Amur River and harassing Japanese installations. This operation occurred at a critical moment for the Japanese, who were still reeling from the impacts of two atomic bombings. The Soviet Union had successfully initiated its invasion of Manchuria, setting the stage for a campaign that, although brief, was just beginning. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Two atomic bombs have been dropped and the Soviet Union has invaded Manchuria. For months the Japanese had been working tirelessly to obtain better peace terms through the Soviets, hoping above all else to preserve the Kokutai. It was all for nothing. The Americans offered terms, leaving the Kokutai ambiguous. What would Japan, or better said, the Emperor do?

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Last time we spoke about Operation Downfall. The Allies, under General Krueger, initiated a decisive campaign to clear the Japanese from Luzon. As they faced the entrenched Shobu Group, challenges included treacherous terrain and a resilient enemy. Simultaneously, Japan braced for an invasion, mobilizing reinforcements and devising defensive strategies to ward off the impending Allied assault. As July approached, General Yamashita's forces prepared to execute a final breakout, but progress was hampered by relentless guerrilla attacks and adverse weather conditions. With Operation Downfall looming, Allied troops focused on strategic landings in Kyushu and Honshu, driven by a relentless determination to defeat the Japanese militarily. The intense battles of Luzon became a precursor to this monumental operation, marking a turning point in the Pacific War.  This episode is The Siege of Japan Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  Boy I have been waiting a long time to come to this point. One of the most significant events in human history that deeply affects us to this very day. Nuclear war is as much a threat today as it was during the cold war. The dropping of the Atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were deeply complicated events fraught with issues of morality. It goes without saying whether or not the bombs needed to be dropped, their actual impact on the surrender of Japan and so forth are still issues hotly debated to this very day. I have spoken on the issue countless times on my personal channel and podcast, but I figure to do this subject justice I will create a full episode for it. Thus in this episode we are going to just cover what happened, but rest assured I will come back to this later on. As we last explored, following the successful invasion of Luzon in the Philippines, along with the fall of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, American forces began preparing for the final invasion of the Japanese Home Islands. This operation was codenamed Operation Downfall. One key initiative leading up to this invasion was a comprehensive air-sea blockade and bombardment campaign against Japan itself. Previously, we detailed the extensive firebombing and precision bombing efforts executed by General LeMay's 21st Bomber Command. However, during this crucial period, the B-29 Superfortress bombers undertook a distinct operation under the codename Starvation. This single operation would be one of the largest factors that contributed to the surrender of Japan and its one most people have never heard of. In July 1944, Admiral Chester W. Nimitz proposed a bold plan to use B-29 Superfortress bombers to mine the waterways surrounding the Japanese Home Islands. Although Generals Henry H. Arnold and Walter Hansell expressed concerns that this mining campaign could distract from the B-29's primary role as a strategic bombardment aircraft, they eventually agreed to assign one bomber group to focus on aerial mining when conditions permitted. On December 22, Hansell's 21st Bomber Command was directed to formulate a naval mining program aimed at executing between 150 to 200 sorties each month, which was set to begin in April 1945. However, by this time, General Curtis LeMay had taken command of the 21st Bomber Command. LeMay was notably enthusiastic about the idea and successfully recommended to Washington an upgraded mining program that aimed to deploy up to 1,500 mines each month using a full B-29 wing. LeMay viewed aerial mining in a different light than Arnold or Hansell, seeing it as a vital extension of strategic bombing. He recognized that most of Japan's war production materials, as well as a significant portion of its food supplies, were imported from regions such as China, Southeast Asia, and the Dutch East Indies. Japan's industrial heartland is primarily found on Honshu, its largest and most industrialized island, while Shikoku, another island, also lacks essential resources such as iron ore and high-quality coal. These crucial materials were sourced from Kyushu and Hokkaido, both of which are other Japanese islands. All these resources were transported by sea, so without easy access to raw materials, Japan's industrial output would come to a grinding halt. The only aircraft capable of deploying mines effectively where they were needed were the B-29s. Areas such as the Inland Sea, the Sea of Japan, and the Korean Peninsula were out of reach for other Allied aircraft. Additionally, Allied submarines could only venture into these perilous waters with great risk. Notably, about 80% of Japan's merchant fleet utilized the Shimonoseki Strait, a critical waterway that separates Kyushu from Honshu. Understanding the strategic advantage of closing this strait, LeMay decided to allocate an entire wing of B-29s specifically to mine this vital route. Brigadier General John Davies commanded the 313th Bombardment Wing, tasked with deploying approximately 2,000 naval mines each month into Japanese waters. The primary goals of this operation were to prevent essential raw materials and food supplies from reaching the Home Islands, hinder the supply and mobilization of Japanese military forces, and disrupt transportation routes in the Inland Sea of Japan. Between March 27 and April 12, Davies' bombers targeted key enemy shipping bases located in Kure, Sasebo, and Hiroshima. They also focused on the Shimonoseki Strait, a narrow and strategically important waterway that links the Inland Sea with the Tsushima Strait. Notably, after these attacks, this strait was successfully closed for two weeks. On May 3 and 5, the 313th Bombardment Wing laid down a total of 1,422 mines in the waters surrounding the Shimonoseki Strait, as well as near major urban centers like Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, and Osaka. These efforts aimed to severely disrupt maritime commerce between Japan's major industrial areas. Just a week later, the minefields expanded from the Shimonoseki Strait to include Kyushu, the southernmost of Japan's four main islands, and northwest Honshu, the largest island containing Tokyo. By the end of that month, these mines were proving remarkably effective, accounting for the sinking of more ships than Japanese submarines. In fact, within the Shimonoseki Strait alone, 113 ships had been sunk. Between June 7 and July 8, American forces expanded and fortified minefields along the western coast of Japan while also replenishing the existing minefields in the Shimonoseki Strait and the Inland Sea. During this effort, they successfully laid a total of 3,542 mines across 14 missions. The "total blockade" officially commenced on July 9 and continued until the end of the war. Throughout this period, American forces executed 474 sorties, dropping another 3,746 mines that replenished existing minefields and extended coverage to harbors in Korea. In total, Brigadier General Davies conducted 46 missions that laid down 26 minefields containing 12,135 mines. Remarkably, only 15 B-29s were lost during these operations. In turn, the mines accounted for the sinking or damaging of 670 Japanese ships, with a total loss of 1.25 million tons. This mining campaign effectively strangled Japanese industry, as the denial of essential raw materials to factories proved more disruptive than the direct bombing of the plants themselves.  Despite the clear vulnerability of Japan's economy to disruptions in coastal shipping, Japanese authorities were alarmingly unprepared to address the threat posed by air-dropped mines. By August 1945, Japan had committed 349 ships and 20,000 personnel to counter the Starvation campaign, but these efforts were overwhelmingly ineffective. The shipping crisis escalated to such a degree that searchlights and anti-aircraft batteries were redeployed from urban centers to defend expected mining targets. Additionally, suicide boats were employed in desperate attempts to clear the minefields. Royal Navy historian S.W. Roskill commented on the situation, stating, “The blockade had, in fact, been far more successful than we realized at the time. Although submarines initially played a critical role in enforcing the blockade, it was the air-laid mines that ultimately strangled Japan.” Japanese officials shared this assessment. A director from a Tokyo steel company reflected on the situation, noting that the denial of essential raw materials to factories caused far greater disruption than the direct bombing of the plants themselves. This contradicted the views of US Army Air Forces experts back in Washington. In a striking remark after the war, a Japanese minesweeping officer told American forces, “The result of B-29 mining was so effective against shipping that it eventually starved the country. You could have likely shortened the war by starting this campaign earlier.” Meanwhile, General LeMay continued his firebombing campaign against Japan. By the end of May, urban areas around Tokyo Bay had been devastated, prompting the 21st Bomber Command to shift focus westward toward the densely populated industrial complexes lining Osaka Bay. On June 1, 521 B-29s were dispatched to bomb industrial targets situated along the Yodo River, with an escort of 148 P-51 fighters. Unfortunately, an undetected thunderstorm struck en route, which meant only 27 P-51s reached Osaka, while another 27 crashed, and the remaining fighters had to return to Iwo Jima. Despite these complications, the B-29s bombed from altitudes ranging between 18,000 and 28,500 feet, successfully dropping 2,788 tons of incendiary bombs on Osaka. The attack resulted in the burning of 3.15 square miles, destroying 136,107 houses and 4,222 factories. Four days later, on June 3, 530 unescorted B-29 Superfortresses launched a bombing raid on the city of Kobe. Of those, 473 aircraft targeted the city, resulting in the destruction of 4.35 square miles. This devastating strike led to the demolition of 51,399 buildings, while another 928 suffered significant damage. The raid, however, came with losses, as 11 bombers were downed, and 176 were damaged in the operation. On June 7, 449 B-29s returned to Osaka. Despite facing heavy cloud cover that restricted visibility, they managed to burn an additional 2.21 square miles of the city, destroying another 55,333 buildings.  By the conclusion of General Curtis LeMay's maximum-effort area bombing campaign, the six most significant industrial cities in Japan, Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, Osaka, Yokohama, and Kawasaki, had been left in ruins. Major factories were either destroyed or severely damaged, while thousands of smaller household and feeder industrial units were consumed by flames. Casualty figures surged into six figures, leaving millions of people homeless. The evacuation of survivors further complicated efforts to secure labor for the factories that remained operational. Japan's air-raid protection system proved woefully inadequate to withstand a protracted siege by very heavy bombers. The system lacked sufficient organization, trained personnel, shelters, fire-fighting equipment, and facilities for relief and evacuation. Additionally, there was a significant deficiency in civilian indoctrination regarding emergency procedures. Under the relentless pressure of repeated major attacks, local Air Raid Precaution organizations collapsed, adding strain to an already overburdened imperial government. Japanese civilians, who had been conditioned by victory propaganda, displayed little of the discipline that helped German citizens endure years of aerial bombardment. As news of military defeats and the impact of B-29 precision strikes filtered into the great cities, residents began to lose confidence in their leaders' ability to protect them or care for the victims of the attacks. Abe Motoki, the Minister of Home Affairs at the time, later remarked, “I believe that after the raids on Tokyo on May 23-24, 1945, civilian defense measures in that city, as well as in other parts of Japan, were considered a futile effort.” Regarding the operational cost of this campaign for the 21st Bomber Command, it was not considered excessively burdensome. Over the course of 17 maximum-effort incendiary attacks, LeMay dispatched a total of 6,960 B-29s, which dropped 41,592 tons of bombs. The losses amounted to 136 B-29s, averaging only 1.9% of the sorties, a rate significantly lower than what had been endured in earlier months, and quite acceptable by the standards of conventional strategic bombing. Meteorologists predicted that the summer monsoon would keep Japan's skies covered with clouds for most of the upcoming months, from June to August. As a result, LeMay shifted strategies under what became known as the Empire Plan. This approach prioritized targeting industrial and military sites during daylight hours when the weather permitted, while secondary cities that had sufficient industrial capability became targets for nighttime area attacks. This change meant that since no single target warranted a full four-wing maximum effort, multiple missions could be scheduled in a single day. Accordingly, on June 9, 110 B-29s attacked three aircraft factories located in Narao, Atsuta, and Akashi. The strikes successfully destroyed the factories in Narao and Atsuta, but an unfortunate miscalculation led to the bombing of the town near Akashi. The following day, June 10, a force of 280 B-29s, escorted by 107 P-51 Mustang fighters, targeted six distinct sites in the Tokyo Bay area. The mission yielded significant results, with all targets sustaining heavy damage. Finally, on June 15, 516 B-29s were dispatched for one last firebombing raid against Osaka and the neighboring city of Amagasaki. In this combined assault, 444 bombers dropped over 1,350 tons of incendiary bombs, incinerating an additional 1.9 square miles in Osaka and more than half a square mile in Amagasaki. Starting on June 17, General Curtis LeMay's firebombing campaigns began to focus on medium-sized secondary cities across Japan. On that day, 477 B-29 Superfortresses targeted the cities of Omuta, Hamamatsu, Yokkaichi, and Kagoshima, burning a combined total of six square miles in these urban areas. The success of this initial multi-target mission ensured the continuation of the program, establishing an operational pattern that would remain standard during the final weeks of the war. In total, multiple incendiary attacks were conducted on sixteen occasions, averaging about two missions per week. Between June 17 and August 14, American forces carried out 8,014 sorties, dropping a staggering 54,184 tons of incendiaries across 58 secondary cities. On June 22, 446 B-29s were dispatched to strike six targets located in southern Honshu, including the crucial Kure Naval Arsenal. In this mission, 382 bombers released 2,103 tons of bombs, inflicting heavy damage to these essential manufacturing facilities. Just four days later, on June 26, a force of 510 B-29s, accompanied by 148 P-51 Mustang escorts, targeted locations in southern Honshu and the nearby island of Shikoku. However, dense clouds over much of the area complicated assembly and forced many aircraft to attack targets of opportunity individually or in small groups. As a result, adverse weather conditions would delay subsequent daytime raids until July 24.  In the coordinated strike program that commenced in June, the decision to focus on either the Empire Plan or urban industrial targets was largely influenced by weather conditions. As the program took shape, the 315th Bombardment Wing (VH) became available for combat operations. This wing operated somewhat independently from the other bomber units, with its activities significantly guided by the specialized equipment of its aircraft. Authorized for deployment in the Pacific in December 1944, the 315th settled at Northwest Field, Guam, during May and June. Its commander, Brigadier General Frank A. Armstrong, Jr., was a seasoned veteran of the strategic air offensive against Germany. The B-29s of the 315th Wing differed in two key respects from those of other units. They were equipped with the AN/APQ-7 (Eagle) radar, a sophisticated radar system designed for bombing, instead of the conventional AN/APQ-13 radar. The latter had primarily served as a navigational aid. While crews had become adept at using the AN/APQ-13 for night or poor-weather bombing, it lacked the precision necessary for accurate strikes. The Eagle radar, however, offered significantly greater definition and, although it required a long bomb run averaging seventy miles, this was not considered a serious hindrance in the tactical context of Japan. To further enhance its night-bombing capabilities, the Superfortresses had been stripped of all armament except for the tail gun. This modification, along with the Eagle radar, clearly marked the 315th as a dedicated night-bombing unit. There were various proposals for the use of these specially equipped B-29s, including high-altitude bombing, area bombing, and aerial mining. However, by the time the 315th Wing was ready for combat, the 313th Bombardment Wing had already gained proficiency in aerial mining, while all wings had become adept at area bombing using the AN/APQ-13. Training for the 315th had focused heavily on night radar tactics, with less emphasis on visual bombing and daytime formation flights. It was evident that if the Eagle radar was to undergo a thorough scientific evaluation, it should be tested against a specific set of targets that were preferably large in size and located along the coastline. In the view of the 21st Bomber Command, the oil industry met these requirements perfectly. The 315th Bombardment Wing initiated its specialized campaign on June 26 with a targeted strike against the Utsube Oil Refinery in Yokkaichi, the top-priority target. By August 14, the wing had conducted 15 additional missions against a total of 10 targets, which included various petroleum refineries and synthetic plants, such as the Maruzen Oil Company in Wakayama, Mitsubishi Oil Company in Kawasaki, and Nippon Oil Company plants spread across Akita, Kansai, Kudamatsu, and Amagasaki, as well as the Imperial Fuel Industry Company in Ube and Toa Fuel Industry in Wakayama. During the campaign, the 315th Wing dispatched a total of 1,200 B-29s, 1,095 of which successfully bombed their primary targets, dropping 9,084 tons of 500-pound general-purpose bombs deemed particularly effective against the scattered installations. The increase in bomb load capacity was made possible by stripping the planes of unnecessary equipment and conducting bombing missions individually at night. As the crews gained experience, they were able to increase the average weight carried from 14,631 pounds during the first mission to 20,684 pounds by August 9. Despite concerns about safety from removing most of the aircraft's armaments, only four planes were lost and 66 sustained damage throughout the campaign. The 20th Air Force estimated that the B-29 attacks led to the destruction of approximately 6 million barrels of tank storage capacity, and the United States Strategic Bombing Survey (USSBS) reported that refining capacity had been reduced from 90,000 barrels a day in December 1941 to around 17,000 barrels. However, the strategic impact was more apparent than real, as many storage tanks were empty and refinery production had fallen to just 4% of capacity before the very heavy bomber campaign began. The lack of precise intelligence regarding the state of Japan's economy had justified the emphasis on the oil program as a form of reinsurance. Nevertheless, the blockade had effectively severed the nation's oil resources, resulting in tankers remaining idle at the docks. On July 1, Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet departed San Pedro Bay to initiate the first preliminary strikes in preparation for Operation Olympic. This operation involved battleships and heavy cruisers conducting surface bombardments of industrial targets in eastern Japan, while lighter forces performed anti-shipping sweeps along the coast. Additionally, a fleet of submarines advanced ahead of Admiral McCain's Task Force 38 to eliminate picket boats and establish lifeguard positions. At 18:15 on July 9, the force began its 25-knot approach toward the Home Islands, launching its first strikes against the Tokyo area at 04:00 on July 10. A total of 1,732 sorties were executed, targeting locations from Koriyama to Hamamatsu, dropping 454 tons of bombs and 1,648 rockets over Honshu with negligible opposition. American airmen reported the destruction of 109 enemy aircraft and damage to 231 during these strikes.   Following this, Halsey's fleet moved north to bombard Hokkaido and northern Honshu, which were beyond the effective range of the B-29s and had previously evaded attack. At 05:59 on July 14, Rear-Admiral John Shafroth's Bombardment Group Able, consisting primarily of three battleships and two heavy cruisers, was tasked with attacking the Kamaishi Works of the Japan Iron Company. By midday, Shafroth's forces had opened fire on Kamaishi, marking the first surface bombardment of Japan by a hostile fleet in over 80 years. Between 12:10 and 14:19, a total of 802 16-inch shells, 728 8-inch shells, and 825 5-inch shells were expended, setting the town ablaze as key industrial and residential targets were hit and resulting in the sinking of one oil tanker, two barges, and one small ship in the harbor. Simultaneously, McCain's carriers closed to within 80 nautical miles of Japan, launching 1,391 sorties against Hokkaido and northern Honshu to target railways, shipping, and airfields, again facing only light resistance. In the ensuing strikes, American planes sank over 50,000 tons of shipping and naval craft, including the destroyer Tachibana, four minesweepers, eight naval auxiliaries, and around 20 merchant vessels, with significant losses occurring at Muroran and Hakodate. In addition, 25 enemy planes were destroyed, while American losses totaled 24 aircraft and 17 airmen, about half of whom were lost in combat. Task Force 38 launched another assault on July 15, executing 966 combat sorties that dropped 355 tons of bombs and expended 2,093 rockets. This operation resulted in the sinking of 65 vessels and damaging 128 others, as well as the destruction of 48 locomotives and damage to 28. Widespread destruction was inflicted on several facilities, particularly the Aomori–Hakodate railcar ferry system, which transported 30% of the coal between Hokkaido and Honshu. The strikes devastated the ferry system, sinking eight ferries, beaching eight more, and damaging two. In total, 70 auxiliary sailing colliers were sunk, and 11 were damaged, along with 10 steel freighters lost and 7 damaged. The ferry strikes were the brainchild of Halsey's operations officer, Captain Ralph “Rollo” Wilson. “When the first action reports began to sift in,” Halsey related: He snatched them up and pored over them; the ferries were not mentioned. Later reports also ignored them. Rollo was sulking and cursing when the final reports arrived. I heard him whistle and saw him beam. “Six ferries sunk!” he said. “Pretty soon we'll have ‘em moving their stuff by oxcarts and skiffs!”  Additionally, 20 city blocks in Kushiro were razed. The most significant outcome of these operations was the virtual severance of Hokkaido from Honshu. By the end of the raids, Halsey's 3rd Fleet had achieved the sinking of 140 ships and small craft, damaging 235 others, and destroying 38 planes while damaging 46. Meanwhile, Rear-Admiral Oscar Badger's Bombardment Group Baker, composed of three battleships, two light cruisers, and eight destroyers, was assigned to bombard Muroran. Between 09:36 and 10:25, this group fired 860 16-inch shells at the Nihon Steel Company and the Wanishi Ironworks, targeting both the coal liquefaction plant and coke ovens. This bombardment inflicted severe damage on those facilities and resulted in the destruction or damage of 2,541 houses in Muroran. As Hasley recalled “These sweeps and bombardments accomplished more than destruction. they showed the enemy that we made no bones about playing in his front yard. From now on, we patrolled his channels and shelled his coast almost every night that the weather permitted.” Additionally, Rear-Admiral James Cary Jones' four light cruisers conducted a sweep along the east coast of Honshu to hunt for Japanese shipping; however, they reported no contacts during their mission. Early on July 16, Task Force 38 retired east of Honshu to begin refueling and rendezvoused with Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 37, which agreed to operate closely as an additional task group for Admiral Halsey. At 03:50 on July 17, the two task forces began launching strikes against central Honshu despite adverse weather conditions. The American forces executed 205 sorties targeting the Mito area, while British aircraft flew 87 sorties against airfields and railyards along the northwest coast of Honshu. Despite the bad weather, several small craft and locomotives were destroyed, though the operation resulted in the loss of nine aircraft and four airmen. Later that afternoon, Halsey detached Badger's augmented Bombardment Group to attack Hitachi, a significant industrial and electronics-producing city. The 53-minute bombardment commenced in fog and rain at 23:14, during which 1,207 16-inch shells, 267 14-inch shells, and 292 6-inch rounds were expended against the Tago and Mito Works of the Hitachi Manufacturing Company, as well as the Yamate Plant and copper refining facilities of Hitachi Mine, resulting in severe devastation. On July 18, McCain's two leading carriers launched a total of 592 sorties against Yokosuka, specifically targeting the heavily camouflaged battleship Nagato at the naval base. The attacks resulted in the sinking of one old cruiser, one minesweeper, one submarine, one incomplete destroyer, and three patrol vessels, in addition to damaging one subchaser, one old destroyer, and one old battleship. Although Nagato was hit multiple times and suffered heavy damage, it managed to stay afloat. Meanwhile, three carriers also targeted airfields and other opportunities in Tokyo, while Task Force 37 attacked a seaplane base at Kitaura and airfields at Nobara, Naruto, Chosi, Kanoike, Natori, and Kitakawa. The recent raids resulted in the destruction of 43 enemy planes and damage to 77 others on the ground, along with the destruction of three locomotives and the derailing of four electrified train cars by rockets. However, the American forces incurred losses of 14 aircraft and 18 aircrew, as the 3rd Fleet flyers reported encountering the fiercest anti-aircraft fire they had yet experienced. Additionally, Rear-Admiral Carl Holden's four light cruisers were detached during the night to sweep shipping off Sagami Bay and to target the radar site at Cape Nojima. On July 21, Captain Thomas Hederman's Destroyer Squadron 61, consisting of nine destroyers, was assigned to conduct another anti-shipping sweep off Sagami Bay. Pursuing four radar contacts, the destroyers engaged targets at midnight on July 22, firing guns and torpedoes from 7,000 yards. This action resulted in the sinking of the 800-ton freighter No.5 Hakutetsu Maru and damaging the 6,919-ton Enbun Maru. In response, Japanese coastal artillery, the minesweeper W-1, and subchaser Ch-42 returned fire, but Hederman's squadron successfully retired without damage. Although minor in scale, the Battle of Sagami Bay would ultimately be the last surface action of the war. Meanwhile, as part of Operation Barney, a planned submarine penetration of the Sea of Japan, nine submarines succeeded in sinking 27 Japanese merchant vessels and one submarine, totaling 54,786 tons.  On June 8, the submarine Barb commenced her twelfth patrol, tasked with terrorizing the Sea of Okhotsk using her newly installed 5-inch rocket launchers. Over the following weeks, Skipper Commander Eugene “Luckey” Fluckey executed successful rocket bombardments on Shari, Hokkaido, and targets in Shikuka, Kashiho, and Shiritoru on Karafuto (southern Sakhalin), also employing the submarine's deck guns to destroy 35 sampans in the town of Kaihyo To. Observing Karafuto trains transporting military supplies to ports, Fluckey devised a plan to intercept these trains. Engineman Third Class Billy Hatfield recalled how, as a child, he had placed nuts on railroad ties and watched as the weight of passing trains cracked them between rail and tie. Realizing this principle could be adapted, he suggested rigging an automatic detonator. Fluckey had many volunteers for the mission, including a Japanese POW, and carefully selected Hatfield and seven others, deciding against leading the shore party himself. Just after midnight on July 23, 1945, Fluckey maneuvered Barb to within 950 yards of the Karafuto coast. Led by Lieutenant William Walker, the team launched two rubber rafts at 00:30. Before they left, Fluckey instructed them, “Boys, if you get stuck, head for Siberia, 130 miles north, following the mountain ranges. Good luck.” Upon reaching the shore, the Americans located the tracks and buried a 55-pound scuttling charge and battery beneath the rails, positioning it under a water tower they planned to use as a lookout. As Motor Machinist's Mate First Class John Markuson climbed up, he unexpectedly found he was scaling a sentry tower, causing him to retreat without alerting the sleeping guard. When a train passed, the team dove for cover before resuming their work after it had gone by. Shortly after 01:30, Walker's team signaled their return to Barb, which was now just 600 yards offshore. Fifteen minutes later, while the boats were halfway back, Fluckey heard the rumble of an approaching train. He hoisted a megaphone and urged the crew to “Paddle like the devil, boys!” At 01:47, a 16-car Japanese train struck Hatfield's detonator, resulting in a massive explosion that sent debris soaring 200 feet into the air and reportedly killed 150 Japanese. Minutes later, all eight Americans were safely aboard Barb, which then slipped back into the night, having successfully executed the only amphibious invasion of Japan during World War II. Returning to the main action, Halsey aimed to eliminate the remnants of the Combined Fleet at the heavily fortified Kure Naval Base. Consequently, Task Force 38 began launching the first of 1,363 sorties against ships and airfields in Kyushu, Shikoku, and Honshu, ringing the Inland Sea at 04:40 on July 24. A total of 599 tons of bombs and 1,615 rockets were unleashed over Kure, resulting in the sinking or damaging of 22 warships, which totaled 258,000 tons. Among the affected vessels were the battleships Hyuga, Ise, and Haruna; fleet carriers Amagi and Katsuragi; the escort carrier Kaiyo; heavy cruisers Tone and Aoba; as well as light cruisers Oyodo and Kitakami. In addition, another 53 vessels amounting to 17,000 tons were sunk at various locations, including Hiroshima Bay, Niihama, Bungo Channel, and Kii Channel. At Kobe, the incomplete fleet carrier Aso was also attacked and damaged. American Hellcats and Corsairs effectively swept aside Japanese aerial opposition, shooting down 18 enemy planes while destroying 40 aircraft and damaging another 80 on the ground. Furthermore, around the Inland Sea, 16 locomotives were destroyed and five were damaged, while 20 hangars sustained damage. Three oil tanks were set ablaze at Kure and one at Tano. Additionally, four electric trains and a roundhouse were strafed at Hamamatsu, and various military installations, including barracks, warehouses, power plants, and factories around the airfields, received significant damage. Simultaneously, Rear-Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 37 conducted 257 sorties against targets in Japan and the surrounding offshore areas, sinking the escort carrier Shimane Maru in Shido Bay, along with a number of destroyers, small escorts, and coasters. Meanwhile, Jones' light cruisers swept through the Kii Channel before bombarding the Kushimoto seaplane base and airfields at Cape Shionomisaki during the night. Supporting these efforts, General LeMay dispatched 625 B-29s against seven targets in the Nagoya and Osaka areas, successfully inflicting heavy damage on all of them despite the spotty weather, marking this as the last major attack on the Japanese mainland during the war, as two weeks of cloudy weather ensued. In the early hours of July 25, McCain's aircraft carriers resumed launching strikes against airfields and shipping in the Inland Sea and the Nagoya-Osaka areas. During this operation, they executed a total of 655 sorties, expending 185 tons of bombs and 1,162 rockets, successfully sinking nine ships totaling 8,000 tons and damaging another 35 vessels. The strikes also resulted in the downing of 21 Japanese planes, with an additional 61 aircraft destroyed on the ground and 68 damaged. After refueling on July 27, Halsey's carrier forces moved to launch points located 96 nautical miles off Shikoku. At 04:43 on July 28, they resumed strikes over the Inland Sea, focusing on targets from northern Kyushu to Nagoya, as well as airfields across Honshu along the Sea of Japan. This resulted in McCain flying a total of 1,602 sorties, dropping 605 tons of bombs and expending 2,050 rockets. These attacks sank 27 ships, amounting to 43,000 tons, including the battleships Ise and Haruna, the fleet carrier Amagi, and the Combined Fleet flagship Oyodo. Additionally, 78 vessels totaling 216,000 tons were reported damaged, among them the fleet carrier Katsuragi, heavy cruiser Tone, and light cruiser Kitakami. American pilots reported the destruction of 21 Japanese aircraft in the air and claimed 115 destroyed on the ground across 30 area airfields. They also successfully destroyed 14 locomotives, four oil cars, two roundhouses, three oil tanks, three warehouses, one hangar, and a transformer station. In support of these efforts, Task Force 37 conducted 260 sorties against the eastern Inland Sea, targeting the dockyard at Harima and sinking or severely damaging four corvettes at Maizuru. Meanwhile, the 7th Air Force's 11th and 494th Bombardment Groups carried out a day-long raid on Kure, successfully sinking the heavy cruiser Aoba. By sunset that evening, the Imperial Japanese Navy had effectively ceased to exist, though the cost for the Americans was steep, with losses amounting to 101 planes and 88 men since July 24. As Halsey moved east to target the Osaka-Nagoya area, Shafroth's reinforced Bombardment Group was detached on July 29 to bombard Hamamatsu. During the night, they successfully unloaded 810 16-inch shells, 265 14-inch shells, and 1,035 8-inch shells, damaging the Imperial Government Railway locomotive works, igniting a blaze at the Japanese Musical Instrument Company, and wreaking havoc on infrastructure along the critical Tokaido main line. The following day, McCain's carriers conducted 1,224 sorties against airfields in Osaka, Kobe, Maizuru, and Nagoya, expending 397 tons of bombs and 2,532 rockets. These strikes resulted in the sinking of 20 vessels totaling 6,000 tons and damaging another 56 ships. The pilots also claimed destruction of 115 enemy aircraft on the ground, while inflicting severe damage on numerous industrial targets, including aircraft factories and naval docks in Maizuru. In Miyazu Bay, the destroyer Hatsushino struck an air-dropped naval mine, marking the final loss of 129 Japanese destroyers sunk during the war. That night, seven destroyers advanced deep into Suruga Bay, unleashing 1,100 5-inch shells on Shimizu within seven minutes, successfully destroying or damaging 118 industrial buildings. Typhoon weather would impede the operations of the 3rd Fleet for the next two weeks, as Admiral Nimitz ordered Halsey to steer clear of southern Japan, which was set to become the target of a new and deadly weapon: the atomic bomb. The U.S. Army had begun its project to develop an atomic bomb on August 16, 1942, under the auspices of the Manhattan Project. The project was directed by Major-General Leslie Groves and involved renowned scientists such as Robert Oppenheimer, Enrico Fermi, Niels Bohr, Richard Feynman, and Albert Einstein. Over time, it expanded to include a design center at Los Alamos and two production facilities at Hanford and Clinton. By August 1945, the teams at Los Alamos had successfully designed, developed, and built a gun-type atomic bomb capable of forcing five pounds of uranium-235 against another 17 pounds at high speed, thereby achieving critical mass and releasing immense heat, light, blast, and radiation. The team was also experimenting with an even more powerful device: the plutonium bomb, which utilized an implosion method whereby a sphere of plutonium was compressed by conventional explosives to reach criticality. By early August, scientists had managed to produce enough nuclear material to create only one uranium device, known as Little Boy, and one plutonium bomb, referred to as Fat Man. Each weapon had the potential to annihilate an entire city, and American leaders were prepared to use them if it could compel the Japanese Empire to surrender without necessitating an invasion of Japan. A Targeting Committee led by Groves, consisting of Manhattan Project and Air Force personnel, recommended Hiroshima, Niigata, Kokura, and Nagasaki as primary targets.  Groves' Targeting Committee employed several criteria to select sites for atomic bomb targets. The chosen targets had to possess strategic value to the Japanese and be situated between Tokyo and Nagasaki. Additionally, the target needed to feature a large urban area with a minimum diameter of three miles and must be relatively untouched by previous bombings, ironically spared for potential atomic destruction at a later stage. A crucial condition was that, to the best of their knowledge, these areas should harbor no concentrations of Allied prisoners of war. However, this requirement was challenging to ascertain accurately due to a lack of reliable information about the locations of prisoners. Initially, the committee considered 17 candidates and selected five primary targets: Hiroshima, Yokohama, Kokura, Niigata, and Kyoto. On May 28, they narrowed the list to three: Kyoto, Niigata, and Hiroshima. Hiroshima was significant as it housed Hata's 2nd General Army headquarters and featured a large shipyard, while Niigata was a major industrial city with an important port. Moreover, Kyoto held considerable cultural and religious significance for the Japanese. Secretary of War Stimson, having previously cautioned General Arnold about the humanitarian consequences of targeting cities with incendiary bombings, insisted on removing Kyoto from the list after intense discussions with Groves. On July 21, President Truman concurred with Stimson during their meetings in Potsdam, deciding that Kyoto should be spared. Subsequently, Kokura, known for its large arsenal and ordnance works, replaced Kyoto. Additionally, LeMay's staff reportedly included Nagasaki as an alternate target due to potential weather issues, as it was home to Mitsubishi's arms factories, electric production facilities, ordnance works, and extensive dockyards, making it a valuable target. Meanwhile, a high-level civilian Interim Committee, under Secretary of War Henry Stimson, ultimately advised President Truman on the use of nuclear weapons, reasoning that their deployment would be no worse than the current incendiary bombing campaigns against Japan. The committee also recommended that an atomic bomb be deployed as soon as possible, without warning, to maximize shock value and target a "war plant… surrounded by workers' houses." Following a successful operational test of the experimental plutonium bomb conducted at Trinity on July 16, President Truman authorized General Spaatz to prepare for the bomb drops before August 3. Colonel Paul Tibbets' 509th Composite Group had been specially organized in secret since September 1944 to deliver nuclear weapons, and by June, it had arrived at Tinian under the command of LeMay's 21st Bomber Command. General Twinning replaced LeMay as commander of the 21st on August 1, and he would ultimately issue the direct orders for Tibbets to drop the atomic bomb. The atomic bomb mission had a convoluted command structure. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were largely left out of the chain of command. LeMay was Tibbet's nominal commander; however, Groves still had extensive control over the operation through his deputy Brigadier General Thomas Farrell on Tinian. The 21st Bomber Command would determine when the atomic bomb mission was launched, based on suitable weather conditions. Even at this stage, General of the Air Force Henry "Hap" Arnold and LeMay were still skeptical about the Manhattan Project; they thought B-29 incendiary and high-explosive bombing operations would suffice to end the war soon. LeMay even questioned the 509th CG pilots' ability to conduct the mission; he wanted seasoned Pacific B-29 veteran crews to drop the nuclear cargo. While the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) and Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) prepared for an impending invasion, the U.S. Army Air Forces (USAAF) continued its bombing campaign against Japan. The crews of the 509th Composite Group needed to acclimate to the navigational challenges, varied weather conditions, extensive distances, and the geography of the region, all while becoming accustomed to combat situations. Training commenced at Tinian on June 30, with conventional operational missions over Japan beginning on July 20. To prepare for their atomic missions, the crews trained with "pumpkins," which were specially constructed bombs designed to mimic the appearance and weight of nuclear weapons. This allowed them to practice handling and releasing the bombs. They also rehearsed navigational procedures, visual bomb release techniques, and dropping the weapon at an altitude of approximately 30,000 feet. Following the drop, the crew conducted high-speed, radical turns to evade the nuclear effects after detonation. During their first mission, a B-29 from the 509th sought an alternative target in Tokyo. The crew aimed to drop their 10,000-pound "pumpkin" on the Imperial Palace, but unfortunately, they missed their target. Had they succeeded in killing the emperor, it could have significantly impacted Japan's decision-making process, potentially fortifying the Japanese people's resolve to continue the war. Military leaders might have seized control in the aftermath, pushing their forces to keep fighting. Throughout their training, the units of the 21st Bomber Command intentionally avoided targeting Hiroshima, Niigata, Kokura, and Nagasaki during these practice runs. In total, Tibbets directed his crews on numerous combat missions that targeted 28 cities and involved the dropping of 49 "pumpkins." Remarkably, the 509th lost no aircraft during these operations. While Tibbets focused on perfecting the delivery method, the weapons Little Boy and Fat Man were being transported to Tinian. Some weapon assemblies were delivered by C-54 and B-29 aircraft from Kirtland Field near Albuquerque, while the cruiser Indianapolis delivered the fissionable material for Little Boy from San Francisco on July 26. Four days later, the submarine I-58 unexpectedly attacked the Indianapolis with six torpedoes while the cruiser was en route to Guam, successfully sinking it. Of the crew, 850 Americans survived the sinking, and another 316 were belatedly rescued by August 8. By July 31, most of the assembly of Little Boy had been completed. However, a detonation expert would need to emplace the cordite charges to fire the uranium "bullet" through the gun device to the uranium core after take-off, minimizing the risk of an inadvertent nuclear explosion in the event of a B-29 crash. Additionally, the crew carrying the atomic bomb had to exercise caution when descending once Little Boy was armed because the primary radar or a backup barometric fuse could potentially trigger an explosion if the aircraft descended too rapidly with the fuses in place. On August 2, B-29 crews arrived at Tinian with the assemblies for Fat Man. On that same day, General Twinning and President Truman approved the plan to bomb Hiroshima. Two days later, Colonel Tibbets briefed the crews about the mission, confirming that he would pilot the aircraft carrying the atomic bomb. Tibbets' B-29 No. 82, later named Enola Gay, was supported by three weather reconnaissance aircraft that reported conditions at Hiroshima, Kokura, and Nagasaki, as well as two additional B-29s assigned to conduct scientific and photographic missions. At 02:45 on August 6, Enola Gay took off from Tinian, with diversionary attacks by 604 B-29s throughout Japan also scheduled for that day, as coordinated by Twinning. After passing through Iwo Jima at approximately 05:55, Captain William Parsons and Second-Lieutenant Morris Jeppson armed the bomb at 07:30. Throughout the journey, the B-29s ascended slowly, reaching an altitude of over 30,000 feet as they crossed Shikoku and Honshu, finally reaching Hiroshima at 31,060 feet. At 09:12, Tibbets executed his final approach from the 'initial point', flying east-west over the city towards the intersection of the Ota and Motoyasu Rivers. Approximately at 09:15, Little Boy was released, and Enola Gay immediately began its turn away to escape the impending explosion. However, the bomb mistakenly descended towards the Shima Surgical Hospital rather than the intended target, the Aioi Bridge. At 09:16, Little Boy detonated at an altitude of 1,890 feet, just as Tibbets was about six miles away from the blast point. As a result of the atomic blast, the immediate area around the epicenter was heated to an astonishing 1 million degrees Celsius, instantly incinerating or vaporizing all people, animals, buildings, and other items within that zone. Hiroshima police officials estimated that immediate casualties amounted to 71,379 individuals who were either killed or reported missing. In the surrounding areas, the blast effects crushed unreinforced structures before igniting them, resulting in an additional 68,023 wounded, with 19,691 of those injuries classified as serious. Subsequent assessments, potentially incorporating the impacts of radiation sickness or more precise accounting, recorded 30,524 individuals as seriously wounded and 48,606 as slightly wounded. Just two minutes after detonation, a growing mushroom cloud of highly radioactive dust and debris soared to a height of 20,000 feet. Within eight minutes, Tibbets' crew could observe the mushroom cloud from 390 miles away. Ultimately, the dust cloud peaked at approximately 60,000 feet in altitude. Soon after, a thick, black, radioactive rain fell upon the areas beneath the cloud. The center of the city was utterly devastated; over four square miles of the urban center, which encompassed seven square miles in total, were completely flattened, resulting in about 60% of the city's area being destroyed. An additional 0.6 square miles suffered damage, while more than 75% of the city's 90,000 buildings were obliterated. The ensuing fires compounded the devastation, contributing to countless deaths and injuries. Tragically, some American prisoners of war were present in Hiroshima and lost their lives in the explosion. Meanwhile, Enola Gay safely returned to Tinian at 14:58, where Tibbets was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross, while the rest of the crew received Distinguished Flying Crosses for their participation in the mission. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Japan was broken. To be perfectly honest she had been broken long ago. Her leadership had been spending months trying to figure out the best possible way to surrender, while the civilians and troops were suffering horribly. Aerial mining strangled her of food, high explosive and incendiary bombs, killed untold scores of people, and then the Atomic weapons were let loose upon her. It was over.

Orri Freyr Rúnarsson stýrði þætti dagsins. Fullt af frábærri tónlist, ný plata vikunnar kynnt og póstkort frá Kalla Örvars. JóiPé, Króli & USSEL - 7 Símtöl. Jón Jónsson - Tímavél. Zach Bryan & Kacey Musgraves - I Remember Everything. Mannakorn - Göngum yfir brúna. Bríet - Wreck Me. INXS - Never Tear Us Apart. CMAT - Running/Planning. Blink 182 - I Miss You. Justin Bieber- Daisies. Þorsteinn Kári - Skuggamynd. Elvis Presley - A Little Less Conversation. Teddy Swims - God Went Crazy. Tove Lo - No one dies from love. MÖ, DJ Snake & Major Lazer - Lean On. Sigrid - Don't kill My Vibe. Duran Duran - Save a Prayer [US Single Version]. Wolf Alice - The Sofa. Green Day - Working Class Hero. John Lennon - Jealous guy. 1860 - Íðilfagur. Sóldögg - Leysist Upp. Stuðlabandið - Við eldana. Beck - Girl. Friðrik Dór- Hata að hafa þig ekki hér (ft. Bríet). Þorsteinn Kári - Ómar. Tyler Childers - Nose On The Grindstone. Portugal. The man - Silver Spoons. Taylor Swift - exile (ft. Bon Iver). Karl Örvarsson - Partýkliður. Stuðmenn - Slá Í Gegn. Ed Sheeran - Sapphire. Snow Patrol - Run. Birnir, GDRN - Sýna mér (ft. GDRN). Ágúst Elí Ásgeirsson - Megakjut. Stevie Wonder - Isn't She Lovely. Múm - Only Songbirds Have a Sweet Tooth. David Bowie - Ziggy Stardust. The Killers - Mr.Brightside. Jay-Z & Alicia Keys - Empire State Of Mind. Björk - Joga. Bubbi Morthens - Dansaðu. X Ambassadors - Renegades. Ágúst Þór Brynjarsson - Á leiðinni. Marvin Gaye& Tammi Terrell - Ain't no mountain high enough. Alex Warren & Jelly Roll - Bloodline.

Last time we spoke about the fall of Wewak. In June 1945, Allied forces, led by General George Stevens, intensified their campaign to capture the strategic town of Wewak in New Guinea. After years of grueling combat, they relentlessly pressed against entrenched Japanese defenses, including the remnants of General Mano's 41st Division. The Australians achieved critical victories by securing vital supply routes and establishing new airfields, facilitating their advance. By May 8, after intense fighting, Australian troops effectively seized Wewak Point, eliminating entrenched Japanese soldiers in bunkers and caves. Despite suffering casualties, the Australians distinguished themselves through bravery and tactical ingenuity. Ultimately, the successful capture of Wewak marked a pivotal moment in the Pacific campaign, showcasing the determination and spirit of the Allies as they pushed towards victory in the Pacific Theater, bringing an end to a crucial chapter of the war. This episode is Operation Downfall Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  After the fall of Okinawa, the Allies were mopping up campaigns across the Asia-Pacific and planning for what was assumed to be the most cataclysmic battle yet, the invasion of the Japanese home islands. First we are going to travel back to Luzon. By mid-June, General Krueger's 6th Army had successfully captured all key objectives in northern Luzon, southern Luzon, and the area east of Manila, which serves as the capital of the Philippines. Although General Yokoyama's poorly equipped 41st Army had been rapidly scattered and forced into hiding, General Yamashita's Shobu Group still retained enough strength to continue its resistance in northern Luzon. The Shobu Group was primarily gathering its units in a desperate last-stand position along the rugged valley of the Asin River, an area known for its difficult terrain. Interestingly, General Krueger underestimated Yamashita's strategic intentions, still expecting him to make his final stand in the Cagayan Valley, located in the northern part of Luzon. With this assumption, Krueger believed that if General Beigthler's 37th Division could maintain its rapid advance towards Aparri, situated at the northern tip of Luzon, they might be able to conclude the Luzon Campaign in a pivotal stroke. However, intelligence indicated that units of the Shobu Group were retreating into the Cordillera Central mountain range, a formidable natural barrier, located between Routes 4 and 11. In response, Krueger ordered the 1st Corps to exert strong pressure on this mountainous region from the north, south, and west. To implement this strategy, General Swift directed the 6th, 25th, and 33rd Divisions to clear the supply route between Baguio and Aritao, ultimately sealing off Yamashita's last-stand position from the south. Meanwhile, Colonel Volckmann's guerrilla forces were instructed to advance east from Cervantes to capture the crucial junction of Routes 4 and 11 at Sabangan. Recognizing the importance of controlling key roadways, the 63rd Regiment was tasked with pushing up Route 4 to seize the strategic location of Kiangan. In the south, the 130th Regiment began probing southeast towards Pigkian, while the 20th Regiment continued to apply pressure on the remnants of the now-battered 2nd Tank Division. Ultimately, General Iwanaka's weakened forces narrowly avoided entrapment along the Bambang-Pingkian road, retreating northward via treacherous mountain trails and river valleys. They reached the Tubliao area just as early July arrived, illustrating the persistent and relentless nature of this campaign. Looking northward from Cervantes, Volckmann's guerrilla fighters launched attacks toward both Mankayan and Sabangan. By the end of June, their efforts had pressured the beleaguered 19th Division to hastily withdraw from Bontoc, a significant town located in central Luzon, and Sabangan. However, General Ozaki's forces maintained a formidable defensive position at the Lepanto Mine, an area known for its mineral wealth and strategic significance. On June 16, the 63rd Regiment began its advance up Route 4, which runs north through the central highlands toward Kiangan, a town that was critical for controlling the region. By the evening of the following day, American forces had successfully breached the defensive line established by the 105th Division at the Rayambugan Farm School, a local educational institution that was repurposed for military use during the conflict. Continuing their push, the 63rd Regiment encountered the main defenses of General Tsuda on June 19 along Route 4. However, over five days of fierce fighting, utilizing only one battalion for the attack, gained little ground for the Americans. Recognizing the need for greater force, they reinforced their assault on June 24. By June 26, the 63rd began to break through towards Hucab, a small settlement, and by June 29, they had overcome the last organized resistance in the area. Meanwhile, the 37th Division also made significant advances. Resuming its drive up Route 5 on June 17, the 148th Regiment successfully pushed forward to Naguilian, a town that marks a key waypoint on this route. Two days later, the front-line troops reached Bangag, yet here they encountered increased resistance. They were now facing elements of Major-General Yuguchi Shuntaro's 80th Brigade, which was attempting to move south along Route 5. In a series of running engagements from June 19 to 23, the 37th Division inflicted heavy casualties, killing over 600 Japanese soldiers and capturing nearly 285 more in the challenging fifteen-mile stretch between Bangag and Balasig. The remnants of the Yuguchi Force were ultimately forced to retreat eastward into the rugged and uncharted wilderness of the Sierra Madre mountain range, illustrating the intense and chaotic nature of the conflict. General Krueger deemed it essential to execute an airborne operation over the northern Cagayan Valley to ensure the success of the 37th Division's advance. It's possible that Krueger's motivation also stemmed from a desire to secure northern Luzon before the 8th Army took control of operations, which was scheduled for July 1. Despite contrary reports from various sources, including the United States Armed Forces in the Philippines Northern Luzon, 1st Corps, the 37th Division, and ALAMO scout teams, Krueger concluded that Japanese forces in the Cagayan Valley were retreating "in wild disorder on Highway 5 towards Aparri." It's worth noting that, in actuality, the general movement of Japanese troops had been southward for weeks, and no Japanese unit intended to take refuge in Aparri, a flatland area surrounded by mountains that made it a poor defensive position. Based on his assessment of the situation, Krueger decided that in order to achieve the complete destruction of the fleeing enemy forces, he would launch a vertical envelopment of airborne troops to close any escape routes and prevent the Japanese from evading capture in Aparri. Consequently, on June 21, Krueger ordered a battalion combat team from the 511th Parachute Infantry of the 11th Airborne Division to parachute near Aparri on June 23. However, on June 21, the Connolly Task Force entered Aparri without facing any opposition. By the evening of June 22, elements of the Task Force had advanced ten miles south along Route 5, managing to secure the Camalaniugan Airstrip, a crucial airfield integral to the logistics of both sides. Despite the successes of the reinforced Connolly Task Force, Krueger did not change his mind about the desirability and necessity for the airdrop. Instead, he concluded that the "seizure of Aparri without opposition by elements of the Connolly Task Force on 21 June 1945, together with the almost unopposed advance of the 37th Division, indicated clearly that the time had come for mounting the airborne troops to block the enemy's retreat in the Cagayan Valley." It is not clear just what retreat Krueger expected to block. On the morning of June 23, the paratroopers dropped into Camalaniugan unchallenged and immediately began their advance southward to make contact with the 37th Division. That same day, the 129th Regiment took over the offensive, heading north towards Tuguegarao, a significant town in the region. Tuguegarao fell without resistance by June 25. By nightfall, forward elements of the 129th had pushed ten miles beyond Tuguegarao, reaching the town of Iguig. The following day, June 26, the forces made contact with the paratroopers at the Paret River, further solidifying their position. By the close of June, Japanese resistance in the Cagayan Valley had subsided, and General Yamashita's Shobu Group, still capable of fighting, found itself encircled in a last-stand area that would become known as the Kiangan Pocket, named by the Filipino-American forces engaged in its reduction. As the campaign progressed, the last elements of the 25th and 33rd Divisions were relieved. General Gill's 32nd Division took over control of the Baguio-Ambuclao sector, while the bulk of General Hurdis' 6th Division assembled at Hucab. This marked a significant transition as it signaled the conclusion of operations for Krueger's 6th Army and Swift's 1st Corps. The command would soon shift to General Eichelberger's 8th Army and General Griswold's 14th Corps, who would carry out further operations throughout Luzon. General Griswold's plans called for relentless pressure to be maintained against the Shobu Group, which was concentrated in an area known as the Kiangan Pocket. In line with this strategy, Volckmann's guerrilla fighters continued their assaults towards key locations such as Mankayan, Sabangan, and Bontoc. The 126th and 127th Regiments advanced north along Route 11 and into the Agno Valley, engaging mixed forces from the 58th Independent Mixed Brigade and the 19th Division. Simultaneously, the 20th and 63rd Regiments were preparing to renew their attack against the 105th Division located at Kiangan, as the advance led by General Hurdis had been halted by torrential rains that had severely damaged roads and bridges. Meanwhile, the 1st Regiment made its own push northward along Route 4 towards Banaue, a town famous for its rice terraces and mountainous landscape. On July 9, Volckmann's 15th Regiment finally secured Sabangan. The following day, the 11th Regiment captured Bontoc while the 66th Regiment began to break through the defenses set up by General Ozaki in the Lepanto Mines-Mankayan area. By July 12, Kiangan fell to the 63rd Regiment; however, they soon faced even heavier rains, which compelled General Hurdis to halt his advance once again. On July 20, the 1st Regiment reached Banaue. The next day, they made contact with elements of the guerrilla 11th Regiment at Polis Pass before turning east along Route 389. Here, they aimed to engage a concentration of around 2,500 Japanese soldiers from the 103rd Division and the 4th Air Division. Back in the west, Mankayan also fell on July 20. Five days later, elements of the 15th and 66th Regiments made contact at the junction where Routes 11 and 393 intersect. The 19th Division was withdrawing into the upper Agno Valley to establish defensive positions, blocking the northern, western, and southern approaches to Toccucan, a small but strategically important area. The 15th and 121st Regiments began their assaults toward Toccucan, but they soon encountered remnants of the 19th Division, who proved to be still capable of effective resistance. At the same time, the 66th Regiment moved south along Route 11 to establish contact with troops from the 32nd Division, pressing the offensive forward. Looking east on July 24, the 20th Regiment took over positions at Kiangan and began an advance towards Kiangkiang and the Asin River. However, the Americans encountered greater resistance than anticipated along this route, making only a meager gain of three miles by August 15. At the same time, other units were dispatched south towards Tubliao to block the retreat of General Iwanaka's remaining forces. On July 29, elements of the 66th and 127th Regiments finally established contact near Gambang. They then shifted east into the Agno Valley, close to Buguias, and initiated a southward drive to link up with the 126th Regiment, which they successfully met on August 8. By August 15, Volckmann's guerrillas found themselves four miles short of Toccucan from the northwest and a mile and a half short from the west. In the eastern front, elements of the 1st and 11th Regiments advanced south from Banaue along Route 390, reaching a point about five miles south of Banaue by August 9. That same day, they also cleared Route 389 to the east, securing additional pathways for movement. Additionally, during this time, the 37th Division conducted vigorous patrols east of the Cagayan River, pushing enemy troops deeper into the Sierra Madre mountains. Unfortunately, this relentless pressure resulted in an estimated 1,000 Japanese casualties by August 15. Throughout a month and a half of grueling fighting in steep, treacherous terrain and under miserable weather conditions, the Filipino-American forces struggled to project any significant strength into the Asin Valley. They suffered approximately 1,650 casualties in total. In contrast, the 8th Army estimated that Japanese casualties during the same period reached around 13,500, with many killed or succumbing to starvation and disease. This marked the effective conclusion of the Luzon Campaign, a campaign that would soon be overshadowed by Japan's surrender. General Yamashita estimated in June that he had sufficient supplies to sustain his forces until mid-September. Given the scale of effort the 8th Army was willing to dedicate to the campaign between July 1 and August 15, it seems likely that Yamashita would have met this deadline. When food supplies were depleted, Yamashita planned for his most effective remaining troops to attempt a breakout from the Asin Valley into the mountains of far northwestern Luzon, where he hoped to find more provisions. Those not involved in the breakout were to conduct banzai attacks along all fronts to cover the retreat of the main forces. Yamashita anticipated that whether or not the breakout succeeded, it would signal the complete disintegration of his forces. He even planned to commit hara-kiri amidst the chaos of battle. As a result, the end of the war arrived about a month before Yamashita was prepared to officially acknowledge his defeat. By any measure, the Shobu Group accomplished the delaying mission that Yamashita had envisioned. Throughout the 6th Army's control of operations on Luzon, the maximum commitment of major ground forces against the Shobu Group included four reinforced U.S. Army infantry divisions, one separate regiment combat team, an armored group, Volckmann's , and the Buena Vista Regiment. When hostilities ceased on August 15, the Shobu Group was still "entertaining" three reinforced divisions: the 6th, 32nd, and 37th. Additionally, it had a significantly strengthened, the Buena Vista Regiment, and various other guerrilla units. After the war concluded, approximately 50,500 Japanese troops emerged from the mountains of northern Luzon, with nearly 40,000 of these coming from the Asin Valley's last-stand area. Ultimately, the war ended with about a third of the Shobu Group's peak strength still alive and capable of conducting organized and determined delaying operations. It is clear that, over the seven and a half months since January 9, the Shobu Group executed a remarkably effective delaying action. Despite the circumstances, the 14th Area Army had achieved its objective of tying down as many Allied forces as possible in Luzon. This diversion was critical, as it allowed the Japanese Empire valuable time to fortify its defenses in the Home Islands.  Reflecting back to January, General Prince Higashikuni Naruhiko's General Defense Command was operating with a modest force for the land and air defense of Honshu, Shikoku, Kyushu, and the Izu Islands. The primary focus had been on building naval and air power for Operation Sho-Go. In Kyushu and southwestern Honshu, the Western District Army, led by Lieutenant-General Yokoyama Isamu, consisted of only the 86th Division and the 12th Air Division. Meanwhile, the Central District Army, commanded by Lieutenant-General Kawabe Masakazu in central Honshu and Shikoku, had the 44th and 73rd Divisions supported by the 11th Air Division. To the northeast, in Honshu and the Izu Islands, General Fujie Keisuke's Eastern District Army maintained the 72nd Division, along with both the 1st and 3rd Imperial Guards Divisions, the 66th and 67th Independent Mixed Brigades, and the 10th Air Division. Additionally, Lieutenant-General Uemura Toshimichi's 36th Army was positioned as a mobile reserve in the Kanto and Shizuoka area, comprised of the 81st and 93rd Divisions, along with the 4th Tank Division. Further north, Lieutenant-General Higuchi Kiichiro's 5th Area Army had deployed the 7th and 77th Divisions, the 1st Air Division, and the 12th Air Fleet stationed in Hokkaido. It also maintained a mixed brigade at Karafuto. Lieutenant-General Terakura Shozo commanded the 27th Army in the Kuril Islands, which included the 42nd and 91st Divisions, along with the 43rd and 69th Independent Mixed Brigades, and the 3rd and 4th Amphibious Brigades, as well as the Chishima 1st Brigade and Naval Base Force. The air situation was equally dire; Japan had only around 550 aircraft available for offensive operations and a total of about 770 aircraft and 1,200 anti-aircraft guns designated for defensive roles. As preparations for Operation Ten-Go unfolded, the air and ground units in Japan underwent significant reorganization in February. This restructuring led to the formation of several military commands, including Admiral Ugaki's 5th Air Fleet based in Kyushu, Vice-Admiral Maeda Minoru's 10th Air Fleet in Kanto, Lieutenant-General Yoshimoto Teiichi's 11th Area Army in northeast Honshu, derived from the now-defunct 27th Army, and additional area armies such as Fujie's 12th in east-central Honshu, Lieutenant-General Okada Tasuku's 13th in west-central Honshu, Kawabe's 15th in western Honshu and Shikoku, and Yokoyama's 16th in Kyushu. The reorganization of high-level military headquarters was not the sole initiative at this time. The Japanese Empire also approved a large-scale mobilization plan that called for the deployment of 42 divisions, 18 independent mixed brigades, and six tank brigades, amounting to approximately 1.5 million personnel. Following the fall of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, and with intelligence indicating that the Soviet Union was redeploying troops from the European theater to the Far East, Japan began preparing for the defense of its homeland. This preparation involved activating the 1st and 2nd General Armies to replace the General Defense Command and implementing Operation Ketsu-Go. The strategy for Operation Ketsu-Go outlined that the Imperial Japanese Army would strive to defeat American forces while their invasion fleet remained at sea. The plan aimed to deliver a decisive blow against the American naval forces by first destroying as many aircraft carriers as possible, utilizing the special attack units from both the Air Force and Navy. As the amphibious forces approached the range of homeland airbases, the entire air combat strength would be deployed for continuous day and night assaults against these ships. The focus of these air operations was to disrupt American landing plans, targeting primarily troop and equipment transports. Should any American forces successfully land, these would be swiftly assaulted by the IJA to secure a decisive victory. The primary objective of the ground operation was to eliminate the American landing force right on the beach. Operation Ketsu-Go was designed as a comprehensive joint defense effort, mobilizing the full capabilities of the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The Navy's essential role was to protect the coasts by attacking invasion fleets using combined surface, submarine, and air forces. The Air General Army would closely coordinate with the Navy to locate and destroy American transports at sea. If the invasion forces succeeded in landing, the local Area Army would take command of all naval ground forces in its assigned territory and would exercise operational control over air units in support of the ground operations. A key component of the Ketsu-Go operational planning involved reinforcing sectors under attack by units transferred from other regions. Given that U.S. air raids had already severely impacted the transportation network, plans were made for troop movements to be conducted on foot. If the battle at the beach held no promise of a successful outcome, the conflict would inevitably shift to fighting inland. To prepare for this, interior resistance was planned. Guard units and Civilian Defense Corps personnel, along with elements of field forces serving as a nucleus, would be utilized as resistance troops. Their mission would involve attriting American forces through guerrilla warfare, espionage, deception, disruption of supply areas, and blockades as enemy landing forces advanced inland. This operation divided Japanese territory into seven zones, where air and naval special attack forces were directed to eliminate invading forces at sea and to establish an aggressive coastal defense. Field Marshal Sugiyama Hashime's 1st General Army established its headquarters in Tokyo, assuming control over the 11th, 12th, and 13th Area Armies. Meanwhile, Field Marshal Hata Shunroku's 2nd General Army set up its headquarters in Hiroshima, overseeing the 15th and 16th Area Armies. Additionally, to provide a cohesive command structure for all Army air units participating in the campaign, an Air General Army headquarters was formed under Kawabe. On the naval front, Admiral Toyoda took command of the General Navy Command, granting him supreme operational authority over all Navy surface and air forces. In the coming months, the Japanese continued to prepare for the anticipated invasion by mobilizing new units and diverting existing forces from Manchuria and other regions. By August, Yoshimoto's 11th Area Army had been reinforced to include seven infantry divisions and two infantry brigades. The 12th Area Army, now under General Tanaka Shizuichi, was significantly larger, comprising 20 infantry divisions, two tank divisions, eight infantry brigades, three tank brigades, three artillery brigades, and one anti-aircraft brigade. Okada's 13th Area Army was organized with six infantry divisions, three infantry brigades, one tank brigade, one artillery brigade, and one anti-aircraft brigade. The 15th Area Army, under the command of Lieutenant-General Uchiyama Eitaro, was formed with eight infantry divisions, three infantry brigades, one artillery brigade, one anti-aircraft brigade, and two tank regiments. Yokoyama's 16th Area Army included a substantial force of 15 infantry divisions, eight infantry brigades, three tank brigades, three artillery brigades, and one anti-aircraft brigade. Additionally, Higuchi's 5th Area Army consisted of six infantry divisions and two infantry brigades. In tandem with these ground preparations, Lieutenant-General Sugawara Michio's 6th Air Army and Ugaki's 5th Air Fleet were assigned the critical role of launching a powerful air counterattack against the American invasion fleet, targeting carriers, gunnery ships, and transport vessels. In conjunction with elements from the 1st Air Army, 5th Air Army, 3rd Air Fleet, and 10th Air Fleet, the Japanese strategy focused on executing strikes against US carriers. For this task, 330 IJNAF aircraft were specifically assigned. An additional 250 aircraft from both the IJAAF and IJNAF were designated to target gunnery ships, while transports would be subjected to round-the-clock suicide attacks over a span of 10 days. Various aircraft types,including trainers, transports, float planes, bombers, and obsolete fighters, would be used in kamikaze missions. The air assaults on the transports would also incorporate all available aircraft not assigned to other operational duties. Although Japanese fighters had limited effectiveness against B-29 raids, they were expected to inflict damage on the invasion fleet. It was essential, however, that IJAAF and IJNAF fighters first establish air superiority over the targeted areas. Achieving this goal was a questionable assumption, especially given the formidable strength of US air power. By the end of June, nearly 8,000 aircraft, predominantly kamikazes, had been assembled for what was expected to be a decisive battle, with an estimated additional 2,500 planes likely to be produced by the end of September. To enhance their efforts, Kaiten suicide midget submarines and various special attack units were also designated to target any invading fleet, underscoring the significance of suicide attacks in Japanese military strategy. The hope was that these suicide, or tokko, units would inflict a 30 to 50 percent loss on the invading forces. However, as of June 30, only 1,235 surface special-attack boats and 324 underwater types had been produced, significantly hampering Japan's preparations for the impending decisive battle. In preparation for the seizure of Japan's industrial heart through an amphibious invasion, General MacArthur was laying the groundwork for a significant military operation. On April 3, the Joint Chiefs of Staff designated him as the Commander in Chief of the United States Army Forces in the Pacific. This appointment granted him administrative control over all Army resources in the Pacific, with the exceptions of the 20th Air Force, the Alaskan Command, and the Southeast Pacific forces. Additionally, all naval resources in the Pacific, except those in the Southeast Pacific Area, were placed under Admiral Nimitz's control, making them available for major operations against Japan. With the conclusion of the war in Europe, plans were proposed to redeploy 10 infantry divisions, 5 armored divisions, and 72 air groups to the Pacific. Consequently, the total forces in the Pacific were set to increase from approximately 1.4 million Army troops as of June 30 to nearly 2,439,400 by December 31. On June 2, the 20th Air Force was reorganized into the U.S. Army Strategic Air Force under General Carl Spaatz. This command would oversee the newly formed 20th Air Force led by Lieutenant-General Nathan Twinning, which had been reorganized from the 21st Bomber Command, and Lieutenant-General James Doolittle's 8th Air Force, which was restructured from the 20th Bomber Command and slated for deployment in the Ryukyus. Simultaneously, MacArthur was developing plans for Operation Downfall, the ambitious strategy for invading Japan. This operation envisaged a massive offensive against the islands of Kyushu and Honshu, utilizing all available combined resources from the Army, Navy, and Air Forces. The invasion plan consisted of two key operations: Operation Olympic and Operation Coronet. The American plan for the invasion of Kyushu focused on seizing only the southern part of the island, delineated by a line extending from Tsuno on the east coast to Sendai on the west. The 3,000 square miles included within this boundary were considered sufficient to provide the necessary air bases for short-range support in the final operations planned against the industrial centers of Honshu. Within the selected southern region for invasion, known as the "Olympic" plan, there were four lowland areas identified as suitable for the development of major airfields. The first area extended from Kagoshima, located on the western shore of Kagoshima Bay, through a narrow corridor to the Kushikino plain along the East China Sea. The second area ran northward from Shibushi on Ariake Bay, traversing a winding valley to Miyakonojo. The third area began at Kanoya, situated east of Kagoshima Bay, and followed the coastline of Ariake Bay. The fourth and largest area was located north of Miyazaki on the east coast. Four months after American troops first landed on Kyushu, the next decisive amphibious operation against Japan was set to be launched. Code-named Coronet, this invasion targeted the Kanto Plain area of Honshu and was scheduled for March 1, 1945. The operation was tasked to two armies: the First and the Eighth, assigned to conduct a major assault against the heartland of Japan. Their immediate objective was to destroy all opposition and secure the Tokyo-Yokohama area. General MacArthur would personally command the landing forces and oversee ground operations on the mainland. Accompanying him would be the advance echelon of his General Headquarters, which would operate as the Army Group Headquarters in the field. The initial landings would involve 10 reinforced infantry divisions, 3 marine divisions, and 2 armored divisions. These forces, launched from the Philippines and Central Pacific bases, would be continuously protected by the ships and aircraft of the Pacific Fleet, alongside land-based air support. Thirty days after the initial assault, each army was set to be reinforced by a corps of 3 additional divisions. Five days following this reinforcement, an airborne division and an AFPAC Reserve Corps consisting of another 3 divisions would be made available. In total, these 25 divisions were tasked with seizing the Kanto Plain, including the general areas of Tokyo and Yokohama, and carrying out any further operations necessary to overcome Japanese resistance. The strategic reserve for the entire operation would comprise a corps of 3 divisions located in the Philippines, along with sufficient reinforcements from the United States, allowing for the deployment of 4 divisions per month. For Operation Olympic, General Krueger's 6th Army was appointed to lead the effort, employing a total of 14 divisions that were already positioned in the Pacific. Meanwhile, the 1st and 8th Armies were designated to conduct Operation Coronet, comprising a total of 25 divisions primarily sourced from the redeployment of troops and equipment from the European theater. Eichelberger's 8th Army planned to land on Sagami Bay and subsequently fan out to secure the western shores of Tokyo Bay, reaching as far north as Yokohama. Concurrently, General Courtney Hodges' 1st Army was set to land at the Kujukuri beaches, with the objective of pushing west and south to clear the eastern shores of both Tokyo and Sagami Bays. To mitigate the risks associated with landing on the heavily fortified and well-garrisoned islands of Japan, a comprehensive campaign of air-sea blockade and bombardment was advocated.  The 20th Air Force, launching from bases in the Marianas and the Ryukyus, aimed to cripple Japan's industrial capacity by ruthlessly attacking factories and transportation systems. This steady assault from the massive B-29 bombers was expected to severely diminish Japan's ability to sustain its large military organization and effectively distribute its remaining power. Simultaneously, carrier task forces would conduct repeated raids on crucial coastal areas, targeting enemy naval and air forces, disrupting shore and sea communications, and supporting long-range bombers in their strikes against strategic objectives. The Far East Air Force, also based in the Ryukyus, would focus on selected targets intended to dismantle Japan's air capabilities both in the homeland and in nearby regions of North China and Korea. By intercepting shipping and shattering communication lines, the Far East Air Force aimed to complete the isolation of southern Kyushu, preparing it for an amphibious assault. As the target date approached, it was planned that these air raids would intensify, culminating in an all-out effort from X-10 to X-Day. In the final ten days before the landing phase, the combined bombing power of all available planes, both land-based and carrier-based, would be unleashed in a massive assault. The objectives included reducing enemy defenses, destroying remaining air forces, isolating the target area, and facilitating preliminary minesweeping and naval bombardment operations. The fortifications within the designated landing areas would be overwhelmed by tons of explosives, while naval vessels and engineering units worked to eliminate underwater mines and barriers. With such concentrated power backing them, it was anticipated that the amphibious forces would be able to execute their assault landings with minimal losses. This strategy aimed to minimize casualties, further diminish Japan's air capabilities, and cut off reinforcements from Asia. There was even a possibility that such measures could compel Japan to surrender, thus eliminating the need for a significant landing on the Home Islands. In a notable first, Admiral Spruance's 5th Fleet and Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet were to operate simultaneously. Admiral Spruance's fleet would focus on the landing operations, while Admiral Halsey's fleet would provide strategic support through raids on Honshu and Hokkaido. On July 28, the 16 fast carriers of Admiral McCain's Task Force 38 and the four British carriers of Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 37 commenced operations to weaken the air, naval, and shipping capabilities of the Home Islands. By mid-August, Vice-Admiral John Towers was assigned command of a reinforced Task Force 38, tasked with executing a series of strikes against Japan east of the 135th meridian, while General Kenney's Ryukyus-based Far Eastern Air Forces targeted objectives to the west. Additionally, Rawlings' Task Force 37, enhanced to nine carriers, launched diversionary strikes against Hong Kong and Canton. Starting on October 18, the 3rd Fleet began aggressive operations against aircraft, airfields, and shipping in Kyushu, Shikoku, and Honshu to isolate the assault area for the upcoming Kyushu invasion. Six days later, the Fast Carrier Task Force was divided into Task Force 38 and Task Force 58. Task Force 38 retained 12 fast carriers specifically for strikes against Japan. The pre-invasion air strikes, surface bombardments, and minesweeping operations in the Kyushu landing zones commenced, steadily increasing in intensity as they approached X-Day on November 1. The ten fast carriers of Vice-Admiral Frederick Sherman's Task Force 58 would provide direct support for the Kyushu landings, which were to be conducted by Admiral Turner's Task Force 40, consisting of 800 warships and 1,500 transports. In this effort, three Fire Support groups, each accompanied by an escort carrier group, would launch preemptive assaults on the designated Olympic landing zones.  Off southeastern Kyushu's Ariake Bay, Rear Admiral Richard Connolly's 3rd Fire Support Group (TG 41.3), comprising 6 old battleships, 6 cruisers, 13 destroyers, and 34 support craft, was tasked with eliminating coastal batteries at Toi Misaka, Hi Saki, and Ariake Bay. Additionally, they would target seaplane bases and suicide boat/submarine pens at Oshima, Odatsu, Biro Jima, and Sakida, followed by softening defenses at the XI Corps landing beaches. Meanwhile, approximately 30 miles north along Kyushu's southeastern coast, Rear Admiral Ingolf Kiland's 7th Fire Support Group (TG 41.7), consisting of 3 old battleships, 8 cruisers, 11 destroyers, and 35 support craft, would bombard coastal batteries, suicide-boat nests, and seaplane bases located at Tozaki Hana, Hososhima, and Miyazaki. This group would also destroy rail junctions at Tsumo Jogasaki and Tsuno to disrupt reinforcements heading south, before finally shelling the I Corps invasion beaches near Miyazaki. Off southwestern Kyushu, Rear Admiral Giraud Wright's 5th Fire Support Group (TG 41.5), with 4 old battleships, 10 cruisers, 14 destroyers, and 74 support craft, was set to hammer fortifications within the Koshiki Retto and at the beaches between Kaminokawa and Kushikino. Their mission included knocking out Noma Misaki and Hashimi Saki coastal batteries, the Akune seaplane base, and Kushikino's airfield, while also cutting the Akune–Kushikino road and rail lines. Ultimately, they would provide heavy fire support for the V Amphibious Corps landing beaches. Meanwhile, General Krueger planned to first secure Kagoshima and Ariake Bays as crucial ports of entry. Following that, the objective was to push inland as far as the Tsuno-Sendai line to block mountain defiles and prevent any enemy reinforcements from the north. As a preliminary operation, on October 28, the reinforced 40th Division, now under Brigadier-General Donald Myers, was assigned to seize positions in the Koshiki Island group opposite Sendai. The objective was to establish emergency naval and seaplane bases on these islands while also clearing the sea routes to the coastal invasion area of Kushikino. The 40th Division was also tasked with making preliminary landings on the four islands of Tanega, Make, Take, and Lo off the southern tip of Kyushu, with the goal of safeguarding the passage of friendly shipping through the strategic Osumi Strait. On November 1, General Krueger's three main corps were set to conduct simultaneous assault landings in the designated objective areas. Major-General Harry Schmidt's 5th Amphibious Corps would land near Kushikino, drive eastward to secure the western shore of Kagoshima Bay, and then turn north to block the movement of enemy reinforcements from upper Kyushu. Meanwhile, General Hall's 11th Corps was to land at Ariake Bay, capture Kanoya, advance to the eastern shore of Kagoshima Bay, and then move northwestward to Miyakonojo. Following this, Swift's 1st Corps would assault Miyazaki on the east coast, subsequently moving southwest to occupy Miyakonojo and clear the northern shore of Kagoshima Bay, thereby protecting the northeast flank. Additionally, Major-General Charles Ryder's 9th Corps, initially held in reserve, was selected to execute a diversionary feint off the island of Shikoku while the other three assault corps advanced on the actual landing beaches. Finally, Krueger kept the 77th Division and the 11th Airborne Division in Area Reserve, prepared to follow up the invasion forces. Should these units prove insufficient to fulfill their assigned tasks, a buildup from units earmarked for Coronet would be initiated at a rate of three divisions per month. On the other side, the Japanese anticipated that Kyushu would be the next target and identified the same beaches selected for Operation Olympic as the most likely landing sites. In response, Generals Hata and Yokoyama concentrated the formidable 57th Army under Lieutenant-General Nishihara Kanji around the areas of Ariake Bay and Miyazaki. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-General Nakazawa Mitsuo commanded the 40th Army, which was positioned in the Ijuin-Kagoshima sector to the west. Hata's mobile reserves were stationed near Mount Kurishima, consisting of at least five divisions and several independent brigades, prepared to swiftly engage enemy forces before they could establish secure beachheads. Although Yokoyama and Hata did not anticipate an invasion in northern and central Kyushu, they had many units distributed throughout the region. The Japanese government prioritized defensive preparations for Kyushu over those for Honshu, hoping that a fierce defense of Kyushu would deter American forces from attempting a similar operation on Honshu. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. General Krueger's forces tackled Japan's Shobu Group in Luzon, while preparing for Operation Downfall, the invasion of Japan itself. Despite tough terrain, American forces made significant gains, encircling the Japanese. Meanwhile, Japan readied for defense, mobilizing troops and launching air counterattacks. As the Allies pressed forward, the impending invasion loomed, with strategies developed to land on Kyushu and Honshu. Ultimately, intense battles shaped the eve of an operation that would determine the war's fate and change history forever.

In today's episode:The anniversary of JD Vance being named as the running mate in the fake election is celebrated with JD posting a picture of himself, the supposed heir apparent, in a Trump 2028 hatA trial dealing with Facebook collecting and exploiting user data is set to begin - Peter Thiel and Marc Andreesen are among the co-defendantsThe US government contracts with XAi (Grok) to work with defense systems right after Grok went all "MechaHitler" and abused Will StancilScott Bessent acknowledges the possibility he could become Fed chairmanLiberals have begun wishing that they hadn't stolen the 2020 electionJoe Biden says he totally knew that his administration lackeys were using the autopen to sign pardonsThe Supreme Court sides with Trump on his ability to fire executive branch employeesJohn Solomon announces what sounds a whole lot like RICO GrandeOn Epstein, Ukraine, Elon, immigration, and countless other issues, establishment media attempts to separate Trump from the MAGA baseLinks, articles, ideas - follow the info stream at t.me/veryreasonableHear the show when it's released. Become a paid subscriber at imyourmoderator.substack.comVisit the show's sponsors:Diversify your assets into Bitcoin: https://partner.river.com/reasonableDiversify your assets into precious metals: reasonablegold.comJoin the new information infrastructure - get Starlink: https://www.starlink.com/residential?referral=RC-1975306-67744-74Other ways to support the work:ko-fi.com/imyourmoderatorDonate btc via coinbase: 3MEh9J5sRvMfkWd4EWczrFr1iP3DBMcKk5Make life more comfortable: mypillow.com/reasonableMerch site:https://cancelcouture.myspreadshop.com/https://cancelcouture.comFollow the podcast info stream: t.me/veryreasonableYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@imyourmoderatorOther social platforms: Truth Social, Gab, Rumble, or Gettr - @imyourmoderator Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, "AK Parti, MHP ve DEM Parti olarak süreci selametle sonuna kadar götürmekte kararlıyız" dedi. Gazze'de su kuyruğunda bekleyenler vuruldu, İsrail ordusu "teknik hata" savunması yaptı.Bu bölüm EY hakkında reklam içermektedir. EY'ın küresel çapta düzenlediği EY Girişimci Kadın Liderler Programı, kadın girişimcilere işlerini büyütme ve uluslararası pazarlara açılma yolculuklarında rehberlik ve destek sağlıyor. Türkiye'de bu yıl dokuzuncusu düzenlenecek olan programa, 15 Ağustos'a kadar buradan başvuru yapabilirsiniz. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Veckopanelen med Thomas Gür, Maria Wetterstrand och Maria Arkeby under ledning av Staffan Dopping. Kriget mellan Israel och Iran fortsätter, men är president Trump på väg att överge sin princip om America First? Mellanösterns konflikter tar allt större plats i inrikespolitiken, och Liberalerna försöker vaska fram en ny partiledare. Riksbanken sänker räntan, och landets dyraste miljörättegång har avslutats. Hur ser vi på att myggen lär bli färre i sommar, och hur bör man uttala ordet midsommar?

Veckopanelen med Thomas Gür, Maria Wetterstrand och Maria Arkeby under ledning av Staffan Dopping. Kriget mellan Israel och Iran fortsätter, men är president Trump på väg att överge sin princip om America First? Mellanösterns konflikter tar allt större plats i inrikespolitiken, och Liberalerna försöker vaska fram en ny partiledare. Riksbanken sänker räntan, och landets dyraste miljörättegång har avslutats. Hur ser vi på att myggen lär bli färre i sommar, och hur bör man uttala ordet midsommar?

Rais wa Burundi Evariste #Ndayishimiye ametoa wito kwa upinzani kushiriki katika mazungumzo na chama chake CNDD-FDD baada ya uchaguzi wa wiki iliyopita ambao ulikumbwa na upinzani mkubwa kwa ukosefu wa uwazi.   Hata hivyo upinzani haujaonyesha nia ya kushiriki mazungumzo hayo. Tunakuuliza, ni sahihi upinzani kujiunga na serikali ? skiza makala haya kuskia maoni ya mskilizaji.

Rais wa Burundi Evariste #Ndayishimiye ametoa wito kwa upinzani kushiriki katika mazungumzo na chama chake CNDD-FDD baada ya uchaguzi wa wiki iliyopita ambao ulikumbwa na upinzani mkubwa kwa ukosefu wa uwazi.   Hata hivyo upinzani haujaonyesha nia ya kushiriki mazungumzo hayo. Tunakuuliza, ni sahihi upinzani kujiunga na serikali ? skiza makala haya kuskia maoni ya mskilizaji.

Tori's got a Switch 2 and it's Fake E3 Season. All that and a special Star Wars surprise. Buckle in :o)THINGS MENTIONED:Aftermath on the Splitgate dev's stupid hatA good post from Ethan Gach on bskyAlpharad playing Switch 2Tori's on bluesky: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠toridp98⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Nathaniel's onlineNoah's onlineOur intro/outro music are by ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠GEIST⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and our show art is by⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@tristemegistus⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. We curate your gaming news together and Noah, Tori and Nathaniel take turns producing the show. You can follow the show on Twitter ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@Press_StartPod⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠, on tumblr at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠press-startpod.tumblr.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and on bluesky ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@press-startpod⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Email us questions about 1000xResist, gaming recs and other stuff at heypressstart@gmail.com. We'd also appreciate if you left us reviews on your podcast app of choice! Good text reviews will be read out on the show.

Per Lindgren gästar podden för att prata om sitt företag som han driver tillsammans med Hanif Bali. Där han är den goda.  Elin Sobczak och Per Lindgren pratar om: Per snäva tolkning av entreprenörskap  Vad deras bolaget gör Om journalism och om att rapportera konsekvent neutralt   Spana gärna in deras sida här: https://medlem.io/   Följ gärna podden på instagram @jobba.jobba.jobba

Misri ipo kwenye njia panda  kuhusu utekelezaji wa sheria zake za kudhibiti matumizi ya tumbaku haswa sigara na Shisha. Kwa njia moja sigara inaleta  mapato makubwa kwa mfuko wa mapato ya  serikali ya Misri ,ni tabia inayoruhusiwa ila kwa upande mwingine inakodolea macho hatari kubwa ya kiafya inayotokana na uvutaji sigara.Unapowasili Cairo jiji kuu la Misri ,ukutana na harufu tamu ya mikate ,keki na bidhaa zingine za ngano za kuokwa,marashi yanayonukia lakini pia kuna harufu ya shisha, aina ya tumbaku ya kisasa zenye ladhaa  za kupendeza lakini pia harufu kali zaidi ya sigara.Zipo sheria zinazokataza uvutaji sigara katika sehemu za umma ,shule ,vituo vya afya ila utekelezaji wake bado ni changamoto kubwa.Kuna mpango pia wa treni mwendo kasi ,maarufu Greenline ambapo uvutaji sigara umeharamishwa.Hata hivyo kibarua bado kipo cha kubadilisha mtazamo wa baadhi ya wananchi wanaoamini uvutaji sigara ni starehe ,kitu cha hadhi  na unaweza kufanya hivyo popote muradi usikamatwe.Misri pia inabidi kuangalia kwa jicho la pili sheria zake za kutoza ushuru bidhaa za tumbaku iwapo lengo ni kuleta mapato kwa serikali ,kuwafaidi wazalishaji au kwa maslahi ya afya ya wengi.Kwa mujibu wa shirika la afya duniani,WHO,  asilimia 20-25% ya watu wazima nchini Misri huvuta sigara.

Maseneta nchini Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo, wamemwondolea kinga ya kutoshtakiwa  rais wa zamani Joseph Kabila , ambaye ripoti zinasema alirejea Goma usiku wa Mei 25.Kiongozi huyo wa zamani, ameishtumu serikali ya rais Felix Tshisekedi na kuuita ya  Kidikteta. Hata hivyo, serikali ambayo inamtuhumu kiongozi huyo wa zamani kwa kushirikiana na waasi wa M23.

Viongozi wa dunia, wameendelea kutoa wito wa amani kwenye nchi  za Sudan Ukraine na Gaza hizo, ambako vita vimesababisha vifo vya maelfu ya raia na wengine kuwa wakimbizi. Hata hivyo licha ya wito huu, mapigano yameendelea kuripotiwa.

Viongozi wa dunia, wameendelea kutoa wito wa amani kwenye nchi  za Sudan Ukraine na Gaza hizo, ambako vita vimesababisha vifo vya maelfu ya raia na wengine kuwa wakimbizi. Hata hivyo licha ya wito huu, mapigano yameendelea kuripotiwa.

This episode we are looking at the early years of the official reign of Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tenno, including the building of a brand new capital on the shores of Lake Biwa. For more information, see: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-126 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 126:  New Beginnings The local farmers couldn't help but talk.  There was so much construction, but it wasn't entirely clear what was being built.  The land between the mountains and the lake had been neatly groomed fields, but now that the government workmen had moved in, all of those fields were being cleared.  This new construction was much larger than anything that people had seen before.  Rocks were coming in from far flung quarries, and local kilns were being set up to create tiles, while woodcutters were sent into the forests to bring logs to the site. There were various stories about what was going on—a new provincial government office, or perhaps a new temple, but perhaps the most outlandish was that this was going to be some kind of royal palace.  The sovereign himself was taking in interest in this little slice of Afumi, and he was going to abandon the Home Territories of Yamato and bring his entire court to the shores of Lake Biwa. What a far-fetched story!  …Wasn't it? Last episode we recapped a lot of the history of Prince Naka no Oe and how he had come to this point: the Isshi Incident, the Taika reforms, as well as the reigns of his uncle, Prince Karu, aka Koutoku Tennou, and his mother, Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou.  With Takara Hime's death, Naka no Oe was now – finally, as he might have thought -- running things officially.  He had prosecuted the war in Baekje, and with that loss, he had turned his focus back to the archipelago.  He now had refugees to settle, and defenses to set up.  And then there were the embassies that would be coming, in an apparent attempt to normalize relations post-conflict.  That could only go so far, however, given that Tang and Silla had simply turned their war efforts against Goguryeo.  So one imagines that any diplomatic discussions were held with the understanding that the international order was still in flux. And so we arrive in the 8th month of 665, as some of the first defensive castles were being erected.  That same month, Tamna—the kingdom on the modern island of Jeju—sent ambassadors to the Yamato court.  The diplomatic ties between Yamato and Tamna were a relatively recent occurrence, but with Baekje gone, one wonders if Yamato wasn't feeling out a new alliance on the continent.  That said, Tamna does not appear to have been a major player on the international stage.    They had been a tributary of Baekje, and may have even been one of the last holdouts of the proto-Japonic language for a long time.  Indeed, a 15th century Joseon history records a foundation myth of Tamna that emphasizes close early ties with the Japanese archipelago. The following month saw another visit by Tang ambassadors, only a year after Guo Wucong had come to the court.  Guo Wucong had been wined and dined, and things seem to have gone well, as this time he returned, but he wasn't the one leading the embassy this time.  That honor went to Liu Degao, sub-prefect of Yizhou, among his many titles.  Yizhou is the same location where the previous missions from Yamato to the Tang court had made landfall.  Presumably, Liu Degao would have had experience with the embassies that passed through Yizhou, so he seems a logical choice to be sent over to the archipelago. This seems like an escalation, with a more titled ambassador leading the party. It is possible that the Tang were trying to not only reset their relationship with Yamato, but also attempt to woo them to their side.  The Tang likely knew that if they defeated Goguryeo, then they would have another problem to work out:  The alliance with Silla.  At the moment both Tang and Silla were in a partnership of convenience, but the Tang empire didn't get where it was by just giving up territory. And Silla was, itself, ambitious.  It would be in the Tang dynasty's best interest to have Yamato on its side in case Silla became a problem.  At the very least, the Tang court could have just been trying to make sure that Yamato would stay out of any continental entanglements, such as by supporting Goguryeo. Within the Yamato court, it is unclear which way, exactly, they were leaning at this point.  The court was clearly building defensive positions—fortresses and more.  At the same time, there were likely those who welcomed any return to stable relations with the Tang.  After all, there were still Wa in Chang'an and elsewhere, and there was still a hunger in the archipelago for the books and other goods that the Silk Road could provide.  On the other hand, they may have felt more at home with Goguryeo, or even Silla.  The bonds with the Korean peninsula were older and likely stronger.  And, as long as the Tang Empire was busy with other states, then perhaps they would be too preoccupied to attack Yamato. Liu Degao and his entourage had arrived at Tsushima on the 28th day of the 7th month.  They would have been put up there for a time, and entertained.  If this embassy followed later conventions, they would have likely pulled into a harbor, like the one near Kofunakoshi.  This is a narrow spot between the two parts of Tsushima, where we know that in the 9th century, ships from the Tang empire would stop, register goods and people, and likely have them transferred to Japanese ships.  All of the checking and cataloging would happen  at nearby Bairinji temple. Even if they didn't have to transport everything to another ship, it is likely that they would held at Tsushima for a while for security purposes.  Tsushima was ideal, both for its distance, halfway between the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago, but also for its shape, with numerous places that ships could sit at anchor in secluded bays away from any weather or rough seas that could otherwise cause problems. We don't know exactly what the Tang embassy's stay was like, but we know that they were at Tsushima for roughly two months, which was probably the time it took to get a message to the Yamato court and back.  We know how long it was because we learn that it is on the 20th day of the 9th month that they finally made landfall at Tsukushi, or Kyushu, and two days later they forwarded a letter-case to the Yamato court. Two months later, we know they were at the court, as there was a banquet held for Liu Degao on the 13th day of the 11th month, and then a month after that, Liu Degao and the rest of the mission were presented gifts, after which they left and returned to the Tang court.  We are also told that Mori no Kimi no Ohoishi, along with Sakahibe no Muraji no Iwashiki and Kimi no Kishi no Harima all went to the Tang court that same month, no doubt traveling with Degao and Wucong. On the first month of the following year, Neungnu of Goguryeo was sent to the Yamato court to offer tribute.  On the same day, the 11th day of the first month, Tamna also sent someone identified as Prince Siyeo to offer presents.  Immediately, I'm wondering about the way that this is presented.  Both of these states – Goguryeo and Tamna - were allies of the former Baekje kingdom.  I have to wonder how the Goguryeo ships made their way—did they come down the western side of the peninsula, through the Bohai sea, and thus past possible Tang patrols between their peninsular and continental territories, or did they head through the East Sea, aka the Japan Sea, where they would have to pass by the coast of Silla, whom they were also not on great terms with?  The fact that both missions are mentioned at the same time suggests that maybe the Goguryeo embassy sailed down to Tamna, on Jeju Island, and then the two groups made their way over to Yamato together from there. Other things about this entry to note is that the Chroniclers use different terms for these visits to the Yamato court.  Goguryeo uses a term that Aston translates as “offering tribute” while Tamna uses a different term indicating that they were “offering presents”.  This may be as simple as the difference in the various relationships between the polities, as viewed by the Chroniclers.  After all, there was a long relationship between Yamato and Goguryeo, which was considered one of the three Han, or Samhan.  Whether true or not, I could certainly see the Chroniclers feeling that Goguryeo was in a subordinate relationship with Yamato.  Tamna, on the other hand, was a more recent addition to the Yamato diplomatic sphere.  As such, it would be understandable, to me if the Chroniclers still saw it as a more independent entity. It also may hint at different messages being communicated.  As far as we can tell, Tamna wasn't under direct threat by the Tang empire—though they may have been feeling a little bit of heat, given the fall of Baekje and the Tang empire's new outpost on the peninsula.  Goguryeo, however, was under more direct threat, and had been in conflict with the Tang for years.  On top of that, based on what we can tell, it seems that Yeong Gaesomun, the despot who had been ruling Goguryeo and helping it defend against the Tang, had just passed away.  It may have been that the Goguryeo court was seeking support against Tang and Silla, as they were in a moment of instability, themselves.  As such, “Tribute” might indicate that they were more formally petitioning Yamato for support. Goguryeo envoy Neungnu left about 5 months later, on the 4th day of the 6th month but then another envoy, this time Minister Eulsyang Oemchu, arrived a little more than four months later.  Much like with the Tang, this feels like Goguryeo was upping the ante, sending higher ranking officials to negotiate with Yamato.  That lends some credence to the theory that there was something of a bidding war going on for Yamato's involvement in international affairs.  For Yamato, however, it would seem that getting involved in continental affairs was hardly something they were itching to do.  Instead, they continued their moves to fortify. In local events, we know that on the 11th day of the 10th month of 665, while the Liu Degao delegation was still in Yamato, there was a great “review”, by which they seem to mean a sutra reading, at Uji.  It is unclear just where this was held, as I haven't found reference to any particular temple.  However, it does indicate that there was activity in the area. Uji is probably most popular, today, for its role as a setting in the Tale of Genji.  There indeed numerous reminders there of the Heian period, including the hall of Ujigami Shrine, and the famous Hou-ou-do, or Phoenix Hall, of the Byoudouin. In 1053, Fujiwara Yorimichi inherited the villa from his father, Fujiwara Michinaga, and he converted it into a Pure Land temple.  Michinaga is thought to have been one of the people on whom Murasaki Shikibu based the character of the Shining Prince, Hikaru Genji.  That's all too late for this moment in the Chronicles, of course., but we do have earlier references to Uji as a place, as well as in various names.  It seems to have been part of the territory of the Hata, who controlled much of the area of modern Kyoto and environs.  There is a temple, Houjouin, also known as Hashidera, which claims to date back to the 7th century, and may have been the site of the above-mentioned sutra reading in 665.  According to the Temple's own legend, it was built around 604, when Hata no Kawakatsu built the famous Uji bridge, or Hashi, on the orders of Prince Umayado, aka Shotoku Taishi.  Other sources give the date as 646.  The temple was rebuilt in the 13th century, and as far as I can tell, nothing remains of the original temple, but it is possible that it was the site of this review. The next non-Diplomatic record of the Chronicles is from the 3rd month in 666.  The Crown Prince went to the house of Saheki no Komaro no Muraji, paying a sympathy call as Saheki appears to have passed away after having been gravely ill.  Saheki no Komaro no Muraji was one of those who had helped Naka no Oe in the Isshi Incident.  He had been introduced to the plot by Nakatomi no Kamatari, and then critical in the literal execution at the court.  He later led forces against Furubito no Oe, assuming that “Sahekibe no Komaro” is the same as “Saheki no Muraji no Komaro”.  There is also a relative, possibly his son, Takunaha, who was one of the Yamato court's overseas envoys.  Thus, one can understand that he had some importance to the Royal family, and we can probably assume that he had been involved in much more.  The Crown Prince, we are told, lamented him on account of his loyal service from the very beginning. One of the confusing things in this part of the Chronicle is the term “Crown Prince”.  It doesn't help that the Chroniclers were pulling from different records, and sometimes using anachronistic titles for individuals.  Naka no Oe had been known as the Crown Prince since the time of Takara Hime, whether he actually was or not.  Now he was in charge of the government, but it isn't clear that he had been formally invested as tennou.  More than that, there is mention of an investiture in either 667 or 668, several years after his quote-unquote “reign” had begun.  This makes some sense.  After all, when Takara Hime passed away, there was a foreign war to prosecute, and that probably took a fair bit of resources.  Plus, Naka no Oe had been running things for a while before that, or so we are told.  It would make sense if things just kept on going as they had been, and they held the actual investiture when they got around to it. We also know that he was busy with building projects: not just for the defense of the archipelago, but even a new capital and a new palace.  We'll talk about it a bit more, later, but suffice it to say that he may have been taking his time and gathering everything together. All of this makes the Chronicles themselves somewhat confusing.  They throw around the terms “Crown Prince” and “Sovereign”—well, “Sumera no Mikoto”—almost interchangeably.  Meanwhile, they've also stated that the Crown Prince was Prince Ohoama, Naka no Oe's younger brother. Based on my read of things, I believe we can distinguish between the two by whether or not it specifically calls them out as just “Crown Prince”, or “Crown Prince, younger brother to the sovereign”.  The latter is clearly Prince Ohoama, and the first is most likely Naka no Oe.  After all, in this instance, why would Prince Ohoama be the one so struck by the death of Saheki no Muraji?  Based on the story the Chronicles have told us, wouldn't it make more sense that it was Naka no Oe lamenting the death of one who had helped put him on the throne, rather than sending his brother? So keep that in mind as we go through the narrative.  I'll try to point out whom I believe they are speaking about, at least until we reach the point where Naka no Oe actually is invested. Getting back to the Chronicles, in the 7th month of the year 666, some four months after the illness and death of Saheki no Komaro no Muraji, another disaster struck—this time a natural disaster.  Great floods were reported—how widespread we aren't told.  This is often a problem in a land with many mountains that often gets large rains.  It is especially problematic when much of your agriculture is based on being just at or below the level of the rivers and streams so that it can be flooded on purpose.  We are told that the government remitted the land-taxes and commuted taxes that year, likely as a form of disaster relief to those affected by the flooding. In 666, we are also told a story that actually links this reign to the previous.  We are told that a monk, named Chiyu, gave the sovereign something called a south-pointing chariot.  I'll talk about what this was in another episode.  What's important here is to note that there was a previous entry in the era attributed to Saimei Tennou, aka Takara Hime, where a monk named Chiyu, or something similar, using different characters, also created a south-pointing chariot.  Likewise, we are later told in this reign how Naka no Oe installed a clepsydra, a water clock.  This is also mentioned in the previous reign.  It is possible that these reference completely different accounts.  Or they could be connected in some way. The south-pointing chariot is probably not something that we'll have evidence of, as it would have been mobile and probably deteriorated over time.  However, the water clock would have been a fixed installation with some clear architectural remnants, and indeed we think we know where at least one was built in Asuka.  Both of the water clock entries say that it was the “first” time, so make of that what you will. Also in 666, we see that some 2000 people of Baekje were settled in the East, possibly meaning the Kanto region, though this could be anywhere between modern Nagoya out to the far eastern edge of Honshu.  They were maintained at the government expense for three years, after which they were expected to have built new lives for themselves. In later periods, there is much to be said about “Men of the East”.  There are those that point to this region as being the origin point of many of the warrior traditions that would arise and become the military samurai.  Some of the weapons and fighting styles, especially some of the horse-riding archery seems to point to continental influences that made their way to the Kanto region and beyond.  One has to consider just how much did they bring with them and how did it grow, often beyond the view of the court and the court chronicles.  For now, though, it seems to have largely been a form of a refugee program, since the Baekje no longer had a kingdom to return to. Finally, we have an omen.  In the winter of 666, the rats of the capital, in Asuka, headed north to Afumi.  As with previous entries about rats departing a capital for a direction, this is again meant as an omen.  It probably didn't happen.  But it does foreshadow an account in the following year, when, on the 19th day of the 3rd month, the capital, surprise-surprise, moved to Afumi. And perhaps I shouldn't be flippant.  It was a surprise to have the capital move to Afumi.  There are accounts of legendary sovereigns that had their palace outside of the Nara Basin or Kawachi area, but at this point Yamato had been really building up those areas.  So why would they suddenly relocate to Afumi, of all places? Well, probably because of the same thing that had been driving the rest of their large-scale building projects during this period—from the Water Castle protecting the Dazai to the various Baekje style fortresses from Tsushima down to the Nara Basin.  Afumi was a naturally defensive position.  And in such an uncertain time, having a well-defended capital must have seen like a very good idea.  In fact, though they didn't formally change the capital until the 3rd month of 667, they probably had started work on it as soon as they got back from the loss at Hakusukinoe. As far as locations go, it wasn't necessarily a bad choice.  There were still routes to the port at Naniwa, which could still house various delegations when they arrived.  There were also routes to the east, leading to Owari and the rest of central and eastern Honshu, as well as mountain passes to get to the Japan Sea.  The area where the new palace was located was in the district of Ohotsu.  Ohotsu means something like “Big Port” and I don't know if it was already a major port along the banks of Lake Biwa or if that was a name that came from having the capital there.  Ohotsu was a long-inhabited area, even well before the 660's, and an important site for trade.  In the southern end of modern Ohotsu city is Ishiyama-dera, the stone mountain temple, it which was built in the 8th century, but in front of the temple are the remains of the largest freshwater shellmound in Asia.  As you may recall from some of our earliest episodes talking about the prehistoric period in the Japanese archipelago, shell mounds are typically evidence of ancient settlements, remnants of dump sites where they could throw their detritus.  This probably included a lot more than just shells, but shells, bones, and sometimes things like pottery sherds, would remain.  And while much of the wood and waste of the period would have disintegrated over time, shells do not.    These shell mounds accordingly provide important insight into the lives of people back in that day, and the size can also help us understand things about how large a settlement might have been or how long it was there.  The sheer size of the shellmound at Ishiyama-dera likely indicates that the region had been settled for many centuries prior to the 600's. In addition to the shellmound, and more closely related to the current times we are discussing, is evidence of a rock quarry found at the temple site and showing evidence of techniques familiar to people of the 6th to 8th centuries. You see, Ishiyama is a source of a particular white stone called wollastonite.  The quarry sits below the main hall of the temple, and so it probably would not have been quarried after the hall was built, which was in the 700s, so the site is believed to have been active before that.  From the composition of the stone and the markings on the remnants, we can see similarities to stones in the base of one of the buildings at Kawaradera, in Asuka, which we've talked about before and which was one of the pre-eminent temples of its day.  So this demonstrates a link between the region and the court even before the construction of the new Ohotsu palace. Speaking of the palace, we've known of its exact position since 1974,  when archeologists found evidence of the foundation of a large complex in a residential district in Nishikori.  While some initially suggested it was an old temple, further evidence makes it pretty clear that it was the dairi, or inner sanctum, of a palace.  This is very much in the same mould as the Toyosaki Palace in Naniwa and the various palaces in Asuka from around the same period.  In front of the dairi would have been the actual government buildings, but that area has not been excavated. That brings up another question: was this a full-on capital city, Ohotsu-kyo, or just a palace, the Ohotsu-no-miya?  So far we have only found the palace, But since the area is fairly built up, it may take time to find more, assuming it hasn't been destroyed by previous urban development in the area.  There are some hints that there was more: while there were already at a couple of temples that had been built by the mid-7th century, we see several temples built in ways that not only borrow features from important Asuka temples, like the layout of Kawaradera, but they also match the alignment of the Otsu palace ruins, hinting that they were built at the same time.  For example, there is are the ruins of an abandoned temple in Shiga-Minami – actually once thought to have been the Otsu palace. There was also Soufukuji, a temple in the mountains nearby meant to protect the Northwest from malign influences, likely based on continental geomantic concepts, part of what we might today think of as Feng Shui. This same kind of protective temple building is what we see in later capital cities. Of course, we know that this would not be a permanent capital for the nation of Yamato or of Japan—we aren't that far off from the Nara period, and then, a century later, the capital at Heian-kyo.  But that couldn't have been known at the time.  There was no way to know how long tensions with the continent would last, and it was just as possible that people at the time expected this to be a permanent move.  Its preeminence lasted, too: we do have evidence that even centuries later, the region was still known as an ancient “capital”. No matter what Naka no Oe's intentions were in moving the capital to Afumi, however, it didn't exactly go over well.  It was apparently quite unpopular—so unpopular that the move was mocked in song of the time.  That said, Naka no Oe's mind was made up, and the move took place regardless.     Before moving the capital, however, there was still business to attend to.  Takara Hime and Princess Hashibito were reinterred together in the Misasagi on Wochi Hill.  We are told that men of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla all mourned along the processional route.  The Crown Prince—I'm assuming Naka no Oe, this time given his connection to both of these women—apparently had started the work on a stone sarcophagus.  By this was probably meant the actual stone vault of the tomb, rather than just the coffin, which was also likely made of stone.  This was in Kuramaki, in Takatori, in the Takaichi District of the Nara Basin. Three months after the move to the new capital, the district of Kadono, in the west of modern Kyoto, presented to the sovereign a white swallow—an omen of some sort. The following month, on the 11th day of the 7th month, Tamna sent another embassy, led by a Minister known as Cheonma, with presents for Yamato.  This may have been the first envoy to actually visit the new Ohotsu capital, but certainly not the last. Cheonma stuck around for a few months.  In the intercalary 11th month, which is to say the extra 11th month of 667, inserted to keep the lunar and solar calendars at least partially aligned, Cheonma and his companions were presented with brocade and other cloth, as well as axes, sickles, and swords, presumably to take home to Tamna. While Cheonma was at the court, there was apparently another bit of diplomatic ping-pong going on.  Liu Jenyuan, the Tang general in charge of Baekje, sent Szema Facong and others to escort Sakahibe no Iwashiki and those with him to the Dazai in Tsukushi.  They didn't stay long, though—we are told they arrived on the 9th day of the 11th month and left only 4 days later, on the 13th day of the same.  When they left, however, they, themselves, were given escorts of Yuki no Muraji no Hakatoko—the same one whose memoirs we relied on for that previous trip to the Tang court—as well as Kaso no Omi no Moroshi.  So I guess they were escorting the escorts?  At what point does it end?  Hakatoko and others made it back about three months later, on the 23rd day of the first month of 668, and reported on their own escort mission.  That suggests that they didn't escort them that far.  They may have just seen them back to the Korean peninsula and that was it. Hakatoko's escort mission did mean that he missed a rather important event—the Crown Prince assuming the dignity.  That is to say, Naka no Oe finally took the title of sovereign.  A note in the text suggests that there were other sources that said it was the third month of the previous year—the same time that the Otsu capital was built.  Four days later they held a banquet in the palace for all of the court ministers. A little over a month later, his wife, Yamato bime, was appointed queen.  We are then told of his other wives and consorts. To be clear, Naka no Oe had been collecting consorts for ages.  So let's talk about a few of them. To start with there was Yamatobime, the Yamato Princess, daughter of none other than Naka no Oe's half-brother, Prince Furubito no Oe, his former rival to the throne. Then there was Wochi no Iratsume, aka Princess Miyatsuko, the daughter of Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa Maro.  She had a son, Prince Takeru, who died in 651 at the age of 8.  That suggests that she and Naka no Oe had been together since at least 643, two years before the Isshi Incident.  Another one of her daughters, Princess Uno, would go on to marry Naka no Oe's younger brother, Prince Ohoama, the new Crown Prince. Wochi no Iratsume seems to have died of grief in 649, after her father and much of her family were destroyed on the orders of her husband, Naka no Oe.  We are told that Naka no Oe also married Wochi no Iratsume's younger sister as well, Mehi no Iratsume.  She had two daughters, Princess Minabe and Princess Abe.  At this point Abe was only about 7 or 8 years old, herself, but she would eventually be married to Prince Kusakabe, the son of Prince Ohoama and Princess Uno, whom we just mentioned. Naka no Oe also had two other consorts.  Tachibana no Iratsume was the daughter of Abe no Kurahashi no Maro no Oho-omi—he was the first Sadaijin, or Minister of the Left, at the start of the Taika reforms, immediately following the Isshi Incident.  And then there was Hitachi no Iratsume, the daughter of Soga no Akaye. Soga no Akaye is an interesting figure.  You may recall the name from Episode 118.  Soga no Akaye was the acting minister in charge in Yamato when Prince Arima tried to start up a revolt against Takara Hime.  It was in his house where Prince Arima laid out his plan, but a broken armrest convinced Soga no Akaye to turn against the conspirators and turn them in.  And so it is interesting to hear that his daughter was married to Naka no Oe. We are also told of four “palace women” that Naka no Oe is said to have had children with.  The implication seems to be that these were women at the palace but they were not formally recognized with the same status as that of the formal consorts and, of course, the queen, his primary wife.  This fits in with at least one theory I've seen that Naka no Oe was something of a ladies' man.  It seems he got around even more than Murasaki Shikibu's fictional “Shining Prince”, Hikaru Genji.  We are told that there were at least 14 children among the nine official wives—and one has to consider that they were unlikely to record many of the women whom he may have slept with that he didn't also have children with.  And there is a theory that one of those not mentioned, may have been his own sister, full blooded sister.  Specifically, his sister Princess Hashibito, who was married to none other than Naka no Oe's uncle, Prince Karu, aka Jomei Tennou. To be clear:  we have no clear evidence that they were anything other than close siblings, but as you may recall how we mentioned back in Episode 114 that there was something that caused a falling out between Prince Karu and Naka no Oe, such that Naka no Oe disobeyed the sovereign's direct order in moving himself and the royal family back to Asuka.  That meant Naka no Oe, his wives, his mother, AND his sister, Princess—now Queen—Hashibito.  So, yeah, he absconded with Prince Karu's wife who was Naka no Oe's full-blooded sister.  And, as we've noted before, ancient Yamato's concept of incest was pretty narrow.  It was only if you had the same mother that you were considered full siblings—even if the father were someone else.  I suspect that this is related to the matrilineal nature of succession as well, which is why it was so important to insist that the ancient sovereigns had a direct lineal connection to the royal line through their mother as much as through their father. So if Naka no Oe and his sister were having any kind of relationship that was considered wrong or scandalous, then that could also help explain why he didn't take the throne sooner, and why it passed over to his mother.  But now, both Takara Hime and Hashibito were quite literally dead and buried, and Naka no Oe had ascended to the throne. Of the so-called “Palace Women” that  are listed as being likewise married to—or at least in a relationship with—Naka no Oe, I'd like to focus on one:  Iga no Uneme no Yakako.  For one, she is specifically mentioned as an uneme—one of the women sent to the court specifically to serve in the palace.  But her parentage isn't further illuminated other than the name “Iga” which is probably a locative, possibly referring to the area of Iga. This is also interesting because we are also told that she gave birth to a son named Prince Iga, also known as Prince Ohotomo.  Despite his mother's apparently unremarkable status, Prince Ohotomo seems to have been quite the apple of his father's eye.  He was born in 648, so in 668 he was about 20 years old, meaning that around this time he was probably just coming into his own at court.  He was married to his cousin, Princess Touchi, daughter of his uncle, Crown Prince Ohoama.  He was also married to Mimotoji, who appears to have been a daughter of Nakatomi no Kamatari, meaning that he was pretty well connected. But we'll get into that in a future episode.  For now, I think we'll leave it here: with the move of the capital to Ohotsu and the formal ascension of Naka no Oe to the throne. We'll talk about what that might mean in the future.  Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

Kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la elimu, sayansi na utamaduni UNESCO, sekta ya Teknolojia ya Habari na Mawasiliano TEHAMA, au ICT inaendelea kutawala na kuunda fursa mpya, lakini wanawake bado wanakumbana na changamoto kubwa ya upungufu wa uwakilishi. Hata hivyo, wanawake wanavuka mipaka na sasa Bi. Joy, msichana kutoka Nairobi Kenya, ambaye ni mtaalamu katika teknolojia ya kidijitali, amekalia nafasi muhimu katika kubadili mtindo wa maisha kupitia elimu ya ICT. Katika mahojiano na washirika wetu Radio Domus, alizungumzia umuhimu wa kuhamasisha wasichana kujiunga na masomo ya teknolojia ili kutengeneza mustakabali mpya wa kidijitali, na kubadili dunia kwa njia ya kidigitali na usawa. Sharon Jebichii na Makala zaidi

Hör av er till oss på instagram så kan vi svara på era frågor, hjälpa er med problem och dilemman: @johannanordstrm & @edvintornblom! ursäkta klipps och redigeras av Niklas Runsten @niklasrunsten

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Hii leo jaridani tunakuletea mada kwa kina ambayo inatupeleka Msasani nchini Tanzania kusikia namna vijana na serikali wanavyolinda Mama Dunia. Pia tunakuletea muhtasari wa habari ujumbe wa Katibu Mkuu, watoto kulinda mazingira DRC, na kifo cha Papa Francis.Ikiwa leo ni siku ya kimataifa ya Mama Dunia, ikilenga kuchagiza hatua ya kuhifadhi sayari dunia, Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa Antonio Guterres ametumia neno ‘homa' kuwa inakumba dunia hivi sasa kutokana na viwango vya joto vinavyoongezeka kila mwaka. Hata hivyo amesema majawabu ya kutibu homa hiyo yapo ikiwemo kutumia nishati rejelezi ambayo ni rahisi, ina afya na salama kuliko nishati kisukuku.Huko nchini Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo, DRC, kando ya mapigano yanayotikisa eneo la mashariki mwa nchi, watoto wamechukua hatua kulinda sayari dunia kwa kuhifadhi misitu kwenye taifa hilo ambako ukataji miti kiholela umefurutu ada.Kufuatia kifo cha Kiongozi wa Kanisa Katoliki duniani, Papa Francis hapo jana Jumatatu, ambaye maziko yake yamepangwa kufanyika Jumamosi wiki hii, mashirika ya Umoja wa Mataifa yameendelea kukumbuka mchango wake wa kutetea walio taabuni. Mathalani shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia wakimbizi, UNHCR limekumbuka wito wake wa kutaka kila mtu kukaribisha, kusindikiza na kujumuisha wale wote wanaobisha hodi kwenye milango yao.Na mashinani  kupitia video iliyoandaliwa na Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Chakula na Kilimo, FAO fursa ni yake Meena Poudel kutoka nchini Nepal, Kusini mwa Asia ambaye ni Katibu wa kikundi cha wanawake watumiaji wa msitu ambacho kinabadilisha takataka za misitu kuwa mbolea rafiki kwa mazingira huku pia wakijipatia kipato."Mwenyeji wako ni Anold Kayanda, karibu!  

Zambia inaendelea kuwahifadhi zaidi ya wakimbizi 106,000, wengi wao wakiwa kutoka Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo DRC, Burundi, pamoja na wakimbizi wa zamani kutoka Rwanda na Angola, kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia Wakimbizi UNHCR, ambalo limesema kwa kuzingatia sera yake jumuishi, nchi hiyo inakuza mshikamano na wakimbizi na kuwawezesha kujitegemea kupitia makazi maalum na ushirikiano na jamii za wenyeji. Flora Nducha na taarifa zaidi  Shirika hilo la wakimbizi limesema katika makazi kama Mayukwayukwa na Maheba ambayo ni moja ya kambi kubwa zaidi ya wakimbizi nchini Zambia familia za wakimbizi zilizolazimika kukimbia makwao zinajumuishwa ili ziweze kujikimu na kuishi kwa utangamano na wenyeji wanaowahifadhi. Moulid Hujale, ni afisa habari msaidizi wa UNHCR anasema “Selikali ya Zambia inajumuisha wakimbizi katika huduma za kitaifa kama vile elimu na hata programu za msaada wa kilimo  ili kuongeza uzalishaji” Amebainisha kuwa kwa kufanya hivyo Zambia imeonesha mshikamano wa dhati kwa jamii hizo za wakimbizi kwa kuhakikisha kuwa wanapata fursa ya kujenga upya maisha yao, kujikwamua kiuchumi na kuishi kwa heshima.Hata hivyo, UNHCR inasema nchi hiyo ya Kusini mwa Afrika pamoja na ukarimu wake bado inakumbwa na athari za ukame mkali uliotishia uhakika wa chakula na kuyumbisha uchumi na katika hatua za kukabiliana na hali hiyo, Moulid ansema  “UNHCR inashirikiana na serikali ya Zambia kuunganisha makazi ya wakimbizi kwenye gridi ya taifa ya umeme. Tunajua muundo huu wa ujumuishwaji na maisha endelevu vinagharimu fedha, Lakini hiki ndicho hasa wakimbizi wanachokihitaji, hivyo tunahitaji msaada wako ili kufanikisha hili”. Licha ya mafanikio yaliyopatikana hadi sasa Zambia katika kuwakirimu wakimbizi,  UNHCR imeonya kuwa uhaba wa fedha inaokabiliwa nao  unatishia kuathiri mafanikio hayo na hasa utoaji wa huduma muhimu kwa familia hizo zilizolazimika kufungasha virago na kusaka usalama Zambia. Sasa limetoa ombi la msaada wa haraka wa kimataifa ili kuendelea kufanikisha huduma za kuokoa maisha zinazohitajika sana na wakimbizi hao.

Narsist bir partner, patron, arkadaş ya da aile üyesi… Hayatınızda böyle biri varsa bu bölümü mutlaka dinlemelisiniz. Bu bölümde, narsistlerle ilişkide en sık yapılan 3 büyük hatayı anlatıyorum. Bu hatalar sizi sadece duygusal olarak yıpratmakla kalmaz, özgüveninizi de yerle bir edebilir.

Kelli Hata founded the Haecceity Project to chronicle the birds who die by colliding with glass structures on the Yale University campus. The word haecceity was coined by John Duns Scotus, a Medieval scholar. Wikipedia defines haecceity as meaning “each individual entity has a unique, unrepeatable quality that makes it different from every other entity.” The bird care work which Hata has been involved with for years in California and in New Haven embodies the sacredness and innate value of each and every bird. We also discuss practicalities--(1) the preventability of glass collisions and (2) the responsibility of universities to conserve birds as they migrate through their campuses. —Follow the Haecceity Project, Yale @yale_haecceity.—Creator and Host: Georgia Silvera SeamansProducer and Editor: Pod for the PeopleVocalizations: Scrub Jay: https://macaulaylibrary.org/asset/225405191Mockingbird song: https://macaulaylibrary.org/asset/213457711Prothonotary Warbler song: https://macaulaylibrary.org/asset/99435531Dark-eyed Junco song: https://macaulaylibrary.org/asset/85243

Hii leo jaridani tunaangazia maadhimisho ya siku ya kimataifa ya wanawake, na hali ya wanawake wajawaito nchini Ukraine. Makala tunakwenda nchini Tanzania na mashinani tunakupeleka nchini Kenya, kulikoni?Kuelekea Siku ya Kimataifa ya Wanawake Machi 8, tathmini mpya ya Umoja wa Mataifa iliyowekwa wazi leo ikiangazia haki za wanawake miaka 30 baada ya Azimio la Beijing inaonesha uwepo wa maendeleo katika usawa wa kijinsia, kama vile sheria dhidi ya ubaguzi na sera jumuishi za kijinsia. Hata hivyo, ripoti hiyo inaeleza uwepo bado wa ubaguzi wa kijinsia uliojikita katika jamii, ukiendelea kuwazuia wanawake na wasichana kupata fursa.Zikiwa zimesalia siku mbili ya leo na kesho kufika tarehe 8 Machi Siku ya Kimataifa ya Wanawake, tunaendelea kuangazia hali ya wanawake duniani. Sharon Jebiichi anatupeleka Ukraine kutukutanisha na Mwakilishi wa muda wa Umoja wa Mataifa la Afya ya Uzazi na Idadi ya Watu UNFPA nchini humo ambaye anaangazia madhila wanayokutana nayo wanawake wajawazito wa Ukraine.Katika makala Assumpta Massoi anakupeleka kwenye maadhimisho ya siku ya wanawake kwenye mkoa mmoja ulioko katikati mwa Tanzania.Na mashinani kesho Dunia ikiadhimisa siku ya kimataifa ya wanawake duniani tunakwenda nchini Kenya kusikia ujumbe wa mwanaharakati wa wanawake kuhusu uswa wa kijinsia.Mwenyeji wako ni Anold Kayanda, karibu!  

Katika kuelekea siku ya kimataifa ya wanawake ambayo huadhimishwa kila mwaka Machi 8 leo hapa katika Makao Makuu ya Umoja wa Mataifa kunafanyika hafla maalum ya kuadhimisha siku hiyo ambayo mwaka huu imebeba maudhui “Kwa wanawake na wasichana wote: haki, usawa, uwezeshaji.” Akizungumza kwenye hafla hiyo Mkuu wa shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la masuala ya wanawake UN Women Sima Bahous amesema ni wakati wa kutekeleza kwa vitendo ndoto ya azimio la Beijing miaka 30 iliyopita la kufanya usawa wa kijinsi kuwa hali halisiKwa upande wake Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa Antonio Guterres pamoja na kupongeza mafanikio makubwa yaliyopatikana katika kusongesha usawa wa kijinsia duniani amesemaNatts….“Hata hivyo, mafanikio haya yaliyopatikana kwa jitihada kubwa bado ni dhaifu na hayatoshi kabisa.Mateso ya muda mrefu, ukatili, ubaguzi na ukosefu wa usawa wa kiuchumi bado vinaathiri jamii zetu.Kila baada ya dakika kumi, mwanamke huuawa na mwenzi wake au mwanafamilia.”Ameongeza kuwa wanawake na wasichana milioni 612 wanaishi chini ya kivuli cha migogoro ya silaha ambapo haki zao mara nyingi huchukuliwa kama zisizo na thamani.Akitaja takwimu amesema chini ya theluthi mbili ya wanawake duniani wanashiriki katika soko la ajira na wale wanaoshiriki hulipwa mishahara ya chini kuliko wanaume.Hivyo ameonya kwamba“Kwa kasi hii, itachukua miaka 130 kutokomeza umasikini uliokithiri kwa wanawake na wasichana.Amemesema badala ya kuingiza usawa wa haki kama jambo la kawaida, dunia inashuhudia kuenea kwa ubabe na chuki dhidi ya wanawake.Kwa muktadha huo amesistiza kwamba “Hatuwezi kukaa kimya wakati maendeleo yanaporudishwa nyuma. Lazima tupambane.”Akizungumzia sauti za vijana kushiriki katika harakati za usawa na haki za wanawake, kwenye hafla iliyofanyika mjini Geneva Uswisi kuadhimisha siku ya wanawake mwanafunzi kutoka Kenya James Mumo Nyumu amesisitiza kuwa hakuna nchi yoyote iliyotekeleza ahadi yao ya dunia isiyo na ukatili dhidi ya wanawake.Amesema “Maono ya Beijing yalikuwa ramani ya siku zijazo ambazo bado hatujazifikia kikamilifu,” alisema akiongeza kuwa “Nguvu kwa wanawake si tishio ni zawadi kwa jamii.”Hivyo amesisitiza kwamba“Kizazi changu kinadai hatua zaidi,” akitoa wito wa kuchukua hatua zaidi ya Beijing kwani“Kazi yetu haijakamilika.”

This week, join Pencil and Cellar as they deep dive into the fifth track off Dumpin by the Psychopathic Rydas, "Ryda Hata." Sit back and listen as they dissect the history, lyrics and content of the song, discuss Ice Cube and Isaac Hayes, talk about stars across different generations, and tackle important topics like vulgar lyrics that aren't biologically accurate!        New gimmick: TIME STAMPS! 0:00:00 (Start)    0:06:25 (Movie Reviews/Previews)     0:21:33 (Tale of the Tape)    0:31:20 (Lyrical Deep Dive)     0:58:37 (90s Rewind)    1:03:33 (Wrapping Up)      The LinkTree can be found at https://linktr.ee/juggalorwd. Otherwise here are all of our links -  Youtube: @JuggaloRWD  Twitter/X: @JuggaloRWD  IG: @JuggaloRWD  Facebook: @JuggaloRWD  TikTok: @JuggaloRWD  Threads: @JuggaloRWD  BlueSky: @JuggaloRWD  The website is www.JuggaloRewind.com.  Join us on the ICPWWE Discord and talk to other listeners and podcast hosts about ICP, Twiztid and random juggalo nonsense.  Email us at juggalorwd@gmail.com or call/text us at (810) 666-1570.      Additional music provided by Steve O (aka Analog) of the IRTD and StirCrazy. Voiceover work provided by Christmas (aka Lil Krampus). The Rewind is forever powered by the 20x20 Apparel.   All music played is owned by the respective publishers and copywrite holders and is reproduced for review purposes only under fair use. Except for this season. Fuck your copyright. CopyWRONG, youknowwhatimsayin. #ForTheJuggaloCulture  #RydaRewind

Hii leo jaridani tunakuletea mada kwa kina ambapo Umoja wa Mataifa kupitia miradi mbalimbali ikiwemo mradi wa Pamoja wa Kigoma, KJP nchini Tanzania, unaolenga kuhakikisha wanawake na wasichana wanajumuishwa kwenye mipango ya kuhimili na kukabili mabadiliko ya tabianchi, kwa kuwajengea uwezo.Kuelekea Siku ya Kimataifa ya Wanawake Machi 8, tathmini mpya ya Umoja wa Mataifa iliyowekwa wazi leo ikiangazia haki za wanawake miaka 30 baada ya Azimio la Beijing inaonesha uwepo wa maendeleo katika usawa wa kijinsia, kama vile sheria dhidi ya ubaguzi na sera jumuishi za kijinsia. Hata hivyo, ripoti hiyo inaeleza uwepo bado wa ubaguzi wa kijinsia uliojikita katika jamii, ukiendelea kuwazuia wanawake na wasichana kupata fursa.Ripoti nyingine ya Umoja wa Mataifa iliyochapishwa leo ikiangazia Sudan imefichua vitendo vya watu kukamatwa kiholela, mateso, na unyanyasaji huko Khartoum vinavyotekelezwa na Vikosi vya wanamgambo wa Rapid Support Forces (RSF) na pia Jeshi la Serikali ya Sudan (SAF). Ripoti hiyo imearifu pia kuwa makumi ya maelfu ya watu wamewekwa katika mazingira duni tangu Aprili 2023.Kutokana na kupungua kwa ufadhili wa misaada ya kibinadamu duniani, Umoja wa Mataifa leo jijini Geneva, Uswisi kutenga dola milioni 110 ili kusaidia majanga yaliyopuuzwa katika nchi 10 barani Afrika, Asia, na Amerika Kusini, zikiwemo Niger, Somalia, Jamhuri ya Afrika ya Kati na Zambia.Na katika kujifunza lugha ya Kiswahili, mchambuzi wetu Dkt. Josephat Gitonga, kutoka Kenya ambaye ni mhadhiri katika Chuo Kikuu cha Nairobi kwenye kitivo cha tafsiri na ukalimani anatufafanulia maana ya methali “MCHAWI AKIFICHUA MIRIMO YA WACHAWI HU UAWA”.Mwenyeji wako ni Flora Nducha, karibu!

Kwenye kikao cha 58 cha Baraza la Haki za Binadamu la Umoja wa Mataifa kinachoendellea mjini Geneva Uswisi, Kamishna Mkuu wa Haki za Binadamu wa Umoja wa M ataifa, Volker Türk , amezungumzia hali ya kuzorota na kutoeleweka inayohusu haki za binadamu duniani kote akielezea wasiwasi mkubwa kuhusu kudhoofika kwa makubaliano ya kimataifa kuhusu haki za binadamu,na kuonya kwamba ushawishi wa viongozi wa kiimla, matajiri wakubwa, na viongozi wa kimabavu unatishia kuvuruga maendeleo ya miongo kadhaa. Anold Kakayanda na taarifa kamili.Asante Flora katika taarifa yake Türk  amesisitiza umuhimu wa kuhifadhi haki za binadamu na utawala wa sheria ili kuzuia kurudiwa kwa ukatili wa zamani.Moja ya masuala ya dharura yaliyotiliwa mkazo na Türk  ni mgogoro wa kibinadamu unhaoendelea huko Gaza. Amelaani uharibifu uliosababishwa na hatua za kijeshi za Israeli dhidi ya mashambulizi ya Oktoba 7, 2023 yaliyofanywa na Hamas na makundi mengine ya wapiganaji wa Kipalestina.Türk  amesisitiza haja ya kudumisha usitishaji mapiganona kutoa wito wa mchakato wa amani unaozingatia haki za binadamu, ikiwa ni pamoja na haki ya kujitawala na uwajibikaji. Ametaka kuachiliwa kwa mateka, kukomeshwa kwa vizuizi vya kiholela, na kuanza tena kwa msaada wa kibinadamu mara moja ndani ya Gaza.Kuhujsu mgogoro unaoendelea nchini Ukraine amersema bado ni suala la kutia wasiwasi, huku raia wakiishi kwa hofu ya mara kwa mara kutokana na mashambulizi yasiyokoma.Türk  amekemea vikali vikwazo vya Shirikisho la Urusi juu ya haki za msingi katika maeneo yanayokaliwa kwa mabavu na kuelezea masikitiko yake kuhusu ripoti za mauaji ya kiholela na mateso ya kimfumo ya wafungwa wa vita wa Kiukraine.Almeihimiza jumuiya ya kimataifa kufanya kazi kuelekea amani endelevu inayoheshimu haki na matarajio ya watu wa Ukraine.Türk  pia ameelekeza mawazo kwenye maeneo mengine yenye migogoro, ikiwa ni pamoja na Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo DRC, Myanmar, Haiti, na Sudan.Alielezea jinsi watawala wa kiimla, wanasiasa wahubiri wa chuki, na walanguzi wanavyotumia machafuko kwa faida zao binafsi.Amesema Athari za migogoro huenea zaidi ya mstari wa mbele, zikiathiri minyororo ya usambazaji duniani na nafasi za kidijitali.Ametoa  wito kwa watu binafsi kutambua jukumu lao la pamoja kwa kufanya maamuzi ya kimaadili ya ununuzi, kushiriki kisiasa, na kuunga mkono uwajibikaji kwa ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu.Hata hivyo amesema demokrasia zilizoimarika haziko salama dhidi ya kudorora kwa haki za binadamu. Türk  ameelezea wasiwasi mkubwa kuhusu mwelekeo nchini Marekani, ambako maendeleo kuhusu usawa wa kijinsia na sera za kupinga ubaguzi yanarudi nyuma.Pia amekosoa Shirikisho la Urusi kwa ukandamizaji wake wa jamii za kiraia na vyombo vya habari huru, ambapo wapinzani wanakabiliwa na unyanyasaji, kukamatwa, au kufurushwa.Kudhoofika kwa haki za binadamu katika mataifa yenye nguvu, Türk  alionya kwamba kunaweka mfano hatari kwa ulimwengu mzima, akisisitiza hitaji la dharura la mshikamano wa kimataifa na uwajibikaji kuhusu haki za binadamu.

Hör vad Karlavagnens lyssnare tycker är bäst och sämst på tv just nu! Christian Olsson är programledare i radions Karlavagnen. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Mello är i full gång – en riktig vattendelare bland de svenska tv-tittarna. Utöver det så sänds det kärleksprogram, matlagning, krim, drama, soffor och bryggor där kändisar delar med sig av sitt inre och mycket, mycket mer. I Karlavagnen får du ta del av svenska folkets känslor och åsikter kring TV-utbudet av idag.Tankar om TV i Karlavagnen med Christian OlssonRing oss, mejla på karlavagnen@sverigesradio.se eller skriv till oss på Facebook och Instagram. Slussen öppnar klockan 21:00 och programmet börjar klockan 21:40.

Hata yapma korkusu olan kişiler hatalarından öğrenmesi ve değiştirmesi gerekenleri göremez, bu nedenle aynı hataları yapmaya devam eder...

Though it may not seem like it on first glance, across Asuka there are various remnants of a much grander period.  Postholes tell the story of palaces built over and over on the same spots.  In addition, there are the various temples and various carved stone statues and other features.  This episode we'll talk about some of the stonework and palace complexes built during Takara Hime's reign, as well as the deadly politics that were still the currency of the court. For more, check out our blogpost at:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-118 Rough Transcription Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 118: Stonework and Treason Before we dive into the episode, a quick shout out to thank Bodil for supporting us on Ko-Fi.com.  For information on how you can also help support the show, we'll have information at the end of the episode or go check out our podcast page at SengokuDaimyo.com. And now, on with the episode:   Soga no Akaye's mansion was busily quiet.  There was plenty of chatter, but it was mostly in hushed tones as servants busied themselves with their work, but wondered what was going on.  They couldn't help but notice the high ranking visitors that had come.  It was to be expected, though.  After all, their master was in charge while the rest of the court was away on a retreat, comforting the sovereign in her grief.  And so why wouldn't people be showing up to meet with him? But nobody was quite sure what all of these visitors were discussing.  They had all gone into an upper story of the building, but the crowd included some powerful figures, including, some said, a royal prince.  Who's who and where people stood in the court were always topics of discussion, but especially now.  After all, what they were dealing with was unprecedented:  who had heard of a sovereign stepping down in the first place, let alone stepping back up because they then outlived their successor?  But she was no spring chicken, either.  Surely it would be her son that would finally ascend the throne next, right?  But that was never guaranteed. Either way, some of the servants grumbled, a change would be nice.  Ever since the royal family had moved back to Asuka, formally making it the capital again, there had been a flurry of activity. Sure, it meant that a certain amount of prestige returned to that region, and houses that had been in disrepair were suddenly occupied again.  But there was so much more.  Just about all of the available labor pool that wasn't working the fields was working on this project or that—there was almost nothing left for anyone else.  How was anyone else supposed to get things done when all of the able-bodied people were already toiling on the sovereign's own vanity projects?  And after building that giant government complex in Naniwa, no less! Such was, I imagine, the hushed rumor-mongering going on in the house when suddenly there came a loud “crack” as of a piece of wood snapping in two.  Later they would learn that an old wooden rest had broken, but that wasn't immediately obvious.  The servants did notice that shortly thereafter, their visitors began to depart, heading back to their own mansions. As for Soga no Akaye, he said nothing, but he seemed drained.  He had a heavy look, as though he was bearing an incredible weight.  Soon thereafter, he requested a brush and some paper, and he began to write out a letter…   So we are talking about the second reign of Takara Hime, who came back to the throne in 655, following the death of her brother, Prince Karu, known as Koutoku Tennou.  For the first time she reigned, the Chroniclers gave her the name “Kougyoku Tennou”, but for her second reign she would be known in the Chronicles as “Saimei Tennou”. We already discussed some of what was recorded as happening in the north during Takara Hime's second reign, with the Emishi and the Mishihase and the expeditions by Abe no Omi no Hirafu.  This episode we are going to focus more on what was going on in the Home Provinces of Yamato—and most specifically the impact that Takara Hime's reign would have on Asuka. I've noted in the past how modern Asuka can seem like your typical rural Japanese town.  Roads weave between rice fields, flanked by densely packed neighborhoods at the foot of the green hills or lining the shores of the Asuka river.  To the north, the valley opens onto the vast Nara basin—a largely flat region that is much more heavily populated but still would be considered “inaka”, or rural country, by anyone from a metropolis like Tokyo or Ohosaka.  To the south, the land rises up into mountain peaks.  Beyond that ridge, the land drops into the Yoshino River Valley, but otherwise the rest of the Kii peninsula, to the south, is covered in a sparsely populated mountain range, where small villages carve out a life in the nooks and crannies between the numerous ridges, finding the rare spot of flat land to build houses and plant their fields.  Looking at it today, Asuka might seem idyllic, rural, and calm.  And yet, back in Takara Hime's day, it was anything but. When Takara Hime moved back to Asuka, she went on a building spree.  In fact, the Chronicles actually complain about all of the building that she was doing, and we'll get to that.  Much of this episode is going to revolve around her building projects, as well as her comings and goings.  While we'll talk about what the Chronicles say, I also want to talk about some of what still remains in Asuka.  Certainly the grand palaces are gone, for the most part leaving little more than post-holes, lying beneath the rice fields.  A bit more obvious are the various kofun, scattered across the landscape, but beyond that there we also see stone works, including numerous carved stones, which range from crude statues, which may have been minimally worked, to elaborate fountains, which would have used natural water pressure to create impressive waterworks.  These latter works demonstrate the sophistication of the masons of the time, and hint at the grandeur of the various palaces, gardens, and mansion complexes that once populated the landscape.  And if you want a little feeling of what it is like, I talked a bit about walking through Asuka in a bonus episode back in March of 2024—if you are interested, look up “Traveling Through the Ancient Nara Basin, Part 2.   So along with what we see in the Chronicles, I want to talk about some of these other features, even if we aren't entirely sure of when, exactly, they were built.  There are a few, though, that we do suspected were built in this period, by Takara Hime, or at least at her order.  So we'll talk about those as we get there. Her reign wasn't all about building things, though.  Politics in the Yamato court remained as cutthroat as ever.  Although Prince Naka no Oe, Takara Hime's son, had been designated as “Crown Prince” he had not taken the throne, despite being of age, and we aren't told why, though the fact that Takara Hime had previously abdicated because of the events of the Isshi Incident, back in 645 (see Episode XX) may have meant that she was still considered the senior eligible member of the royal line.  Then there was the case of Prince Arima.  Prince Arima was the son of Karu, aka Koutoku Tenno, which made him Naka no Oe's cousin.  This wouldn't have meant anything had his father not ascended to the throne.  And under the succession practices of the time, although Naka no Oe was designated as the Crown Prince, that wasn't a guarantee that he would be next in line, so Prince Arima may have been a potential candidate.  However, there is at least one source that says Prince Arima was not yet of age, but still a teenager.  Still, that was no doubt old enough for some in the court to support him—and as we'll see in later centuries, age limits could be negotiable.  So we'll also discuss that, as well. So let's get into it. When the royal family first moved back to Asuka, in 653,  they took up residence in the temporary palace of Kahabe no Miya.  Unfortunately, this name doesn't tell us much about where the palace was located.  There is one theory that the Kawabe no Miya might be at what is known as the Asuka Inabuchi Palace site, up in the Asuka river valley, in the modern Iwaido district, a little south of the famous Ishibutai kofun site.  This is believed to have been a palace—or at least the mansion of some very wealthy family—given its layout, including what appears to be a cobblestone courtyard, and the lack of any roof tiles, which would have been reserved for temples, at that time. The term “temporary” palace comes up a lot in the Chronicles.  In most of the cases where it is used, it suggests that there was already a building in place and the sovereign took up residence there, hence the term “temporary” palace.  Often times we see that a temporary palace is said to have been “built”, at which point I have to wonder if that is truly the case—did they actually build a brand new structure to temporarily house the sovereign and the royal family—or does it just refer to the fact that they may have taken an existing compound and perhaps made some slight changes to accommodate the royal dignity?  Unfortunately, the Chronicles don't really go into much detail. Wherever the Kawabe no Miya happened to be, it does seem to have been temporary, as we later see Takara Hime back at the Itabuki palace, and indeed she reascended the throne there in 655.  The Itabuki palace first shows up in Takara hime's first reign, and seems to be one of at least two royal palaces in Asuka at the time, the other one being the Woharida Palace.  The Woharida palace had been around for a while – it was noted as early as 603, in the reign of Kashikiya Hime, aka Suiko Tenno, and there is the suggestion that it was still around in the time that Karu, aka Kotoku Tenno, was reigning.  We know that Takara Hime took up residence there at some point during her own reign as well.  But in 643 she had the Itabuki palace built, though apparently that didn't mean that the Oharida palace was completely torn down and abandoned – it just was no longer the primary site of court ritual.  Of course, the Itabuki palace wouldn't be the seat of the government for long, either, as the Isshi Incident took place there in 645, and Karu would subsequently move the capital to Naniwa, building the Toyosaki palace. And so the Itabuki palace remained, but was not exactly kept up, so that when the royal family returned to Asuka, it wasn't ready for them to inhabit, and likely required extensive renovation.  Nonetheless, it was being inhabited two years later, when Takara hime again ascended the throne. A quick note here about the name “Itabuki”, because we think that this likely referred to a very specific style of construction that was used.  Up to this point, as far as we can tell, the primary roofing material for all major buildings was a kind of local thatching – we still see this today on some shrines and other buildings.  “Itabuki”, in contrast, refers to a roof made with wooden boards.  Today, we have buildings with rooves where the roof shingles are overlapping boards of wood or bark from the cypress tree: thin layers stacked one on top of the other.  Even today, the modern Imperial Palace in Kyoto uses wood shingles rather than the curved roof tiles that many people think of when they think of Asian architecture. So that's the Itabuki palace, all spruced up and ready for Takara hime to occupy again.  That said, remember the older Woharida palace, the other one in Asuka? Later in 655, a project was started to update that palace as well.  We are told that as of the 13th day of the 10th month there had been a plan to add roof tiles to one of the buildings at the Woharida palace, but unfortunately much of the timber from the mountains and valleys that was designated for the project was found to be too weak from rot, and so they decided to not go forward with that plan.  I would note here that tiled rooves, while they might seen somewhat easier to put together—after all, you only need a layer of interlocking and overlapping tiles—are extremely heavy.  They are known to deform the wooden structures underneath them, and can weigh hundreds of pounds per square foot.  Much of the classic shape of these tiled rooves developed over time to compensate for some of that weight, so this makes me wonder if the wood the palace craftspeople brought in was really that rotten, or if it was just not strong enough for the work that they were trying to do.  After all, were they applying the same techniques as for a temple, or were they simply trying to replace traditional thatching or shingles with clay tiles?  Either way, the project failed, even after all of the work that had gone into it.  This is a small entry in the Chronicles, but it would have meant levying corvee labor that had to go out to the designated regions to source the timber, not to mention setting up the kilns to make the tiles, as well as other preparations that would have been necessary.  In other words, a lot of work, for apparently no payoff. On top of that, we are told that around that time, in the winter of that year—which would have been the 10th, 11th, or 12th month, roughly corresponding from late November to February of the following year—the Itabuki palace caught fire and burned down, and so the sovereign and her retinue decamped to the temporary palace of Kawara – the River Plain or Field. “Kawara” could theoretically refer to just about any flat area by a river. Aston points out that “Kawara” can also mean “rooftile”, which is interesting given what we just talked about, the entry immediately before that deals with attempting to add new rooftiles to a part of the Oharida palace. However, there is some thought that this refers to the Kawara Temple, Kawaradera, and you can find claims that Kawaradera was built on the site of the temporary palace.  There is a reference to Kawaradera in the previous reign, in the year 653, though another source apparently says it was talking about Yamadadera, instead.  There isn't another mention of “Kawaradera” that I can find until 673, so it is entirely possible that the temple started its life off as a mansion or even a temporary royal palace of some kind, and was later turned into a temple. Kawaradera itself is rather interesting.  If you visit the site, today, you can see large stone bases that help to demonstrate the size of the ancient temple.  It was one of the four Great Temples of Asuka, along with Asukadera, Kudara Ohodera, and Yakushiji.  And yet, unlike the other three, we don't have clear indications about its founding in the Chronicles.  When the capital eventually moved to Heijo-kyo, in Nara city, many of the other temples were removed to the new capital, but not, as far as I can see, Kawaradera.  Donald McCallum suggests that this is because it was replaced, instead, by Koufukuji, a temple with deep ties to the descendants of Nakatomi no Kamatari, the Fujiwara clan.  He suggests that mention of the temple in the official records may have even been suppressed by individuals such as Fujiwara no Fubito.  Kawaradera remained in Asuka.  Eventually it fell to ruin, but there is still a small temple on the site, known as Gu-fuku-ji. As for the Kawara Palace, if Kawaradera really was in operation by 653, it is possible that the sovereign took over some of the buildings at Kawaradera, or perhaps the temporary palace was simply somewhere nearby. In any case, they don't seem to have stayed there for too long—they started work on a new palace the following year.  This was the later Okamoto Palace, and from what we can tell it was built on the same site as the Itabuki Palace, south of Asukadera.  This site would see multiple palaces over the years, and even today you can go and see some of the post-holes that they have found, indicating the size of the complex through the years. Based on the layout and size of the Asuka palaces, it seems that these early palaces focused on the “dairi”, the private quarters of the sovereign.  This seems to have ignored the reforms made with the Toyosaki palace design in Naniwa in the early 650s.  That palace, which was built on an incredibly grand scale, consisted of both the private quarters and the public government offices.  But in Asuka the royal family's “palace” appears to have only consisted of the private quarters, for the most part.  So where was the actual bureaucracy happening?  Were there other facilities we don't know about?  Or perhaps, the Toyosaki palace itself was overly ambitious, and there wasn't actually the staff for such a grand complex?  After all, they were just setting up the bureaucracy and perhaps their reach had exceeded their grasp.  Or was it the case that things werestill being run out of the palace complex in Naniwa while the sovereign lived in Asuka?  That seems to have been roughly 10 hours away, by foot, though perhaps only half that by horse. The northern end of the Asuka valley is not as well suited to a large palace complex.  Not only was it already full of temples and the like, but the ground itself rises to the south, and the hills on either side start to come together.  It certainly isn't the kind of place to layout a grand city.  But perhaps that was not the intent—at least not immediately.  It didn't matter much, though, because the Later Okamoto palace, as it came to be known, was not long for this world.  Scarcely had it been built and occupied but that it caught fire and burned down—another expenditure of funds and labor that were once more counted as nothing. In fact, Takara hime was apparently on a tear, and went ahead and initiated quite a few projects that happened in 656.  We are told that nearby Tamu Peak was crowned with a circular enclosure, close to where two “tsuki” trees grew.  A “lofty” building was erected and called both Futatsuki no Miya (the Palace of the Two Tsuki) and Amatsu Miya (the Palace of Heaven).  She also had a new palace erected in Yoshino, possibly as a seasonal retreat.  And with this she was just getting started. She also had laborers dig a canal all the way from the western end of Mt. Kaguyama all the way to Mt. Isonokami.  We are told that 200 barges were then loaded with stone from Mt. Isonokami and hauled to the mountain east of the palace, where the stones were piled up to form a wall.  This last one had people up in arms.  They called the canal the “mad canal” and said that it wasted the labor of over 30,000 people.  On top of that, she used 70,000 men to build the wall.  To top it all off, the timber for the palace rotted away and the top of the mountain where they were building collapsed.  We are told that people cursed it all, crying out: “May the mound built at Iso no Kami break down of itself as fast as it is built.” So, yeah, people weren't too happy.  We, however, just might be – because all of this building work? It leaves traces in the landscape. We aren't always sure about locations in the Chronicles, as it is very easy for names to shift over time or for things to be renamed at a later date. But what we do know is that there are quite a few examples of stone work in the Asuka region.  There is the kame-ishi stone that looks only vaguely carved—it appears to have two carved eyes, but otherwise appears to use the natural shape of the stone to evoke a tortoise—that sits near the site of Kawaradera and Tachibana-dera.  There are the various saruishi—carved figures that are purportedly based on saru, or monkeys, but are likely meant to represent people.  They may have once adorned an elite family's garden or similar, and they were since moved to the tomb of Kibitsu hime.  There are various fountains and waterworks.  And then there are the Sakafune-ishi ruins, sitting along a ridge east of the palace site.  This consists of a large stone up on the hill, with carved channels that appear to be made to channel water poured into the grooves.  At the bottom of the hill there is a turtle shaped stone basin, filled from a boat-shaped water tank.  Across the hill is example of stone work, including possible walls. Given the apparent age of everything, and its location, it is thought that this may all be part of the Futatsuki no Miya complex that Takara hime built.  Unfortunately, it is still not clear how it was meant to operate.  After Asuka was abandoned as the capital, knowledge of the site also disappeared.  There were some stories that arose about the stone that it was used for some kind of sake-brewing, hence the name, but nothing truly concrete has arisen.  There may have been other structures, perhaps made of wood, that are no longer present, and the stone itself appears to have broken and eroded away over the years.  It may have been meant as a ritual site, or perhaps it was just built as some kind of wonder for the people.  It doesn't fit into any clear model of any Buddhist or even ancient Shinto practice, nor is it clearly connected to other continental practices.  We certainly know that they did plenty with water, given the number of waterworks and other carved stones, including a model of Mt. Sumera, we are told was built to the west of Asukadera on the 15th day of the 7th month of the following year—657. Maybe these are remnants of that project Whatever its purpose, the Sakafune-ishi site does seem to compare favorably with what is described in the Nihon Shoki, and perhaps it was considered such a waste of resources just because it didn't fit in with the prevailing ritual culture.  Maybe Takara hime was too artistically avant-garde for her time. “Wasting resources” would, in fact, become a chief complaint against Takara Hime during her time on the throne.  And that takes us from seemingly harmless construction projects into the court politics of the day.  Now as you should recall, Prince Naka no Oe, Takara Hime's son, was the Crown Prince at this point, and quite influential.  He was supported by various courtiers, such as Nakatomi no Kamatari, the Naidaijin, but his eventual ascendancy to the throne was not entirely assured.  We've seen plenty of examples where someone would seem to be in line for the throne and they didn't ever make it.  We know that there were several other royal princes at this time.  One of the youngest was Prince Takeru, a grandson of Takara Hime, who was born around 651.  Then there was Prince Naka no Oe's brother, Prince Ohoama.  He was also one of Takara Hime's sons, and while we haven't heard much of him in the narrative, we will definitely see more of him in the future.  On top of the two of them, there is Prince Arima, whom I talked about at the beginning of the episode.  Prince Arima was mentioned as the son of Karu and Wotarashi Hime, but his mother was not Karu's Queen—that was Hashibito, daughter of Okinaga Tarashi-hi Hironuka, aka Jomei Tennou, and Takara Hime.  Yup, Karu basically married his own niece, though that may have been an attempt to keep the most direct connection possible to the royal line.  Arima's mom Wotarashi Hime, on the other hand, was the daughter of Abe no Kurahashi no Oho-omi—the Minister of the Left, or Sadaijin, during Karu's reign.  Strictly speaking, based on the way that the succession has been depicted so far, Prince Arima wouldn't technically meet the requirements.  That said, we've seen where that has been bypassed in the past, and no doubt people were aware just how easily it would be to rewrite the history, if they had to.  He was young—but not so young that he couldn't be involved in the politics of the court. Other than a note about his parentage at the start of Karu's reign, Prince Arima isn't mentioned again until the ninth month of 657, and right off the bat you can tell where the Chroniclers fall on his personality.  They describe him as deceitful, and claim that he pretended to be insane—a term that doesn't really show up elsewhere, so it is hard to know what exactly is meant.  Is he the Hamlet of his age?  Arima used this as an excuse to go to Muro Onsen—thought to be modern Shirahama Hot Springs, on the southwestern end of the Kii Peninsula.   When he came back he sang its praises, claiming that “scarce had I seen that region, when my complaint disappeared of itself.”  The Queen wanted to go and see for herself. Overall, this hardly seems to be very “deceitful”, though it is suspected that Arima may have feigned an illness to avoid some of the politics around the start of the new reign.  Given his father Karu's recent death, it would likely have been easy enough to claim that he was greatly depressed.  We aren't told how long he stayed at Muro Onsen, but presumably it was for some time. At the start of the following year, on the 13th day of the first month, Kose no Tokuda no Omi, the Sadaijin, or Minister of the Left, passed away.  This would have no doubt created some ripples, but little more is said—we don't even have the name of who succeeded him in the position, at least not in the Nihon Shoki.  Four months later, which is to say in the fifth month of that same year, 658, Prince Takeru passed away.  He was only 8 years old, but as the grandson of Takara Hime a temporary tomb was constructed in the Imaki valley.  Takara Hime lamented his death greatly, and in the 10th month, she took Arima's advice and went to visit the Ki Onsen.  She had several poems composed and handed them to Hata no Ohokura no Miyatsuko no Mari to record them for posterity. While she was away, Soga no Akaye no Omi was the acting official in charge.  And several weeks in, he addressed Prince Arima.  He noted that there were three problems with Takara Hime's government. First – She builds treasuries on a great scale, collecting the riches of the people. Second – She wastes the public grain revenue in digging long canals. Third – She loads barges with stones and transports them to be piled up into a hill. This may have been popular opinion, but it was also rather treasonous talk.  Prince Arima simply smiled and said: “I have only now come to an age where I am fit to bear arms.” So, yeah, he was basically saying that he was old enough to take up arms—and presumably lead others in a rebellion, if that was the case. Two days later, on the fifth day of the 11th month, Prince Arima met Akaye at his mansion.  They went into one of the upper stories, where they wouldn't be interrupted, and there they conspired together.  Others were also involved, it seems—Mori no Kimi no Oho-ishi, Sakahibe no Muraji no Kusuri, and Shihoya no Muraji no Konoshiro.  There are a few different books that claim to record what the plans were.  One says that Soga no Akaye, Shihoya no Konoshiro, Mori no Oho-ishi, and Sakahibe no Kusuri divined the future of their conspiracy by drawing slips of paper, to see how it would turn out.  Another book states that Arima claimed he would burn down the palace and take 500 men to march down south.  There he would waylay Takara Hime at the harbour of Muro.  They were going to exile her to Awaji island, setting up a fleet of ships to ensure she could never leave. As they were discussing what to do—no doubt talking about how the Prince could take the throne, a leg-rest that they were using broke.  Another book claims it was an arm-rest, instead, but otherwise the details are the same.  They both agreed that was a bad omen, and decided not to proceed any further with their plans.  Prince Arima returned home, but apparently Soga no Akaye had a change of heart.  He apparently figured that his only way out was to turn in the others and admit everything.  And so, that night, Akaye sent Mononobe no Enowi no Muraji no Shibi, who was in charge of the labourers working on the palace.  They surrounded the palace and then Akaye sent a mounted courier to inform Takara Hime. That letter must have laid everything out.  Takara hime had the conspirators arrested and brought to Ki Onsen.  Arima's servant, Nihitabe no Muraji no Yonemaro, followed them.  Prince Naka no Oe himself questioned Arima about why he plotted treason.  Arima's answer is a bit cryptic:  “Heaven and Akaye know.” He responded, “I do not understand at all.” In the end, all of the conspirators were found guilty, and executed.  Tajihi no Wosaha no Muraji no Kuniso was sent to do the task.  Prince Arima was strangled at the Fujishiro acclivity, along with Shihoya no Konoshiro and Nihitabe no Yonemaro.  Before being executed, Konoshiro made a rather macabre request, asking that—presumably after he was dead—they cut off his right hand and make it a national treasure.  The other two conspirators, Mori no Oho-ishi and Sakahibe no Kusuri, were merely banished, presumably having played less of a role. Once again, we must remember that we are only getting one side of the story.  It is definitely convenient for Naka no Oe to have a potential rival out of the way.  At the same time, it is certainly plausible that there was more than a little bit of consternation about how Takara Hime had been spending so much on all of these construction projects.  And yet… were these Takara Hime's projects, alone? Remember, Prince Naka no Oe seems to have had a fair bit of clout.  He orchestrated the original coup, where he killed Soga no Iruka and his father.  And then he declined the throne, but became a major part of the new government.  He was apparently powerful enough that he organized the move back to Asuka against the wishes of Karu no Ohokimi. So would all of these projects have been done without his involvement? This is an area where I have to admit that I probably need to check my bias.  On the one hand, it is rare enough in patriarchal accounts to see women with agency and in positions of power, and so it is easy enough to make an assumption that any agency they are given in the record, they likely had more than is mentioned.  At the same time, in this particular instance, at least, Takara Hime's role in this could just as easily be a cover to preserve the image of Naka no Oe, who is certainly portrayed as a hero figure, bringing much needed change and modernization—such as it was—to Yamato.  His enemies are always shown to be in the wrong, and even if he is accused of something horrible—such as the death of Soga no Ishikawa no Maro—it turns out that it was actually the fault of someone else, such as the person who slandered Maro to him in the first place.  So could it be that these unpopular construction projects were actually his doing, all along?  Was the conspiracy simply to overthrow Takara Hime, or was it focused on both her and Naka no Oe, together? To be honest, I couldn't say for certain.  All we have to go on is what the Chroniclers tell us, and they lay the blame fairly firmly at the feet of Takara Hime.  But do remember that Naka no Oe is not necessarily the Shining Prince that he is often made out to be, and that people rarely come to or stay in power in a society like Yamato's by being nice all the time.  We certainly know what he is capable of from the Isshi Incident, and we shouldn't forget that in the narrative. Now when Takara Hime returned from Ki Onsen after winter ended, in the new year.  We are told that she got back on the third day of the first month of 659.  A couple of months later, on the first day of the third month, she went to Yoshino and held a banquet there—no doubt at the palace she had had constructed.  This may have been at the site of Miyataki Ruins, where excavations have revealed numerous examples of roof tiles and other artifacts that may have come from a building from the Asuka or Nara era. The visit to Yoshino must have been quick, however, as we are told that two days later she visited Hira-ura in Afumi, on the shores of Lake Biwa.  Perhaps this only means she left two days later, since that must have been quite the journey back in the day.  Would she have traveled on horseback, or in a carriage or something similar?  No doubt a full procession would take time, and I doubt that the sovereign would push herself.  We also don't have a reason for her to go, that I can see.  It is an odd entry, to say the least. And I think it may be best to end it there.  I do encourage anyone who can to get down to Asuka and plan to spend a couple of days if you really want to get around.  You may want to rent a bike or even a car to get to everything, though you can walk to most things.  There are several museums and cultural centers set up to expound upon Asuka culture, with a focus on the history and archaeology specifically of that period. The palace site where Takara Hime ruled would continue to be the location of at least two more palaces, which we'll talk about in time.  Before that, though, we'll want to cover a few more things.  Most importantly, we'll want to talk about the relationship with lands outside of the archipelago.  We'll discuss the man from Tukhara—who may have simply been from the Ryukyu islands, or possible from as far aways the Dvaravati Kingdom, in modern day Thailand, or even from the western edge of India and Pakistan, having traveled the Silk Road.  Some have even suggested that he may be a Tocharian, and we'll talk about what that means.  And then, before we finish, we'll have to talk about everything else going on, including the conclusion of the Tang-Baekje war. Until then thank you for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.    

Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia watoto UNICEF linaisaidia serikali ya Burundi katika kuunganisha taarifa za watu katika mifumo inayosomana ya kiraia na ya huduma ya afya. Euphrasie Butoyi mama akiwa amembeba mtoto wake mchanga, amekuja katika ofisi za msajili za eneo la Busoni jimboni Kirundo kaskazini mwa Burundi, anasema,“kabla ilikuwa vigumu kumwandikisha mtoto. Umbali ulikuwa mrefu. Tulikuwa tunalazimika kulipia tiketi ya safari kwa ajili yetu na mashahidi. Tulikuwa tunaweza kwenda kule hata mara mbili bila kupata cheti cha kuzaliwa.” Damien Ndayisenga ni msajili wa kijamii anathibitisha hilo kwa kusema, “ukweli kabla ya hatua hii, ofisi ya usajili wa raia ya Busoni ilikuwa imezidiwa na idadi kubwa ya watu wanaokuja kusajili watoto wao ili kupata vyeti vya kuzaliwa. Lakini huduma hii imerahisisha.” Hakika mradi huu umekuwa mkombozi kama anavyoendelea kueleza Euphrasie Butoyi. Anaposema faranga elfu 10 fedha ya Burundi hiyo ni takribani dola nne za kimarekani, “leo tofauti ni kuwa kituo cha afya kiko karibu na sisi kwa hiyo si lazima tena kulipa nauli kwa ajili ya mashahidi. Sasa ni rahisi kwetu kusajili watoto wetu baada tu ya kuzaliwa. Hata mume wangu hajui kama niko naandikisha hapa wakati huu. Anadhani nitapata tu chanjo ya mtoto lakini nitakapomuonesha cheti cha kuzaliwa cha mtoto wetu, atafurahi sana. Hatalazimika tena kwenye ofisi za serikali na kulipa faranga za Burundi 10,000 kwa ajili ya usafiri. Ni faida kwetu.” UNICEF pia inasaidia katika kuandikisha watoto ambao walichelewa kusajiliwa katika umri mdogo na hiyo imesaidia sana watoto walio katika mazingira magumu kupata huduma za msingi za kijamii ambazo hapo awali walikuwa nazikosa kwa kuwa hawana utambulisho wowote unaotambuliwa kiserikali. Katika mkoa wa Bugabira jimboni Kirundo kaskazini mwa Burundi, tunakutana na Jean Baptiste Mutaniyonka baba wa mtoto mwanafunzi Karerwa Olivier anaeleza changamoto walizokuwa wanakumbana nazo hapo awali kabla ya huduma ya usajili kuletwa karibu. “Mara ya kwanza nilipoenda kwenye ofisi za mkoa kusajili ilikuwa imefungwa kwa sababu ya sikukuu. Mara ya pili, mashahidi walitutaka kuwapatia faranga za Burundi elfu kumi nila mmoja. Sikuwa na fedha hiyo kwa hiyo ilibidi tuahirishe hiyo miadi ili tutafute pesa.” Mzazi huyu ili kuonesha namna cheti cha kuzaliwa kilivyo na umuhimu mkubwa katika maisha ya mtoto nchini Burundi anasema, “bila cheti cha kuzaliwa mtoto hana haki ya kupata kupata huduma ya bure katika hospitali. Tulikuwa tunaondoka bila bila kupata matibabu. Na katika hali kama hiyo tuligeukia katika tiba za asili au katika maduka ya dawa. Ilikuwa hivyo hivyo katika shule. Watoto wangu walikuwa wanarejeshwa nyumbani kwa kukosa cheti cha kuzaliwa.” Huyo ni Olivier Karerwa mwenyewe, mtoto wa Jean Mutaniyonka. Olivier amesajiliwa kupitia mradi huu wa UNICEF na anasema anataka kuwa mwalimu atakapohitimu masomo yake. Anne Rwasa ni bibi anazungumzia ilivyo rahisi sasa kumuhudumia mjukuu wake akisema, lakini leo mtoto  awe na homa au kuumwa tumbo tunakimbia katika kituo cha afya ambako anapata huduma ya bure ya afya.” Mradi huu wa UNICEF Burundi wa kuunganisha taarifa za watoto za serikali ili ziweze kusomeka pia katika taasisi nyingine kama vile vituo vya afya umepata  pia usaidizi kutoka kwa kamati ya UNICEF ya Uingereza.  

Kila mwaka, mamia ya wanawake nchini Papua New Guinea, taifa la visiwani katika bahari ya Pasifiki, hushutumiwa kimakosa kuwa ni wachawi. Matokeo yake hukumbwa na ukatili miongoni mwa wanajamii. Hata hivyo Umoja wa Mataifa kupitia shirika lake la Mpango wa Maendeleo duniani, UNDP nchini humo, limechukua hatua.Kiongozi mkubwa wa Kijiji chetu alifariki dunia, na tulipoenda kwenye maziko, ambapo kila mtu alisema sisi ni wachawi na tulikula moyo wake. Ni kauli ya Annabele, jina lake halisi limehifadhiwa kwa ajili ya usalama wake akielezea tuhuma zilizowakabili kwenye jamii yao ya jimbo la Enga nchini Papua New Guinea, hadi kushambuliwa kwa nondo za moto na nyumba zao kuteketezwa kwa moto. Video ya UNDP inamnukuu akisema kuwa walikuwa 9, ambapo wanne walifariki dunia na watano akiwemo Annabele, walinusurika, “kesho yake asubuhi Askofu na wenzake walifika, halikadhalika jeshi na polisi, na ndio walituokoa.” Askofu huyo Justine Soongie Dayosisi ya Wabag jimboni Enga anasema walipowachukua waliambiwa wahakikishe hawarudi kijijini, “sababu kubwa ya mtu kutuhumiwa ni jamii kukosa uelewa kuhusu chanzo cha kifo. Watu wengi hawafahamu kuwa mtu anaweza kufa kutokana na kiharusi. Watu wetu wa Enga watauliza ni nani amesababisha?” Annabelle baada ya kuokolewa alipelekwa hospitali na kupatiwa matibabu ambayo hata hivyo bado ana kovu na maumivu. Kisha walipelekwa nyumba salama zinazoendeshwa na Kanisa Katoliki kwa ufadhili wa UNDP, ambako waliishi kwa miezi takribani mitano wakipatiwa mavazi, malazi na chakula. Askofu Justine Soongie anasema,“baada ya miezi kadhaa hospitalini, tunarudi kwa familia na jamii na kuzungumza nao mara kadhaa. Tunawaelimisha kuwa ni kosa kumtuhumu mtu uchawi, kuna sheria, na hana pahala pengine pa kwenda, hivyo atarudi.” Jamii ilieleweshwa na Annabelle kwenye video anaonekana tayari yuko kijijini na sasa analima shamba na hata anasema hata mazao anayolima akivuna, anapika na wanajamii wanakula pamoja naye. 

Mwaka 2024 ukielekea ukingoni, shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia wakimbizi UNHCR  nchini Uganda limetoa rai kwa jumuiya ya kimataifa kutolisahau taifa hilo la Afrika Mashariki ambalo ni maskani ya idadi kubwa zaidi ya waomba hifadhi na wakimbizi barani Afrika. Rai hiyo iliyotolewa mwishoni mwa wiki inataka ufadhili wa fedha uongezwe ili liweze kuendelea kukirimu watu hao ambao wengi wanakimbia machafuko. Huyo ni Moulid Hujale afisa wa UNHCR nchini Uganda akitoa wito kwa jumuiya ya kimataifa kushikamana na Uganda akiwa  kwenye makazi makubwa ya wakimbizi ya Kiryandongo Magharibi mwa nchi hiyo. Anasema kuna mambo matatu muhimu ambayo dunia inapaswa kufahamu kuhusu Uganda na wakimbizi.“Mosi Uganda inahifadhi idadi kubwa zaidi ya wakimbizi na waomba hifadhi Afrika ikiwa na zaidi ya watu milioni 1.7 wengi wao wakitoka Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo DRC na Sudan Kusini.”Zaidi ya hapo ukarimu wa Uganda anasema hauna kipimo“Pili, Uganda ina sera ya kufugua mlango kwa wakimbizi na pia kwa miongo mingi imekuwa ikiwakaribisha watu wanaokimbia machafuko bila kujali utaifa wao. Kitu ambacho ni kikubwa na cha kipekee kuhusu nchi hii ni kwamba wakati wakimbizi wanapowasili hapa hupewa ardhi, mahali pa kuishi na hata kulima mazao kwa ajili ya kujikimu. Wana uhuru wa kutembea na haki ya kuajiriwa. Hawajatengwa lakini wanaishi  ndani ya jamii inayowahifadhi. Sera hii ya Uganda inawaruhusu wakimbizi kujumuishwa katika huduma za kitaifa ambapo wanafaidika na elimu na huduma za afya.”Lakini Kutokana na changamoto za fedha Moulid anasema ukarimu huo sasa uko njia panda"Tatu: Ukarimu wa Uganda uko hatarini kwani wakimbizi zaidi wanaingia kutoka nchi jirani. UNHCR, shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia wakimbizi, liko mashinani kufanya kazi na Serikali ya Uganda kusaidia kutoa msaada wa kuokoa maisha kwa watu hawa. Hata hivyo, rasilimali ni chanche. Tunahitaji msaada wenu ili Uganda iendelee kuwa mfano wa kuigwa kwa dunia nzima.”Kwa nyjibu wa UNHCR licha ya idadi kubwa ya watu na rasilimali kidogo, sera za Uganda zinammanisha kwamba wakimbizi ni sehemu ya maisha ya kijamii na kiuchumi na ongezeko la rasilimali litakidhi haja za waliopo sasa na watakaokuja.

HT2102 - The Multi-exposure Image For some time now I've been an advocate of the multi-image presentation like Seeing in SIXES, or Trilogies. A variation on that idea has just as much potential and that is the multi-exposure image. Most digital cameras these days have the ability to do multiple exposure capture, but I hardly ever see anybody use this aesthetic. I wonder why?

Haki si haki iwapo inatolewa kwa lugha ambayo haileweki kwa wahusika, wamejulishwa washiriki wa mkutano wa pili wa wanazuoni unaofanyika hapa makao makuu ya Umoja wa Mataifa New York, Marekani na pia mtandaoni ukimulika Madaraka, Haki na Binadamu: Utawala wa Sheria na mabadiliko Afrika. Anold Kayanda na maelezo zaidi.

Leo ikiwa ni siku ya kimataifa ya kutokomeza ukatili dhidi ya wanawake, Je wajua kwamba wanawake na wasichana 140 walifariki dunia kila siku duniani kote mwaka 2023 wakiwa mikononi mwa wapenzi wao au ndugu wa karibu, ikimaanisha kuwa mwanmake mmoja anauawa katika kila dakika 10. Na zaidi ya yote bara la Afrika linaongoza? Maudhui ya siku hii yanasema “Hakuna kisingizio” cha ukatili dhidi ya wanawake lama alioushuhudia Ester manusura kutoka Uganda, ambaye kwa miaka mingi amekuwa akifanyiwa ukatili na mpenzi wake anaema “Nilikuwa na umri wa miaka 15 aliponioa naye alikuwa na miaka 28wakati mwingine alikuwa akinivua nguo zote na kunilazimisha kukaa kwenye varandana nilikuwa nikichelewa kurudi ananitandika nje nyumba kila mtu kushuhudia Nilikuwa katika hali mbaya ya uchungu Mkubwa na kuvuja damu.”maadhimisho ya mwaka huu yanaambatana na ripoti iliyotolewa leo jijini New York, Marekani na mashirika ya Umoja wa Mataifa likiwemo lile la masuala ya wanawake, UN Women na Ofisi ya Umoja wa Mataifa ya Kudhibiti Dawa za kulevya na Uhalifu, (UNODC), inaangazia mwanga wa janga la mauaji ya wanawake na kutoa wito kwa hatua za dharura ili kukabili janga hilo.Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa António Guterres katika ujumbe wake wa siku hii inayoadhimishwa tarehe 25 mwezi Novemba kila mwaka, ikiashiria pia kuanza kwa siku 16 za kutokomeza ukatili dhidi ya wanawake, zikiwa na kilele chake tarehe 10 mwezi Desemba, siku ya Haki za Binadamu duniani amesema “Janga la ukatili dhidi ya wanawake na wasichana linaaibisha ubindamu, dunia lazima iitikie wito huu. Tunahitaji hatua za dharura kwa ajili ya haki na uwajibikaji, na kusaidia uchechemuzi.”Mkurugenzi mtendaji wa UN Women Sima Bahous amesisitiza kuwa “Ukatili dhidi ya wanawake na wasichana si kwamba hauepukiki, unaweza kuzuilika. Tunahitaji sheria thabiti, ukusanyaji bora wa takwimu, uwajibikaji zaidi wa serikali, utamaduni wa kutovumilia, na kuongezeka kwa ufadhili kwa mashirika ya kupigania haki za wanawake na taasisi. Tunapokaribia kuadhimisha miaka 30 ya Azimio la Beijing na Jukwaa la Utekelezaji mwaka 2025, ni wakati wa viongozi wa dunia kuungana na kuchukua hatua kwa haraka, kujitolea na kuelekeza rasilimali zinazohitajika kumaliza mgogoro huu mara moja na kwa wote”Mauaji ya wanawake yanavuka mipaka, hali ya kiuchumi na kijamii, utamaduni. Hata hivyo kiwango au ukubwa wake unatofautiana.Kwa mujibu wa ripoti hiyo, bara la Afrika lilivunja rekodi ya kuwa na viwango vya juu vya wanawake kuuawa na wapenzi wao au mwanafamilia. Wanawake 21,700 waliuawa Afrika mwaka huo wa 2023, ikifuatiwa na bara la Amerika na kisha Oshenia.Mashirika ya UN Women na…

David Low, CEO and cofounder of Hata joins the show. In this episode,  In this episode, Wyatt and David discuss: Crypto adoption in Southeast Asia Regulatory attitudes Operating a centralized exchange Bitcoin interest vs other cryptoassets in the region

Nchini Somalia, ni asilimia 52 tu wananchi ndio wanapata huduma ya maji safi na salama. Wengine hulazimika kutembea umbali mrefu kuteka maji ambayo si ya uhakika. Hata hivyo kwa msaada wa shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia watoto, UNICEF nchini humo pamoja na wadau, hali sasa inaanza kuimarika. Tuko Adale, mji wa ndani zaidi wa jimbo la kati mwa Somalia, Galmudug. Hapa zaidi ya kaya 2,000 sasa zina huduma ya maji safi na salama, kufuatia ukarabati wa kisima cha maji.Salada Mohammed Omar, yeye ni mfugaji na ni shuhuda wa mradi huu uliotekelezwa na serikali ya jimbo la Galmudug kwa ufadhili wa shirika la Marekani la Misaada ya kimaendeleo USAID na UNICEF.“Tulisafiri muda mrefu kuteka maji, lakini sasa kisima kiko karibu na makazi yetu, tunapata kwa urahisi maji ya kupikia, kufulia na kufanyia usafi.”Video ya UNICEF inaonesha raia na ngamia wakiwa kisimani. Mohammed Yusuf Dirshe ambaye ni kiongozi wa kijamii hapa Adale anasema “awali hakukuwa na tanki la maji wala pampu. Kwa hiyo ilikuwa vigumu kupata maji kwa ajili ya mifugo. Lakini sasa unaona hawa ngamia wanatoka umbali wa hadi wa kilometa 35.”Issack Mohammed, kutoka Kituo cha Amani na Demokrasia mdau wa mradi huu anaeleza kilichofanyika.“Ukarabati ulihusisha kujengea juu matanki, kuweka pampu inayotumia nishati ya jua, na kioski cha maji ili wavulana, wasichana na wanawake waweze kuteka maji kwa urahisi.UNICEF inasema mradi huu unarejesha uhai hapa Adale, kwa kuhakikisha watoto wanakua wakiwa na afya njema, jamii zinastawi na mbinu za kujipatia kipato zinakuwa endelevu.

Hii leo jaridani tunaangazia machafuko nchini Sudan unaosababisha janga la njaa, na mradi wa maji Galmudug Somalia kwa ajili ya maji safi na salama pamoja na mifugo. Makala tunakupeleka nchini DR Congo na mashinani nchini Kenya, kulikoni?Nchini Sudan ambako vita na janga la njaa vinaendelea kuwa mwiba kwa raia      sasa wahudumu wa kibinadamu wa Umoja wa Mataifa wanaonya juu ya tishio lingine kubwa  la milipuko ya magonja ya kipindupindu na homa ya kidingapopo huku mfumo mzima wa afya ukiwa taabani.Nchini Somalia, ni asilimia 52 tu wananchi ndio wanapata huduma ya maji safi na salama. Wengine hulazimika kutembea umbali mrefu kuteka maji ambayo si ya uhakika. Hata hivyo kwa msaada wa shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia watoto, UNICEF nchini humo pamoja na wadau, hali sasa inaanza kuimarika.Makala inakupeleka Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Congo, DRC ambako Kapteni Fadhillah Nayopa, Afisa habari wa kikosi cha 11 cha walinda amani wa Tanzania, TANZBATT-11 katika ujumbe wa Umoja wa Mataifa wa kulinda amani nchini DRC, MONUSCO anazungumzia usaidizi waliopatia watoto yatima.Mashinani kupitia video ya Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Mpango wa chakula, tunakutana na Geoffrey Nawet, Mwanafunzi katika shule ya Kakuma nchini Kenya akitueleza jinsi ambavyo programu ya Mlo shuleni ya lishe bora umewawezesha wanafunzi kumakinika shuleni na kupata motisha ya kuendelea na masomo.Mwenyeji wako ni Assumpta Massoi, karibu! 

Kadri siku zinavyozidi kusonga mbele, hali ya usalama na kibinadamu huko Ukanda wa Gaza inazidi kuzorota huku raia na hata wafanyakazi wa kutoa misaada wakisalia wamepigwa butwaa kwani mashambulizi kutoka Israeli yanaendelea kila uchao. Naanzia ndani ya hospitali ya Kamal Adwan  kaskazini mwa Gaza, mtoto aliyejeruhiwa amebebwa akilia kwa uchungu. Kwingineko mgonjwa mwingine anatolewa kwenye gari la wagonjwa! Ni taswira iliyozoeleka sasa Gaza.Louise Wateridge ambaye ni Afisa Mwandamizi wa Masuala ya Dharura katika shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia wakimbizi wa kipalestina, UNRWA akihojiwa na Idhaa ya Umoja wa Mataifa kutoka Gaza Kati amesema hali si hali.Anasema, “mambo kwa kweli yanazidi kuwa mabaya hapa. Kukata tamaa ni kila mahali. Namaanisha, watu unaozungumza nao, na wafanyakazi wenzangu niliozungumza nao hawajui sasa wafanye nini. Hawafahamu waende wapi. Unaweza kusikia nyuma yangu milio ya makombora ikiendelea.”Bi. Wateridge akaendelea kusema kuwa, “kutokuwa na matumaini ndio neno pekee lililosalia Gaza. Unafahamu watu milioni 2.2. Inabidi umkumbushe kila mtu kwamba wamenasa. Hakuna njia ya kutoka nje ya Ukanda wa Gaza na mashambulio ya mabomu yanaendelea mchana kutwa na usiku kucha.”Hali ikiendelea hivyo hii leo huko katikati mwa Gaza, hapo jana jeshi la Israeli lilishambulia na kuharibu kwa kiasi kikubwa ofisi ya UNRWA iliyoko Ukingo wa Magharibi, ofisi ambayo ilikuwa inategemewa zaidi katika kutoa msaada kwa wakimbizi zaidi ya 14,000 wa kipalestina wanaoishi katika kambi ya Nur Shams.UNRWA kupitia mtandao wa X imesema kitendo cha kushambulia ofis iza UN lazima kikome na badala yake zilindwe wakati wote.

Hali Gaza inaendelea kuwa tete wakati ucheleweshwji wa kuhamisha wagonjwa hususan watoto wanaohitaji msaada wa haraka wa huduma za afya imekuwa ni hukumu ya kifo kwao huku maelfu ya watu wakiendelea kukosa mahitaji ya muhimu ya kila siku ikiwemo chakula kama mkate, yameonya leo mashirika ya Umoja wa Mataifa.Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuhudumia watoto UNICEF limeonya kwamba idadi ya watoto wanaohamishwa Gaza kwa ajili ya huduma za dharura za matibabu imeshuka sana hadi kufikia mtoto mmoja kwa siku na kusema kiwango hiki kikiendelea itachukua zaidi ya miaka 7 kuhamisha watoto 2500 wanaohitaji huduma ya dharura ya matibabu.Akizungumza na waandishi wa habari mjini Geneva Uswis msemaji wa UNICEF James Elder amesema “matokeo yake watoto wanakufa Gaza sio tu kutokana na mabomu na risasi na makombora yanayofurusmishwa lakini kwa sababu hata kama miujiza inatokea , hata kama mabomu yanalipuka na nyumba kuporomoka, na vifo kuongezeka watoto wananusurika, lakini kisha wanazuiliwa kuondoka Gaza Kwenda kupokea huduma za afya zitakazookoa maisha yao.”Ameongeza kuwa tangu Januari hadi Mei mwaka huu kwa wastan watoto 296 walihamishwa kwa mwezi kwenda kupata matibabu lakini tangu kufungwa kivuko cha Rafah idadi imeshuka hadi watoto 22 kwa mwezi.Kwa upande wake shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la msaada kwa wakimbizi wa Kipalestina UNRWA linasema maisha ya kawaida yanazidi kuwa jinamizi kwani kukidhi mahitaji ya msingi kama chakula ni mtihani mkubwa wengi mathalani katika mji wa Deir al-Balah hata mkate ambao ni chakula kikuu kupatikana ni changamoto,Kila mtu katika Ukanga wa Gaza anakabiliwa na hatari ya baa la njaa kutokana na kuendelea kwa mashambulizi ya mabomu, ghasia, kuharibiwa kwa mashamba na wahudumu wa kibinadamu kushindwa kuwafikia wenye uhitaji.Wataalam wa Umoja wa Mataifa wa haki za binadamu nao wamesema wanahofia hali mbaya ya Wapalestina wenye ulemavu ambao wamekwama Gaza, wakionya kwamba watu hao wenye ulemavu wanakabiliwa na hatari za ulinzi ikiwemo kutoepuka kifo na majeraha wakati wa mashambulizi ya vikosi vya Israel na hili ni janga juu ya janga wamesema.Nalo shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la kuratibu misaada ya kibinadamu na masuala ya dharura OCHA likimulika Ukingo wa Magharibi limesema “Makumi ya jamii zinakabiliwa na ongezeko la mashambulizi na vikwazo vya kufikia ardhi yao wakati wa mavuno ya mizeituni ya mwaka huu. Kati ya matukio yote yanayohusiana na walowezi, matukio 104 yamesababisha hasara au uharibifu mkubwa wa mali tangu kuanza kwa mwezi huu wa Oktoba ”.

Hii leo jaridani tunaangazia mashambulizi ya Israeli kaskazini mwa Gaza unaoleta changamoto za kuendelea na chanjo ya polio, na virusi vya Marburg nchini Rwanda. Makala tunakupeleka nchini Uganda na mashinani nchini Lebanon, kulikoni?Mashambulizi makali ya anga kutoka kwa jeshi la Israel, idadi kubwa ya watu kutawanywa na ukosefu wa fursa ya kufika Gaza Kaskakzini vimelazimisha kuahirishwa kwa kameni ya chanjo kwa mujibu wa mashirika ya Umoja wa Mataifa lile la Afya Duniani WHO, la kuhudumia watoto UNICEF na la msaada kwa wakimbizi wa Kipalestina UNRWAMkurugenzi Mkuu wa Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Afya Duniani amewapongeza wahudumu wa afya wa nchini Rwanda kwa kazi kubwa wanaoyoifanya kukabiliana na ugonjwa wa Marburg. Dkt. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus ameeleza hisia zake hizo mwishoni mwa wiki alipofanya ziara katika vituo mbalimbali vya afya katika mji Mkuu wa nchi hiyo, Kigali.Ndoa za utotoni,ubakaji na kutelekeza watoto, haya ndio matatizo yaliyokuwa yanaripotiwa mara nyingi zaidi kwa kuathiri watoto katika makazi ya wakimbizi katika wilaya Kyegegwa magharibi mwa Uganda. Hata hivyo, kwa msaada wa Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia watoto UNICEF na ufadhili kutoka wahisani wa Uingereza UKaid, maelfu ya wazazi katika makazi ya wakimbizi na jamii zinazohifadhi waakimbizi katika wilaya ya Kyegegwa wamepewa mafunzo juu ya malezi bora ili kuondoa ukatili dhidi ya watoto, wanawake, na wasichana.Mashinani tunabisha hodi Lebanon, kumsikia Farah, Mkimbizi wa ndani anayepokea msaada kutoka Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia Watoto, UNICEF, baada ya kujifungua kwenye hema, akieleza alichokabiliana nacho.Mwenyeji wako ni Anold Kayanda, karibu!

Ndoa za utotoni,ubakaji na kutelekeza watoto, haya ndio matatizo yaliyokuwa yanaripotiwa mara nyingi zaidi kwa kuathiri watoto katika makazi ya wakimbizi katika wilaya Kyegegwa magharibi mwa Uganda. Hata hivyo, kwa msaada wa Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Kuhudumia watoto  UNICEF na ufadhili kutoka wahisani wa Uingereza UKaid, maelfu ya wazazi katika makazi ya wakimbizi na jamii zinazohifadhi waakimbizi katika wilaya ya Kyegegwa wamepewa mafunzo juu ya malezi bora ili kuondoa ukatili dhidi ya watoto, wanawake, na wasichana. Leo tuko katika wilaya ya Kyegegwa nchini Uganda ambapo, kwa msaada wa UNICEF,  wafanyakazi wa kijamii, kamati za ulinzi na ustawi  wa watoto, na kikosi cha polisi; wote wamepewa mafunzo mwafaka ili kuhakikisha ulinzi wa watoto unaofaa na wa kudumu, na tunakutana na Agnes Karungi mama mwenye umri wa miaka ishirini na  mmoja wa wanufaika wa mradi wa malezi bora. Mbali na kukumbana na changamoto za kuwa mama kijana, mwanaye Agnes, ni mwenye ulemavu na zaidi ya hayo akatengwa na familia yake kwa kuzaa akiwa angali mwanafunzi.Cecily Kariuki anaeleza zaidi katika makala hii..

Ripoti nyingine mpya ya tathimini ya uchunguzi wa hali na mazingira ya kifo cha aliyekuwa Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa mwaka 1961 Dag Hammarskjöld imetolewa leo ikiwa na vipengele vinne vipya vikiongeza uwezekano kwamba kifo hicho cha ajali ya ndege kilikuwa ni hila. Asante Anold kwanza ikumbukwe kuwa hii sio ripoti ya kwanza na huenda isiwe ya mwisho ya kutathimini hali na mazingira yliyochangia ajali ya ndege iliyokatili maisha ya Dag Hammarskjöld tarehe 17 Septemba 1961 akiwa njia kuelekea Congo ambayo sasa ni Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Cngo DRC, kujadili usitishwaji wa uhasama ila ni ripoti ya karibuni zaidiRipoti inasema mwenyekiti wa jopo la tathimini ya uchunguzi jaji mkuu wa zamani wa Tanzania Mohamed Chande Othman amepokea taarifa mpya muhimu kutoka kwa nchi wanachama ambazo zinajumuisha maeneo haya Mosi:  uingiliaji unaowezekana wa Nchi Wanachama wa mawasiliano husika.Pili: Uwezo wa wanajeshi wa Katanga, au wengine, wa kufanya shambulio linalowezekana kwenye ndege ya SE-BDY,Tatu: kuwepo kwa askari wa kigeni na wafanyakazi wa kijasusi katika eneo hilo la tukioNa nne: Taarifa zaidi mpya zinazohusiana na muktadha na matukio yanayozunguka kifo hicho mwaka 1961.Jaji Othman amemkabidi Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa Antonio Guterres ripoti hii ya tathimini ambaye naye ameiwasilisha kwa Baraza Kuu la Umoja wa Mataifa.Na kufuatiia tathimini hii Guterres amesema anaizingatia ingawa kihistoria kumekuwa na nadharia nyingi zilizotolewa kama sababu inayowezekana ya ajali hiyo, na anazichukulia nadharia hizo nyingi kuwa zisizo na uthibitisho.Hata hivyo mwenyekiti wa jopo la tathimini anasema  nadharia nyingine ambayo inabaki na inakubalika ni kwamba shambulio la nje au tishio lilikuwa sababu ya ajali.Pia amesema kuwa dhana mbadala zinazoonekana kuwepo ni kwamba ajali hiyo ilitokana na hujuma, au makosa ya kibinadamu yasiyokusudiwa.Katibu mkuu amekaribisha ushirikiano uliotolewa na baadhi ya nchi wanachama katika tathimini hiyo lakini bado jopo la tathimini linaaminikuna baadhi ya nchi wanachama wana taarifa muhimu ambazo hawajataka kuzitoa.