Podcast appearances and mentions of Enola Gay

Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

En el verano de 1945 el imperio japonés se encontraba ante una situación insostenible tras la derrota de Alemania, que durante toda la guerra había sido su principal apoyo. Esto permitía a los aliados, especialmente a EEUU, concentrar todos sus recursos en el Pacífico y redoblar el esfuerzo para rendir a Japón. A pesar de que la fuerza aérea aliada había realizado devastadores bombardeos con bombas convencionales, como los de Tokio en el mes de marzo, el Gobierno japonés, dominado por la facción más militarista del régimen imperial, rechazaba la rendición incondicional que le exigía EEUU. Lo cierto es que, aunque en el curso de la guerra Japón había perdido territorios, su imperio aún abarcaba desde Manchuria hasta Indonesia. Incluía Corea, partes de China, Indochina y muchas islas del Pacífico. Entretanto, la Unión Soviética de Stalin permanecía neutral para evitar abrirse un segundo frente. En la conferencia de Potsdam, que se celebró entre julio y agosto de 1945, los aliados exigieron la rendición incondicional de Japón advirtiendo a su Gobierno que, de no ser así, el país sería destruido. En Japón ignoraron el ultimátum, lo que llevó al presidente de Estados Unidos, en aquel entonces Harry Truman, a decidirse por el uso de la bomba atómica que acababa de ser desarrollada en el Proyecto Manhattan. De este proyecto, en origen concebido para Alemania, salieron dos bombas a las que bautizaron "Little Boy" y "Fat Man”. Ambas estaban operativas. En julio se realizó en el desierto de Nuevo México la prueba Trinity que confirmó la viabilidad de "Fat Man”, una bomba de plutonio algo más compleja que su hermana. La "Little Boy” era de uranio y no se ensayó previamente porque el equipo científico estaba completamente seguro que funcionaría. La decisión de usar las bombas no fue unánime. Truman justificó su empleo para evitar una invasión terrestre, la Operación Downfall, que estimaban que costaría entre 250.000 y un millón de bajas aliadas. Los números los calcularon tomando como referencia las numerosas bajas en la batalla de Okinawa. Pero generales de alto rango como Dwight Eisenhower y William Leahy se opusieron. Creían que Japón ya estaba derrotado por el bloqueo naval y los bombardeos convencionales. Pero el lanzamiento tenía también un propósito geopolítico, el de demostrar superioridad tecnológica estadounidense ante la Unión Soviética. Se escogieron los objetivos y, con todo listo, el 6 de agosto "Little Boy" fue lanzada desde un avión B-29 llamado Enola Gay sobre Hiroshima. Tres días más tarde y como Japón no se rendía, se lanzó"Fat Man" sobre la ciudad de Nagasaki. Los ataques fueron devastadores. Ocasionaron la muerte de entre 150.000 y 250.000 personas y ambas ciudades quedaron completamente destruidas. Los supervivientes sufrieron algo desconocido hasta entonces, el síndrome de irradiación aguda que terminó provocando muchas más muertes y sufrimiento a cientos de miles de personas durante años. Pero las bombas consiguieron su objetivo. Eso y que los soviéticos declararon la guerra a Japón el 8 de agosto. Una semana después, el 15 de agosto, el emperador Hirohito anunció públicamente que aceptaba la declaración de Potsdam. Japón se rindió oficialmente el 2 de septiembre a bordo del acorazado Missouri fondeado en la bahía de Tokio. La rendición supuso el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, dio comienzo a la ocupación estadounidense de Japón y marcó el surgimiento de Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética como superpotencias. Pese a que la guerra terminase con estas dos bombas atómicas, el debate ético sobre si se debieron lanzar o no persiste hasta nuestros días. Unos justifican los bombardeos como un mal necesario para evitar una invasión muy costosa en vidas. Otros creen que fueron crímenes de guerra inaceptables. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:22 La bomba de Hiroshima 1:23:00 La reunificación de Suiza 1:26:50 La Biblia en castellano Bibliografía - "La segunda guerra mundial" de Antony Beevor - https://amzn.to/4mp95Ah - "Hiroshima" de John Hersey - https://amzn.to/45PphnH - "Hiroshima" de Agustín Rivera - https://amzn.to/4fWkDc8 - "Flores de verano" de Tamiki Hara - https://amzn.to/4fJUU6s · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #hiroshima #nagasaki Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

This week on Men of Steel, Case and Jmike are joined by writer and critic Jesse Fresco to dig into the early 2000s series Cla$$War. We unpack the political fury, superhero deconstruction, and lasting relevance of this overlooked gem from the Bush-era boom in gritty, socially charged comics. #MenOfSteelPod #Cla$$War #RobWilliams #SupermanAdjacent #JesseFresco #ComicsPodcast   Support us on Patreon! patreon.com/CertainPOVMedia   Men of Steel Full Episode Originally aired: August 15, 2025 Edited by Sophia Ricciardi Scored by Geoff Moonen   Certain Point Of View is a podcast network brining you all sorts of nerdy goodness! From Star Wars role playing, to Disney day dreaming, to video game love, we've got the show for you!   Learn more on our website: https://www.certainpov.com Join us on Discord: https://discord.gg/wcHHer4   Overview Class War comic serves as a political commentary on post-9/11 America, initially conceived as a 12-issue series but only 6 issues were published between 2002 and 2004. Writer Rob Williams influenced by Bill Hicks and Marvel's Miracle Man, blending humor with serious themes of government superhero programs. Characters feature a Superman-like hero and an Enola Gay team reflecting various archetypes, but backstory is minimal focusing more on action. The commentary emphasizes American superheroes as 'deterrents' entangled in corruption and drug operations rather than showcasing true class conflict. Artwork utilized innovative computer coloring for the early 2000s, with notable scenes praised for their intensity and execution. The series is linked to broader cultural events, including the Patriot Act and militarized entertainment, creating a lasting impact on the genre. Story arcs reveal escalating tensions, ending ambiguously without showing direct conflict or resolution in the finale. Hosts reflect on the comic's themes feeling 'adolescent' today, yet resonate with current events like rising political tensions and violence. Class War recommended alongside classics like The Authority and Superman/Batman: Public Enemies, highlighted for its unfinished nature and mystique. The discussion underscores a shift in superhero portrayals, questioning the effectiveness of traditional heroes in the current socio-political landscape.   Notes ️ Introduction and Setup (00:00 - 09:36) Discussion of Class War comic as political commentary on post-9/11 America, described as 'what if Superman was pissed off about 9/11'. Jesse Fresco returns after Jaguar Sharks podcast ended in January, currently working on a novel after crossing 200 pages. Class War intended as 12-issue series but only 6 issues published - first 3 in 2002, final 3 in 2004 by Com X publisher. Notable art style change between Trevor Harrison (issues 1-3) and Travel Foreman (issues 4-6), both considered high quality for indie publication. Historical Context and Influences (09:36 - 18:49) Comic written before 9/11 but published after, coincidentally capturing post-9/11 American sentiment perfectly. Received major attention from Wizard magazine and early comic websites despite being small indie publication. Writer Rob Williams heavily influenced by comedian Bill Hicks, directly copying Kennedy assassination joke in comic. Williams cited Marvel Man/Miracle Man as major influence, both featuring government superhero programs with Nazi scientist connections. ‍️ Character Analysis and Comic Structure (18:49 - 27:56) Superman-type character design with mostly white bodysuit, blue stripe, and star pattern - described as 'patriotic Apollo'. Minimal backstory provided beyond brief flashback showing protagonist's brother died of heroin overdose. Enola Gay superhero team includes The American, Heavyweight (Luke Cage-type), Icon (Wonder Woman analog), and Confusion (psychic character). ️ Political Commentary and Themes (27:56 - 38:02) Reveals American superheroes used as 'deterrents' rather than weapons, involved in drug trafficking operations. Despite title 'Class War,' actual class conflict rarely shown - more focused on government corruption than economic inequality. Problematic portrayal of Black character written by British creators, described as 'Mike Tyson as super soldier'. Art and Production Quality (38:02 - 48:12) Utilized cutting-edge computer coloring and gradients that were revolutionary for early 2000s comics. Heavyweight vs American battle particularly praised, featuring brutal jaw-punching scene later parodied by Garth Ennis. Com X publisher folded after initial run, Image Comics later acquired reprint rights. Cultural Impact and Comparisons (48:12 - 58:18) Frequently compared to Warren Ellis's Authority series despite Williams claiming unfamiliarity. Influenced Garth Ennis's The Boys, Warren Ellis's Black Summer, and Mark Millar's War Heroes. Part of broader cultural shift including 'freedom fries,' Patriot Act, and militarized entertainment. Story Structure Analysis (58:19 - 01:08:43) Issue 1 - Superman burns 'LIAR' into President's forehead; Issue 2 - Heavyweight fight; Issue 3 - Bridge episode; Issues 4-6 - Government conspiracy revelation. Series ends with American and Isaac preparing for civil war, never showing actual conflict or resolution. Heavyweight confirmed killed by shield weapon, Jefferson transforms into monster. ️ Modern Relevance Discussion (01:08:44 - 01:18:51) Comic feels 'adolescent' and 'naive' when read today, but captured appropriate anger for its time. Hosts discuss how recent events (CEO shooting, political tensions) make comic's themes more relevant. Question whether Superman-type heroes work in current political climate versus Punisher-style vigilantes. Conclusion and Recommendations (01:18:52 - 01:25:43) Recommended alongside The Authority, Garth Ennis's 303, and Superman/Batman: Public Enemies. Better remembered as unfinished work with mystique than potentially disappointing completion. Plugs for CPOV Media Patreon, Movie Struck podcast, and Discord community.  

Was dropping the atomic bomb necessary? For nearly 80 years, historians have debated President Truman's decision to use nuclear weapons against Japan. But secret intelligence intercepts - classified for decades after the war - reveal what Japanese leaders were actually planning in the summer of 1945.Using newly available evidence from the "Magic" intercepts, Mat McLachlan examines the brutal alternatives Truman faced: invasion projections of over a million American casualties, Japanese preparations to turn their entire population into combatants, and intelligence proving Japan's refusal to surrender.Through the stories of Colonel Paul Tibbets, who piloted the Enola Gay, and Reverend Kiyoshi Tanimoto, who survived Hiroshima, this episode explores one of history's most controversial decisions - and why the evidence suggests it was the only choice that could end the war and save lives.The atomic bombs killed 200,000 people. But would the alternatives have killed millions more?Presenter: Mat McLachlanProducer: Jess StebnickiReady to walk in the footsteps of heroes? Join Mat McLachlan on an exclusive river cruise that visits the battlefields of Waterloo, WWI and WW2 in 2027: https://battlefields.com.au/pre-register-for-2027-battlefield-river-cruises/Find out everything Mat is doing with books, tours and media at https://linktr.ee/matmclachlanFor more great history content, visit www.LivingHistoryTV.com, or subscribe to our YouTube channel at https://www.youtube.com/c/LivingHistoryTV Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ottant'anni fa alle 8:15 la bomba atomica "Little Boy" fu lanciata dall'aereo statunitense Enola Gay, devastò Hiroshima. Oggi nell'ora esatta in cui la città giapponese fu colpita dall'ordigno nucleare è stato reso omaggio alle vittime con una cerimonia solenne, tra silenzio e memoria per le 140.

Last time we spoke about Operation Downfall. The Allies, under General Krueger, initiated a decisive campaign to clear the Japanese from Luzon. As they faced the entrenched Shobu Group, challenges included treacherous terrain and a resilient enemy. Simultaneously, Japan braced for an invasion, mobilizing reinforcements and devising defensive strategies to ward off the impending Allied assault. As July approached, General Yamashita's forces prepared to execute a final breakout, but progress was hampered by relentless guerrilla attacks and adverse weather conditions. With Operation Downfall looming, Allied troops focused on strategic landings in Kyushu and Honshu, driven by a relentless determination to defeat the Japanese militarily. The intense battles of Luzon became a precursor to this monumental operation, marking a turning point in the Pacific War.  This episode is The Siege of Japan Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  Boy I have been waiting a long time to come to this point. One of the most significant events in human history that deeply affects us to this very day. Nuclear war is as much a threat today as it was during the cold war. The dropping of the Atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were deeply complicated events fraught with issues of morality. It goes without saying whether or not the bombs needed to be dropped, their actual impact on the surrender of Japan and so forth are still issues hotly debated to this very day. I have spoken on the issue countless times on my personal channel and podcast, but I figure to do this subject justice I will create a full episode for it. Thus in this episode we are going to just cover what happened, but rest assured I will come back to this later on. As we last explored, following the successful invasion of Luzon in the Philippines, along with the fall of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, American forces began preparing for the final invasion of the Japanese Home Islands. This operation was codenamed Operation Downfall. One key initiative leading up to this invasion was a comprehensive air-sea blockade and bombardment campaign against Japan itself. Previously, we detailed the extensive firebombing and precision bombing efforts executed by General LeMay's 21st Bomber Command. However, during this crucial period, the B-29 Superfortress bombers undertook a distinct operation under the codename Starvation. This single operation would be one of the largest factors that contributed to the surrender of Japan and its one most people have never heard of. In July 1944, Admiral Chester W. Nimitz proposed a bold plan to use B-29 Superfortress bombers to mine the waterways surrounding the Japanese Home Islands. Although Generals Henry H. Arnold and Walter Hansell expressed concerns that this mining campaign could distract from the B-29's primary role as a strategic bombardment aircraft, they eventually agreed to assign one bomber group to focus on aerial mining when conditions permitted. On December 22, Hansell's 21st Bomber Command was directed to formulate a naval mining program aimed at executing between 150 to 200 sorties each month, which was set to begin in April 1945. However, by this time, General Curtis LeMay had taken command of the 21st Bomber Command. LeMay was notably enthusiastic about the idea and successfully recommended to Washington an upgraded mining program that aimed to deploy up to 1,500 mines each month using a full B-29 wing. LeMay viewed aerial mining in a different light than Arnold or Hansell, seeing it as a vital extension of strategic bombing. He recognized that most of Japan's war production materials, as well as a significant portion of its food supplies, were imported from regions such as China, Southeast Asia, and the Dutch East Indies. Japan's industrial heartland is primarily found on Honshu, its largest and most industrialized island, while Shikoku, another island, also lacks essential resources such as iron ore and high-quality coal. These crucial materials were sourced from Kyushu and Hokkaido, both of which are other Japanese islands. All these resources were transported by sea, so without easy access to raw materials, Japan's industrial output would come to a grinding halt. The only aircraft capable of deploying mines effectively where they were needed were the B-29s. Areas such as the Inland Sea, the Sea of Japan, and the Korean Peninsula were out of reach for other Allied aircraft. Additionally, Allied submarines could only venture into these perilous waters with great risk. Notably, about 80% of Japan's merchant fleet utilized the Shimonoseki Strait, a critical waterway that separates Kyushu from Honshu. Understanding the strategic advantage of closing this strait, LeMay decided to allocate an entire wing of B-29s specifically to mine this vital route. Brigadier General John Davies commanded the 313th Bombardment Wing, tasked with deploying approximately 2,000 naval mines each month into Japanese waters. The primary goals of this operation were to prevent essential raw materials and food supplies from reaching the Home Islands, hinder the supply and mobilization of Japanese military forces, and disrupt transportation routes in the Inland Sea of Japan. Between March 27 and April 12, Davies' bombers targeted key enemy shipping bases located in Kure, Sasebo, and Hiroshima. They also focused on the Shimonoseki Strait, a narrow and strategically important waterway that links the Inland Sea with the Tsushima Strait. Notably, after these attacks, this strait was successfully closed for two weeks. On May 3 and 5, the 313th Bombardment Wing laid down a total of 1,422 mines in the waters surrounding the Shimonoseki Strait, as well as near major urban centers like Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, and Osaka. These efforts aimed to severely disrupt maritime commerce between Japan's major industrial areas. Just a week later, the minefields expanded from the Shimonoseki Strait to include Kyushu, the southernmost of Japan's four main islands, and northwest Honshu, the largest island containing Tokyo. By the end of that month, these mines were proving remarkably effective, accounting for the sinking of more ships than Japanese submarines. In fact, within the Shimonoseki Strait alone, 113 ships had been sunk. Between June 7 and July 8, American forces expanded and fortified minefields along the western coast of Japan while also replenishing the existing minefields in the Shimonoseki Strait and the Inland Sea. During this effort, they successfully laid a total of 3,542 mines across 14 missions. The "total blockade" officially commenced on July 9 and continued until the end of the war. Throughout this period, American forces executed 474 sorties, dropping another 3,746 mines that replenished existing minefields and extended coverage to harbors in Korea. In total, Brigadier General Davies conducted 46 missions that laid down 26 minefields containing 12,135 mines. Remarkably, only 15 B-29s were lost during these operations. In turn, the mines accounted for the sinking or damaging of 670 Japanese ships, with a total loss of 1.25 million tons. This mining campaign effectively strangled Japanese industry, as the denial of essential raw materials to factories proved more disruptive than the direct bombing of the plants themselves.  Despite the clear vulnerability of Japan's economy to disruptions in coastal shipping, Japanese authorities were alarmingly unprepared to address the threat posed by air-dropped mines. By August 1945, Japan had committed 349 ships and 20,000 personnel to counter the Starvation campaign, but these efforts were overwhelmingly ineffective. The shipping crisis escalated to such a degree that searchlights and anti-aircraft batteries were redeployed from urban centers to defend expected mining targets. Additionally, suicide boats were employed in desperate attempts to clear the minefields. Royal Navy historian S.W. Roskill commented on the situation, stating, “The blockade had, in fact, been far more successful than we realized at the time. Although submarines initially played a critical role in enforcing the blockade, it was the air-laid mines that ultimately strangled Japan.” Japanese officials shared this assessment. A director from a Tokyo steel company reflected on the situation, noting that the denial of essential raw materials to factories caused far greater disruption than the direct bombing of the plants themselves. This contradicted the views of US Army Air Forces experts back in Washington. In a striking remark after the war, a Japanese minesweeping officer told American forces, “The result of B-29 mining was so effective against shipping that it eventually starved the country. You could have likely shortened the war by starting this campaign earlier.” Meanwhile, General LeMay continued his firebombing campaign against Japan. By the end of May, urban areas around Tokyo Bay had been devastated, prompting the 21st Bomber Command to shift focus westward toward the densely populated industrial complexes lining Osaka Bay. On June 1, 521 B-29s were dispatched to bomb industrial targets situated along the Yodo River, with an escort of 148 P-51 fighters. Unfortunately, an undetected thunderstorm struck en route, which meant only 27 P-51s reached Osaka, while another 27 crashed, and the remaining fighters had to return to Iwo Jima. Despite these complications, the B-29s bombed from altitudes ranging between 18,000 and 28,500 feet, successfully dropping 2,788 tons of incendiary bombs on Osaka. The attack resulted in the burning of 3.15 square miles, destroying 136,107 houses and 4,222 factories. Four days later, on June 3, 530 unescorted B-29 Superfortresses launched a bombing raid on the city of Kobe. Of those, 473 aircraft targeted the city, resulting in the destruction of 4.35 square miles. This devastating strike led to the demolition of 51,399 buildings, while another 928 suffered significant damage. The raid, however, came with losses, as 11 bombers were downed, and 176 were damaged in the operation. On June 7, 449 B-29s returned to Osaka. Despite facing heavy cloud cover that restricted visibility, they managed to burn an additional 2.21 square miles of the city, destroying another 55,333 buildings.  By the conclusion of General Curtis LeMay's maximum-effort area bombing campaign, the six most significant industrial cities in Japan, Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe, Osaka, Yokohama, and Kawasaki, had been left in ruins. Major factories were either destroyed or severely damaged, while thousands of smaller household and feeder industrial units were consumed by flames. Casualty figures surged into six figures, leaving millions of people homeless. The evacuation of survivors further complicated efforts to secure labor for the factories that remained operational. Japan's air-raid protection system proved woefully inadequate to withstand a protracted siege by very heavy bombers. The system lacked sufficient organization, trained personnel, shelters, fire-fighting equipment, and facilities for relief and evacuation. Additionally, there was a significant deficiency in civilian indoctrination regarding emergency procedures. Under the relentless pressure of repeated major attacks, local Air Raid Precaution organizations collapsed, adding strain to an already overburdened imperial government. Japanese civilians, who had been conditioned by victory propaganda, displayed little of the discipline that helped German citizens endure years of aerial bombardment. As news of military defeats and the impact of B-29 precision strikes filtered into the great cities, residents began to lose confidence in their leaders' ability to protect them or care for the victims of the attacks. Abe Motoki, the Minister of Home Affairs at the time, later remarked, “I believe that after the raids on Tokyo on May 23-24, 1945, civilian defense measures in that city, as well as in other parts of Japan, were considered a futile effort.” Regarding the operational cost of this campaign for the 21st Bomber Command, it was not considered excessively burdensome. Over the course of 17 maximum-effort incendiary attacks, LeMay dispatched a total of 6,960 B-29s, which dropped 41,592 tons of bombs. The losses amounted to 136 B-29s, averaging only 1.9% of the sorties, a rate significantly lower than what had been endured in earlier months, and quite acceptable by the standards of conventional strategic bombing. Meteorologists predicted that the summer monsoon would keep Japan's skies covered with clouds for most of the upcoming months, from June to August. As a result, LeMay shifted strategies under what became known as the Empire Plan. This approach prioritized targeting industrial and military sites during daylight hours when the weather permitted, while secondary cities that had sufficient industrial capability became targets for nighttime area attacks. This change meant that since no single target warranted a full four-wing maximum effort, multiple missions could be scheduled in a single day. Accordingly, on June 9, 110 B-29s attacked three aircraft factories located in Narao, Atsuta, and Akashi. The strikes successfully destroyed the factories in Narao and Atsuta, but an unfortunate miscalculation led to the bombing of the town near Akashi. The following day, June 10, a force of 280 B-29s, escorted by 107 P-51 Mustang fighters, targeted six distinct sites in the Tokyo Bay area. The mission yielded significant results, with all targets sustaining heavy damage. Finally, on June 15, 516 B-29s were dispatched for one last firebombing raid against Osaka and the neighboring city of Amagasaki. In this combined assault, 444 bombers dropped over 1,350 tons of incendiary bombs, incinerating an additional 1.9 square miles in Osaka and more than half a square mile in Amagasaki. Starting on June 17, General Curtis LeMay's firebombing campaigns began to focus on medium-sized secondary cities across Japan. On that day, 477 B-29 Superfortresses targeted the cities of Omuta, Hamamatsu, Yokkaichi, and Kagoshima, burning a combined total of six square miles in these urban areas. The success of this initial multi-target mission ensured the continuation of the program, establishing an operational pattern that would remain standard during the final weeks of the war. In total, multiple incendiary attacks were conducted on sixteen occasions, averaging about two missions per week. Between June 17 and August 14, American forces carried out 8,014 sorties, dropping a staggering 54,184 tons of incendiaries across 58 secondary cities. On June 22, 446 B-29s were dispatched to strike six targets located in southern Honshu, including the crucial Kure Naval Arsenal. In this mission, 382 bombers released 2,103 tons of bombs, inflicting heavy damage to these essential manufacturing facilities. Just four days later, on June 26, a force of 510 B-29s, accompanied by 148 P-51 Mustang escorts, targeted locations in southern Honshu and the nearby island of Shikoku. However, dense clouds over much of the area complicated assembly and forced many aircraft to attack targets of opportunity individually or in small groups. As a result, adverse weather conditions would delay subsequent daytime raids until July 24.  In the coordinated strike program that commenced in June, the decision to focus on either the Empire Plan or urban industrial targets was largely influenced by weather conditions. As the program took shape, the 315th Bombardment Wing (VH) became available for combat operations. This wing operated somewhat independently from the other bomber units, with its activities significantly guided by the specialized equipment of its aircraft. Authorized for deployment in the Pacific in December 1944, the 315th settled at Northwest Field, Guam, during May and June. Its commander, Brigadier General Frank A. Armstrong, Jr., was a seasoned veteran of the strategic air offensive against Germany. The B-29s of the 315th Wing differed in two key respects from those of other units. They were equipped with the AN/APQ-7 (Eagle) radar, a sophisticated radar system designed for bombing, instead of the conventional AN/APQ-13 radar. The latter had primarily served as a navigational aid. While crews had become adept at using the AN/APQ-13 for night or poor-weather bombing, it lacked the precision necessary for accurate strikes. The Eagle radar, however, offered significantly greater definition and, although it required a long bomb run averaging seventy miles, this was not considered a serious hindrance in the tactical context of Japan. To further enhance its night-bombing capabilities, the Superfortresses had been stripped of all armament except for the tail gun. This modification, along with the Eagle radar, clearly marked the 315th as a dedicated night-bombing unit. There were various proposals for the use of these specially equipped B-29s, including high-altitude bombing, area bombing, and aerial mining. However, by the time the 315th Wing was ready for combat, the 313th Bombardment Wing had already gained proficiency in aerial mining, while all wings had become adept at area bombing using the AN/APQ-13. Training for the 315th had focused heavily on night radar tactics, with less emphasis on visual bombing and daytime formation flights. It was evident that if the Eagle radar was to undergo a thorough scientific evaluation, it should be tested against a specific set of targets that were preferably large in size and located along the coastline. In the view of the 21st Bomber Command, the oil industry met these requirements perfectly. The 315th Bombardment Wing initiated its specialized campaign on June 26 with a targeted strike against the Utsube Oil Refinery in Yokkaichi, the top-priority target. By August 14, the wing had conducted 15 additional missions against a total of 10 targets, which included various petroleum refineries and synthetic plants, such as the Maruzen Oil Company in Wakayama, Mitsubishi Oil Company in Kawasaki, and Nippon Oil Company plants spread across Akita, Kansai, Kudamatsu, and Amagasaki, as well as the Imperial Fuel Industry Company in Ube and Toa Fuel Industry in Wakayama. During the campaign, the 315th Wing dispatched a total of 1,200 B-29s, 1,095 of which successfully bombed their primary targets, dropping 9,084 tons of 500-pound general-purpose bombs deemed particularly effective against the scattered installations. The increase in bomb load capacity was made possible by stripping the planes of unnecessary equipment and conducting bombing missions individually at night. As the crews gained experience, they were able to increase the average weight carried from 14,631 pounds during the first mission to 20,684 pounds by August 9. Despite concerns about safety from removing most of the aircraft's armaments, only four planes were lost and 66 sustained damage throughout the campaign. The 20th Air Force estimated that the B-29 attacks led to the destruction of approximately 6 million barrels of tank storage capacity, and the United States Strategic Bombing Survey (USSBS) reported that refining capacity had been reduced from 90,000 barrels a day in December 1941 to around 17,000 barrels. However, the strategic impact was more apparent than real, as many storage tanks were empty and refinery production had fallen to just 4% of capacity before the very heavy bomber campaign began. The lack of precise intelligence regarding the state of Japan's economy had justified the emphasis on the oil program as a form of reinsurance. Nevertheless, the blockade had effectively severed the nation's oil resources, resulting in tankers remaining idle at the docks. On July 1, Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet departed San Pedro Bay to initiate the first preliminary strikes in preparation for Operation Olympic. This operation involved battleships and heavy cruisers conducting surface bombardments of industrial targets in eastern Japan, while lighter forces performed anti-shipping sweeps along the coast. Additionally, a fleet of submarines advanced ahead of Admiral McCain's Task Force 38 to eliminate picket boats and establish lifeguard positions. At 18:15 on July 9, the force began its 25-knot approach toward the Home Islands, launching its first strikes against the Tokyo area at 04:00 on July 10. A total of 1,732 sorties were executed, targeting locations from Koriyama to Hamamatsu, dropping 454 tons of bombs and 1,648 rockets over Honshu with negligible opposition. American airmen reported the destruction of 109 enemy aircraft and damage to 231 during these strikes.   Following this, Halsey's fleet moved north to bombard Hokkaido and northern Honshu, which were beyond the effective range of the B-29s and had previously evaded attack. At 05:59 on July 14, Rear-Admiral John Shafroth's Bombardment Group Able, consisting primarily of three battleships and two heavy cruisers, was tasked with attacking the Kamaishi Works of the Japan Iron Company. By midday, Shafroth's forces had opened fire on Kamaishi, marking the first surface bombardment of Japan by a hostile fleet in over 80 years. Between 12:10 and 14:19, a total of 802 16-inch shells, 728 8-inch shells, and 825 5-inch shells were expended, setting the town ablaze as key industrial and residential targets were hit and resulting in the sinking of one oil tanker, two barges, and one small ship in the harbor. Simultaneously, McCain's carriers closed to within 80 nautical miles of Japan, launching 1,391 sorties against Hokkaido and northern Honshu to target railways, shipping, and airfields, again facing only light resistance. In the ensuing strikes, American planes sank over 50,000 tons of shipping and naval craft, including the destroyer Tachibana, four minesweepers, eight naval auxiliaries, and around 20 merchant vessels, with significant losses occurring at Muroran and Hakodate. In addition, 25 enemy planes were destroyed, while American losses totaled 24 aircraft and 17 airmen, about half of whom were lost in combat. Task Force 38 launched another assault on July 15, executing 966 combat sorties that dropped 355 tons of bombs and expended 2,093 rockets. This operation resulted in the sinking of 65 vessels and damaging 128 others, as well as the destruction of 48 locomotives and damage to 28. Widespread destruction was inflicted on several facilities, particularly the Aomori–Hakodate railcar ferry system, which transported 30% of the coal between Hokkaido and Honshu. The strikes devastated the ferry system, sinking eight ferries, beaching eight more, and damaging two. In total, 70 auxiliary sailing colliers were sunk, and 11 were damaged, along with 10 steel freighters lost and 7 damaged. The ferry strikes were the brainchild of Halsey's operations officer, Captain Ralph “Rollo” Wilson. “When the first action reports began to sift in,” Halsey related: He snatched them up and pored over them; the ferries were not mentioned. Later reports also ignored them. Rollo was sulking and cursing when the final reports arrived. I heard him whistle and saw him beam. “Six ferries sunk!” he said. “Pretty soon we'll have ‘em moving their stuff by oxcarts and skiffs!”  Additionally, 20 city blocks in Kushiro were razed. The most significant outcome of these operations was the virtual severance of Hokkaido from Honshu. By the end of the raids, Halsey's 3rd Fleet had achieved the sinking of 140 ships and small craft, damaging 235 others, and destroying 38 planes while damaging 46. Meanwhile, Rear-Admiral Oscar Badger's Bombardment Group Baker, composed of three battleships, two light cruisers, and eight destroyers, was assigned to bombard Muroran. Between 09:36 and 10:25, this group fired 860 16-inch shells at the Nihon Steel Company and the Wanishi Ironworks, targeting both the coal liquefaction plant and coke ovens. This bombardment inflicted severe damage on those facilities and resulted in the destruction or damage of 2,541 houses in Muroran. As Hasley recalled “These sweeps and bombardments accomplished more than destruction. they showed the enemy that we made no bones about playing in his front yard. From now on, we patrolled his channels and shelled his coast almost every night that the weather permitted.” Additionally, Rear-Admiral James Cary Jones' four light cruisers conducted a sweep along the east coast of Honshu to hunt for Japanese shipping; however, they reported no contacts during their mission. Early on July 16, Task Force 38 retired east of Honshu to begin refueling and rendezvoused with Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 37, which agreed to operate closely as an additional task group for Admiral Halsey. At 03:50 on July 17, the two task forces began launching strikes against central Honshu despite adverse weather conditions. The American forces executed 205 sorties targeting the Mito area, while British aircraft flew 87 sorties against airfields and railyards along the northwest coast of Honshu. Despite the bad weather, several small craft and locomotives were destroyed, though the operation resulted in the loss of nine aircraft and four airmen. Later that afternoon, Halsey detached Badger's augmented Bombardment Group to attack Hitachi, a significant industrial and electronics-producing city. The 53-minute bombardment commenced in fog and rain at 23:14, during which 1,207 16-inch shells, 267 14-inch shells, and 292 6-inch rounds were expended against the Tago and Mito Works of the Hitachi Manufacturing Company, as well as the Yamate Plant and copper refining facilities of Hitachi Mine, resulting in severe devastation. On July 18, McCain's two leading carriers launched a total of 592 sorties against Yokosuka, specifically targeting the heavily camouflaged battleship Nagato at the naval base. The attacks resulted in the sinking of one old cruiser, one minesweeper, one submarine, one incomplete destroyer, and three patrol vessels, in addition to damaging one subchaser, one old destroyer, and one old battleship. Although Nagato was hit multiple times and suffered heavy damage, it managed to stay afloat. Meanwhile, three carriers also targeted airfields and other opportunities in Tokyo, while Task Force 37 attacked a seaplane base at Kitaura and airfields at Nobara, Naruto, Chosi, Kanoike, Natori, and Kitakawa. The recent raids resulted in the destruction of 43 enemy planes and damage to 77 others on the ground, along with the destruction of three locomotives and the derailing of four electrified train cars by rockets. However, the American forces incurred losses of 14 aircraft and 18 aircrew, as the 3rd Fleet flyers reported encountering the fiercest anti-aircraft fire they had yet experienced. Additionally, Rear-Admiral Carl Holden's four light cruisers were detached during the night to sweep shipping off Sagami Bay and to target the radar site at Cape Nojima. On July 21, Captain Thomas Hederman's Destroyer Squadron 61, consisting of nine destroyers, was assigned to conduct another anti-shipping sweep off Sagami Bay. Pursuing four radar contacts, the destroyers engaged targets at midnight on July 22, firing guns and torpedoes from 7,000 yards. This action resulted in the sinking of the 800-ton freighter No.5 Hakutetsu Maru and damaging the 6,919-ton Enbun Maru. In response, Japanese coastal artillery, the minesweeper W-1, and subchaser Ch-42 returned fire, but Hederman's squadron successfully retired without damage. Although minor in scale, the Battle of Sagami Bay would ultimately be the last surface action of the war. Meanwhile, as part of Operation Barney, a planned submarine penetration of the Sea of Japan, nine submarines succeeded in sinking 27 Japanese merchant vessels and one submarine, totaling 54,786 tons.  On June 8, the submarine Barb commenced her twelfth patrol, tasked with terrorizing the Sea of Okhotsk using her newly installed 5-inch rocket launchers. Over the following weeks, Skipper Commander Eugene “Luckey” Fluckey executed successful rocket bombardments on Shari, Hokkaido, and targets in Shikuka, Kashiho, and Shiritoru on Karafuto (southern Sakhalin), also employing the submarine's deck guns to destroy 35 sampans in the town of Kaihyo To. Observing Karafuto trains transporting military supplies to ports, Fluckey devised a plan to intercept these trains. Engineman Third Class Billy Hatfield recalled how, as a child, he had placed nuts on railroad ties and watched as the weight of passing trains cracked them between rail and tie. Realizing this principle could be adapted, he suggested rigging an automatic detonator. Fluckey had many volunteers for the mission, including a Japanese POW, and carefully selected Hatfield and seven others, deciding against leading the shore party himself. Just after midnight on July 23, 1945, Fluckey maneuvered Barb to within 950 yards of the Karafuto coast. Led by Lieutenant William Walker, the team launched two rubber rafts at 00:30. Before they left, Fluckey instructed them, “Boys, if you get stuck, head for Siberia, 130 miles north, following the mountain ranges. Good luck.” Upon reaching the shore, the Americans located the tracks and buried a 55-pound scuttling charge and battery beneath the rails, positioning it under a water tower they planned to use as a lookout. As Motor Machinist's Mate First Class John Markuson climbed up, he unexpectedly found he was scaling a sentry tower, causing him to retreat without alerting the sleeping guard. When a train passed, the team dove for cover before resuming their work after it had gone by. Shortly after 01:30, Walker's team signaled their return to Barb, which was now just 600 yards offshore. Fifteen minutes later, while the boats were halfway back, Fluckey heard the rumble of an approaching train. He hoisted a megaphone and urged the crew to “Paddle like the devil, boys!” At 01:47, a 16-car Japanese train struck Hatfield's detonator, resulting in a massive explosion that sent debris soaring 200 feet into the air and reportedly killed 150 Japanese. Minutes later, all eight Americans were safely aboard Barb, which then slipped back into the night, having successfully executed the only amphibious invasion of Japan during World War II. Returning to the main action, Halsey aimed to eliminate the remnants of the Combined Fleet at the heavily fortified Kure Naval Base. Consequently, Task Force 38 began launching the first of 1,363 sorties against ships and airfields in Kyushu, Shikoku, and Honshu, ringing the Inland Sea at 04:40 on July 24. A total of 599 tons of bombs and 1,615 rockets were unleashed over Kure, resulting in the sinking or damaging of 22 warships, which totaled 258,000 tons. Among the affected vessels were the battleships Hyuga, Ise, and Haruna; fleet carriers Amagi and Katsuragi; the escort carrier Kaiyo; heavy cruisers Tone and Aoba; as well as light cruisers Oyodo and Kitakami. In addition, another 53 vessels amounting to 17,000 tons were sunk at various locations, including Hiroshima Bay, Niihama, Bungo Channel, and Kii Channel. At Kobe, the incomplete fleet carrier Aso was also attacked and damaged. American Hellcats and Corsairs effectively swept aside Japanese aerial opposition, shooting down 18 enemy planes while destroying 40 aircraft and damaging another 80 on the ground. Furthermore, around the Inland Sea, 16 locomotives were destroyed and five were damaged, while 20 hangars sustained damage. Three oil tanks were set ablaze at Kure and one at Tano. Additionally, four electric trains and a roundhouse were strafed at Hamamatsu, and various military installations, including barracks, warehouses, power plants, and factories around the airfields, received significant damage. Simultaneously, Rear-Admiral Rawlings' Task Force 37 conducted 257 sorties against targets in Japan and the surrounding offshore areas, sinking the escort carrier Shimane Maru in Shido Bay, along with a number of destroyers, small escorts, and coasters. Meanwhile, Jones' light cruisers swept through the Kii Channel before bombarding the Kushimoto seaplane base and airfields at Cape Shionomisaki during the night. Supporting these efforts, General LeMay dispatched 625 B-29s against seven targets in the Nagoya and Osaka areas, successfully inflicting heavy damage on all of them despite the spotty weather, marking this as the last major attack on the Japanese mainland during the war, as two weeks of cloudy weather ensued. In the early hours of July 25, McCain's aircraft carriers resumed launching strikes against airfields and shipping in the Inland Sea and the Nagoya-Osaka areas. During this operation, they executed a total of 655 sorties, expending 185 tons of bombs and 1,162 rockets, successfully sinking nine ships totaling 8,000 tons and damaging another 35 vessels. The strikes also resulted in the downing of 21 Japanese planes, with an additional 61 aircraft destroyed on the ground and 68 damaged. After refueling on July 27, Halsey's carrier forces moved to launch points located 96 nautical miles off Shikoku. At 04:43 on July 28, they resumed strikes over the Inland Sea, focusing on targets from northern Kyushu to Nagoya, as well as airfields across Honshu along the Sea of Japan. This resulted in McCain flying a total of 1,602 sorties, dropping 605 tons of bombs and expending 2,050 rockets. These attacks sank 27 ships, amounting to 43,000 tons, including the battleships Ise and Haruna, the fleet carrier Amagi, and the Combined Fleet flagship Oyodo. Additionally, 78 vessels totaling 216,000 tons were reported damaged, among them the fleet carrier Katsuragi, heavy cruiser Tone, and light cruiser Kitakami. American pilots reported the destruction of 21 Japanese aircraft in the air and claimed 115 destroyed on the ground across 30 area airfields. They also successfully destroyed 14 locomotives, four oil cars, two roundhouses, three oil tanks, three warehouses, one hangar, and a transformer station. In support of these efforts, Task Force 37 conducted 260 sorties against the eastern Inland Sea, targeting the dockyard at Harima and sinking or severely damaging four corvettes at Maizuru. Meanwhile, the 7th Air Force's 11th and 494th Bombardment Groups carried out a day-long raid on Kure, successfully sinking the heavy cruiser Aoba. By sunset that evening, the Imperial Japanese Navy had effectively ceased to exist, though the cost for the Americans was steep, with losses amounting to 101 planes and 88 men since July 24. As Halsey moved east to target the Osaka-Nagoya area, Shafroth's reinforced Bombardment Group was detached on July 29 to bombard Hamamatsu. During the night, they successfully unloaded 810 16-inch shells, 265 14-inch shells, and 1,035 8-inch shells, damaging the Imperial Government Railway locomotive works, igniting a blaze at the Japanese Musical Instrument Company, and wreaking havoc on infrastructure along the critical Tokaido main line. The following day, McCain's carriers conducted 1,224 sorties against airfields in Osaka, Kobe, Maizuru, and Nagoya, expending 397 tons of bombs and 2,532 rockets. These strikes resulted in the sinking of 20 vessels totaling 6,000 tons and damaging another 56 ships. The pilots also claimed destruction of 115 enemy aircraft on the ground, while inflicting severe damage on numerous industrial targets, including aircraft factories and naval docks in Maizuru. In Miyazu Bay, the destroyer Hatsushino struck an air-dropped naval mine, marking the final loss of 129 Japanese destroyers sunk during the war. That night, seven destroyers advanced deep into Suruga Bay, unleashing 1,100 5-inch shells on Shimizu within seven minutes, successfully destroying or damaging 118 industrial buildings. Typhoon weather would impede the operations of the 3rd Fleet for the next two weeks, as Admiral Nimitz ordered Halsey to steer clear of southern Japan, which was set to become the target of a new and deadly weapon: the atomic bomb. The U.S. Army had begun its project to develop an atomic bomb on August 16, 1942, under the auspices of the Manhattan Project. The project was directed by Major-General Leslie Groves and involved renowned scientists such as Robert Oppenheimer, Enrico Fermi, Niels Bohr, Richard Feynman, and Albert Einstein. Over time, it expanded to include a design center at Los Alamos and two production facilities at Hanford and Clinton. By August 1945, the teams at Los Alamos had successfully designed, developed, and built a gun-type atomic bomb capable of forcing five pounds of uranium-235 against another 17 pounds at high speed, thereby achieving critical mass and releasing immense heat, light, blast, and radiation. The team was also experimenting with an even more powerful device: the plutonium bomb, which utilized an implosion method whereby a sphere of plutonium was compressed by conventional explosives to reach criticality. By early August, scientists had managed to produce enough nuclear material to create only one uranium device, known as Little Boy, and one plutonium bomb, referred to as Fat Man. Each weapon had the potential to annihilate an entire city, and American leaders were prepared to use them if it could compel the Japanese Empire to surrender without necessitating an invasion of Japan. A Targeting Committee led by Groves, consisting of Manhattan Project and Air Force personnel, recommended Hiroshima, Niigata, Kokura, and Nagasaki as primary targets.  Groves' Targeting Committee employed several criteria to select sites for atomic bomb targets. The chosen targets had to possess strategic value to the Japanese and be situated between Tokyo and Nagasaki. Additionally, the target needed to feature a large urban area with a minimum diameter of three miles and must be relatively untouched by previous bombings, ironically spared for potential atomic destruction at a later stage. A crucial condition was that, to the best of their knowledge, these areas should harbor no concentrations of Allied prisoners of war. However, this requirement was challenging to ascertain accurately due to a lack of reliable information about the locations of prisoners. Initially, the committee considered 17 candidates and selected five primary targets: Hiroshima, Yokohama, Kokura, Niigata, and Kyoto. On May 28, they narrowed the list to three: Kyoto, Niigata, and Hiroshima. Hiroshima was significant as it housed Hata's 2nd General Army headquarters and featured a large shipyard, while Niigata was a major industrial city with an important port. Moreover, Kyoto held considerable cultural and religious significance for the Japanese. Secretary of War Stimson, having previously cautioned General Arnold about the humanitarian consequences of targeting cities with incendiary bombings, insisted on removing Kyoto from the list after intense discussions with Groves. On July 21, President Truman concurred with Stimson during their meetings in Potsdam, deciding that Kyoto should be spared. Subsequently, Kokura, known for its large arsenal and ordnance works, replaced Kyoto. Additionally, LeMay's staff reportedly included Nagasaki as an alternate target due to potential weather issues, as it was home to Mitsubishi's arms factories, electric production facilities, ordnance works, and extensive dockyards, making it a valuable target. Meanwhile, a high-level civilian Interim Committee, under Secretary of War Henry Stimson, ultimately advised President Truman on the use of nuclear weapons, reasoning that their deployment would be no worse than the current incendiary bombing campaigns against Japan. The committee also recommended that an atomic bomb be deployed as soon as possible, without warning, to maximize shock value and target a "war plant… surrounded by workers' houses." Following a successful operational test of the experimental plutonium bomb conducted at Trinity on July 16, President Truman authorized General Spaatz to prepare for the bomb drops before August 3. Colonel Paul Tibbets' 509th Composite Group had been specially organized in secret since September 1944 to deliver nuclear weapons, and by June, it had arrived at Tinian under the command of LeMay's 21st Bomber Command. General Twinning replaced LeMay as commander of the 21st on August 1, and he would ultimately issue the direct orders for Tibbets to drop the atomic bomb. The atomic bomb mission had a convoluted command structure. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were largely left out of the chain of command. LeMay was Tibbet's nominal commander; however, Groves still had extensive control over the operation through his deputy Brigadier General Thomas Farrell on Tinian. The 21st Bomber Command would determine when the atomic bomb mission was launched, based on suitable weather conditions. Even at this stage, General of the Air Force Henry "Hap" Arnold and LeMay were still skeptical about the Manhattan Project; they thought B-29 incendiary and high-explosive bombing operations would suffice to end the war soon. LeMay even questioned the 509th CG pilots' ability to conduct the mission; he wanted seasoned Pacific B-29 veteran crews to drop the nuclear cargo. While the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) and Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) prepared for an impending invasion, the U.S. Army Air Forces (USAAF) continued its bombing campaign against Japan. The crews of the 509th Composite Group needed to acclimate to the navigational challenges, varied weather conditions, extensive distances, and the geography of the region, all while becoming accustomed to combat situations. Training commenced at Tinian on June 30, with conventional operational missions over Japan beginning on July 20. To prepare for their atomic missions, the crews trained with "pumpkins," which were specially constructed bombs designed to mimic the appearance and weight of nuclear weapons. This allowed them to practice handling and releasing the bombs. They also rehearsed navigational procedures, visual bomb release techniques, and dropping the weapon at an altitude of approximately 30,000 feet. Following the drop, the crew conducted high-speed, radical turns to evade the nuclear effects after detonation. During their first mission, a B-29 from the 509th sought an alternative target in Tokyo. The crew aimed to drop their 10,000-pound "pumpkin" on the Imperial Palace, but unfortunately, they missed their target. Had they succeeded in killing the emperor, it could have significantly impacted Japan's decision-making process, potentially fortifying the Japanese people's resolve to continue the war. Military leaders might have seized control in the aftermath, pushing their forces to keep fighting. Throughout their training, the units of the 21st Bomber Command intentionally avoided targeting Hiroshima, Niigata, Kokura, and Nagasaki during these practice runs. In total, Tibbets directed his crews on numerous combat missions that targeted 28 cities and involved the dropping of 49 "pumpkins." Remarkably, the 509th lost no aircraft during these operations. While Tibbets focused on perfecting the delivery method, the weapons Little Boy and Fat Man were being transported to Tinian. Some weapon assemblies were delivered by C-54 and B-29 aircraft from Kirtland Field near Albuquerque, while the cruiser Indianapolis delivered the fissionable material for Little Boy from San Francisco on July 26. Four days later, the submarine I-58 unexpectedly attacked the Indianapolis with six torpedoes while the cruiser was en route to Guam, successfully sinking it. Of the crew, 850 Americans survived the sinking, and another 316 were belatedly rescued by August 8. By July 31, most of the assembly of Little Boy had been completed. However, a detonation expert would need to emplace the cordite charges to fire the uranium "bullet" through the gun device to the uranium core after take-off, minimizing the risk of an inadvertent nuclear explosion in the event of a B-29 crash. Additionally, the crew carrying the atomic bomb had to exercise caution when descending once Little Boy was armed because the primary radar or a backup barometric fuse could potentially trigger an explosion if the aircraft descended too rapidly with the fuses in place. On August 2, B-29 crews arrived at Tinian with the assemblies for Fat Man. On that same day, General Twinning and President Truman approved the plan to bomb Hiroshima. Two days later, Colonel Tibbets briefed the crews about the mission, confirming that he would pilot the aircraft carrying the atomic bomb. Tibbets' B-29 No. 82, later named Enola Gay, was supported by three weather reconnaissance aircraft that reported conditions at Hiroshima, Kokura, and Nagasaki, as well as two additional B-29s assigned to conduct scientific and photographic missions. At 02:45 on August 6, Enola Gay took off from Tinian, with diversionary attacks by 604 B-29s throughout Japan also scheduled for that day, as coordinated by Twinning. After passing through Iwo Jima at approximately 05:55, Captain William Parsons and Second-Lieutenant Morris Jeppson armed the bomb at 07:30. Throughout the journey, the B-29s ascended slowly, reaching an altitude of over 30,000 feet as they crossed Shikoku and Honshu, finally reaching Hiroshima at 31,060 feet. At 09:12, Tibbets executed his final approach from the 'initial point', flying east-west over the city towards the intersection of the Ota and Motoyasu Rivers. Approximately at 09:15, Little Boy was released, and Enola Gay immediately began its turn away to escape the impending explosion. However, the bomb mistakenly descended towards the Shima Surgical Hospital rather than the intended target, the Aioi Bridge. At 09:16, Little Boy detonated at an altitude of 1,890 feet, just as Tibbets was about six miles away from the blast point. As a result of the atomic blast, the immediate area around the epicenter was heated to an astonishing 1 million degrees Celsius, instantly incinerating or vaporizing all people, animals, buildings, and other items within that zone. Hiroshima police officials estimated that immediate casualties amounted to 71,379 individuals who were either killed or reported missing. In the surrounding areas, the blast effects crushed unreinforced structures before igniting them, resulting in an additional 68,023 wounded, with 19,691 of those injuries classified as serious. Subsequent assessments, potentially incorporating the impacts of radiation sickness or more precise accounting, recorded 30,524 individuals as seriously wounded and 48,606 as slightly wounded. Just two minutes after detonation, a growing mushroom cloud of highly radioactive dust and debris soared to a height of 20,000 feet. Within eight minutes, Tibbets' crew could observe the mushroom cloud from 390 miles away. Ultimately, the dust cloud peaked at approximately 60,000 feet in altitude. Soon after, a thick, black, radioactive rain fell upon the areas beneath the cloud. The center of the city was utterly devastated; over four square miles of the urban center, which encompassed seven square miles in total, were completely flattened, resulting in about 60% of the city's area being destroyed. An additional 0.6 square miles suffered damage, while more than 75% of the city's 90,000 buildings were obliterated. The ensuing fires compounded the devastation, contributing to countless deaths and injuries. Tragically, some American prisoners of war were present in Hiroshima and lost their lives in the explosion. Meanwhile, Enola Gay safely returned to Tinian at 14:58, where Tibbets was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross, while the rest of the crew received Distinguished Flying Crosses for their participation in the mission. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Japan was broken. To be perfectly honest she had been broken long ago. Her leadership had been spending months trying to figure out the best possible way to surrender, while the civilians and troops were suffering horribly. Aerial mining strangled her of food, high explosive and incendiary bombs, killed untold scores of people, and then the Atomic weapons were let loose upon her. It was over.

On 6 August 1945 the Enola Gay, a Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, approached Hiroshima and opened up its bomb doors. Once its payload dropped, the city was engulfed with blinding light and a huge explosion produced a giant mushroom cloud. When the attack was over and after the Enola Gay had returned to its airbase on the North Mariana islands, around 100,000 Japanese residents of Hiroshima were killed, and humanity had entered a new phase of warfare. Joining today is Iain MacGregor, author of The Hiroshima Men as we discuss the people involved and the thinking that led to this moment. Iain MacGregor Links The Hiroshima Men Aspects of History Links Latest Issue out - Annual Subscription to Aspects of History Magazine only $9.99/£9.99 Ollie on X Aspects of History on Instagram Get in touch: history@aspectsofhistory.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Vous écoutez Dig Dig Diggers, l'émission hebdomadaire et collaborative des radios Ferarock !Après 6 ans d'absence, le festival TINALS - This Is Not A Love Song revient sous un nouveau nom : Beau Week-end, mais toujours avec la même exigence de programmation. John Maus, Enola Gay ou encore Ditz seront de la partie le 27 et 28 juin à Nîmes. Alexandre de Raje s'empare de la carte blanche de cette semaine pour tout savoir sur cette nouvelle édition. Fuzz et garage vont à l'essentiel dans Plastic Bags / Packing Tape, le troisième disque de TV Sundaze, groupe de Valence, chouchou de la radio Ferarock Radio Méga. Ce sera donc Bingo depuis la Drôme qui conduira l'interview. Bilbao Kung-Fu réaffirme le choix de la langue française et approche une nouvelle façon de composer pour cultiver leurs sons. En découle un premier album nommé Où est passée l'innocence ? que le groupe présente au micro de Lucie de Ouest Track.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Christian er på tur til Washington, så Per Christian Reithe er supervikar sammen med Espen.  Vi ser litt på trafikktallene, den norske staten har kommet seg raskt ut av Norwegian, København får nye langruter, Air Greenland får nye uniformer og Christian har vært på flymuseum. Velkommen ombord på flight 344. AKTUELT:Avinor trafikktallDen norske staten selge seg raskt ut av NorwegianVietnam Airlines åpner rute direkte fra Vietnam til KøbenhavnIndiGo skal fly til København fra IndiaJetTime skal fly for FinnairAir Greenland får nye uniformerJetBlue + United = Blue SkyKonkurshjørnet: AzulUKENS ANBEFALING: Stephen F. Udvar-Hazy CenterUtenfor Washington DC, på Dulles-flyplassen ligger et av USAs flotteste flymuseer: Stephen F. Udvar-Hazy Center, et "underbruk" av Smithsonians National Air & Space Museum inne i byen. Oppkalt etter ILFC-grunlegger Stephen F. Udvar-Hazy som donerte mer enn en halv milliard kroner for å bygge museet. Her finnes blant annet en Air France Concorde, den siste Boeing 307 i verden og den eneste Boeing 367-80 "Dash 80", B-29-bomberen Enola Gay som slapp atombomben, romfergen Discovery og mye annet snacks. Vel verdt besøket.

72 minuter tros det ta innan världen som vi känner den går under vid ett totalt kärnvapenkrig. Dan Jönsson reser till Hiroshima och ser hur ingenting tycks ha hänt och allt förändrats. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna.AtomvårSom ett förfärligt fossil från något av framtidens naturhistoriska museer ligger den där och ruvar i all sin nakenhet: den suddiga konturen, skuggan av en mänsklig kropp. Fortfarande tydligt urskiljbar efter så många år tecknar den sin svartnade silhuett i det slitna brottstycket av den stentrappa som fram till den 6 augusti 1945 utgjorde entrén till bankkontoret i Hiroshima. På morgonen den dagen, som verkade bli varm och solig, hade någon slagit sig ner på trappan i väntan på att banken skulle öppna; någon, som när atombomben briserade klockan kvart över åtta i likhet med tiotusentals andra invånare i denna storstad helt enkelt försvann, förintades i den extrema hettan. Men skuggan blev kvar. Framtida civilisationer till varnagel och besinning.Nu ingår stenen med skuggan bland artefakterna på Fredsmuseet i Hiroshima, bland föremål som smälta klockor, sönderbrända skor, väggbitar med spåren av det svarta, radioaktiva regn som följde senare på dagen – ett museum som i sin krampaktiga saklighet kramar hjärtat ur besökaren. Plötsligt förstår jag precis vad han menar, den japanske mannen i Alain Resnais film ”Hiroshima, mon amour”, när han gång på gång förnekar att hans tillfälliga franska älskarinna skulle kunna förstå något: ”Tu n'as rien vu a Hiroshima.” Du såg ingenting i Hiroshima. Ute i parken blommar körsbärsträden; vid utgången skriver jag en rad i museets gästbok och hajar till vid något som någon har präntat dit ett litet stycke ovanför. ”If only they had surrendered earlier…” läser jag på engelska. Om de bara gett upp tidigare.Föreställningen att atombomberna över Hiroshima och Nagasaki var moraliskt försvarbara eftersom de gjorde slut på kriget och tvingade fram den japanska kapitulationen några veckor senare, hör till den västerländska historieskrivningens mest långlivade myter. Men sann, det är den inte. Bomben bör kallas för vad den var, en förbrytelse; vill man förklara den bör man förstå den som en maktdemonstration inte bara mot Japan utan kanske främst mot Sovjetunionen, vars röda armé i krigets slutskede avancerade mot de japanska öarna. Men förödelsen i Hiroshima ska också ses som det logiska slutsteget i en process som påbörjats nästan femtio år tidigare, en vetenskaplig omvälvning som redan i grunden hade skakat bilden av vår värld och vår plats i den. Människan hade dyrkat upp naturens lås, sprängt den gamla världsbilden i småbitar. Det återstod att demonstrera.Fram till dess hade naturvetenskapen varit överens om att materiens minsta beståndsdelar utgjordes av ett slags rörliga partiklar, atomer. Ordet atom användes första gången av den grekiske naturfilosofen Leukippos på 400-talet före vår tideräkning och betyder odelbar – när den moderna atomläran formulerades i början av 1800-talet var det alltså ett sätt att hävda just att vetenskapen i dessa elementarpartiklar hade identifierat en materiens orubbliga grund, en fast punkt. Den rubbades 1897, när fysikern Joseph John Thomson lyckades visa att atomen förutom sin positiva kärna också består av en mindre, negativ partikel, elektronen. Året innan hade Henri Becquerel upptäckt det som Marie Curie några år senare skulle ge namnet radioaktiv strålning, och decennierna som följde kom genombrotten slag i slag: makarna Curies utforskande av radioaktiviteten, Ernest Rutherfords kartläggning av atomens inre struktur och hans modell – som sedan utvecklades och förfinades av den danske fysikern Niels Bohr – av hur elektronerna kretsar runt kärnan som i ett litet solsystem.Människan öppnade dörren till atomåldern, och världen var förändrad. ”Upplösningen av atomen,” skrev den ryske konstnären Vassily Kandinsky 1913, ”var för min själ detsamma som upplösningen av världen. De tjockaste murar störtade med ens samman. Allt blev osäkert, instabilt, mjukt.” Det var ungefär samtidigt som Kandinsky gjorde sina första helt abstrakta bilder – och känslan av en värld i upplösning var han knappast ensam om. Kubister, futurister, rayonnister: alla försökte de på olika sätt spegla denna söndersprängda verklighet. ”Jag är en atom i universum,” skrev Hilma af Klint om sina målningar i serien ”Atom”, och i Paris uppförde dansösen Loïe Fuller sin experimentella ”Radiumdans” med fosforescerande kostymer och – enligt uppgift – Marie och Pierre Curie som förundrade åskådare.Men fascinationen för det nya och oerhörda bar redan från början på ett mörkt stråk. 1909 publicerade H G Wells sin autofiktiva roman ”Tono-Bungay” där kvacksalvaren George Ponderevo upptäcker det radioaktiva materialet ”quap”, ett ämne med en outsinlig inre energi som också med tiden drabbar dem som kommer i kontakt med det med en dödlig, lepraaktig sjukdom. Detta kärnfysikens janusansikte var alltså tidigt uppenbart för både forskare och konstnärer, liksom för den breda allmänheten. I USA inleddes mot slutet av 20-talet en rättsprocess när en grupp kvinnliga arbetare i en urfabrik, ”the radium girls”, stämde staten efter att många av dem drabbats av cancer på grund av exponering för fluorescerande radiumfärg. Bävande anade man i den nya fysiken samtidigt lösningen på många av mänsklighetens problem – och fröet till dess slutgiltiga undergång.Men någon väg tillbaka fanns inte. Modernitetens bild av den tekniska utvecklingen som ett framåtskridande till varje pris laddade atomteorin med en ödesmättad förening av utopiska löften och dödliga hot. Dadaisten Hugo Ball förkunnade hur ”elektronteorin orsakat en märklig vibration i alla ytor, linjer och former”, hur ”dimensionerna krökte sig och gränser föll”. Men det slutliga genombrottet kom först 1938 när en grupp tyska fysiker gjorde upptäckten att en urankärna kunde klyvas när den besköts med neutroner. Och hur det då frigjordes extrema mängder energi.Det återstod nu sju år till Hiroshima. Om vetenskapen fram till dess stått på tröskeln till atomåldern togs nu de sista stegen in i den – och som så ofta var det vapenindustrin som gick i bräschen. Redan i januari 1939 tog USA:s president Roosevelt emot en rapport som visade hur man med en nukleär kedjereaktion skulle kunna producera en förödande bomb; samma teknik kunde också användas för att producera fredlig elektricitet, men med det krig som snart bröt ut kom andra prioriteringar. Från nyåret 1943 sysselsatte det så kallade Manhattanprojektet mer än hundratusen personer runt om i USA och efter två och ett halvt år, i juli 1945, gjordes den första provsprängningen. Bara tre veckor kvar: vid tvåtiden på morgonen den 6 augusti lyfte bombplanet Enola Gay från sin bas på ön Tinian i Marianerna. Vid spakarna satt piloten Paul Tibbets och i lastutrymmet fanns en fyra ton tung bomb som kärleksfullt fått namnet Little Boy. Knappt sju timmar senare nådde den sitt mål. Framtidens portar hade sprängts. Och ljuset flödade. AtomsommarDet sägs att det första som sker när en atombomb exploderar är att allt blir vitt. Berättelserna från dem som överlevde och kan berätta är fyllda av en vantrogen bävan, en övertygelse om att ha varit med om något som är omöjligt att beskriva. Ändå måste man försöka. Hisashi Tohara var arton år och satt just på ett tåg i väntan på att det skulle lämna perrongen. Dagen var en måndag, skriver han. Höstterminen hade precis börjat. Eleverna i hans gymnasieklass var mobiliserade vid ett stålverk, men den här dagen hade strömmen slagits ut och arbetarna fått ledigt. Pendeltåget in till centrum skulle alldeles strax gå när plötsligt allt flammade upp i ett bländande ljus – ögonblicket efter var det som om jorden skakade i sina grundvalar och hans nacke blixtrade till av en ohygglig smärta.Hisashi Tohara ägnar nästan en sida åt att försöka ge en föreställning om detta oerhörda ljus. Det var, förklarar han, ett ljus som aldrig slutade att strömma ut: ”oräkneliga partiklar av ljus” – ”bländande, gyllene med röda reflexer” – ”mikroskopiska, finare än ett damm av ljus” – ”en stormflod av ljus som översvämmade världen” – ”himmel och jord flöt i ett rött, gult, gyllene skimmer där man urskilde myriader av partiklar, än mer strålande. Under två eller tre sekunder kanske? Men det tycks mig” – minns han – ”som det varade betydligt längre. Och ändå inte mer än ett ögonblick.”Ögonvittnesskildringarna från Hiroshima har alla det gemensamt att de står mer eller mindre vanmäktiga inför den intensiva intighet som bomben utlöser. Hisashi Toharas minnesbilder är nedtecknade ett år efter bomben, därefter skrev han aldrig något mer. Enligt hans hustru var det heller ingenting han någonsin talade om; först efter hans död 2011 hittade hon berättelsen i en byrålåda. Som hos så många andra som överlevt liknande katastrofer genomsyras den inte bara av försöken att ge konkret gestalt åt det obeskrivliga, utan också av en dov, irrationell skam över att vara den som skonades. De sargade, sönderbrända, fastklämda, drunknande offer som kantar flyktvägen ut ur den förstörda staden hemsöker hans minnen som en kör av tysta, anklagande spöken.Samma dunkla upplevelse av hur skulden på något obevekligt vis faller på de oskyldiga offrens axlar går också som en sugande underström genom den främsta litterära skildringen av katastrofen i Hiroshima: Masuji Ibuses dokumentära kollektivroman ”Kuroi ame” – Svart regn. Ibuse var redan före kriget en av Japans mest uppburna författare, och ”Svart regn” blev bland det sista han skrev. Boken utgavs först 1969 och bygger på ett stort antal vittnesmål som fogats samman till en lågmäld, kollektiv berättelse. Titeln, ”Svart regn”, syftar på det våldsamma skyfall som bröt ut några timmar efter explosionen och som många av de brännskadade offren hälsade med jubel – utan att veta, förstås, att vattnet var radioaktivt och att de som drack det gick en säker död till mötes.Detta historiska markperspektiv är det fina med Ibuses roman. Ingen vet ju riktigt vad som hänt. Men att det är något exceptionellt blir uppenbart redan under de första veckor efter bomben när berättelsen utspelar sig. Ogräsen skjuter fart och blir monsterhöga, mystiska utslag visar sig på de överlevandes kroppar och leder snabbt till döden. Inga förklaringar ges, allt framstår som en obarmhärtig prövning. Frågan är, å andra sidan, om någon alls skulle bli lugnad av att veta vad sådana fenomen beror på, vad som faktiskt sker i en kropp som smittas av akut strålsjuka. Hur vävnaderna i de inre organen faller sönder, hur blodkärlens väggar drabbas av nekros, hur blodet slutar producera antikroppar och immunförsvaret upphör att fungera. Hur vatten tränger ut under huden där det bildar stora blåsor som brister, hur syrebristen i blodet orsakar så kallad cyanos, ett slags lilafärgade utslag som spricker upp och blöder. Hur bakterier från inälvorna tar sig ut och infekterar blodet och leder till akut sepsis.Som sagt, jag vet inte om det gör katastrofen mer begriplig. Men allt detta vet vi idag. Det är helt enkelt några av de nya kunskaper atomåldern fört med sig. Dessutom: med bomben föddes insikter som också utlöste en helt ny etisk diskussion. Den tyske filosofen Günther Anders, som besökte Hiroshima och Nagasaki i slutet av femtiotalet, beskrev det som att det som drabbat dessa båda städer var den första konkreta erfarenheten av hur kärntekniken och dess konsekvenser från och med nu förenar hela mänskligheten i en kuslig ödesgemenskap. Historiefilosofiskt, skriver han, är dessa vapensystem inte längre ett medium utan själva scenen där historien utspelar sig.Efter hemkomsten från Japan tar Anders kontakt med Hiroshimapiloten Claude Eatherly, som vid den här tiden sitter intagen på ett mentalsjukhus för sina samvetsbetänkligheter. Deras korrespondens, som sträcker sig över nästan två år, utkommer så småningom under titeln ”Samvete förbjudet” – och i ett av dessa publicerade brev minns Eatherly hur han på morgonen den 6 augusti slås av den förfärande insikten om vad som är på väg att ske. Han sitter själv inte i bombplanet, utan flyger i förväg för att rekognoscera målet: en järnvägsbro i utkanten av staden. Han ser den tydligt genom de lätta cumulusmolnen. I samma ögonblick som han ger klartecken glider molnen bort, bomben riktas fel och han inser att den nu kommer att träffa stadens centrum.Claude Eatherly kommer så länge han lever aldrig att bli fri från det han varit med om. Samma sak gäller förstås de tusentals överlevande, på japanska hibakusha, som likt offren för de nazistiska förintelselägren bär sitt ofattbara trauma i tysthet mitt i en till synes likgiltig omvärld. Vad är det för mening att berätta? Hur beskriver man det obeskrivliga? Hur förklara skuldkänslorna hos den som överlevt? ”Du såg ingenting i Hiroshima”, som det heter i Marguerite Duras manuskript till Alain Resnais ”Hiroshima, min älskade”. Nej – men på stadens Fredsmuseum finns några konkreta kvarlevor: en bit vägg med långa strimmor av det svarta, radioaktiva regnet, trappstenen med skuggan efter någon som satt och väntade på att banken skulle öppna. Men också mängder med teckningar, utförda av hibakusha under åren efter bomben; bilder som började dyka upp i offentligheten på sjuttiotalet och sedan vuxit till en egen genre av vittnesmål. Enkla, expressiva försök att skildra förödelsen, paniken, massdöden. Mänskliga spöken med håret på ända, kläderna i trasor och skinnslamsor hängande från kroppen. Floden som svämmar över av lik. Vanmäktiga bilder av de första sekundernas intensiva ljus.Barnen som överlevde, skriver Hisashi Tohara, kom att kalla bomben för ”pikadon”: av orden för ”ljus” och ”dån”. Det ljuset, och det dånet, är det som lyser upp och genljuder genom decennierna som följer. Med skuggorna av hundratusen döda. Atomhöst”Din första tanke när du vaknar skall vara 'atom'.” Så inleder Günther Anders sina Atomålderns bud, publicerade i dagstidningen Frankfurter Allgemeine 1957. Den tyske filosofen och författaren hade då sedan ett decennium ägnat sig åt att försöka greppa den moraliska vidden av atombomberna mot Hiroshima och Nagasaki – och kommit till slutsatsen att bombens själva existens i grunden hade förändrat mänskligheten som kollektiv. Som han uttryckte det i sin brevväxling med den olycklige Hiroshimapiloten Claude Eatherly något år senare hade hotet om planetens totala förintelse fört oss alla samman i en ofrivillig ödesgemenskap av ”oskyldigt skyldiga”. Eatherly, med sina förtärande självförebråelser – som till slut drev honom så långt att han upprepade gånger begick våldsbrott och bankrån, bara för att bevisa sig skyldig till något, och slippa ifrån sin roll som krigshjälte – framstod för Anders som en förebild i denna universella olycksgemenskap. Ett offer för bomben, han också.Om någon tycker det här påminner om hur man idag tänker kring klimatförändringarna, ligger det mycket i det. Men detta första decennium efter bomben var det inte många i västvärlden som delade Anders tankar. När han och Eatherly brevväxlade satt piloten inspärrad på ett militärt mentalsjukhus med sina skuldkänslor. I femtiotalets USA fanns ingen plats för sådana som han. Det skulle så småningom förändras – men trots att bilderna och vittnesmålen från Hiroshima nått den amerikanska allmänheten redan 1946, i John Herseys berömda reportage, fick de väldigt liten effekt i offentligheten. Här dominerade den officiella historieskrivningen där det som skett i Hiroshima och Nagasaki var ett nödvändigt ont, närmast framtvingat för att äntligen få den japanska krigsmakten att kapitulera. Den berättelsen gäller till stor del än idag, trots att den faktiskt inte har mycket fog för sig. Som historikern Tsuyoshi Hasegawa kunde visa redan 2005 var Japans kapitulation bara en tidsfråga; det som fick USA att detonera bomberna var att Sovjetunionen efter Tysklands kapitulation fått händerna fria i Fjärran Östern. I en stormoffensiv hade Röda armén ockuperat Manchuriet och var på väg mot Japan över öarna i norr. Vad det handlade om för USA:s del var att inte Sovjet skulle hinna först.Atombombsåldern kom alltså att inledas i en stämning av förnekelse och förträngning. Medan efterkrigstidens optimistiska konsumtionssamhälle tog form började en vanvettig atomkapprustning. Från de första bomberna hade den amerikanska atombombsarsenalen vuxit till 170 stycken 1949, när Sovjetunionen gjorde sitt första kärnvapenprov, och åren som följde gick det slag i slag. 1952 testsprängde USA sin första termonukleära vätebomb, stark som tusen Hiroshimabomber, och redan i mitten av decenniet hade de båda kärnvapenmakterna bomber nog för att med marginal spränga hela den mänskliga civilisationen till grus. Detta samtidigt som politikerna drömde om en framtida teknokratisk utopi flödande av billig energi, där bilarna drevs av små kärnreaktorer. Skulle kriget ändå råka bryta ut fick skolbarnen lära sig att krypa ner under bänkarna, och speciella dräkter tillverkades för att skydda mot strålningen.Under tiden drogs ritningarna upp för den oundvikliga förintelsen. 2008 berättade den pensionerade amerikanske försvarstjänstemannen John Rubel hur han i december 1960 suttit med under ett hemligt möte där ett par höga officerare lade fram de detaljerade planerna för en så kallad förebyggande kärnvapenattack mot Sovjetunionen. Som Rubel mindes det skulle angreppet enligt ingenjörernas beräkningar leda till döden för cirka sexhundra miljoner människor. Rubel erkände att han själv i stunden saknat civilkurage för att protestera, och jämförde med den nazistiska Wannseekonferensen där planerna för den slutliga, industriella lösningen av judefrågan tog form. ”Jag kände,” skrev han, ”att det jag bevittnade var ett liknande nedstigande i mörkrets hjärta, en grumlig underjordisk värld som styrdes av ett disciplinerat, noggrant och livaktigt men hjärndött grupptänkande med syfte att utrota hälften av människorna som levde på nästan en tredjedel av jordytan.”I Japan däremot var de postnukleära stämningarna annorlunda – av naturliga skäl. Trots att det under hela femtiotalet rådde ett offentligt tabu mot att diskutera katastrofen och dess följder är det ingen överdrift att säga att hela den japanska konsten och litteraturen under efterkrigstiden utvecklades i skuggan av Hiroshima och Nagasaki. Bomberna och den amerikanska ockupationen sände chockvågor genom den japanska kulturen och födde experimentella konströrelser som den minimalistiska arte poveragruppen Mono-ha, eller den betydligt våldsammare Gutai, vars medlemmar besköt sina målardukar med kanon: bägge strömningar som i sin tur också gjorde djupa intryck på yngre konstnärer som Yoko Ono, Tetsumi Kudo och Yayoi Kusama. Nobelpristagaren Kenzaburo Oe gav 1965 ut sina Anteckningar från Hiroshima, en samling personliga reportage där de överlevande, som efter tjugo år fortfarande lever i skräck för blodcancer och andra efterverkningar, lyfts upp till en sorts nationella, moraliska förebilder: ”Bara genom liv som deras,” skriver Oe, ”kan människor framträda med värdighet i vårt samhälle.”Och med tiden växte protesterna i styrka även i västvärlden. Precis som man likt Theodor Adorno kunde se det som ”barbariskt” att skriva poesi efter Auschwitz kunde man som Günther Anders spekulera i vad det betydde att bedriva filosofi efter Hiroshima. Hans kollega Hannah Arendt delade synen på bomben som en mänsklighetens vändpunkt – men för henne stod den framför allt för en förlust av politiskt handlingsutrymme, där teknologins råa styrka tog förnuftets plats. Man frestas citera president Trumans tillkännagivande den 6 augusti 1945, där han proklamerar Hiroshimabomben som ”den organiserade vetenskapens största historiska bragd”. Som Arendt uttrycker det i Människans villkor har denna etiskt förblindade vetenskap trätt ut i offentligheten som en av ”de mäktigaste, maktgenererande grupperingar historien skådat.”Atomålderns etik måste med andra ord ta formen av en civilisationskritik. Mot slutet av sextiotalet uppgick antalet atombomber i världen till över 30 000 – men då var också motståndet i full kraft. Ett motstånd som inte bara riktades mot kärnvapenrustningen utan också mot den fredliga atomkraften och hela den teknokratiska kultur som gjort det möjligt att spela med så fruktansvärda insatser. Att en olycka vid ett kärnkraftverk kan få precis samma förödande effekter som en bomb har världen sedan dess tvingats till insikt om, gång på gång: i Harrisburg, Tjernobyl, Fukushima. Namnen hemsöker vår tid, som skuggan av en mardröm. Den där tanken som man nuddar när man vaknar. Och som sedan försvinner. AtomvinterEtt minne från när det kalla kriget var som kallast, början på åttiotalet: jag sitter hemma i soffan i föräldrahemmet och ser på teven där USA:s president Reagan flinande avslöjar att en kärnvapenattack mot Sovjetunionen kommer att starta om fem minuter. Ett skämt, tydligen. Mitt minne av händelsen är lite oklart: eftersom ”skämtet” gjordes inför en radiosändning borde ljudupptagningen ha spelats upp till stillbilder, jag vet inte – men det jag tydligt minns är hur det medan skratten klingar ut i teven ändå hinner gå ett frostigt spöke genom vardagsrummet. Hur mina föräldrar liksom fryser till i tevesoffan och hur vi sedan också skrattar, lättade – och lite chockade: det var nära ögat. Om det är något vi har förstått på sista tiden är det ju hur nära det faktiskt verkar vara. Atomklockan, som den kallas, har länge stått på bara någon minut i tolv.Världen, kanske särskilt Europa, gick i detta tidiga åttiotal nästan bara och väntade på den stora smällen. Om vi idag förskräcks av de klimatförändringar som utsläppen av växthusgaser är på väg att leda till så är de trots allt ingenting emot det som skulle bli följden om ett fullskaligt kärnvapenkrig bröt ut. Inte som en effekt av själva explosionerna – men allt stoft de rörde upp, alla bränder de orsakade skulle lägga sig som ett lock på atmosfären i flera års tid och sänka temperaturen på jordytan till katastrofala nivåer. Fenomenet gick under begreppet atomvinter: ett ord som de här åren låg som ett kylelement under den dystopiska tidsandan med dess undergångsfantasier och nihilistiska yuppieideal. Med dess apolitiska alienering, och en popkultur som manglade ut sin svarta depprock och sina frostiga syntslingor över en ekande posthistorisk avgrund.Men den hotande atomvintern gav också näring åt en växande proteströrelse. Civilisationskritiken, som under sextio- och sjuttiotalen blivit ett allt tyngre inslag i kärnvapenmotståndet förenades på åttiotalet med feministiska, postkoloniala och antikapitalistiska strömningar i en gränsöverskridande skepsis mot den tekniska utvecklingen som filosofen och antikärnvapenveteranen Günther Anders såg som ett senkommet historiskt genombrott när han i början av åttiotalet samlade sina reflexioner i de här frågorna i boken Hiroshima ist überall, Hiroshima är överallt. I England tog ett feministiskt fredsläger form i protest mot utplaceringen av kärnvapen vid armébasen i Greenham Common. I Australien protesterade urbefolkningen mot uranbrytningen på traditionell aboriginsk mark, i New Mexico i USA krävde Navajofolket kompensation för kärnvapenprovens radioaktiva kontaminering. Och i Oceaniens övärld växte rörelsen för ”ett kärnvapenfritt Stilla Havet”, som en reaktion på de franska och amerikanska provsprängningar som gjort många öar obeboeliga. För dem som tvingats bort från sina hem var stormakternas så kallade ”nukleära kolonialism” bara ännu en form av cyniskt imperialistiskt våld.Denna världsomspännande folkrörelse såg för en kort tid ut att faktiskt stå inför ett globalt genombrott. I juni 1982 samlade en demonstration i New York en miljon deltagare i protest mot kärnvapenrustningen; några veckor tidigare hade bortåt hundratusen människor tågat genom Göteborg under samma paroller. Jag var själv en av dem. Liknande fredsmarscher ägde rum över hela den europeiska kontinenten. Vad vi kanske inte riktigt förstod, tror jag – hur vi nu skulle kunnat göra det, där vi vällde fram, mitt i alltihop – var hur snärjda vi alla redan var i den nukleära terrorbalansens världsordning. För om nu ”Hiroshima är överallt”, som Günther Anders skrev – måste det då inte betyda att också protesterna blir en del av systemet: en balanserande motvikt som invaggar oss i tron att den nukleärteknologiska utvecklingen trots allt ska gå att tämja och hantera? Sedda från dagens tidsavstånd kan de ju faktiskt se så ut, som en avledande, kringgående rörelse, en historiens list som tillfälligt öppnade en politisk ventil och lät oron pysa ut, utan att i grunden ändra något överhuvudtaget. Allt medan utvecklingen gick vidare i sina obevekliga spår.Nej, jag vet inte. Men kanske var det en sådan insikt som landade i världens medvetande i april 1986, med haveriet i Tjernobyl. Plötsligt visade det sig mycket konkret – om man nu inte redan hade förstått det – att Hiroshima verkligen var överallt: i luften, i vattnet, i maten vi äter. Helt oberoende av nationsgränser och politiska system. Sociologen Ulrich Beck skrev i sin uppmärksammade bok Risksamhället hur händelser som just den i Tjernobyl tvingar hela samhället att orientera sig efter potentiella risker, försöka förutse och förebygga – och inte minst: uppfostra sina medborgare i riskmedvetenhet, eller uttryckt på ett annat sätt, i oro. Vi får i förlängningen ett samhälle där rädslan är det som binder samman, ett samhälle vars främsta uppgift blir att vidmakthålla en bedräglig illusion om säkerhet.I detta risksamhälle måste till slut också kärnteknologin banaliseras och kläs i termer av säkerhet. Det talas om kärnvapnen som ett skyddande ”paraply”, om kärnenergin som en trygghet i en osäker och föränderlig omvärld. Hiroshima känns mycket avlägset. Att besöka staden idag ger upphov till en märklig svindelkänsla: åttio år efter bomben sjuder staden av liv som vilken modern metropol som helst, de hypersnabba shinkansentågen anländer och avgår på sekunden på den centrala järnvägsterminalen, nästan som om inget hänt. Men det har det. Det har det, verkligen – under ytan ömmar fortfarande traumat, men med sin ärrvävnad av monument och museala artefakter, all denna rekvisita i en minneskultur som hoppas läka det som inte går att läka.Kanske är det det han menar, den japanske mannen i Alain Resnais film Hiroshima, min älskade, när han säger till sin franska älskarinna att hon aldrig har sett något i Hiroshima. För det som skett går inte att se. Med varje gest som återkallar minnet följer en som hjälper till att utplåna det. I filmen är den franska kvinnan själv på flykt undan ett krigstrauma: hennes första kärlek var en tysk ockupationssoldat – och minnet av hur hon blev vittne till hans död för en anonym kula från en motståndsman är, förstår man, det hon nu på ett bakvänt sätt försöker bearbeta genom att vara med och spela in en ”fredsfilm” (som det kallas) i Hiroshima.Men traumat, visar det sig, går inte att förtränga. Det finns kvar. Precis som atomvintern finns kvar – som en iskall, omedveten rysning under kärnvapenparaplyet. Spöket från Hiroshima, skuggan av den okände som satt och väntade på bankens trappa just när bomben föll, har vuxit till ett skymningsdunkel som vi mer eller mindre tycks ha vant oss vid. Om det totala atomkriget bryter ut skulle det, enligt en vanlig uppgift, ta sjuttiotvå minuter innan det mesta av vår civilisation är ödelagd. En dryg timme. Längre är den inte, framtiden.Dan Jönssonförfattare och essäistLitteraturAnnie Jacobsen: Kärnvapenkrig – ett scenario. Översättare: Claes-Göran Green. Fri Tanke, 2024.Tsuyoshi Hasegawa: Racing the Enemy – Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan. Harvard University Press, 2005.Marguerite Duras: Hiroshima, mon amour – filmmanus och berättelse. Översättare: Annika Johansson. Modernista, 2014.H. G. Wells: Tono-Bungay. (Ej översatt till svenska i modern tid, original: Macmillan, 1909.)Günther Anders: Hiroshima ist überall. C. H. Beck, 1982.Hisashi Tōhara: Il y a un an Hiroshima. översättare: Dominique Palmé. Gallimard, 2011 (postum utgåva från återfunnen text).Masuji Ibuse: Black Rain. Översättare: John Bester. Kodansha International, 1969.Claude Eatherly / Günther Anders: Samvete förbjudet – brevväxling. Översättare: Ulrika Wallenström. Daidalos, 1988.Kenzaburō Ōe: Hiroshima Notes. Översättare: David L. Swain & Toshi Yonezawa. Marion Boyars, 1995.Peter Glas: Först blir det alldeles vitt – röster om atomvintern. Natur & Kultur, 1984.Ulrich Beck: Risksamhället – på väg mot en annan modernitet. Översättare: Svenja Hums. Bokförlaget Daidalos, 2018.Hannah Arendt: Människans villkor. Översättare: Alf Ahlberg. Rabén & Sjögren, 1963.LjudSylvain Cambreling, Nathalie Stutzmann, Theresa Kohlhäufl, Tim Schwarzmaier, August Zirner med Bayerska Radions Kör och Symfoniorkester (München): Voiceless Voice In Hiroshima. Kompositör: Toshio Hosokawa med texter från liturgin, Paul Celan och Matsuo Bashō. Col legno, 2001.Sveriges Radios arkiv.US National archives.Hiroshima mon amour (1959), regi: Alain Resnais, manus: Marguerite Duras. Producent: Argos Films. Musik: Georges Delerue och Giovanni Fusco.

Jason Fraley interviews Andy McCluskey of the British synth-pop group Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark (O.M.D.), which performs live at the historic Lincoln Theatre in Washington D.C. on May 22-23. They discuss the group's international electronic hits, including "Enola Gay," "Joan of Arc," "Tesla Girls" and of course “If You Leave” from the “Pretty in Pink” soundtrack. (Theme Music: Scott Buckley's "Clarion")

Whatever it is we did to kids that started around 2013 has led to whole generations of freaked-out, delusional cult members who can barely function now when things don't go their way. There is no turning it around. There is no changing what so many of them believe.This militant army worked well for the Democrats, but I do wonder if any of them looked at Kenosha or Portland and thought, What have we done?Because so many adults were too afraid to confront the problem until the problem grew up and joined the workforce, that power is out now, and it is destroying the Democratic Party, not to mention everything else the Left controls, faster than you can say Holy Woketopia Batman.That fear that has crippled all of them surprised me. I didn't know so many would be so willing to conform, stay quiet, say nothing, or join the mob and pick up a stone. I don't know, I guess I thought there would be more like me, people willing to stand up and push back.Lionel Shriver talks about this personality type while on a recent episode of the Triggernometry podcast.Speaking of mania, I'll never forget how a film critic named Sean O'Connell once wrote a film review about Pixar's Turning Red. He didn't particularly like the movie because he wrote from his perspective (normie white dude). The attacks came fast and hard, from young Asian girls who had begged for representation in movies, to the scolds on Twitter. Then came the agonizing op-eds. By the end, he didn't lose his job, but he almost did. He had to apologize and take down the review.It went all the way to this:Even after his apology, the tweets that flooded in continued to punish him for not liking what is (not a very good movie in the first place) about a 12-year-old girl getting her period. He was being honest, as film critics are supposed to do, but not anymore.They even escalated it and asked him to name names:Sean O'Connell should have stood up to them. He should have done what I did every time they came for me. You turn around and you flip them the double bird. It isn't that hard. Yes, you will lose almost everything, but in return, you will gain your self-respect.If they can't even tell the truth in a film review back 2022, how can they possibly fix what is wrong with any of it, from Hollywood to the Democratic Party?Send in the DudebrosIt's obvious to everyone that Democrats are repelling men. All men. Young men, old men, Black and Hispanic men. They've decided the reason for that is the “woke crap” that many can't stand but will never admit out loud.They say they've gotten the message. Now, they figure they don't have to do much, like offer the public a way out of the madness that has afflicted their party, and thus, all of the cultural, corporate, and educational institutions they control.No, it's a messaging problem, not a policy problem. They only have to dispatch a few mascu-bros to get the talking points out that they hate the “woke crap” too but they still want to be good people and do the right thing, unlike the other half of the country who are bad people, and don't want to do the right thing.It's easy to spot the likely paid influencers on TikTok who almost look normal until they start parroting the talking points of the madness of the Left. And then, just like that, we're sucked back into the crazy.Oh, it isn't as bad as the women who dominate the party and TikTok. If I spend too much time surfing that algo, as I often do for research, I come out of it thinking, is that really what became of it all-thirty years of progressivism, feminism, and activism, and it ends with delusion and mania?Influencer Henry Sisson has emerged as a supposedly brotastic anti-woke Democrat on Piers Morgan.Then, there was David Hogg on Bill Maher, pretending it's possible to bring some sanity to the party so young men can “get laid and have fun.”Perhaps it is a good strategy. Just give those who can't stand the wokeness a reason not to worry about it anymore.Reactions like that might help them accomplish their goal of bringing people back to the party, especially men, but I doubt it. Matt Walsh is correct when he says they were never cool.Ultimately, their reality disconnect prevents them from ending their ongoing mass hysteria. Take this piece at Daily Kos (yes, it still exists, shockingly), by this person, note the pronouns in bio:She/Her writes:That March story about Enola Gay was part of an electronic preliminary pull that flagged certain words that might unearth woke content. That didn't mean Pete Hegseth banned it. As with the children's book by Julianne Moore, it was put in the “to be looked at” pile, but that didn't stop the headlines.If you see that many headlines hitting your feed and it's spread far and wide, and people you trust and admire, why wouldn't you believe it? And if they are being misled to that degree, how can they ever be expected to pull themselves out of it? And if they are not telling us the truth but just trying to hurt Trump, how can we trust them?After all that, they dumped him anyway. Lesson learned, eh, David?The Democrats have become so afraid of blowback that they have to try to get their message out anonymously. But do they ever ask themselves how we can address the needs of the people if we are that afraid of our own party?Recently, Mark Halperin spoke for them in an attempt to force the Democrats to the table to confront some of it.Why They're Stuck with itWokeness isn't a “fad,” like a tramp stamp tattoo you mature your way out of, then seek to remove. This goes deep, probably deeper than anyone ever knew back in 2012 and 2013 when the “whole of society” effort began unfolding in schools, in institutions, and online to gently introduce Critical Race Theory as a new way of seeing ourselves in the world. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit sashastone.substack.com/subscribe

In this episode of our Flights series, James tells the harrowing story of the Enola Gay — the B-29 bomber that dropped the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima in August 1945. This isn't just a tale of aviation, but of science, war, and a moment that forever changed the course of human history.We explore the mission from the perspective of the crew, the role of pilot Paul Tibbets, and the influence of J. Robert Oppenheimer and the Manhattan Project. James breaks down the events leading up to the bombing, the immediate and long-term aftermath, and the moral questions that still haunt us today.Whether you've seen Oppenheimer or just want to better understand this pivotal moment in world history, this episode offers a gripping and sobering look at the flight that altered everything.Listen now on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.#EnolaGay #Hiroshima #AtomicBomb #Oppenheimer #WWII #HistoryPodcast #NuclearHistory #ManhattanProject #TheMostDangerousPodcast #FlightsSeries #DarkHistory #MilitaryHistory #OppenheimerMovie #JRobertOppenheimer #PodcastRecommendation #HistoricalPodcast

                                                   BLACK SHIRT MIXTAPE                                                      **Episode 97**                                                   Join host Jesse Karassik aka @heyyyyy_jesse as he takes you on a 2 hour sonic journey playing mixtape inspired tracks in a variety of genres- all for your listening (dis)pleasure!   Tracklisting: 1. Welcome To The Monkey House...The Dandy Warhols 2. We Used To Be Friends...The Dandy Warhols 3. Enola Gay...The Faint 4. (I'm Looking For) Cracks In The Pavement...Duran Duran 5. Ode to LRC...Band of Horses 6. Daniel...Elton John 7. King for a Day...Thompson Twins 8. The Hardest Cut (Adrian Sherwood Reconstruction)...Spoon 9. Open Your Arms...Editors 10. Big Shot...Fontaines D.C. 11. The Rat...The Walkmen 12. Garrands...Young The Giant 13. Mild to Moderate Pain...Jadu Heart 14. Keep Your Lips Sealed...The Do 15. Sad Divide...Autoheart 16. ALIEN LOVE CALL...Turnstile/Blood Orange 17. Heart of Gold...Fiona Apple 18. The Background...Third Eye Blind 19. What Do You Want...Nico Vega 20. Once Upon A Time (live)...Simple Minds 21. Particles...Damon Albarn 22. Corinne...Metronomy 23. The Animal (feat. Phonte)...Murs 24. Slingshot...ON 25. Detachable Penis...King Missle 26. Wherever You Are...Neil Finn  

Bad audio this week as one mic didn't work...apologies! Hiroshima was woke!! Get rid of the Enola Gay. Aside from Trump's overzealous DEI gaffes we're talking adding journalists to the secret war chats, Prague stealing shared history for it's museum and TikTok morning routines!

This week Seth, Bill and good buddy Jon Parshall, take an in-depth look at the two atomic bombing missions that helped end World War II. The guys go into the deep details of the mission to Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 and the complete mess of a mission to Nagasaki on August 9, 1945 by taking you through each mission in high detail. #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #usnavy #usa #usarmy #medalofhonor #enterprise #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #cv6 #midway #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #worldwar2 #usnavy #usnavyseals #usmc #usmarines #saipan #usa #usarmy #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #battleship #battleships #ussenterprise #aircraftcarriers #museum #essex #halsey #taskforce38 #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #usnavy #usa #usarmy #medalofhonor #enterprise #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #cv6 #midway #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #worldwar2 #usnavy #usnavyseals #usmc #usmarines #saipan #usa #usarmy #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #battleship #battleships #ussenterprise #aircraftcarriers #museum #hollywood #movie #movies #books #mastersoftheair #8thairforce #mightyeighth #100thbombgroup #bloodyhundredth #b17 #boeing #airforce wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #usnavy #usa #usarmy #medalofhonor #enterprise #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #cv6 #midway #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #worldwar2 #usnavy #usnavyseals #usmc #usmarines #saipan #usa #usarmy #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #battleship #battleships #ussenterprise #aircraftcarriers #museum #hollywood #movie #movies #books #oldbreed #1stMarineDivision #thepacific #Peleliu #army #marines #marinecorps #worldwar2 #worldwar #worldwarii #leytegulf #battleofleytegulf #rodserling #twilightzone #liberation #blacksheep #power #prisoner #prisonerofwar #typhoon #hurricane #weather #iwojima#bullhalsey #ace #p47 #p38 #fighter #fighterpilot #b29 #strategicstudying #tokyo #boeing #incendiary #usa #franklin #okinawa #yamato #kamikaze #Q&A #questions #questionsandanswers #history #jaws #atomicbomb #nuclear

Ray White in conversation with Adam Gilchrist on the latest developments the US's recent military action in Yemen, the successful return of two astronauts from space and lastly a surprising move by the US Department of Defense - flagging the historic aircraft Enola Gay, reportedly due to its name containing the word 'gay See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ray White in conversation with Adam Gilchrist on the latest developments the US's recent military action in Yemen, the successful return of two astronauts from space and lastly a surprising move by the US Department of Defense - flagging the historic aircraft Enola Gay, reportedly due to its name containing the word 'gay See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

It's 3 years, 10 months, and 5 days to the end of the current administration. Who will be president? Will we still have a functioning democracy? Will there be elections in 2028? We are all waiting in great anxiety for the answers to these questions. In the meantime, join us dumping on the 47th admin! Other Titles Considered EV Hummer Tesla Tanks See Kyle Schumer Special Show Links: Senate passes GOP funding bill to avert a government shutdown https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/senate-vote-republican-funding-bill-government-shutdown-rcna196412 U.S. stock market loses $5 trillion in value in three weeks https://www.cnbc.com/2025/03/14/us-stock-market-loses-5-trillion-in-value-in-three-weeks.html Pentagon removes DEI photographs including ones of Enola Gay: https://apnews.com/live/trump-presidency-updates-3-13-2025#00000195-91cf-d3ba-afff-bbdf5a500000 Locals take up arms to defend town against NeoNazis https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xFGG8PVEKcU

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Can't make it up.

Monday, March 10th, 2025Today, a multi-state lawsuit seeks to reverse the purge of federal workers; Trump walks back his idiotic tariffs, but probably not after he dumped all of his stock in Canadian aluminum; Republicans joined Democrats in Montana to defeat anti-trans legislation; the Trump administration has said it will not comply with a court order to produce agency heads to testify; a federal judge rules that firing a member of the NLRB was illegal; another federal judge orders the Trump administration to pay our foreign aid bills; Trump is considering revoking the legal status of Ukrainians in the United States; the newly minted Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche has filed his response to the Eric Adams case and repeats that the Department of Justice is asking to dismiss the bribery charges without prejudice; Trump's DEI purge at the Pentagon included a photo of the Enola Gay; the DHS announced that it's ending the TSA collective bargaining agreement; trans women are being transferred to men's prisons despite multiple court orders; trump has ordered swaths of U.S. forests cut down for timber; the USDA has eliminated two food safety advisory committees; and Allison delivers your Good News.Guest: David EnrichDavidenrich.bsky.social, twitter.com/davidenrichMurder the Truth – HarperCollinsDavid Enrich - The New York TimesThank You HomeChefGet 18 Free Meals, plus Free Shipping on your first box, and Free Dessert for Life, at HomeChef.com/DAILYBEANS.  Must be an active subscriber to receive free dessert.Thank You LumenHead to http://lumen.me/dailybeans for 20% off your purchase.Stories:Trump admin 'will not produce' agency head for court-ordered testimony, plaintiffs say | Law And CrimeTrump weighs revoking legal status of Ukrainians as US steps up deportations | ReutersJudge orders Trump administration to pay some foreign-aid bills by Monday - JOSH GERSTEIN | POLITICOTrans women transferred to men's prisons despite rulings against Trump's order | US news | The GuardianTrump orders swathes of US forests to be cut down for timber | Donald Trump | The Guardian‘Stop these crazy bills': Republicans join Democrats to defeat anti-trans legislation in Montana | ReutersUSDA eliminates two food safety advisory committees | ReutersMultistate lawsuit seeks to reverse Trump administration purge of federal workersWar heroes and military firsts are among 26,000 images flagged for removal in Pentagon's DEI purge | AP NewsHomeland Security ends TSA collective bargaining agreement, in effort to dismantle union protections | AP NewsJudge finds Trump's firing of member of National Labor Relations Board was illegal | CBS News From The Good NewsFull Meeting between President Trump, VP Vance and Ukrainian President Zelensky in Oval OfficeReminder - you can see the pod pics if you become a Patron. The good news pics are at the bottom of the show notes of each Patreon episode! That's just one of the perks of subscribing! Federal workers - feel free to email me at fedoath@pm.me and let me know what you're going to do, or just vent. I'm always here to listen.Share your Good News or Good Trouble:https://www.dailybeanspod.com/good/ Check out other MSW Media podcastshttps://mswmedia.com/shows/Subscribe for free to MuellerSheWrote on Substackhttps://muellershewrote.substack.comFollow AG and Dana on Social MediaDr. Allison Gill Substack|Muellershewrote, Twitter|@MuellerSheWrote, Threads|@muellershewrote, TikTok|@muellershewrote, IG|muellershewrote, BlueSky|@muellershewroteDana GoldbergTwitter|@DGComedy, IG|dgcomedy, facebook|dgcomedy, IG|dgcomedy, danagoldberg.com, BlueSky|@dgcomedyHave some good news; a confession; or a correction to share?Good News & Confessions - The Daily Beanshttps://www.dailybeanspod.com/confessional/ Listener Survey:http://survey.podtrac.com/start-survey.aspx?pubid=BffJOlI7qQcF&ver=shortFollow the Podcast on Apple:The Daily Beans on Apple PodcastsWant to support the show and get it ad-free and early?Supercasthttps://dailybeans.supercast.com/Patreon https://patreon.com/thedailybeansOr subscribe on Apple Podcasts with our affiliate linkThe Daily Beans on Apple Podcasts

This week's episode of West of Knowhere delves into a whirlwind of current events, from health scares and political shifts to personal scandals and daring schemes. We discuss the concerning measles outbreaks in Texas and the public reaction to RFK Jr.'s stance on vaccinations. In a surprising turn of events, the historic aircraft Enola Gay is removed from military image banks amid DEI removals. We also explore the Supreme Court's controversial decision to lift restrictions on sewage dumping into water supplies and track Andrew Tate's troubles as investigations begin upon his arrival in Florida. Discover the unexpected logging activities in national forests and the audacious scam of an HR manager creating 22 fake employees to pocket paychecks. The episode doesn't shy away from personal stories either, including an update on the sad passing of Gene Hackman and his wife. Finally, we dive into a lively "Am I the Asshole" debate on pregnancy cravings versus partner compromise, rounding out a captivating discussion on the week's pressing issues. Linktr.ee/wokpod   https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/5172168-rfk-jr-says-texas-measles-outbreak-a-call-to-action/ https://www.newsweek.com/military-remove-enola-gay-photos-dei-rules-2041029 https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/04/epa-ruling-sewage-water https://www.theguardian.com/news/2025/mar/04/andrew-tate-criminal-investigation-florida https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/03/trump-national-forest-executive-order https://thelogic.co/news/canada-us-trade-war-eggs-fentanyl/ https://okmagazine.com/p/casey-anthony-slammed-rebranding-herself-women-lgbt-law-advocate/ https://townflex.com/hr-manager-created-22-fake-employees-steal-2-2-million/ https://thehill.com/homenews/nexstar_media_wire/5183395-gene-hackmans-wife-betsy-arakawa-died-from-hantavirus-but-what-is-it/

The Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center is the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum (NASM)'s annex at Dulles International Airport in Washington, DC. To call it an annex is misleading, this place is massive! Home to an incredible collection of aircraft, this episode, our 101st, is just me trying to talk you around the place while trying to take it all in, especially when confronted with Enola Gay.-----------------------------------------------------

This week's episode of West of Knowhere delves into a whirlwind of current events, from health scares and political shifts to personal scandals and daring schemes. We discuss the concerning measles outbreaks in Texas and the public reaction to RFK Jr.'s stance on vaccinations. In a surprising turn of events, the historic aircraft Enola Gay is removed from military image banks amid DEI removals. We also explore the Supreme Court's controversial decision to lift restrictions on sewage dumping into water supplies and track Andrew Tate's troubles as investigations begin upon his arrival in Florida. Discover the unexpected logging activities in national forests and the audacious scam of an HR manager creating 22 fake employees to pocket paychecks. The episode doesn't shy away from personal stories either, including an update on the sad passing of Gene Hackman and his wife. Finally, we dive into a lively "Am I the Asshole" debate on pregnancy cravings versus partner compromise, rounding out a captivating discussion on the week's pressing issues. Linktr.ee/wokpod   https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/5172168-rfk-jr-says-texas-measles-outbreak-a-call-to-action/ https://www.newsweek.com/military-remove-enola-gay-photos-dei-rules-2041029 https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/04/epa-ruling-sewage-water https://www.theguardian.com/news/2025/mar/04/andrew-tate-criminal-investigation-florida https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/03/trump-national-forest-executive-order https://thelogic.co/news/canada-us-trade-war-eggs-fentanyl/ https://okmagazine.com/p/casey-anthony-slammed-rebranding-herself-women-lgbt-law-advocate/ https://townflex.com/hr-manager-created-22-fake-employees-steal-2-2-million/ https://thehill.com/homenews/nexstar_media_wire/5183395-gene-hackmans-wife-betsy-arakawa-died-from-hantavirus-but-what-is-it/

In this episode, Alex starts by wondering if the end of DOGE is near. After a heated cabinet meeting, Trump has said that government cuts should be done with a scalpel and not a hatchet. Only time will tell if that is true because the Department of Defense has removed over 20,000 archival photos and data that mention historical black figures, woman of color, and gay veterans. Ironically, the DoD accidentally removed photos of the Enola Gay (the plane that bombed Hiroshima). While this is satirical, Alex thinks there is something dark about the government erasing some parts of the historical record. For the rest of the episode, Alex talks about Russia attacking infrastructure and towns with ballistic missiles and drones. Since the United States paused aid and intelligence sharing, it appears that Russia is upping the attacks and taking advantage of the situation. 

Trump says for the first time in 15 months, the job gains for native-born Americans exceeded job gains for migrants and foreign-born workers. Did DOGE mistakenly reveal a secret CIA black site in Virginia? The Pentagon's DEI purge removes images of the Enola Gay aircraft which dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. Dana touches on how businesses like Wells Fargo are finally waking up to realize they need to back off their DEI policies. Veteran, Host of the All American Savage Show and owner of https://shellshockcbd.com, John Burk, joins us to discuss the problems with a possible Texas cannabis ban and the economic impacts. Is Italy pushing for Ukraine to receive NATO military protections? Executive Director of Consumers' Research, Will Hild, joins us to discuss Blackrock's pseudo "unwoke" flip and its interest in the Panama Canal and government investments.Thank you for supporting our sponsors that make The Dana Show possible…Relief Factorhttps://relieffactor.comTurn the clock back on pain with Relief Factor. Get their 3 week Relief Factor Quick Start for only $19.95 today! Goldcohttps://DanaLikesGold.com My personal, gold company - get your GoldCo 2025 Gold & Silver Kit. PLUS, you could qualify for up to $15,000 in BONUS silverAll Family Pharmacyhttps://AllFamilyPharmacy.com/DanaCode Dana10 for 10% off your entire orderByrnahttps://byrna.com/danaDon't leave yourself or your loved ones without options. Visit Byrna.com/Dana to receive 10% off Patriot Mobilehttps://patriotmobile.com/DanaDana's personal, cell phone provider is Patriot Mobile. Get a FREE MONTH of service code DANAHumanNhttps://humann.comSupport your metabolism and healthy blood sugar levels with Superberine by HumanN. Find it now at your local Sam's Club next to SuperBeets Heart Chews.  Tax Network USAhttps://TNUSA.com/DANADon't let the IRS's aggressive tactics control your life, empower yourself with Tax Network USA's support.  Reach a USA based agent @ 1(800) 958-1000 - Don't fight the IRS aloneKelTechttps://KelTecWeapons.comSee the NEW PS57 - Keltec Innovation & Performance at its bestNative Pathhttps://GetNativePath.com/DanaNot just for skin - essential for healthy joints and bones! Get NativePath Collagen for up to 45% off + FREE shipping!

Did DOGE mistakenly reveal a secret CIA black site in Virginia? Meanwhile, The Pentagon's DEI purge removes images of the Enola Gay aircraft which dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. Thank you for supporting our sponsors that make The Dana Show possible…Relief Factorhttps://relieffactor.comTurn the clock back on pain with Relief Factor. Get their 3 week Relief Factor Quick Start for only $19.95 today! Goldcohttps://DanaLikesGold.com My personal, gold company - get your GoldCo 2025 Gold & Silver Kit. PLUS, you could qualify for up to $15,000 in BONUS silverAll Family Pharmacyhttps://AllFamilyPharmacy.com/DanaCode Dana10 for 10% off your entire orderByrnahttps://byrna.com/danaDon't leave yourself or your loved ones without options. Visit Byrna.com/Dana to receive 10% off Patriot Mobilehttps://patriotmobile.com/DanaDana's personal, cell phone provider is Patriot Mobile. Get a FREE MONTH of service code DANAHumanNhttps://humann.comSupport your metabolism and healthy blood sugar levels with Superberine by HumanN. Find it now at your local Sam's Club next to SuperBeets Heart Chews.  Tax Network USAhttps://TNUSA.com/DANADon't let the IRS's aggressive tactics control your life, empower yourself with Tax Network USA's support.  Reach a USA based agent @ 1(800) 958-1000 - Don't fight the IRS aloneKelTechttps://KelTecWeapons.comSee the NEW PS57 - Keltec Innovation & Performance at its bestNative Pathhttps://GetNativePath.com/DanaNot just for skin - essential for healthy joints and bones! Get NativePath Collagen for up to 45% off + FREE shipping!

Firing squad details, I'll arrest my girlfriend, Trump speaks to space, removing tattoos, Cybertruck Hunters have a new tool, screw you and the horse you rode in on, get the Enola Gay outta here, a shotgun got on a plane, Pope audio and so much more!

Social Security workers aren't allowed to read this story, but heading into the weekend, David Waldman and KITM have remained under the DOGE radar! Keep your fingers crossed! The first thing we do is… let's kill all the Democratic consultants. Ok, that sounds “a little harsh”, and the one thing any consultant will tell you, is that you absolutely do not want to sound “a little harsh”, EVER. Except for when you're knifing a friend and colleague in the back for sounding “a little harsh”. That's just pragmatic expediency. Everyone, except possibly that person that you knifed, will forget in no time… Therefore, feel free to knife friends and colleagues in the back as often as needed. It always works! Do Republicans lie to each other like Democrats do? They lie so often, it's hard to tell. Will Trump really be counting the gold bars in Fort Knox? Are scientists randomly dressing mice in little fedoras and bonnets? Is the Enola Gay just too gay? The blunders are stacking up everywhere. But the thing is, if stupid lies work just as well, why not? Lie with every sentence, F 'em if they can't take a joke. Russian humor is an acquired taste, you know. At this moment, translators are putting a comedy set together for the Pentagon's new deputy press secretary, Kingsley Wilson, and her opening act, Jack Posobiec.  The parade of comedy never ends! Turning Canada and Mexico's tariffs on and off never gets old, amirite? Expect a dozen more times with those two, perhaps fewer with China. Maine parents are required to register newborns at the Social Security office, for the LOLs. Fired federal workers bring the gift of laughter to their own relatives. DOGE revealed a secret CIA facility… but no worries, they hid it again… heh heh.

Gary Frank, Willie Lawrence from FAMILY CONTINUES in a very personal interview! Gary Frank continues with the second episode of his interview with John discussing the challenges FAMILY faced with network support and Meredith Baxter Birney's personal struggles during filming. Gary shares his experiences from the series Sons and Daughters with Glynnis O'Connor and Barry Livingston, The Enola Gay with Billy Crystal, and The Gift with Glenn Ford. Gary recounts his time working with Robert Wagner, Stefanie Powers, and Cesar Romero on Hart to Hart, as well as Karl Malden and Michael Douglas on The Streets of San Francisco. He also shares a unique connection to Marilyn Monroe babysitting his wife and his time on Star Trek: Deep Space Nine. Become a That's Classic! PATREON member including the opportunity to see Exclusive Bonus Footage: patreon.com/thatsclassic That's Classic! Merchandise: http://tee.pub/lic/2R57OwHl2tE Subscribe for free to That's Classic YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBtpVKzLW389x6_nIVHpQcA?sub_confirmation=1 Facebook: facebook.com/thatsclassictv Hosted by John Cato, actor, voiceover artist, and moderator for over 20 years for the television and movie industry. John's background brings a unique insight and passion to the podcast.

En este episodio muy especial de Songmess Chile estamos conversando con Asia Menor, banda de art-punk oriunda de la ciudad de Temuco, en el sur del país. Coincidimos con la banda en Santiago, alrededor del ciclo de la Feria Pulsar, donde conversamos acerca de su aclamado disco debut Enola Gay, editado con el Sello Fisura. También ahondamos en su amistad con Simón Campusano, la escena de hardcore en Temuco, la gira mexicana en la que emprenderán este febrero, y mucho más! Playlist: Asia Menor - “Patio” Columpios Al Suelo - “La Risa Drilariza” Asia Menor - “Demo/ Enola Gay” Phuyu y La Fantasma - “Coloñal” Javiera Electra - “Mascando Aire” Asia Menor - “La Naturaleza” Asia Menor Bandcamp: https://asiamenor.bandcamp.com/ Asia Menor Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/artist/5yrd8vlGtyEsP3maoVqlkD?si=NIEJRhKzSWCPsjG8_6PHyw Asia Menor Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/asiamen0r/ Sello Fisura Bandcamp: https://sellofisura.bandcamp.com/ Sello Fisura Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/sellofisura/ Richard Villegas Instagram: www.instagram.com/rixinyc/?hl=en Songmess Instagram: www.instagram.com/songmess/?hl=es-la Songmess Facebook: www.facebook.com/songmess/?ref=settings Songmess Twitter / X: twitter.com/songmess Songmess Merch: via DM #BOPS Playlist: https://open.spotify.com/playlist/2sdavi01h3AA5531D4fhGB?si=00c59ef6ff864ed5 Subscribe to Songmess on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Google Play or SoundCloud, find us on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, and contact us at songmessmusic@gmail.com.

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States. Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg's Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda. By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Emily Pilbeam presents a mixtape of her personal selection of tracks from BBC Introducing, including Mount Palomar, Blood Wizard, Mokusla and live music from Enola Gay and Jock recorded for New Music Fix in Belfast.

Over the past few years, much has been written and created around Oppenheimer and the Manhattan Project, but little attention is paid to those whose lives were ended or forever changed when the bombs dropped in Japan.In this episode, we delve into the experiences of the hibakusha, the survivors of the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. On that day the Enola Gay released its devastating payload, ushering in the nuclear age. The survivors, now with an average age of over 90, provide some of the last living testimonies of the horrors that unfolded in the seconds, minutes, and hours following the explosion.Today's guest is M.G. Sheftall, author of The Stories of Hibakusha. Sheftall has spent years interviewing those who were young adolescents at the time of the bombing, now elderly but still haunted by their memories.

Cześć, w najnowszym odcinku serii Powojnie opowiadam historię Hiroszimy po ataku nuklearnym z 6 sierpnia 1945 roku. Amerykański bombowiec B-29 Enola Gay zrzucił wtedy bombę atomową na bezbronne japońskie miasto. Eksplozja była tak potężna, że niemal natychmiast zniknęło tysiące domów i zginęło mnóstwo ludzi. Zabudowania które ocalały zajęły się ogniem. W kolejnych godzinach miasto i jego mieszkańcy walczyli o przetrwanie. Lekarze którym udało się przeżyć ratowało rannych. Powstawały polowe punkty medyczne. Z dróg usuwany był gruz, aby zapewnić przejazd samochodom. Hiroszima odradzała się zaskakująco szybko. Już dwa dni po niszczycielskim ataku do miasta przyjechały pierwsze pociągi. Do niektórych budynków podłączony został prąd. Zaczęły też kursować tramwaje. Do miasta zjeżdżały też tysiące wolontariuszy, którzy chcieli pomóc przy odbudowie aglomeracji. I kiedy wydawało się, że jest nadzieja na lepsze jutro 17 września przez Hiroszimę przeszedł tajfun, który zniszczył to co zostało już odbudowane. Jak wyglądały dalsze losy miasta tego dowiecie się słuchając najnowszego odcinka mojej serii.

PREVIEW: HIROSHIMA-NAGASAKI: ENOLA GAY: Conversation with colleague Charlie Pellegrino, author of "Last Train from Hiroshima," just optioned by the meticulous James Cameron, re the experience inside the Enola Gay by one crew member who didn't protect his eyes. More later. B-29 1945 after emergency landing.

An hour of fresh new tunes from BBC Music Introducing handpicked by Emily Pilbeam, featuring British Birds, Enola Gay, Thank, The Howl & The Hum and Tom A Smith.

3:20:00 – Frank in New Jersey, plus the Other Side. Topics include: Mystery tours, Kalki 2898 AD (2024), train to Hoboken, a subtle adventure, giant head statue “Water’s Soul”, Nightstation VR Demo, Enola Gay, animated tunnel, Warhammer, sunshower, The Strand, Maison Perrier Ultimate, the feeling of weird freedom, Dr. Ruth Westheimer dead at 96, Umbabarauma, Richard Simmons […]

An hour of fresh new tunes from BBC Music Introducing handpicked by Emily Pilbeam each week in the early hours of Monday morning. Features Sophia Harari, Heartworms, Enola Gay, The Dead Wells, Divorce and more