Podcasts about Arafat

Dive into the third episode of AJC's latest limited podcast series, Architects of Peace. Go behind the scenes of the decades-long diplomacy and quiet negotiations that made the Abraham Accords possible, bringing Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and later Morocco, together in historic peace agreements.  On September 15, 2020, the Abraham Accords were signed at the White House by President Trump, Prime Minister Netanyahu, and the foreign ministers of the UAE and Bahrain. In this third installment of AJC's limited series, AJC CEO Ted Deutch and Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson—who stood on the South Lawn that day—share their memories and insights five years later. Together, they reflect on how the Accords proved that peace is achievable when nations share strategic interests, build genuine relationships, and pursue the greater good. *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC.  Read the transcript: https://www.ajc.org/news/podcast/from-the-white-house-lawn-architects-of-peace-episode-3 Resources: AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace - Tune in weekly for new episodes. The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC.org/CNME - Find more on AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus People of the Pod Follow Architects of Peace on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace You can reach us at: podcasts@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript: Ted Deutch: It was a beautiful day and there was this coming together, this recognition that this was such an historic moment. It's the kind of thing, frankly, that I remember having watched previously, when there were peace agreements signed and thinking that's something that I want to be a part of. And there I was looking around right in the middle of all of this, and so excited about where this could lead. Manya Brachear Pashman: In September 2020, the world saw what had been years, decades in the making, landmark peace agreements dubbed the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations between Israel and two Arabian Gulf States, the United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Bahrain. Later, in December, they were joined by the Kingdom of Morocco. Five years later, AJC is pulling back the curtain to meet key individuals who built the trust that led to these breakthroughs. Introducing: the Architects of Peace. Announcer: Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States. Accompanied by the Prime Minister of the State of Israel; His Highness the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International cooperation of the United Arab Emirates, and the Minister of the Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bahrain.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The guests of honor framed by the South Portico of the White House were an unlikely threesome. Two Arab foreign ministers and the Prime Minister of Israel, there to sign a pair of peace agreements that would transform the Middle East.  Donald Trump: Thanks to the great courage of the leaders of these three countries, we take a major stride toward a future in which people of all faiths and backgrounds live together in peace and prosperity. There will be other countries very, very soon that will follow these great leaders. Manya Brachear Pashman: President Trump's team had achieved what was long thought impossible. After decades of pretending Israel did not exist until it solved its conflict with the Palestinians, Trump's team discovered that attitudes across the Arab region had shifted and after months of tense negotiations, an agreement had been brokered by a small circle of Washington insiders. On August 13, 2020, the United Arab Emirates agreed to become the first Arab state in a quarter century to normalize relations with Israel. Not since 1994 had Israel established diplomatic relations with an Arab country, when King Hussein of Jordan and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin signed a treaty, ending the state of war that had existed between them since Israel's rebirth. A ceremony to celebrate and sign the historic deal was planned for the South Lawn of the White House on September 15, 2020. Before the signing ceremony took place, another nation agreed to sign as well: not too surprisingly the Kingdom of Bahrain.  After all, in June 2019, Bahrain had hosted the Peace to Prosperity summit, a two-day workshop where the Trump administration unveiled the economic portion of its peace plan – a 38-page prospectus that proposed ways for Palestinians and Arab countries to expand economic opportunities in cooperation with Israel.  In addition to Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE all participated in the summit. The Palestinians boycotted it, even as Trump's senior advisor Jared Kushner presented plans to help them. Jared Kushner: A lot of these investments people are unwilling to make because people don't want to put good money after bad money. They've seen in the past they've made these investments, they've tried to help out the Palestinian people, then all of a sudden there's some  conflict that breaks out and a lot of this infrastructure gets destroyed. So what we have here is very detailed plans and these are things we can phase in over time assuming there's a real ceasefire, a real peace and there's an opportunity for people to start making these investments. Manya Brachear Pashman: Now Israel, the UAE, and Bahrain would open embassies, exchange ambassadors, and cooperate on tourism, trade, health care, and regional security. The Accords not only permitted Israelis to enter the two Arab nations using their Israeli passports, it opened the door for Muslims to visit historic sites in Israel, pray at Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, the third holiest site in Islam, and finally satisfy their curiosity about the Jewish state. Before signing the accords, each leader delivered remarks. Here's Bahrain's Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al-Zayani. Abdullatif bin Rashid Al-Zayani: For too long, the Middle East has been set back by conflict and mistrust, causing untold destruction and thwarting the potential of generations of our best and brightest young people. Now, I'm convinced, we have the opportunity to change that. Manya Brachear Pashman: UAE's Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan echoed that sentiment and also addressed accusations by Palestinian leadership that the countries had abandoned them. He made it clear that the accords bolstered the Emirates' support for the Palestinian people and their pursuit of an independent state. Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan:  [speaking in Arabic] Manya Brachear Pashman: [translating Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan] This new vision, he said, which is beginning to take shape as we meet today for the future of the region, full of youthful energy, is not a slogan that we raise for political gain as everyone looks forward to creating a more stable, prosperous, and secure future. This accord will enable us to continue to stand by the Palestinian people and realize their hopes for an independent state within a stable and prosperous region. Manya Brachear Pashman: The Truman Balcony, named for the first American president to recognize Israel's independence, served as the backdrop for a few iconic photographs. The officials then made their way down the stairs and took their seats at the table where they each signed three copies of the Abraham Accords in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. The brief ceremony combined formality and levity as the leaders helped translate for each other so someone didn't sign on the wrong dotted line. After that was settled, they turned the signed documents around to show the audience. When they all rose from their seats, Prime Minister Netanyahu paused. After the others put their portfolios down, he stood displaying his for a little while longer, taking a few more seconds to hold on to the magnitude of the moment. Benjamin Netanyahu: To all of Israel's friends in the Middle East, those who are with us today and those who will join us tomorrow, I say, ‘As-salamu alaykum. Peace unto thee. Shalom.' And you have heard from the president that he is already lining up more and more countries. This is unimaginable a few years ago, but with resolve, determination, a fresh look at the way peace is done . . . The blessings of the peace we make today will be enormous, first, because this peace will eventually expand to include other Arab states, and ultimately, it can end the Arab Israeli conflict once and for all. [clapping] [Red alert sirens] Manya Brachear Pashman: But peace in Israel was and still is a distant reality as Palestinian leadership did not participate in the Accords, and, in fact, viewed it as a betrayal. As Netanyahu concluded his speech to the audience on the White House Lawn, thousands of miles away, Israel's Iron Dome missile defense system intercepted 15 rockets fired by terrorists in Gaza, at least one striking Israel's coastal city of Ashdod. Iran's regime condemned the agreement. But across most of the region and around the world, the revelation that decades of hostility could be set aside to try something new – a genuine pursuit of peace – inspired hope. Saudi journalists wrote op-eds in support of the UAE and Bahrain. Egypt and Oman praised the Abraham Accords for adding stability to the region. Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and Spain commended the monumental step. United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres welcomed the deal for paving the way toward a two-state solution. AJC's Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson was one of more than 200 domestic and foreign officials on the White House Lawn that day taking it all in. The guest list included members of Congress, embassy staff, religious leaders, and people like himself who worked behind the scenes – a cross section of people who had been part of a long history of relationship building and peacemaking in the Middle East for many years. Jason Isaacson: To see what was happening then this meeting of neighbors who could be friends. To see the warmth evident on that stage at the South Lawn of the White House, and then the conversations that were taking place in this vast assembly on the South Lawn. Converging at that moment to mark the beginning of a development of a new Middle East. It was an exciting moment for me and for AJC and one that not only will I never forget but one that I am looking forward to reliving. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason, of course, is talking about his confidence in the expansion of the Abraham Accords. Through his position at AJC he has attended several White House events marking milestones in the peace process. He had been seated on the South Lawn of the White House 27 years earlier to watch a similar scene unfold -- when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian Leader Yasser Arafat met to sign the Oslo Accords with President Bill Clinton. Yitzhak Rabin: What we are doing today is more than signing an agreement. It is a revolution. Yesterday, a dream. Today, a commitment. The Israeli and the Palestinian peoples who fought each other for almost a century have agreed to move decisively on the path of dialogue, understanding, and cooperation. Manya Brachear Pashman: Brokered secretly by Norway, the Oslo Accords established mutual recognition between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, which claimed to represent the Palestinian people. It also led to the creation of a Palestinian Authority for interim self-government and a phased Israeli withdrawal from parts of the West Bank and Gaza.  Jason Isaacson: I mean, 1993 was a tremendous breakthrough, and it was a breakthrough between the State of Israel and an organization that had been created to destroy Israel. And so it was a huge breakthrough to see the Israeli and Palestinian leaders agree to a process that would revolutionize that relationship, normalize that relationship, and set aside a very ugly history and chart a new path that was historic. Manya Brachear Pashman: While the Oslo Accords moved the Israelis and Palestinians toward a resolution, progress came to a halt two years later with the assassination of Prime Minister Rabin. In July 2000, President Clinton brought Arafat and then Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to Camp David to continue discussions, but they could not agree.  In his autobiography, “My Life,” President Clinton wrote that Arafat walked away from a Palestinian state, a mistake that Clinton took personally. When Arafat called him a great man, Clinton responded “I am not a great man. I am a failure, and you made me one." Arafat's decision also would prove fatal for both Israelis and Palestinians. By September, the Second Intifada – five years of violence, terror attacks, and suicide bombings – derailed any efforts toward peace. Jason says the Abraham Accords have more staying power than the Oslo Accords. That's clear five years later, especially after the October 7 Hamas terror attacks sparked a prolonged war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza. Two years into the war, the Abraham Accords have held. But Jason recalls feeling optimistic, even as he sat there again on the South Lawn. Jason Isaacson: It's a different kind of historic moment, maybe a little less breathtaking in the idea of two fierce antagonists, sort of laying down their arms and shaking hands uneasily, but shaking hands. Uneasily, but shaking hands. All those years later, in 2020, you had a state of Israel that had no history of conflict with the UAE or Bahrain. Countries with, with real economies, with real investment potential, with wise and well-advised leaders who would be in a position to implement plans that were being put together in the summer and fall of 2020. The Oslo Accords, you know, didn't provide that kind of built in infrastructure to advance peace. Manya Brachear Pashman: Jason pointed out that the only source of conflict among the signatories on the Abraham Accords was actually a point of mutual agreement – a frustration and desire to resolve the conflict with the Palestinians. UAE and Bahrain were part of the League of Arab States that had sworn in 2002 not to advance relations with Israel in the absence of a two-state solution.  But 18 years later, that had gone nowhere and leaders recognized that perhaps it would be more beneficial to the Palestinian cause if they at least engaged with Israel. Jason Isaacson: I had no fear, sitting in a folding chair on the White House Lawn on September 15, that this was going to evaporate. This seemed to be a natural progression. The region is increasingly sophisticated and increasingly plugged into the world, and recognizing that they have a lot of catching up to do to advance the welfare of their people. And that that catching up is going to require integrating with a very advanced country in their region that they have shunned for too long. This is a recognition that I am hearing across the region, not always spoken in those words, but it's clear that it will be of benefit to the region, to have Israel as a partner, rather than an isolated island that somehow is not a part of that region. Donald Trump: I want to thank all of the members of Congress for being here … Manya Brachear Pashman: AJC CEO Ted Deutch also was at the White House that day, not as AJC CEO but as a Congressman who served on the House Committee on Foreign Affairs and chaired its Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa and Global Counterterrorism. Ted Deutch: It was a beautiful day and there was this coming together, this recognition that this was such an historic moment and it's exactly the kind of thing, frankly, that  I remember having watched previously, when there were peace agreements signed and thinking that's something that I want to be a part of. And there I was looking around right in the middle of all of this, and so excited about where this could lead. Manya Brachear Pashman: Despite his congressional role, Ted learned about the deal along with the rest of the world when it was initially announced a month before the ceremony, though he did get a tip that something was in the pipeline that would change the course of the committee's work. Ted Deutch: I found out when I got a phone call from the Trump administration, someone who was a senior official who told me that there is big news that's coming, that the Middle East is never going to look the same, and that he couldn't share any other information. And we, of course, went into wild speculation mode about what that could be. And the Abraham Accords was the announcement, and it was as dramatic as he suggested. Manya Brachear Pashman: It was a small glimmer of light during an otherwise dark time. Remember, this was the summer and early fall of 2020. The COVID pandemic, for the most part, had shut down the world. People were not attending meetings, conferences, or parties. Even members of Congress were avoiding Capitol Hill and casting their votes from home. Ted Deutch: It was hard to make great strides in anything in the diplomatic field, because there weren't the kind of personal interactions taking place on a regular basis. It didn't have the atmosphere that was conducive to meaningful, deep, ongoing conversations about the future of the world. And that's really what this was about, and that's what was missing. And so here was this huge news that for the rest of the world, felt like it was out of the blue, that set in motion a whole series of steps in Congress about the way that our committee, the way we approach the region. That we could finally start talking about regional cooperation in ways that we couldn't before. Manya Brachear Pashman: The timing was especially auspicious as it boosted interest in a particular piece of legislation that had been in the works for a decade: the bipartisan Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. Approved by Congress in December 2020, around the same time Morocco joined the Abraham Accords, the law allocated up to $250 million over five years for programs advancing peaceful coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians and supporting a sustainable two-state solution. Passed as part of a larger appropriations bill, it was the largest investment of any single country in Israeli-Palestinian civil society initiatives. Ted Deutch: Here we were having this conversation about increasing trade and increasing tourism and the countries working more closely together and being able to freely fly back and forth on a regular basis – something that we've seen as the tourism numbers have taken off. The trade has taken off. So it really changed what we do. Manya Brachear Pashman: The other thing Ted recalls about that day on the White House lawn was the bipartisan spirit in the air. Although his own committee didn't tend to divide along party lines, Congress had become quite polarized and partisan on just about everything else. On that day, just as there was no animus between Israelis and Arabs, there was none between Republicans and Democrats either. And Ted believes that's the way it always should be. Ted Deutch: It was a bipartisan stellium of support, because this was a really important moment for the region and for the world, and it's exactly the kind of moment where we should look for ways to work together. This issue had to do with the Middle East, but it was driven out of Washington. There's no doubt about that. It was driven out of the out of the Trump administration and the White House and that was, I think, a reminder of the kind of things that can happen in Washington, and that we need to always look for those opportunities and when any administration does the right thing, then they need to be given credit for it, whether elected officials are on the same side of the aisle or not. We were there as people who were committed to building a more peaceful and prosperous region, with all of the countries in the region, recognizing the contributions that Israel makes and can make as the region has expanded, and then thinking about all of the chances that we would have in the years ahead to build upon this in really positive ways. Manya Brachear Pashman: On that warm September day, it felt as if the Abraham Accords not only had the potential to heal a rift in the Middle East but also teach us some lessons here at home. Even if it was impossible to resolve every disagreement, the Abraham Accords proved that progress and peace are possible when there are shared strategic interests, relationships, and a shared concern for the greater good.   Ted Deutch: I hope that as we celebrate this 5th anniversary, that in this instance we allow ourselves to do just that. I mean, this is a celebratory moment, and I hope that we can leave politics out of this. And I hope that we're able to just spend a moment thinking about what's been achieved during these five years, and how much all of us, by working together, will be able to achieve, not just for Israel, but for the region, in the best interest of the United States and in so doing, ultimately, for the world. That's what this moment offers. Manya Brachear Pashman: In the next episode, we meet Israelis and Arabs who embraced the spirit of the Abraham Accords and seized unprecedented opportunities to collaborate. Atara Lakritz is our producer. T.K. Broderick is our sound engineer. Special thanks to Jason Isaacson, Sean Savage, and the entire AJC team for making this series possible.  You can subscribe to Architects of Peace on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, and you can learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace.  The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC.  You can reach us at podcasts@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to spread the word, and hop onto Apple Podcasts or Spotify to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us.

Anna-Maria erzählt von ihrer „Party-Auszeit“ mit Schwester und Freundinnen – und warum das nach ihrem unterbrochenen Urlaub mit Anis und den Kindern genau das Richtige war. Ihr gefällt, wie Anis immer mehr die Rolle des Familien-Managers einnimmt, egal ob es um die Urlaubsgestaltung mit den Kindern, die Einschulung der Drillinge oder den anstehenden Umzug geht. +++ Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Belli çevrelerin vakitleri birleştirmekten maksatları, öğle ile ikindi namazını öğle veya ikindi vaktinde; akşam ile yatsı namazını da akşam veya yatsı namazının vaktinde kılmaktır. Şayet namaz, önceki namazın vaktinde kılınırsa buna,“cem‘-i takdim”, sonraki namazın vaktinde kılınırsa buna da “cem‘-i te'hir” denir. Ayet-i kerimeler, hadîs-i şerifler ve Peygamberimiz (s.a.v.)'in hayat boyu fiilî tatbikatı gereğince, “her namazın kendi muayyen vakti içinde kılınması” Ehl-i Sünnet mezhepleri müctehidlerinin icmâı (söz birliği) ile kararlaşmış bir esastır. Fıkıhta temâyüz etmiş Sahâbe-i Kiram (r.a.e.)'den Abdullah bin Mes'ûd, Abdullah bin Ömer (r.a.e.), Tâbiin'den Hasan-ı Basrî, İbn Sîrîn, İbrahim Nehaî, Ömer bin Abdülaziz (r.a.e.),müctehid imamlardan İmam Sevrî, İmam Evzaî ve Hanefi mezhebine göre, “Her namazın kendi vakti içinde kılınması esası”nın sadece iki istisnası vardır:1. Hacıların, arefe günü Arafat'ta, vakfeden önce öğle ile ikindi namazını, tek ezân ve iki ikâmetle öğle vaktinde birleştirerek, cem‘-i takdimle kılmaları. 2. Yine hac yapanların Arafat'tan Müzdelife'ye geldikleri bayram gecesi, Müzdelife'de, akşam ile yatsı namazını, yatsı vaktinde birleştirerek, cem‘-i te'hirle tek ezân ve ikâmetle kılmalarıdır. İşte, yeri ve zamanı belirli bu iki durumun dışında “cem‘-i takdim” veya “cem‘-i te'hir” yapmak Hanefî mezhebine göre kesinlikle caiz değildir. Çünkü Cebrâil (a.s.), Peygamberimiz (s.a.v.)'e beş vakit namazın vakitlerini bizzat bildirerek, her namazı kendi vakitleri içinde kılması gerektiğini öğretmiştir. Bunlar içerisinde, bir vakit içinde iki namaz kılma uygulaması yoktur. Bundan öte, özürsüz olarak iki namazı aynı vakitte kılanlar hakkında tehditler de vârid olmuştur.(www.mevlanatakvimi.com)

Nach dem Urlaub können Anna-Maria und Anis überhaupt nicht gut schlafen. Es geht sogar so weit, dass sie ein wichtiges Business-Dinner absagen müssen. Parallel durchleben die Drillinge ein kleines „Struwwelpeter“-Trauma, und die Anmeldung des neuen Hauses gestaltet sich auch nicht gerade einfach.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Welcome to What Matters Now, a weekly podcast exploring key issues currently shaping Israel and the Jewish World, with host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan speaking with legal expert on genocide Menachem Rosensaft. Rosensaft is an adjunct professor of law at Cornell Law School and lecturer-in-law at Columbia Law School, where he teaches the law of genocide -- since 2008 at Cornell and since 2011 at Columbia. A dedicated pro-Israel US Jewish leader, Rosensaft is the general counsel emeritus of the World Jewish Congress and has been part of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, most notably sitting with PLO leader Yasser Arafat alongside four other American Jewish leaders in 1988, after which Arafat said he recognized the State of Israel's right to exist. Rosensaft discusses the important legal and rhetorical distinction between genocide and crimes against humanity or war crimes, feeling that the definition's precision is being diluted in popular use. We learn about the history and evolution of Raphael Lemkin's definition of genocide and the ripple effect it has caused. He emphasizes that Israel cannot be held out as the sole villain in the ongoing war, and explains how Hamas exhibits genocidal intent and ideology. However, the statements from a handful of far-right Israeli politicians is making South Africa's December 2023 legal case accusing the Jewish state of genocide much harder to win. Finally, he rails against the Israeli government's weaponization of the word "antisemitism" for all dissent against the Jewish state, but doubles down on the need for an ongoing peace process leading to a Palestinian state. And so this week, we ask genocide legal expert Menachem Rosensaft, what matters now. What Matters Now podcasts are available for download on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Menachem Rosensaft (courtesy) / Palestinians stand on the edge of a crater after Israeli military strikes in a tent camp for displaced people near Al-Aqsa Hospital, in Deir al-Balah, August 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Wir sind zurück aus der Sommerpause! Und wenn jemand eine Reise tut (mit der ganzen Familie), so kann er was erzählen! Anis und Anna-Maria berichten von ihren krassen Urlaubsturbulenzen: Es ging nämlich mit einem Bus komplett durch Thailand! In 14 Stunden gab es Dschungel, Plumpsklos, Kälte und Chips als Hauptnahrungsmittel. Die Kluft zwischen absolutem Luxus zu Hause und dem krassen Minuslevel kann bei den Ferchichis also sehr groß sein: Ein Dieselgenerator neben dem Bett, Schlangen, Kakerlaken und Spinnen. Noch Fragen? Jetzt sind alle froh, wieder in Dubai zu sein. Der Umzug verzögert sich übrigens weiter bzw. verändert sich, aber Anis und Anna-Maria sind ja inzwischen Profis. In dieser Folge geht es dann auch noch um Parfüm-Macken, ein neues Album, entspannte Drillinge und Anna-Marias O(h)rgasmus. +++Hol dir jetzt das RTL+ Basic-Paket und erhalte für 3 Monate 30% Neukunden-Rabatt. Einfach mit dem Gutscheincode BUSHIDO30 anmelden unter: https://my.plus.rtl.de/coop (einlösbar bis zum 31.01.2026)+++Das Video zur neuen Exklusivfolge gibt es hier: https://plus.rtl.de/video-tv/shows/im-bett-mit-anna-maria-und-anis-ferchichi-der-video-podcast-1038811/staffel-1-1038812/episode-1-familien-storys-mit-montry-1038813+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mohammed and Arafat ask a number of hard hitting questions as they review the 2025 Formula 1 season so far

Cuộc chiến tranh tại dải Gaza giữa quân đội Israel và lực lượng Hamas, bùng lên sau vụ tấn công khủng bố của Hamas trên đất Israel khiến hơn một nghìn người chết, và hơn 250 người bị bắt làm con tin, đã kéo dài gần hai năm. Vùng lãnh thổ rộng hơn 40 km² của người Palestine bị tàn phá tan hoang, khiến hàng chục nghìn người chết, hàng trăm nghìn người bị thương, đa số dân cư phải sống trong cảnh màn trời chiếu đất. Tuy nhiên, việc công nhận Nhà nước Palestine một lần nữa trở thành một vấn đề nóng bỏng của thời sự quốc tế. Nhiều nước châu Âu, tuyên bố công nhận Nhà nước Palestine. Nước Pháp dự kiến sẽ chính thức công nhận Palestine trong dịp Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc vào tháng 9/2025. Nhà nước Palestine là một trong những vấn đề chính trị quốc tế đương đại phức tạp bậc nhất. Tạp chí Tiêu điểm thời sự điểm lại một số diễn biến chính trong tiến trình tranh đấu vì một Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine. Nghị quyết LHQ năm 1947 về hai Nhà nước, thế giới Ả Rập không công nhận Về vấn đề Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine, ngày 29/11/1947 mà một cái mốc lịch sử. « Nghị quyết của ủy ban lâm thời của Liên Hiệp Quốc về vấn đề Palestine đã được thông qua với 33 phiếu thuận, 13 phiếu chống và 10 phiếu trắng. » Theo Nghị quyết 181 của Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc, vùng lãnh thổ gọi là xứ Palestine, nằm dọc bờ biển đông Địa Trung Hải, phía bắc là Liban và phía nam là Ai Cập hiện nay, sẽ được chia thành hai Nhà nước, một Nhà nước của người Ả Rập và một của người Do Thái, và một khu vực do quốc tế kiểm soát, bao gồm các thánh địa như Jerusalem và thành Bethleem. Theo nghị quyết 181 của Liên Hiệp Quốc, nước Anh, quốc gia được Hội Quốc Liên – tiền thân của Liên Hiệp Quốc - giao trách nhiệm bảo trợ cho vùng đất này từ năm 1922, sau khi đế chế Ottoman giải thể, sẽ phải rút khỏi Palestine vào cuối năm 1948. Nghị quyết về hai Nhà nước liên quan đến vùng đất lịch sử Palestine được coi là một nguyên tắc pháp lý căn bản của Liên Hiệp Quốc về « vấn đề Palestine ». Năm 2000, Hội đồng Bảo an Liên Hiệp Quốc đã thông qua nghị quyết 1397 tái khẳng định « giải pháp hai Nhà nước ». Tuy nhiên, nghị quyết 181 của Liên Hiệp Quốc đã không được thực thi đầy đủ. Ngày 14/05/1948, Nhà nước Israel của người Do Thái chính thức ra đời. Nhưng đã không có một Nhà nước của người Ả Rập. Các đụng độ bùng phát dữ dội giữa các cộng đồng người Ả Rập cư trú lâu đời tại xứ Palestine, với người Do Thái, trong đó có rất nhiều người đến từ châu Âu, đặc biệt sau các cuộc diệt chủng người Do Thái của chế độ Đức Quốc xã. Ước tính từ khoảng 800.000 người đến hơn 1 triệu người Ả Rập tại Palestine đã phải rời bỏ quê hương trong biến cố được gọi là « Nakba », tiếng Ả Rập có nghĩa là đại thảm họa. Năm 2023, lần đầu tiên Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc chính thức tổ chức kỷ niệm thường niên biến cố « Nakba ». Cho đến nay, theo Liên Hiệp Quốc, có hơn 4 triệu người là người Palestine tị nạn sau biến cố Nakba, hoặc hậu duệ của họ. Thế giới Ả Rập không công nhận nhà nước Do Thái. Cuộc chiến tranh Ả Rập – Do Thái đầu tiên bùng nổ vào năm 1949. Sau cuộc chiến tranh này Jordanie kiểm soát vùng Cisjordanie và Đông Jerusalem, dải Gaza thuộc quyền kiểm soát của Ai Cập. Cũng năm này, Liên Hiệp Quốc công nhận Nhà nước Israel. Hai mươi năm « bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử » Nếu như trước khi Nhà nước Do Thái ra đời, các cộng đồng người Ả Rập Palestine từng có một vị thế nhất định, thì sau thời điểm này, người Palestine hoàn toàn « bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử », như ghi nhận của chuyên gia Jean-Paul Chagnollaud, giáo sư danh dự các trường Đại học, chủ tịch Viện nghiên cứu về vùng Trung Đông Địa Trung Hải (IREMMO) với đài France Culture : « Trong suốt 20 năm đó – từ 1949 đến cuộc chiến 1967 - có thể nói rằng người Palestine đã bị đẩy ra khỏi ‘‘lịch sử'' hoặc bị xóa sổ khỏi lịch sử như người ta thường nói, và chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine – vốn đang hình thành - đã bị suy yếu nghiêm trọng. Những người mang tinh thần dân tộc chủ nghĩa Palestine vào thời điểm đó chính là những người Palestine đã rời khỏi vùng đất nơi Nhà nước Israel được thành lập. Đó là những người tị nạn, những người sẽ đến Liban, đến Jordanie. Có rất nhiều người tị nạn ở Jordanie. Họ cũng đến dải Gaza, nơi đang nằm dưới sự quản lý của Ai Cập của thời điểm đó. Điều này khiến dân số dải Gaza vào những năm 1949 - 1950 gồm đến 90% là người tị nạn, tức là những người có quê hương tại các vùng đất ở Palestine, cách đó chỉ 10, 30, 50, 100 km, tức rất gần, vì Gaza là một vùng lãnh thổ rất nhỏ, chỉ bằng hai, ba tỉnh của nước Pháp. Như vậy là người Palestine biến mất và trên bình diện quốc tế, người ta chỉ còn nói đến ‘‘vấn đề người tị nạn''. Người ta thậm chí không còn dùng đến từ “Palestine” nữa. Để lấy một ví dụ cụ thể, có thể dễ dàng kiểm chứng về mặt pháp lý : Đó là nghị quyết đầu tiên sau cuộc chiến tranh năm 1967, nghị quyết 242 tháng 11/1967. Đây là một nghị quyết quan trọng, nghị quyết đầu tiên sau cuộc chiến năm 1967. Nghị quyết này nói rằng các lãnh thổ đã chiếm đoạt phải được trả lại cho các quốc gia, và khi nói về người tị nạn, thì chỉ có một dòng về họ. Người ta thậm chí không dùng từ “Palestine”, mà chỉ yêu cầu có ‘‘một giải pháp công bằng'', chỉ một dòng đó mà thôi (un juste règlement du problème des réfugiés). Nói cách khác, người Palestine đã biến mất. » Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine ra đời dưới quyền kiểm soát của Ai Cập Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine PLO được thành lập chính thức vào năm 1964. Tuy nhiên, trong giai đoạn đầu, tổ chức mang tôn chỉ giải phóng Palestine phục vụ trước hết cho quyền lợi của một số thế lực Ả Rập trong khu vực, đặc biệt là nước Ai Cập của Nasser (một cường quốc trong khu vực, đặc biệt sau cuộc chiến thắng lợi trước liên minh Anh, Pháp và Israel nhằm kiểm soát kênh đào Suez năm 1956), và vương quốc Jordanie, kiểm soát vùng Cisjordanie của người Palestine. Chuyên gia Jean-Paul Chagnollaud nhận định : « Lãnh đạo Palestine Arafat, với việc thành lập tổ chức Fatah (phong trào giải phóng dân tộc Palestine) năm 1959, đã xuất hiện trong bối cảnh đó, một bối cảnh bị chi phối bởi lãnh đạo Ai Cập Nasser. Còn người dân vùng Cisjordanie bị chi phối bởi quan điểm chính thống về dân tộc Jordan, với những gia tộc lớn gần gũi với hoàng gia Jordanie, các thế lực kiểm soát các thành phố Cisjordanie. Trong toàn bộ giai đoạn này, việc khẳng định tinh thần dân tộc Palestine là điều gần như bất khả thi. Làm sao có thể làm cho người Palestine cảm thấy mình là một dân tộc đang hình thành sau tất cả những sự kiện đã làm cho họ bị phân mảnh, tan tác, bị đập nát theo cả nghĩa đen lẫn nghĩa bóng. Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine PLO được thành lập năm 1964. PLO được thành lập bởi ai ? Trong tổ chức này có người Palestine, nhưng PLO là do lãnh đạo Ai Cập Nasser lập ra, với sự ủng hộ của vua Jordanie Hussein. Tại sao họ lại thành lập PLO vào thời điểm đó ? Bởi vì họ biết rằng thực sự có một phong trào dân tộc đang manh nha, đang được xây dựng, đang định hình, đó là phong trào dân tộc chủ nghĩa Fatah, do Arafat lãnh đạo, từ đầu những năm 1960. Nasser không thể để mình bị vượt mặt. Và vì vậy, cần phải kiểm soát. Vậy làm sao để kiểm soát ? Bằng cách thành lập một tổ chức, Tổ chức Giải phóng Palestine, với sứ mệnh lúc đó là xác lập sự thống nhất của các nước Ả Rập, trước khi lo chuyện Palestine. Khối Ả Rập thống nhất sẽ cho phép giải phóng Palestine, đó là cách người ta nói vào thời điểm đó. Trong kịch bản đó, PLO không phải là của người Palestine, mặc dù người đứng đầu PLO là Ahmad Shukeiri. Ông ấy là một người Palestine, nhưng là một người Palestine làm bình phong cho Nasser. Nhân vật này từng làm việc tại Liên đoàn Ả Rập với Nasser. Lập ra PLO thực sự là một việc chủ yếu do Ai Cập chủ trương để cố gắng kiểm soát tình hình, và họ đã thành công. » Cuộc chiến « Sáu ngày » 1967 : Thất bại của khối Ả Rập và sự trỗi dậy của chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine Năm 1967, cuộc chiến tranh thứ ba giữa các nước Ả Rập và Israel bùng nổ. Cuộc chiến chỉ kéo dài 6 ngày nhưng để lại các hệ quả lớn. Israel giành lại dải Gaza và vùng Cisjordanie, nhưng thất bại của khối Ả Rập, cũng để ngỏ cơ hội cho sự trỗi dậy của phong trào dân tộc Palestine với vai trò hàng đầu của nhà lãnh đạo Arafat. Giáo sư Jean-Paul Chagnollaud nhận định : « Đối với chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine, vốn bị kìm hãm bởi chủ nghĩa dân tộc Ả Rập, điều này đã mở ra những triển vọng mới. Chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine có thể nói đã nhanh chóng lấp đầy khoảng trống, đột ngột mở ra do thất bại hoàn toàn của các nước Ả Rập, do thảm họa năm 1967. Việc thay đổi lãnh thổ như vậy đã mang lại thay đổi địa-chính trị to lớn, và tiếp đó là sự suy yếu của chủ nghĩa dân tộc Ả Rập, đã mở rộng đường cho chủ nghĩa dân tộc Palestine và cho Arafat. Tôi có thể nói thêm một điều này : Nếu như năm 1964 PLO đã bị Ai Cập, Nasser và Ahmad Shukeiri thao túng, thì ngay sau cuộc chiến, tức là vào những năm 1968-1969, người Palestine đã giành quyền kiểm soát PLO. Kể từ tháng 2/1969, PLO đã thực sự trở thành tổ chức của người Palestine kể từ năm 1968. » Phong trào Intifada đầu tiên, PLO tuyên bố thành lập Nhà nước Palestine Phong trào PLO dưới sự lãnh đạo của Arafat, để hướng tới khẳng định quyền tự quyết dân tộc, quyền của một Nhà nước độc lập của người Palestine, đã tiến hành cùng lúc hai cuộc chiến, cuộc tranh đấu vũ trang và cuộc tranh đấu về chính trị và ngoại giao. Năm 1974, Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc chính thức công nhận « quyền tự quyết » và « nền độc lập » của người Palestine, và công nhận vai trò quan sát viên của PLO tại Liên Hiệp Quốc.   Trong tiến trình tranh đấu của người Palestine, phong trào tranh đấu ôn hòa Intifada lần thứ nhất, bùng lên từ cuối năm 1987 trước hết tại Gaza, rồi lan rộng sang vùng Cisjordanie, có ý nghĩa đặc biệt quan trọng. Nhà nghiên cứu François Ceccaldi, đảm nhiệm môn lịch sử thế giới Ả Rập đương đại của Collège de France nhận định : « Phong trào Intifada là một giai đoạn lịch sử trong đó đã có rất nhiều biến chuyển, ít nhất là đã cho phép Arafat thay đổi phần nào chính sách của mình, thúc đẩy bởi những thành quả của phong trào Intifada và uy tín ngày càng tăng của tổ chức PLO. Ông đã quyết định thực hiện một chiến lược có thể gọi là tìm kiếm đồng thuận. Và ông đã đưa ra quyết định như vậy trong một cuộc họp của Hội đồng Quốc gia vào tháng 11/1988, tuyên bố Nhà nước Palestine độc lập với Jerusalem làm thủ đô. Arafat công nhận Nghị quyết 181 năm 1947 của Liên Hiệp Quốc, tức là kế hoạch phân chia đất đai xứ Palestine. Ông lên án việc sử dụng vũ lực. Đặc biệt là trong giai đoạn này, ông đã có hai bài phát biểu khá nổi tiếng tại Alger và Geneva năm 1988, và đặc biệt là bài phát biểu tại Geneva, có lẽ bị thúc đẩy bởi Mỹ. Đi xa hơn, trong một phiên họp của Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc tổ chức bất thường tại Genève năm 1988, Arafat công nhận hai nghị quyết 242 và 338 của Liên Hiệp Quốc và lên án hành động khủng bố. Điều quan trọng ở đây không phải là nội dung của các nghị quyết của Liên Hiệp Quốc, mà Arafat, cùng với ông phong trào dân tộc Paletine, cam kết hoặc chấp nhận tuân thủ pháp lý quốc tế và ngầm công nhận pháp lý này, do đó cũng ngầm công nhận Nhà nước Israel. Đương nhiên, điều này có những hệ quả khá quan trọng. Hai bài phát biểu tại Alger và Geneva cùng phong trào Intifada đã buộc Israel và Mỹ phải tái suy nghĩ về mối quan hệ với PLO, và mở đường cho các đàm phán Madrid rồi Oslo. » Các thỏa ước Oslo 1993 – 1995 với Israel : Nỗ lực dang dở Việc Tổ chức PLO của Arafat chuyển hẳn sang con đường tranh đấu khẳng định nền độc lập bằng biện pháp hòa bình đã dọn đường cho việc đúc kết với Israel hai thỏa ước Oslo, với sự bảo trợ của Mỹ. Thỏa ước Oslo I vào năm 1993 lập ra Cơ quan Quyền lực Palestine, dự kiến tồn tại cho đến năm 1999, sau khi một Nhà nước Palestine độc lập chính thức ra đời. Năm 1994, lãnh tụ Arafat lần đầu tiên trở về Palestine sau 27 năm sống lưu vong. Năm 1995, Israel và Arafat ra được thỏa ước Oslo II, chia vùng Cisjordanie làm ba phần, trong đó tiểu vùng A do người Palestine tự điều hành, tiểu vùng B, hai bên phối hợp quản lý, và vùng C dự kiến sẽ chuyển giao dần quyền quản lý do Palestine, nhưng Israel vẫn duy trì quân đội. Đọc thêm - Palestine – Israel: Hòa ước Oslo chết lâm sàng Các thỏa ước Oslo rút cục đã không dẫn đến việc thành lập một Nhà nước Palestine độc lập. Vì sao các thỏa ước Oslo thất bại, trả lời France Culture, nhà nghiên cứu François Ceccaldi, trường Collège de France, nêu bật một số lý do : « Thực ra có nhiều lý do, có lẽ đơn giản trước hết vì đây chỉ là một tuyên bố nguyên tắc như tên gọi của nó. Sau giai đoạn chuyển tiếp này, các vấn đề về ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'', là những vấn đề nhạy cảm nhất, sẽ phải được đàm phán. Tại sao đàm phán thất bại ? Tôi cảm thấy rằng có lẽ trong các hiệp định Oslo, có một số yếu tố có thể dự báo trước thất bại ngay từ đầu. Đương nhiên lúc ấy đa số đã ghi nhận hoặc ít nhất hy vọng rằng một nền hòa bình là có thể đạt được. Vào thời điểm đó, đã có một số ít người phản đối, tôi đặc biệt nghĩ đến nhà nghiên cứu Edward Said, là những người đã nhanh chóng nhìn thấy những khiếm khuyết của hiệp định này. Có lẽ cũng vì trong các hiệp định này, chẳng hạn về vấn đề nhà nước Palestine, người Palestine đã có một số cách hiểu khá mơ hồ. Tuyên bố nguyên tắc dự kiến thành lập ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'' sau giai đoạn chuyển tiếp 5 năm, dựa trên các nghị quyết 242 và 338. Trong diễn đạt mơ hồ về ‘‘tình trạng thường trực'' dựa trên nghị quyết 242 rõ ràng người Palestine đã thấy đó là việc thành lập một nhà nước trong các đường biên giới như trước cuộc chiến tranh năm 1967. Trên thực tế, vấn đề nhà nước Palestine đã không bao giờ được đề cập trực tiếp trong các hiệp định. Có rất nhiều sự mơ hồ mà tôi nghĩ là đặc trưng của tuyên bố mang tính nguyên tắc, cộng với tất cả những gì xảy ra từ năm 1993 đến 1999, 2000, cho thấy thực sự có một sự phá vỡ lòng tin dần dần giữa các bên.  Mối quan hệ tin cậy được cho là sẽ phải được xây dựng trong giai đoạn chuyển tiếp đã không xảy ra vì nhiều lý do, có lẽ vì cuối cùng là do việc xây dựng các khu định cư của người Do Thái không bao giờ ngừng, vì thủ tướng Israel Rabin - người cổ vũ cho các hiệp định – bị ám sát. Tổng thống Mỹ Clinton vào cuối nhiệm kỳ của mình đã cố gắng tổ chức một cuộc đàm phán cuối cùng giữa thủ tướng Israel Ehud Barak và lãnh đạo PLO Arafat, nhưng đã thất bại. » Nội bộ phương Tây ngày càng nghiêng về công nhận Palestine Đầu những năm 2000, tiến trình hướng đến một xứ sở Palestine độc lập có một số bước tiến, với việc quân đội Israel lần đầu tiên rút khỏi dải Gaza kể từ năm 1967. Tuy nhiên, tình hình thay đổi sau khi tổ chức Hồi giáo Hamas, không thừa nhận Israel và chủ trương dùng vũ lực, lên nắm quyền tại Gaza năm 2007 : Nội bộ Palestine chia rẽ sâu sắc. Việc Hamas kiểm soát Gaza đẩy người Palestine dấn sâu vào thế đối đầu một mất một còn với Israel. Con đường hướng đến hai nhà nước Palestine - Israel cùng tồn tại hòa bình, đã bắt đầu hé mở thời Arafat, ngày càng trở nên xa vời. Tuy nhiên, về mặt ngoại giao, nỗ lực của Cơ quan Quyền lực Palestine gặt hái một số thành công. Năm 2012, Liên Hiệp Quốc công nhận Palestine là « nhà nước quan sát viên không phải thành viên » Liên Hiệp Quốc. Năm 2024, Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc ra một nghị quyết mang tính biểu tượng, yêu cầu kết nạp Palestine làm thành viên chính thức. Điều không được chấp nhận do lá phiếu phủ quyết của Mỹ.  Kể từ tháng 5/2024, Palestine được Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc tiếp nhận gần như một thành viên chính thức của Liên Hiệp Quốc với vị trí được xếp theo thứ tự ABC, và được phép đề xuất các dự thảo nghị quyết, đồng chủ trì dự thảo nghị quyết (với 143 phiếu thuận, 9 phiếu chống và 25 vắng mặt). Theo chủ tịch Đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc « những sự kiện kinh hoàng trong bảy tháng qua chỉ làm tăng thêm tính cấp bách của việc đạt được một giải pháp hòa bình công bằng, toàn diện và lâu dài cho tình hình ở Trung Đông » và con đường khả thi duy nhất dẫn đến hòa bình ở Trung Đông là thông qua giải pháp hai nhà nước. Cho đến nay, Palestine đã được hơn 140 quốc gia công nhận, vượt 2/3 số thành viên Liên Hiệp Quốc. Trong nội bộ các nước phương Tây, ngày càng nhiều nước coi việc công nhận Palestine là biện pháp cần thiết để thực thi « giải pháp hai nhà nước », đã được Liên Hiệp Quốc đề ra hồi 1947. Công nhận nhà nước Palestine là « điều kiện để bảo đảm an ninh cho Israel », như một tuyên bố của Hội đồng Châu Âu năm 1999. 

Welcome to What Matters Now, a weekly podcast exploring key issues currently shaping Israel and the Jewish World, with host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan speaking with legal expert on genocide Menachem Rosensaft. Rosensaft is an adjunct professor of law at Cornell Law School and lecturer-in-law at Columbia Law School, where he teaches the law of genocide -- since 2008 at Cornell and since 2011 at Columbia. A dedicated pro-Israel US Jewish leader, Rosensaft is the general counsel emeritus of the World Jewish Congress and has been part of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, most notably sitting with PLO leader Yasser Arafat alongside four other American Jewish leaders in 1988, after which Arafat said he recognized the State of Israel's right to exist. Rosensaft discusses the important legal and rhetorical distinction between genocide and crimes against humanity or war crimes, feeling that the definition's precision is being diluted in popular use. We learn about the history and evolution of Raphael Lemkin's definition of genocide and the ripple effect it has caused. He emphasizes that Israel cannot be held out as the sole villain in the ongoing war, and explains how Hamas exhibits genocidal intent and ideology. However, the statements from a handful of far-right Israeli politicians is making South Africa's December 2023 legal case accusing the Jewish state of genocide much harder to win. Finally, he rails against the Israeli government's weaponization of the word "antisemitism" for all dissent against the Jewish state, but doubles down on the need for an ongoing peace process leading to a Palestinian state. And so this week, we ask genocide legal expert Menachem Rosensaft, what matters now. What Matters Now podcasts are available for download on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Menachem Rosensaft (courtesy) / Palestinians stand on the edge of a crater after Israeli military strikes in a tent camp for displaced people near Al-Aqsa Hospital, in Deir al-Balah, August 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nach der finalen Urteilsverkündung im Prozess gegen Arafat Abou-Chaker sprechen Anis und Anna-Maria in dieser Folge über ihre persönlichen Gedanken zu dem Ausgang und was das nun mit ihnen macht. Außerdem erzählen die beiden von einer besonderen Freundschaft, die unter die Haut geht.+++Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 09.02.2024 veröffentlicht.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's newest podcast series, Friday Focus. Each Friday, join host deputy editor Amanda Borschel-Dan for a deep dive into what's behind the news that spins the globe. This week, as Israel marks the beginning of the Disengagement from Gaza 20 years ago, we speak with former Brooklynite Anita Tucker, 79, who helped settle Nezer Hazani in 1977 and was forcibly removed from her home in 2005 alongside her husband, children and grandchildren. Affectionately called "the celery lady" due to her flourishing Gush Katif farm, Tucker describes how her young children were the deciding factor for staking their tent pegs in the barren land of Nezer Hazani after she viewed them "sledding" down the dunes on garbage bags. This same inert sand allowed the residents to grow their trademark, bug-free Gush Katif vegetables with the newest agricultural technology -- drip irrigation. She talks about warm relationships with her Arab neighbors -- until talk of "peace" came and the empowerment of PLO leader Yasser Arafat. She describes how once Arafat established a foothold in Gaza, he hanged the leadership of Deir al-Balah, who were Tucker’s close personal friends. She speaks about the terror attacks the community absorbed, but the ideological faith that their community was protecting the rest of the Land of Israel. Former prime minister Ariel Sharon's announcement of a unilateral pullout from Gaza came as a betrayal and we hear how the youth protested against this move until the very end. But after the pullout, the former Gush Katif residents experienced a second betrayal in that they had to fight to get compensation and rebuild their lives. Tucker and much of the original settlement refounded Nezer Hazani seven years later inside the State of Israel, but, as she says, these are their "houses," they are not their "homes." Tucker speaks to the community's yearning to resettle the Gaza Strip and how concrete plans have been presented to the Israeli government during what the potential resettlers view as a window of opportunity. Friday Focus can be found on all podcast platforms. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Israeli Jewish settlers celebrate the Jewish festival of Tu Bishvat, marking the new year for trees in the Jewish settlement of Neve Dekalim in the Gush Katif block of settlements in the Gaza Strip, January 25, 2005. (AP Photo/Ariel Schalit)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Auch wenn diese Woche mal wieder mit kranken Kids stressig ohne Ende war, erinnern sich Anis und Anna-Maria in dieser Folge an den Heiratsantrag zurück. Freut euch auf eine romantische Reise in die Vergangenheit zwei junger wilder Menschen, die einfach füreinander bestimmt sind... +++ Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 08.12.2023 veröffentlicht.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Jahrelang hat Anis geschwiegen - im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes - in dieser Folge sprechen er und Anna-Maria über seine Depressionen. Sie begleiten Anis seit seiner Kindheit. Er hat mit ihnen gelebt, sie hingenommen und verdrängt, bis es nicht mehr anders ging, als sich damit zu beschäftigen. Wann Anna-Maria davon erfahren und wie sie Anis in der Zeit des Nicht-Wissens erlebt hat, erfahrt ihr in dieser Folge.Außerdem bekommt ihr hier die News über den Zuwachs im Hause Ferchichi. Jennifer ist eingezogen, die schon Minuten nach ihrer Ankunft Anna-Maria näher gekommen ist, als es sich beide Frauen gewünscht hätten. Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 24.11.2023 veröffentlicht.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Die BODYGUARD® Boxspring Matratze mit zwei Liegehärten in einerMatratze gibt es bereits ab 333€. Alle Infos findet ihr auf bett1.de PS:bett1.de ist längst mehr als nur Matratze. Auf der Websitefindest du alles für erholsamen Schlaf – von Lattenrosten über Bettwäschebis hin zu Kissen und Toppern. Vorbeischauen lohnt sich!!!Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Anna-Maria hatte eine Fehlgeburt, und in dieser Folge sprechen sie und Anis darüber: Wie es dazu gekommen ist, warum die beiden sich über die Schwangerschaft nicht freuen konnten und wie es in Zukunft mit der Kinderplanung aussieht. Außerdem erklären sie, warum sie ihren Kindern solche "schweren" Themen nicht verschweigen.Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 15.09.2023 veröffentlicht.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In dieser besonderen Folge ist die ehemalige Lehrerin von Laila aus Berlin zu Gast. Damals waren die Kids von Anis und Anna-Maria unter Personenschutz und kamen auf eine neue Schule. Wie war die Situation für die Lehrerin? Wie hat sie die beiden als Eltern wahr genommen? Welche Klischees wurden erfüllt und welche nicht? Wie ist die Schule mit dem Personenschutz umgegangen? Das alles und noch viel mehr in dieser Folge. +++ Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 19.05.2023 veröffentlicht.+++Hol dir jetzt das RTL+ Basic-Paket und erhalte für 3 Monate 30% Neukunden-Rabatt. Einfach mit dem Gutscheincode BUSHIDO30 anmelden unter: https://my.plus.rtl.de/coop (einlösbar bis zum 31.01.2026)+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Wenn man 7 gemeinsame Kinder hat, dann hat man logischerweise viel Sex... oder nicht? Darüber sprechen Anna-Maria und Anis heute! Wer will öfter? Wie hat sich ihr Sexleben innerhalb der Jahre verändert? Und was ist in einem Malediven-Urlaub damals wirklich passiert? Die beiden sprechen zum ersten Mal offen wie nie über das, was im Schlafzimmer passiert. Und räumen endlich mit großen Vorurteilen auf. Diese Folge wurde erstmals am 17.03.2023 veröffentlicht.+++Hol dir jetzt das RTL+ Basic-Paket und erhalte für 3 Monate 30% Neukunden-Rabatt. Einfach mit dem Gutscheincode BUSHIDO30 anmelden unter: https://my.plus.rtl.de/coop (einlösbar bis zum 31.01.2026)+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mohammed and Arafat recap the British Grand Prix, in this episodeDoes Max Verstappen move to MercedesThe future of Christian Horner and where he might landLewis Hamilton's magic performance in the wetNico Hülkenberg's Hulkenpodium

Kurz vor der Podcast-Sommerpause sind die Ferchichis richtig urlaubsreif. Anna-Maria denkt jetzt schon an Weihnachten und dabei kommt heraus, dass sich die beiden immer mehr annähern: Anis wird jedes Jahr weniger zum „Grinch“, während Anna-Maria sich beim Packen für den Urlaub etwas lockerer macht. Nur eine Angst kann sie nicht ablegen – und bei der hilft dann nur Shakira-Musik. +++Hol dir jetzt das RTL+ Basic-Paket und erhalte für 3 Monate 30% Neukunden-Rabatt. Einfach mit dem Gutscheincode BUSHIDO30 anmelden unter: https://my.plus.rtl.de/coop (einlösbar bis zum 31.01.2026)+++Das Video zur neuen Exklusivfolge gibt es hier: https://plus.rtl.de/video-tv/shows/im-bett-mit-anna-maria-und-anis-ferchichi-der-video-podcast-1038811/staffel-1-1038812/episode-1-familien-storys-mit-montry-1038813+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mohammed and Arafat review the Austrian Grand Prix and preview the upcoming British Grand Prix

Dans cet épisode, on plonge dans la signification profonde de ‘Achoura, ce jour béni du mois de Muharram, marqué par la délivrance de Moussa عليه السلام et la victoire de la foi sur l'oppression.Tu découvriras :L'histoire bouleversante de Moussa et PharaonPourquoi le Prophète ﷺ tenait à jeûner ce jour-làLes leçons spirituelles à tirer pour ta propre vieComment préparer ton cœur et ton intention pour ne pas passer à côtéSi tu traverses une période difficile, cet épisode est un rappel que la délivrance vient toujours après l'épreuve.

Die Ferchichis erzählen, wie sehr sie Djibis Unfall aufgewühlt hat und warum er fast in einer Katastrophe geendet wäre. All das hat Anna-Maria und Anis nachdenklich gemacht, aber gleichzeitig auch dankbar. Außerdem sprechen sie offen darüber, wie wichtig Verletzlichkeit in ihrer Beziehung ist, und warum ihre Liebe heute so viel stärker ist als noch vor 10 Jahren. +++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

ALLE INFOS ZU FLACONI:Deutschland: Einfach und entspannt Beauty und Parfum auf www.flaconi.de shoppen: Mit dem Code “ ANIMUS10” sparst du biszum 20.07.2025 10 % ab einem Mindestbestellwert von 59 €.Österreich: Einfach und entspannt Beauty und Parfum auf www.flaconi.at shoppen: Mit dem Code “ ANIMUS10” sparst du bis zum20.07.2025 10 % ab einem Mindestbestellwert von 59 €.Schweiz: Einfach und entspannt Beauty und Parfum auf www.flaconi.ch shoppen: Mit dem Code “ ANIMUS10” sparst du biszum 20.07.2025 10 % ab einem Mindestbestellwert von 59 CHF .*Der Raba gilt nicht auf ausgeschlossene Marken und Produkteund ist nicht mit anderen Aktionen kombinierbar.A u s g e s c h l o s s e n e M a r k e n & P r o d u k t e : C H A N E L , C l i v e C h r i s t i a n , C R E E D , D R .B A R B A R A S T U R M , E m i l É l i s e , E S S E N T I A L P A R F U M S , G r i  i , H I S T O I R E S d eP A R F U M S , I n i t i o , L a b o r a t o r i o O l f a  i v o , L E N F R A G R A N C E , L i q u i d e sI m a g i n a i r e s , L O R E N Z O V I L L O R E S I , M .M i c a l l e f , M a i s o n C r i v e l l i , M a i s o n T a h i t é ,M o r o c c a n o i l , P a n a D o r a , P a r f u m s d e M a r l y , P e r r o y , R o b e r t o U g o l i n i , S e n s a i ,S i m o n e A n d r e o l i , U n e N u i t N o m a d e , V C A N T O , W I D I A Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nach Djibis Unfall und einer nervenzehrenden Woche und müssen sich die Ferchichis erstmal sammeln. Mit Puzzeln daheim klappt das schon mal gut. Kurz vor den Sommerferien stellen Anna-Maria und Anis dem Schulsystem in Dubai ein gutes Zeugnis aus: Hier werden alle gleichbehandelt, bis hin zum strengen Dresscode. Der scheint aber nicht halb so streng zu sein wie Aaliyah mit ihrem Papa, wenn er beim Kleidershopping dabei ist. +++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Arafat and Mohammed are joined by resident Canadian, Adam to discuss the Canadian GP- Is Oscar at fault?- Is Ferrari broken?- Is Lando broken??- Does Max move to Mercedes and Kimi to Ferrari???

Anis erzählt von einem traumatischen Erlebnis in der Deutschen Botschaft – zumindest für den kleinen Haudegen Issa. Die beiden reflektieren ihre spontanen Urlaubspläne und diskutieren über ihren Filmgeschmack. Dann schalten sie in den Therapiemodus: Wie in jeder guten Ehe gibt es auch bei den Ferchichis die kleinen Dinge, die einen auf die Palme bringen. Was sind die Trigger für jeden von ihnen und wie gehen sie damit um? Sie sprechen über die größten Fehler, die sie in ihrem Leben gemacht haben, aber nicht bereuen, über Eifersucht und Zickereien. Achtung: Es wird philosophisch!+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Veteran diplomat Stuart Eizenstat joins The Gist to discuss The Art of Diplomacy: How American Negotiators Reached Historic Agreements That Changed the World, drawing on his work from Camp David to Holocaust reparations. He shares what it means to practice “unsympathetic empathy,” how German officials came to see moral obligation in restitution, and why negotiations fail when mutual interest is absent. Eizenstat contrasts the courage of leaders like Sadat and the UAE's Mohammed bin Zayed with Arafat's refusal to compromise—even amid opportunity. Plus, the Sackler immunity case is a prime example of a major real-world development that resulted from a Supreme Court acting far outside its supposed 6–3 rigidity. Produced by Corey WaraProduction Coordinator Ashley KhanEmail us at ⁠⁠⁠⁠thegist@mikepesca.com⁠⁠⁠⁠To advertise on the show, contact ⁠⁠⁠⁠ad-sales@libsyn.com⁠⁠⁠⁠ or visit ⁠⁠⁠⁠https://advertising.libsyn.com/TheGist⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to The Gist: ⁠⁠⁠⁠https://subscribe.mikepesca.com/⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to The Gist Youtube Page: ⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC4_bh0wHgk2YfpKf4rg40_g⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to The Gist Instagram Page: ⁠⁠⁠⁠GIST INSTAGRAM⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow The Gist List at: ⁠⁠⁠⁠Pesca⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠Profundities | Mike Pesca | Substack Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Den Podcast auf Youtube findest du hier:https://www.youtube.com/@animus_offiziellDen Podcast als Video ohne Werbung findest du auf Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/DerAnimusPodcastAlle Infos zu liebdich:https://liebdich-official.com/https://www.instagram.com/liebdich_official?igsh=MW1sdzZtbXczOXJ5Zw==Kooperationen/Anfragen: deranimuspodcast@gmail.com Animus auf SocialMedia:Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/animus Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Anna-Maria und Anis sind zurück von ihrem Malediven-Trip und haben viel zu berichten. Von wilden Momenten im Flugtaxi über ein romantisches Barbecue bis hin zu übermotivierten Butlern hatte der Urlaub zum Hochzeitstag so einiges in petto.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Broadcast live from the sacred plains of Arafah, this powerful lecture explores the immense spiritual significance and transformative impact of du'a (supplication) in a believer's life.

(0:00) Intro(0:12) Hajj se mutaliq Qur'ani aayat(0:38) Arafah Day ka bayan(0:50) Nabi ﷺ ka farman(0:58) Hajj ke 2 arkaan(1:22) Islam ka intihai daur(2:22) Islam ka ibtidaai daur(5:15) Islam vs Qabar parast, aazadi pasand, aur apni marzi ka deen(6:48) Islam: Allah ka pasandeeda deen(7:37) Nabi ﷺ ki hijrat aur great vision(8:52) Fatah-e-Makkah(9:12) Hajja tul Wida(9:28) Arafah mein rush(9:57) Abdullah bin Umar RA ka waqia(10:16) Nabi ﷺ ke daur mein Hajj ka rush(10:27) Khutba Hajja tul Wida likhne ki taakeed(11:34) Khutba Hajja tul Wida ke aham nukat(11:53) Kisi cheez ko uske opposite se samajhna(14:11) Zamana-e-Jahiliyat kaisa tha?(15:39) Sahih Bukhari/Muslim: Baiti se nafrat khatam karnay wali hadis(17:44) Hazrat Umar RA ka qoul(17:59) Western society vs Muslim society(19:50) Humanity First slogan ka jawab(20:56) Allah ke ehkam aur molviyon par tanqeed(21:59) Rishton ke naam par haqooq, tehzeeb ke thekedaar(24:04) Islam mein haqooq ki tafseel(25:30) Sahabi RA ka waqia: Mulazim se salook(27:10) Allah ka haqq aur uske ehsanat ki fehrist(28:34) Arafah ke din Darwin's theory se tauba(29:13) Allah ki muhabbat ka graph(32:18) Allah ki hum se demand(32:48) Arafah ke din behayai se tauba(34:32) Mufti sb ka viral bayan(35:45) Madad sirf Allah se(36:40) Allah ke qawaneen(37:11) Arafah ke din tamam gunahon se tauba(37:26) Badd akhlaq shohr(38:55) Khush akhlaq air hostess (Saeed Anwar ka waqia)(40:39) Sawab vs paisa(41:23) Harmful wives(42:05) Harmless wives(42:18) Walidain ke saath behtareen salook(43:55) Biwi, bachon se salook(44:18) Sila rehmi ka hukam (Memes on sila rehmi in

Anna-Maria erzählt von Issas Fußballturnier in Paris und warum das für sie wie eine Klassenfahrt war. Währenddessen hat sie Anis im Bett so gefehlt, dass er ihr eine Liebesbotschaft geschickt hat. Beim schwierigen Thema „Zeit füreinander“ wird Anna-Maria emotional. Und die Ferchichis lüften endlich das Geheimnis, wo sie zu ihrem Hochzeitstag Urlaub machen.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushido_podcast+++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mohammed and Arafat review the Spanish Grand Prix- ANGER and BORDERLINE VIOLENCE- Mohammed gets cancelled for a 2nd time on the internet- Pain spain, same difference

Anna-Maria und Anis sprechen über ihre 14-jährige Bettgeschichte und merken, dass sich offensichtlich ihre Bedürfnisse getauscht haben. Während Anis vor Jahren erst früh morgens ins Bett kam und Anna-Maria nur ganz schlecht ohne ihn schlafen konnte, ist es heute andersherum. Heute verbringt sie gerne mal Zeit alleine im Schlafzimmer. Das macht Anis traurig, und er wünscht sich mehr Zweisamkeit mit seiner Frau.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

(0:00) Intro(0:39) Hajj kis par farz hai?(2:57) Hajj aur Umrah mein kya farq hai?(6:51) Umrah ke arkaan kya hain?(7:15) Ehraam kya hota hai?(11:33) Aurat par ehraam ki pabandiyan kya hain?(12:55) Dam kab wajib hota hai?(13:39) Hajj zindagi mein kitni dafa farz hota hai?(13:51) Tawaf e Ziyarah ke ehkaam?(14:17) Hajj na karne wala gunahgaar hota hai?(14:28) Hajj ke faraiz kya hain?(15:05) Hajj ka sabse pehla rukn kya hai?(15:11) Hajj ki niyyat ke alfaaz kya hain?(15:29) Ehraam kab bandha jata hai?(16:38) Hajj ke kitne tareeqay hain?(20:32) Hajj ke dauran agar aurat ko haiz aa jaye to?(23:08) Aurat ka baghair mehram hajj karna?(23:19) Maqrooz shakhs ka hajj karna?(23:47) Kya kisi aur ki taraf se hajj ho sakta hai?(24:46) Hajj ke liye minimum age kya honi chahiye?(25:10) Hajj ka visa na mile to?(25:38) Ma'azoor afraad ka hajj kaise hoga?(27:00) Ehraam kab aur kahan se bandhna hai?(27:34) Meeqat kya hoti hai?(28:37) Talbiyah kya hai? Aur kab parhna hai?(30:34) Safa aur Marwa ki Sa'ee kyun ki jati hai?(32:05) Rami e Jamarat ka matlab kya hai?(34:49) Rami khud karna zaruri hai?(35:13) Arafat ka din sabse aham rukn kyun hai?(36:31) Muzdalifah mein raat guzarna zaruri kyun hai?(36:57) Tawaf e Ziyarah kab aur kyun hota hai?(38:42) Ehraam mein siley huay kapray pehnna?(38:53) Hajj mein mobile use karna?(38:57) Hajj mein jhagra aur gunah karna?(39:55) Aurat ke liye ehraam mein purdah?(40:09) Hajj ki qabooliyat ka yaqeen kaise ho?(40:47) Hajj mein video/selfie banana?(41:53) Hajj mein ghalti ho jaye to kya karein?(43:01) Kya hajj sirf ameeron ke liye hai?(43:28) Kya hajj mein roohani tabdeeli lazmi hai?(44:04) Hajj ke baad zindagi ka tarz tabdeel hona chahiye? Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Arafat and Mohammed are joined by canadian guest Adam to commiserate the awful Monaco GP where nothing happens and we are forced to watch rich people on yachts.

Late upload, but Arafat and Mohammed talk all about Miami

Arafat and Mohammed review the Imola GPa New 12th team might join led by none other than Otmar SzafnauerFerrari does well!Mclaren battle heats up

Bei Anna-Maria und Anis überschlagen sich die Ereignisse. Bald geht's nach Paris zum Fußball-Turnier von Issa und die Überraschungsreise zum Hochzeitstag steht auch bevor. Bei all den gepackten Koffern, denken sie auch schon an den Temperatursturz im Januar. Von Dubai geht's zu Bushidos letzter Deutschland Tour. Bei all den Happenings, fragt sich ihre Community aber nur eins: Wie bezahlen sie das alles? Hier und heute bekommt ihr die Antwort auf die berufliche Situation der Ferchichis. +++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mitten in einer neuen Krankheitswelle plant Anis einen Überraschungsurlaub mit Anna-Maria zum 13. Hochzeitstag. Dass er das Ziel bisher geheim hält, macht sie wahnsinnig. Parallel eskalieren nicht nur die Temperaturen in Dubai, sondern auch die Pubertätssymptome im Hause Ferchichi. +++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Die Ferchichis besprechen eine turbulente Woche, inklusive kranker Drillinge, Familienbesuch und den Vorbereitungen zu Issas geplantem „World Cup“-Turnier. Außerdem geht es um einen peinlichen Kinobesuch, Anis‘ Meinung zu beleidigten Fans und Anna-Marias Traumvorstellung vom gemeinsamen „Rentnerleben“.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Kurz vor Ostern ist bei Anis und Anna-Maria einiges los: Anna-Marias Mama und ihre Geschwister sind da, die Kinder haben schulfrei, und parallel suchen die Ferchichis nach einem neuen Koch für die Familie. Anis hat schon mal das passende Sport- und Gesundheitsprogramm gestartet. Aber ob das Fast Food-Detektivin Aaliyah zufriedenstellt? Anna-Maria hat derweil Mittagsschlaf an „exotischen“ Orten für sich entdeckt.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Anna-Maria ist gestresst. Perfektionismus trifft auf Schilddrüsentabletten. Was da los war und warum Anis jetzt Wasser statt Cola trinkt, erzählen sie euch heute. Außerdem habt ihr viele Fragen an die beiden bei Instagram gestellt, und sie stehen euch heute Rede und Antwort. Sie berichten von den verrücktesten Dingen, die sie je getan haben, warum es bei ihnen keine deutschen Nannys gibt, wie es für Anna-Maria war, mit 19 schwanger zu sein, und vielem mehr.+++Alle Rabattcodes und Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern findet ihr hier: https://linktr.ee/bushidopodcast +++Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html+++Wir verarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit dem Angebot unserer Podcasts Daten. Wenn Sie der automatischen Übermittlung der Daten widersprechen wollen, klicken Sie hier: https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.html Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, calling it Operation Al Aqsa. For journalist Yardena Schwartz, the massacre was a chilling echo of the 1929 Hebron Massacre—the brutal slaughter of nearly 70 Jews, incited by propaganda that Jews sought to seize the Al Aqsa Mosque. At the time, she was deep into writing her first book, Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In this episode, Yardena shares how history repeated itself, how the October 7 attack reshaped her book, and why understanding the past is essential to making sense of the present. ___ Read:  Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab Israeli Conflict Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran Social media influencer Hen Mazzig on leaving Tunisia Chef Einat Admony on leaving Iran Playwright Oren Safdie on leaving Syria Cartoonist Carol Isaacs on leaving Iraq Novelist Andre Aciman on leaving Egypt People of the Pod:  Latest Episode: Higher Education in Turmoil: Balancing Academic Freedom and the Fight Against Antisemitism Held Hostage in Gaza: A Mother's Fight for Freedom and Justice Yossi Klein Halevi on the Convergence of Politics and Religion at Jerusalem's Temple Mount Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. __ Transcript of Interview with Yardena Schwartz: Manya Brachear Pashman: Hello, and welcome to People of the Pod, brought to you by American Jewish Committee. Each week, we take you beyond the headlines to help you understand what they all mean for America, Israel and the Jewish people. I'm your host Manya Brachear Pashman:. In October 2023 journalist Yardena Schwartz was in the middle of writing her first book exploring the rarely talked about 1929 Hebron massacre, in which nearly 70 Jews were murdered, dozens more injured by their Muslim neighbors during riots incited by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who spread lies that Jews wanted to take over the Al Aqsa Mosque. When she heard reports of the October 7 terror attacks by Hamas dubbed Operation Al Aqsa, she realized just how relevant and prescient her book would be, and began drafting some new chapters. Yardena is with us now to discuss that book titled Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine that ignited the Arab Israeli conflict. Yardena, welcome to People of the Pod.  Yardena Schwartz: Great to be here, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So full disclosure to you and our audience. You attended Columbia Journalism School 10 years after I did, and you took Professor Ari Goldman's class on covering religions 10 years after I did that, class had always traveled to Israel, and I had hoped it would be my ticket to go to Israel for the first time, but the Second Intifada prevented that, and we went to Russia and Ukraine. Instead, your class did go to Israel, and that was your first visit to Hebron, correct?  Yardena Schwartz: So it was in 2011 and we went to Hebron for one day out of our 10 day trip to Israel, and it was my first time there. I was the only Jewish student in our class. It was about 15 of us, and I was the only one who had been to Israel. I had been all over Israel, but I had never been to Chevron. And our tour was with Breaking the Silence, an organization of former Israeli soldiers who had served in Hebron or in other parts of the West Bank and wanted Israelis to know what was happening in Hebron and how Palestinians were living there, and the various restrictions that were put in place as a result of terrorist attacks. But nevertheless, you know, those restrictions were extremely disturbing, and that brief visit in 2011 made me really never want to go back to Hebron. And when I moved to Israel two years later to become a freelance journalist there, and, you know, to move to Israel because I loved Israel, and still obviously love Israel, I didn't really go back to Chevron because I, you know, was really troubled by what I saw there. But this book took me, of course, back to Chevron hundreds of times, spending hundreds of hours there. And it came to be, you know, my expertise in this conflict, in my reporting. And you know, of course, Heron is kind of the main character in this book, Manya Brachear Pashman: Tell us how you came to find out about this massacre. Was it mentioned during that class visit in 2011 or was it later that you learned about it? Yardena Schwartz: So that was one of the most interesting things about my early adventure into writing this book, was that I had of course been to have Ron, and yet, during that day that we spent there learning so much about the history of this place, this deeply holy place to so many people, there was no mention of the massacre of 1929, so, you know, I knew that Chevron is, you know, the second holiest city in Judaism, the burial place of Abraham And the matrix and patriarchs of the Jewish people. And you know the first place where King David established his kingdom before Jerusalem. So it was holy before Jerusalem. And yet I had no idea that this ancient Jewish community in Hebron had been decimated in 1929 in one of the worst pogroms ever perpetrated. We all know about the kishineff pogrom of 1904 and yet the pogrom in 1929 in Hebron, perpetrated by the Muslim residents of Hebron, against their Jewish neighbors, was more deadly and more gruesome than the kishineff pogrom, and it effectively ended 1000s of years of Jewish presence in this holy city. And so when I was told by my mentor, Yossi Klein Halevi, the amazing writer, that there was a family in Memphis, Tennessee that had discovered a box of letters in their attic written by a young American man from. Memphis, who had traveled to Chevron in 1928 to study at the Hebron yeshiva, which was at the time, the most prestigious yeshiva in the land of Israel in what was then, of course, British Mandate Palestine. And that this young man had been killed in that massacre. Yet his letters, you know, painted this vivid portrait of what Chevron was before the massacre that took his life. I was immediately fascinated. And I, you know, wanted to meet this family, read these letters and see how I could bring the story to life. And I was introduced to them by, yes, in 2019 so that's when I began working on my book. And you know, as you mentioned, I was still writing the book in 2023 on October 7, and this book I had been writing about this massacre nearly a century ago immediately became more relevant than I ever hoped it would be.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The young American man from Memphis. His name was David Schoenberg. Give our listeners a history lesson. Tell us about this 1929 massacre. So Yardena Schwartz: On August 24 1929 also a Shabbat morning in crevorone, every Jewish family had locked their doors and windows. They were cowering in fear as 1000s of Muslim men rioted outside their homes, throwing rocks at their windows, breaking down their doors and essentially hunting down Jews, much like they did on October 7, families were slaughtered. Women and teenage girls were raped by their neighbors in front of their family members. Infants were murdered in their mother's arms. Children watched as their parents were butchered by their neighbors, rabbis, yeshiva students were castrated and Arabic speaking Jews, you know, Sephardi, Mizrahi, Jews, who composed about half of the Jewish population in Hebron at the time, and were very friendly with their Arab neighbors. You know, they went to each other's weddings and holidays, went to each other's shops, and these people were also slaughtered. It wasn't just the yeshiva students who had come from Europe or from America to study there, or, you know, the Ashkenazi Jewish families. It was, you know, Arabic speaking Jews whose families had been there for generations and had lived side by side in peace with their Muslim neighbors for centuries. They too were slaughtered. Manya Brachear Pashman: Why did their Muslim neighbors turn on them so suddenly and violently? The Yardena Schwartz: rioters that day were shouting Allahu Akbar. They claimed to be defending Islam and Al Aqsa from this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa in order to rebuild the Third Temple. This is what they had been told by their leaders and by Imams and their mosques and in Hebron, that Lai had also extended to the tomb of the patriarchs and matriarchs, which is known in Arabic as the Ibrahimi mosque. Imams there had told Muslims in Hebron that the Jews of Hebron were planning to conquer Ibrahimi mosque in order to turn it into a synagogue. So this incitement and this disinformation that continues to drive the conflict today. Really began in 1929 the rumors about this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa that began in 1928 around the same time that David Schoenberg arrived in Palestine to study at the yeshiva. Manya Brachear Pashman: So in addition to the letters that David Schoenberg wrote to his family back in Tennessee. How else did you piece together this history? How did you go about reporting and researching it? Who kept records?  Yardena Schwartz: So it's really interesting, because I was so surprised by the lack of literature on this really dramatic moment in history, in the history of Israel, the history of this conflict. And yet, despite the fact there are really no books in English, at least, about the massacre and about these riots and what led to them, there were mountains of, you know, testimony from victims and survivors. The British carried out this commission after the riots that produced this 400 page report filled with testimony of British officials, Arab officials, Jewish officials, survivors. So there was just so much material to work with. Also, survivors ended up writing books about their experiences in Hebron, very similar to David's letters, in a way, because they wrote not only about the riots and the massacre itself, but also what they experienced in Hebron before they too, wrote about, you know, the relatively peaceful relations between the city's Jewish minority and the Arab majority. And I also relied on archival newspaper reports so the. Riots really occupied the front pages of American newspapers for about a week, because it took about a week for the British to quell the riots, and they did so with an air, land and sea campaign. They sent warships and war planes from across the British Empire and sent troops from other parts of the British Empire. Because one of the reasons the riots were so effective, in a way, you know, were so deadly, especially in kharag, was because there was just no military force in Palestine. At the time, the British did not have a Palestine military force, and it was only after the 1929 riots that they did have troops in Palestine. Until then, they had the Palestine police force, and that police force was mostly Arabs. In Hebron, for example, there were about 40 policemen under the stewardship of one British police chief, and all but one of those policemen were Arabs, and many of them participated in the massacre or stood by outside of Jewish homes and allowed the mobs to enter the homes and carry out their slaughter. And Manya Brachear Pashman: I'm curious. There was a lot of newspaper coverage, but what about the international community's response beyond the British Empire? Yardena Schwartz: So there were actually protests around the world against the massacre in New York. 35,000 people marched through the streets of Manhattan to protest the British failure to protect their Jewish subjects from these riots. Most of the marchers were Jewish, but nevertheless, I mean 35,000 people. We didn't see anything like that after October 7. Of course, we saw the opposite people marching through the streets of New York and cities around the world supporting the mass of October 7. You know, I mentioned this March in New York, but similar protests were held around the world, mostly in Jewish communities. So in Poland, Warsaw and in England, there were protests against the British failure to protect Jews in Palestine from these riots. And the American government was livid with the British and they sent statements put out, statements to the press, criticizing the British inaction, the British failure to protect the Jewish subjects and the American citizens who were in Palestine at the time, there were eight Americans killed in Hebron on August 24 1929. Out of the 67 Jewish men, women and children who were killed, and all of them were unarmed. The Haganah at the time, you know, the underground Jewish Defense Force that would later become the nucleus of the IDF, the Haganah was active then, mostly in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there were no Haganah members in Hebron. The Hebron Jewish community was very traditional, very religious, and when Haganah came to Hebron two days before the riots erupted, they because they knew that these riots were going to happen. There had been calls from Arab officials to riot, to attack Jewish communities across Palestine. And so the Haganah came to Hebron to warn Jewish leaders of Hebron that they could either come there to protect them or evacuate them to Jerusalem to safety until the riots subsided and the Jewish leaders of Hebron were unanimous in their opposition. They said, No, you know, we're friends with our Arab neighbors. They'll never hurt us. We trust them. If anything happens elsewhere, it won't happen here. And they believed that because, not only because they had such a good relationship with their Arab neighbors and friends, but also because in previous outbursts of violence in other years, like in 1920 1921 when they were much smaller riots and much less deadly riots. When those riots reached other parts of Palestine, they didn't reach Hebron because of those relations and because they weren't fueled by incitement and disinformation, which was what led the riots of 1929 to be so massive and so deadly, and what led them to be embraced by previously peaceful neighbors. Manya Brachear Pashman: How did that disinformation travel in 1929 How did it reach those neighbors in Hebron? Yardena Schwartz: When we talk about disinformation and misinformation today, we think of it as this, you know, modern plague of, you know, the social media era, or, you know our fractured media landscape. But back in 1929 disinformation was rampant, and it also traveled through Arabic newspapers. They were publishing these statements by Arab officials, mostly the Grand Mufti Hajime Husseini, who was the leader of Palestinian Muslims under British rule, he began this rumor that the Jews of Palestine were plotting to conquer Al Aqsa mosque to rebuild their ancient temple. Of course, Al Aqsa is built upon the ruins of the ancient temples. Temple Mount is the holiest place for Jews in the world. And in 1929, Jews were forbidden from accessing the Temple Mount because it was considered, you know, a solely holy Muslim site. But the closest place they could pray was the Western Wall, the Kotel. And Jews who were demanding British protection to pray in peace at the Western Wall without being attacked by Muslims as a result of this disinformation campaign were then painted by the Arabic press as working to conquer the Western Wall, turn it into a synagogue, and then from there, take Al Aqsa Mosque.  So this disinformation traveled from the very highest of Muslim officials. So the imams in mosques across Palestine, specifically in Al Aqsa and in Hebron, were repeating these rumors, these lies about this supposed Jewish plot. Those lies were then being published in flyers that were put in city squares. Jewish officials were warning the British and telling, you know, they should have known and they should have done more to end this campaign of disinformation, not only to achieve peace in this land that they were ruling over, but also because they were responsible for installing hajamina Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, into his position they had chosen him for that position, that all powerful position. And so they were responsible, in a way, for all of these lies that he was spreading. And yet they took no responsibility.  And even in the commission that they sent to Palestine from London to investigate the causes of the riots, despite the fact that, you know, if you read these, you know, 400 pages, I don't recommend it. It's a tough reading. But, you know, I did that for this book. And it's so clear from all of these hearings that this disinformation campaign was very obvious, very clear and very clearly to blame for the riots. And yet, because saying so would have made the British responsible for so much death, their conclusions in this commission was that it was Jewish immigration to Palestine and Jewish land purchases at the time that had sparked the riots, and that it was this Jewish demonstration, peaceful demonstration at the Western Wall on to Shabaab in August of 1929 that had sparked these riots.  So there's just, you know, this absolute lack of accountability, not only for the Mufti, who retained his position and became even more powerful and more popular as a leader after these riots, but also for the British and instead, you know, the Jewish victims were blamed for their suffering. At the time, Jews were just 20% of the Palestinian population, which was just 1 million people. Of course, today, Israel is home to more than 10 million people. So you know, clearly there was room for everyone. And the Jews at the time were very peaceful. The Haganah was a very, you know, weak, decentralized force, and after these riots, it became much stronger, and Sephardi Jews and Mizrahi Jews, more traditional Jews who had not joined the Haganah before 1929 had not really embraced Zionism before 1929 now agreed that if Jews were going to be safe in our homeland, then we would need our own army. Manya Brachear Pashman: Can we talk a little bit about the turn toward radicalization and extremism during this time, and what role that has played in the years since? Yardena Schwartz: you know, the Zionist leadership was very adamant that Jews in Palestine should not be carrying out attacks against Arabs in Palestine. You know, it should be really about defending Jews, preventing attacks, but not carrying out retaliatory attacks. But as we've seen throughout the century, of this conflict. You know, extremism begets extremism. And you know, when violence is being used by one side, it is going to be used by the other side as well. And so the rise of a more militant form of Zionism was a direct result of 1929 and this feeling of just helplessness and this feeling of relying on this foreign power, the British, to protect them, and realizing that no foreign power was going to protect the Jews of Palestine and that Jews would have to protect themselves, and the radicalism and the extremism within the Muslim population, particularly the Muslim leadership of Palestine, really just accelerated after the massacre, because they saw that it succeeded. I mean, the British punished the Jewish population of Palestine for the riots by vastly limiting Jewish immigration, vastly limiting Jewish land purchases. Notice, I use the word land purchases because, contrary to a lot of the disinformation we hear. Much today, none of this land was being stolen. It was being purchased by Jews from Muslim land owners. Many of them were absentee landowners. Many of them were from the wealthiest families in Palestine. And many of them were members of, you know, this anti Zionist, pro Mufti circle, who were then telling their own people that Jews are stealing your land and evicting you from your land, when, in fact, it was these wealthy Arab landowners who were selling their land to Jews at exorbitant prices. Manya Brachear Pashman: Did you establish a motive for the Mufti and what were his intentions spreading this disinformation? Yardena Schwartz: Great question. So it was very clear. I mean, he never admitted this, but it was very clear what his motives were, and that was to counter the criticism and accusations of corruption that had dogged him for years, until he began this campaign of propaganda which led much of that criticism and much of those stories of his corruption within the Arabic press and among his Arab rivals to essentially disappear, because now they had a much more threatening enemy, and that enemy was the Jewish community of Palestine, who was plotting to destroy Al Aqsa, conquer Al Aqsa, rebuild their temple, take over Palestine and his campaign worked. You know, after that propaganda campaign became so successful, there were very few people willing to stand up to him and to criticize him, because after 1929 when he became so much more powerful, he began a campaign of assassinations and intimidation and violence used against not only his political rivals and dissidents, but also just Anyone who favored cooperation between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. So there were various mayors of Arab cities who wanted to work together with the Jewish community of those cities or with other Jewish leaders to bring about various economic initiatives, for instance. And some of those mayors were assassinated by the muftis henchmen, or they were just intimidated into silence and into kind of embracing his platform, which was that Palestine is and has always been and should always be, a purely Muslim land, and that there is no place for any kind of Jewish sovereignty or Jewish power in that land.  So, you know, the Mufti, in 1936 he ended up leading a violent rebellion against the British. And the British at that point, had gotten tired of ruling Palestine. They realized it was much more work than they were interested in doing, and they were interested in leaving Palestine, handing over governance to the local population to the Jews and Arabs of Palestine, and they had been interested in figuring out what could be done. Could there be a binational state with equal representation, or representative governance? If Jews are 40% of the population and Arabs are 60% then there could be some kind of governance on those ratios, all of those solutions, including a two state solution, which was presented in 1937 all of those solutions were rejected by the grand mufti, and his platform was embraced by the other Arab officials within Palestine, because if it wasn't, they could face death or violence. And he even rejected the idea of Jews remaining in Palestine under Arab rule. You know when the British said to him, okay, so what will be done with the 400,000 Jews who are in Palestine right now? He said they can't stay. So he didn't only reject the two state solution. He rejected, you know, this bi national, equal utopian society that we hear proposed by so many in pro Palestine movement today. You know, all of these solutions have been on the table for a century and always. They have been rejected by Palestinian leaders, whether it was the Grand Mufti or his apprentice, his young cousin, yas Arafat. Manya Brachear Pashman: Ah, okay, so what happened to Grand Mufti Husseini? Did he stick around? So The Mufti was eventually, finally wanted for arrest by the British after his rebellion claimed the life of a British official. Until then, it had only claimed the lives of Jews and Arabs, but once a British official was killed, then the British had decided that they'd had enough of the Mufti, and they ordered his arrest. He fled Palestine. He ended up in Iraq, where he was involved in riots there the far hood in which many Jews were massacred, perhaps hundreds, if not over 1000 Jews were slaughtered in Baghdad, which was at the time home to about. 100,000 Jews. He then fled Iraq and ended up in Berlin, where he lived from 1941 to 1945 in a Nazi financed mansion, and he led the Arab branch of Joseph Goebbels Ministry of Propaganda. He was the Nazi's leading voice in the Arab world, he spread Nazi propaganda throughout the Muslim world and recruited 10s of 1000s of Muslims to fight for the Nazis, including in the Waffen SS and when the war ended, when world war two ended, and the UN wanted him for Nazi war crimes, he was wanted for Nazi war crimes, placed on the UN's list of Nazi war criminals. Once again, he fled, first to France, then to Cairo, eventually settling in Beirut, where he continued to lead his people's jihad against the Jews of Palestine. So when, in 1947, when the UN voted to partition British Mandate Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state so that the British could finally leave Palestine. He declared jihad, and he rejected the Partition Plan, along with every other Arab state which also rejected it. Of course, the Jews of Palestine embraced it, celebrated it, and the very next day after the UN vote, riots erupted throughout Palestine, and he helped. He was kind of pulling the strings of that Jihad taking place in Palestine. And in fact, 1000 Muslim men who he had recruited for the Waffen. SS joined that holy war in Palestine. The Mufti helped create the army of the holy war. Yasser Arafat, who was also in Beirut at the time, also assisted the army of the holy war. He actually fought in the war that began in 1947 alongside the Muslim Brotherhood. So, you know the legacy that the Mufti had? You know, it doesn't end there. It continued to his dying day in 1974 and Arafat took over his mantle as the leader of the Palestinian people. And you know, we see how the disinformation and incitement and rejection of Jewish sovereignty in any part of the ancient land of Israel has continued to be a prominent force in Palestinian politics no matter who was in charge. You know, the Fatah, Mahmoud, Abbas and Hamas, of course, perpetuate the same lies about Al Aqsa. They perpetuate the same denial of a Jewish right to live in peace in our homeland, deny the history of Jewish presence in Israel. So, you know, it's really astounding to me how little is known about the Grand Mufti and how little is known about his impact on this conflict, and particularly in the very beginnings, the ground zero of this conflict in 1929 Manya Brachear Pashman: It's so interesting. We talk so much about Hitler, right? And his antisemitism, but we don't talk about Husseini. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, and they were good friends. I mean, they met in 1941 shortly after the Mufti arrived, he had a private chauffeur. He was lavishly paid by the Nazis, and he was good friends with Himmler. He toured concentration camps. He knew very well about the final solution. Hitler himself considered the Mufti an honorary Aryan. I mean, the Mufti had blue eyes, fair skin, light hair. Hitler believed that Husseini had Roman blood, and he saw him as someone who could lead the Nazi forces once they arrived in the Middle East. He saw him as, you know, a great ally of the Nazis. He didn't just participate in the Nazis quest to eradicate the Jewish population of Europe and eventually arrive in Palestine, but he also the Mufti worked to convince various European leaders not to allow Jewish refugees from fleeing Europe and not allowing them to come to Palestine. He told them, send them to Poland, and he knew very well what was happening in Poland. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to go back to this family in Tennessee, the genesis of this story, and I'm curious. David Schoenberg's niece said that at one point in the book, she said they're Southern, so they sweep ugly under the rug in the south. And so they just didn't talk about that. And when I read that, I thought, actually, that's kind of a Jewish approach, not a southern approach, except we wouldn't say we sweep things under the rug. We move on, right? We treasure our resilience, and we move on from that pain and we build anew. But is moving on really in the Jewish community's best interest? Is that how we end up forgetting and letting this history and this very important history fade?. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, absolutely. You know, I think it is possible to do both. It is possible to take great pride in our resilience and in our strength and our ability to experience so much devastation and suffering, and yet every time emerge stronger.  I mean, think about the Holocaust. First of all, for many years, we did sweep that under the rug. Survivors were discouraged from speaking about what they went through. They were seen as, you know, especially in Israel, they were seen as, you know, people who went like sheep to the slaughter. It wasn't something to talk about. It was something to move on from. And yet now we are able to hold both in both hands. You know. We're able to honor and commemorate the memory and speak about the atrocities that millions of Jews suffered during the Holocaust, while also celebrating where we went after the Holocaust. I mean, three years after the Holocaust, Israel was born. You know, that's just, on its own, you know, a remarkable symbol of our resilience and our strength as a people. But I think the way we commemorate the Holocaust is a really great example of how we do both how we honor the memory and use that as a lesson so that it never happens again.  And yet, I think that when it comes to the conflict and the various forces that have led us to where we are today, there is this tendency to kind of try to move on and not really speak about how we got here. And it's really a shame, because I think that this is the only way we'll ever find a way out of this tragic cycle of violence, is if we learn how we got here, the forces that continue to drive this conflict after a century, and you know, the people who brought us here. Not only the Grand Mufti, but also, you know, the leaders today who are very much capitalizing on fear and religion, exploiting religion for their own, their own interests, and utilizing disinformation to remain in power. And I think that, you know, we can't afford not to speak about these things and not to know about our own history. It's really telling that, you know, even in Jewish communities, where people know so much about Israel and about this conflict, there is just a complete lack of knowledge of, you know, the very bedrock of this conflict. And I think without that knowledge, we'll never get out of this mess. Manya Brachear Pashman: Yardena, thank you so much. This is such a wonderful book, and congratulations on writing it.  Yardena Schwartz: Thank you so much.  Manya Brachear Pashman: If you missed last week's episode, be sure to tune in for my conversation with Dr Laura Shaw Frank, Director of AJC Center for Education Advocacy. We discussed the delicate balance between combating antisemitism, safeguarding free speech, and ensuring campuses remain safe for all students.  Thank you for listening. This episode is brought to you by AJC. Our producer is Atara Lakritz. Our sound engineer is TK Broderick. You can subscribe to People of the Pod on Apple podcasts, Spotify or Google podcasts, or learn more at ajc.org/PeopleofthePod. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC. We'd love to hear your views and opinions or your questions. You can reach us at PeopleofthePod@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends. Tag us on social media with hashtag People of the Pod and hop on to Apple podcasts to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Tune in next week for another episode of People of the Pod.

George Wardini returns to The Beirut Banyan. We look back to 1983 and discuss similarities in the relative calm Lebanon experienced following Israel's siege of Beirut and expulsion of Arafat from Lebanon. We also examine post-2024 war developments and security risks related to attempts at disarmament, what the potential of a wider Arab-Israeli peace deal under the Trump administration could mean for Lebanon, the need for the government to make Lebanon's case against Iran's inclinations to hold onto Hezbollah as a proxy militia, and why caution over confrontation remains the preferred mode of governance. George Wardini is the founder and director of PolyBlog. The podcast is only made possible through listener and viewer donations. Please help support The Beirut Banyan by contributing via PayPal: https://www.paypal.me/walkbeirut Or donating through our Patreon page: https://www.patreon.com/thebeirutbanyan Subscribe to our YouTube channel and your preferred audio platform. Follow us on Facebook, Instagram & Twitter: @thebeirutbanyan And check out our website: www.beirutbanyan.com Timestamps: 0:00 Intro 1:59 What changed 6:17 Caution vs Confrontation 11:37 Question of disarmament 14:50 Trump & Iran 22:15 “Peace” 28:59 Conflicting message 35:11 Measuring success 38:47 Lebanon's case 42:27 Current govt support 47:21 Abnormal state 51:09 Network of interests 53:04 Personal evolution