Podcasts about Yasser Arafat

Après «Palestine, le discours historique de Yasser Arafat à l'ONU», La Marche du monde vous invite à découvrir cette semaine «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire signé Maxime Grember.  Entre 1968 et 1982, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali et d'autres professionnels du cinéma vont réaliser des dizaines de films sous l'égide de l'Unité cinéma, une structure de production audiovisuelle liée au Fatah. Passant du fusil à la caméra, ils vont raconter en images la lutte du peuple palestinien, diffuser leurs films dans les camps de réfugiés et tenter ainsi de construire une mémoire visuelle palestinienne. Mais quelle histoire se cache derrière cette filmographie militante née dans les mois qui ont suivi la guerre des six jours de 1967 ? Qu'est-ce que ces films nous racontent du mouvement révolutionnaire palestinien et de la guerre contre l'État d'Israël ? Et enfin, que nous disent-ils du rapport que le peuple palestinien entretient avec sa propre histoire ? Le 15 juin 1969, dans une interview accordée au journal britannique The Sunday Times, Golda Meir, alors cheffe du gouvernement israélien, déclare, deux ans après la guerre des Six jours qui avait donné à son pays le contrôle de l'ensemble des territoires palestiniens : « Les Palestiniens n'ont jamais existé. Comment pourrions-nous rendre les territoires occupés ? Il n'y a personne à qui les rendre ». En réponse à cette provocation, le cinéaste palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974 le documentaire They do not exist, pour insister sur le manque de soutien et de visibilité de la part de la communauté internationale. L'histoire du cinéma palestinien pourrait véritablement prendre sa source dans ce déni d'existence car c'est bel et bien à partir de 1968 qu'une Unité cinéma va se créer et que des hommes et des femmes vont documenter en images les luttes, les souffrances et les multiples déplacements que le peuple palestinien connait depuis la Nakba de 1948. «Il n'y avait plus de rues, plus de magasins, plus d'écoles. Tout avait été détruit. Donc, l'idée était de construire un film à partir de cette phrase de Golda Meir «They do not exist». Alors Mustafa s'est dit : s'ils n'existent pas, ceux que vous bombardez, ce sont des fantômes ?». Khadijeh Habashneh, cinéaste et archiviste du cinéma palestinien, s'exprime au sujet du film They do not exist que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1974. En 1973, Mustafa Abu Ali réalise Scène d'occupations à Gaza, un film emblématique de l'Unité cinéma. Ne pouvant pas se rendre dans la bande de Gaza, sous contrôle israélien depuis 1967, il va réaliser son film à partir d'un reportage fait pour la télévision française et pour lequel il arrive à se procurer les images. Avec son nouveau montage, il veut attester en images de la souffrance endurée par le peuple gazaoui. «Mustafa Abu Ali va utiliser les moyens que le cinéma met à sa disposition, c'est-à-dire qu'il va transformer la bande son, ajouter une voix off, de la musique. Il va figer l'image sur le regard d'un des hommes palestiniens qui est contrôlé, et rajouter en insert une image d'une grenade sur un fond rouge. À travers cela, il essaye de signifier que ce jeune homme porte en lui toutes les marques de la lutte.». Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, s'exprime au sujet du film Scènes d'occupation à Gaza que Mustafa Abu Ali réalise en 1973. L'ensemble de ces films seront montrés dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens, mais aussi à l'étranger, dans des festivals ou dans des réseaux de solidarité, afin de faire connaître la cause palestinienne et aussi mettre en place des coproductions, comme ce sera le cas en 1977 avec l'Italie pour le documentaire Tall-al-Zaatar consacré aux massacres ayant eu lieu dans le camp de réfugiés palestiniens dans l'est de Beyrouth. Au total, près d'une centaine de reportages et de documentaires seront produits par l'unité cinéma du Fatah, d'abord installé à Amman jusqu'en 1970, puis à Beyrouth jusqu'en 1982 où une cinémathèque s'était constituée autour de cette collection. Mais, en 1982, lors de l'invasion israélienne au Liban, une partie du patrimoine culturel palestinien va être spolié, et les archives filmiques, un temps cachées dans Beyrouth, vont également disparaître au milieu des années 80. Depuis les années 2000, Khadijeh Habashneh, déjà à l'œuvre à Beyrouth entre 1976 et 1982 aux côtés de son mari Mustafa Abu Ali, tente de remettre la main sur des copies de ces films, et de trouver les partenariats et les conditions nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent être conservés et à nouveau montrés au public. C'est finalement à la Cinémathèque de Toulouse, l'une des plus importantes de France, connue pour la richesse de ses collections venant du monde entier, qu'une partie des films palestiniens vont trouver refuge en 2023. Retour sur une production cinématographique méconnue, une histoire d'archives en exil, d'images manquantes, et d'une certaine idée du cinéma comme moyen de résistance et de représentation d'un peuple par lui-même. «Palestine, filmer pour exister», un nouvel épisode documentaire de La marche du monde, signé Maxime Grember, produit par Valérie Nivelon, réalisé par Sophie Janin, aux sons des archives filmiques palestiniennes. Avec les témoignages de : Samir Arabi, programmateur du festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie, Hugo Darroman, docteur en études cinématographiques, auteur d'une thèse sur le cinéma de la révolution palestinienne, Khadijeh Habashneh, archiviste, cinéaste et psychologue, Franck Loiret, directeur de la Cinémathèque de Toulouse. Rona Sela, chercheuse en histoire visuelle à l'Université de Tel Aviv. Remerciements à : Francesca Bozzano, Nicolas Damon, Victor Jouanneau et Franck Loiret de La Cinémathèque de Toulouse ainsi que leurs partenaires dans le projet de sauvegarde et de numérisation des films palestiniens : le ministère de la Culture palestinien, le Palestinian Cultural Fund, la Fondation Art Jameel et le Consulat Général de France à Jérusalem. Samir Arabi, Hugo Darroman, Khadijeh Habashneh, Rona Sela, Guilhem Delteil et Vanadis Feuille de RFI, Tarik Hamdan de MCD, Colette Berthès et Monica Maurer. Ainsi que Nathalie Laporte, Joe Farmer et Sophie Janin pour la voice-over. Musiques : The urgent call of Palestine, Zeinab Shaat Ounadikom, Ahmad Kaabour From Gaza with love, Saint Levant. Films : Scène d'occupations à Gaza, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1973 They do not exist, Mustafa Abu Ali, 1974 Tall el-Zaatar, Mustafa Abu Ali, Adriano Pino et Jean Chamoun, 1977. Documentaires : Looted and Hidden - Palestinian Archives in Israel, Rona Sela, 2017 Ouvrages : « La Palestine et le cinéma », de Guy Hennebelle et Khemaïs Khayati, Édition du Centenaire, 1977 « Knights of Cinema» Documentary Narrative Book on the story of Palestine Film Unit. From its beginning 1967 till 1982 », de Khadijeh Habashneh, Alahlia Publishing house, 2020. Article : Toulouse, refuge des archives palestiniennes, sur Orient XXI. Table ronde : Films palestiniens, archives en exil, organisée par la Cinémathèque de Toulouse et le festival Ciné-Palestine Toulouse-Occitanie en 2024. Diaporama

Charismatique pour les uns, controversé pour les autres, Yasser Arafat a incarné pendant plus de quarante ans le combat palestinien. Figure centrale d'un conflit sans fin, il obtient en 1994 le prix Nobel de la paix, mais laisse derrière lui un héritage complexe, entre espoir trahi et rêve d'indépendance. Découvrez le parcours d'un homme aux multiples paradoxes. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Du lundi au vendredi de 15h à 15h30, Lorànt Deutsch vous révèle les secrets des personnages historiques les plus captivants !Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Charismatique pour les uns, controversé pour les autres, Yasser Arafat a incarné pendant plus de quarante ans le combat palestinien. Figure centrale d'un conflit sans fin, il obtient en 1994 le prix Nobel de la paix, mais laisse derrière lui un héritage complexe, entre espoir trahi et rêve d'indépendance. Découvrez le parcours d'un homme aux multiples paradoxes. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Du lundi au vendredi de 15h à 15h30, Lorànt Deutsch vous révèle les secrets des personnages historiques les plus captivants !Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

La guerre entre l'Iran et Israël embrase le Proche-Orient et entrave les efforts diplomatiques sur la situation en Palestine. La conférence prévue à l'ONU cette semaine pour aborder la reconnaissance de l'État de Palestine a été reportée. Les ministres des Affaires étrangères des pays de l'Union européenne se réunissent malgré tout mardi (17 juin 2025) pour réexaminer l'accord de commerce et de coopération avec Israël, sur fond de divergences de vues. Ce week-end, des centaines de milliers de personnes ont manifesté en soutien aux Palestiniens, en France, en Belgique, aux Pays-Bas ou encore en Espagne.   Dossier spécial Israël / Palestine   En Espagne, des liens historiques avec la cause palestinienne. Madrid avait reçu Yasser Arafat plusieurs années avant d'établir des relations diplomatiques avec Israël. Des dizaines de milliers de personnes ont manifesté samedi dans le pays, Elise Gazengel était dans le cortège samedi à Barcelone. En Irlande, le souvenir de la colonisation. L'Irlande a elle aussi a reconnu l'État palestinien. Et le pays multiplie les gestes concrets : tout récemment et c'est une première, la prestigieuse université Trinity College a décidé de rompre ses liens avec Israël. Le conseil d'administration a voté la fin des partenariats avec les entreprises et les universités israéliennes. Un tournant qui illustre une fois de plus la position radicalement critique de l'Irlande vis-à-vis d'Israël. Clémence Pénard. En Europe centrale et orientale, l'héritage soviétique. La plupart des pays de la région ont, en effet, été contraints de reconnaître l'État palestinien sous la férule de Moscou. C'est le cas de la République tchèque. Elle est l'un des plus fidèles alliés d'Israël. Mais elle accueille à Prague une ambassade palestinienne en bonne et due forme, et le gouvernement ne s'estime pas légalement tenu par la reconnaissance de la Palestine en 1988, quand ce pays était encore la Tchécoslovaquie. Alexis Rosenzweig.    En Allemagne et en Autriche, le poids du passé nazi. Vienne compte toujours parmi les plus fervents soutiens d'Israël en Europe, mais la position commence à être difficile à tenir, en témoigne l'épisode de l'Eurovision, mi-mai, où le chanteur JJ a plaidé pour l'exclusion d'Israël du concours, en témoigne aussi l'émergence de voix critiques jusqu'au sommet de l'État. Céline Béal.     Reportage. En Turquie, les - vains -  efforts du gouvernement pour relancer la natalité C'est presque une obsession pour le président Erdogan, dans le pays, le taux de fécondité est en chute de libre, désormais sous une moyenne de 1,5 enfant par femme. Recep Tayyip Erdogan qui appelle depuis 20 ans les Turcs à faire au moins trois enfants s'inquiète d'une « catastrophe nationale ». Dans l'espoir de modifier la tendance, le gouvernement s'en prend désormais aux accouchements par césarienne sans nécessité médicale. La Turquie détient le record mondial dans ce domaine. Mais les ONG féministes dénoncent des politiques qui pourraient nuire aux droits et à la santé des femmes. À Ankara, Anne Andlauer.

Le 13 Novembre 1974, le leader de l'O.L.P Yasser Arafat est invité pour la première fois à la tribune de l'ONU où il prononce le discours historique qui va faire basculer l'opinion publique internationale en faveur de la reconnaissance de la cause palestinienne. « Aujourd'hui, je suis venu porteur d'un rameau d'olivier et d'un fusil de combattant de la liberté. Ne laissez pas le rameau d'olivier tomber de ma main. Je vous le répète : ne le laissez pas tomber de ma main. » Pointant du doigt l'assemblée de l'Onu, Yasser Arafat va en réalité répéter trois fois sa dernière phrase et déclencher un tonnerre d'applaudissements. Quel leader est Yasser Arafat, coiffé du keffieh noir et blanc, symbole du nationalisme palestinien lorsqu'il est invité à l'ONU ? Quels sont les arguments du représentant de l'OLP ? Et que représente ce discours dans l'histoire et la mémoire du peuple palestinien ? Plus de 50 ans après la reconnaissance du droit des Palestiniens à l'auto-détermination votée le 22 Novembre 1974 par l'ONU à une majorité écrasante, RFI et MCD s'associent pour donner accès à une archive essentielle pour la compréhension de l'histoire du conflit israélo-palestinien.  De larges extraits du discours traduits en français s'articulent avec les témoignages de Anwar Abou Aïsha, ancien ministre palestinien de la Culture ; Hala Qodmani, journaliste spécialiste du Proche-Orient ; Elias Sanbar, historien ettraducteur ; Leïla Shahid, ex-déléguée générale de la Palestine en France et Yousef Zayed, musicien et professeur de oud. Un documentaire signé Valérie Nivelon RFI avec la collaboration de Tarik Hamdan MCD. Réalisation : Sophie Janin avec Adrien Landivier, Nicolas Falez et Nicolas Pichon-Loevenbruck. Émission initialement diffusée le 9 novembre 2024. À lire :  - « La dernière guerre ? » Palestine, 7 octobre 2023-2 avril 2024 par Elias Sanbar. Collection Tracts (no56) Gallimard - « Comment la Palestine fut perdue et pourquoi Israël n'a pas gagné, Histoire d'un conflit », de Jean-Pierre Filiu aux éditions Seuil - « Israël/Palestine Anatomie d'un conflit », de Vincent Lemire et Thomas Snégaroff aux éditions Les Arènes - « Les grands discours à l'ONU. De Harry Truman à Greta Thunberg », par Chloé Maurel, aux éditions du Croquant. 

Le conflit entre Israéliens et Palestiniens est pourvoyeur de nombreux mots ou expressions qui égrènent son histoire : " processus de paix ", " territoires occupés ", " colonies " ou encore " Intifada". Le 13 septembre 1993, les accords d'Oslo apparaissent sur toutes les télés du monde et créent la surprise, par l'image devenue historique de la poignée de main entre Yasser Arafat et Itzhak Rabin. L'espoir renaît parce que, déjà à ce moment-là, on pensait la situation sans issue. Rencontre avec Jean-Claude Lescure, Professeur à l'Université de Cergy-Pontoise. Il est au micro d'Anaïs Kien.

Our guest is one of the most prolific true crime writers in our lifetime. He has a special knack in connecting with international drug dealers and crime kingpins, plus localized stories such the Taco Bell Strangler who murdered his coworkers!Ron Chepesiuk is an optioned screenwriter, documentary producer and the award-winning author of more than 40 books. His books include BLACK CAESAR: The Rise and Disappearance of Frank Matthews, Kingpin, SERGEANT SMACK: The Legendary Life and Times of Ike Atkinson, and his Band of Brothers, GANGSTERS OF HARLAM, BLACK GANGSTER OF CHICAGO, and NARCOS INC: The Rise and Fall of the Cali Cartel.  He is a former professor and head of the Archives at Winthrop University in South Carolina. He is a two-time Fulbright Scholar to Indonesia and Bangladesh and a former instructor in UCLA's Extension Journalism Department. His articles, which number in the thousands, have appeared in such publications as FHM, USA Today, Black Enterprise, Woman's World, Modern Maturity, New York Times Syndicate, Toronto Star, Los Angeles Times Syndicate, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, among others. His documentary on Frank Matthews, legendary drug Kingpin, which he produced and directed, won the Silver Doc award at the Las Vegas International Film Festival. Four of his screenplays are currently in development for feature movies and four of his books have been optioned for movies. His script DEATH FENCES was the grand winner of the Amsterdam, Holland-based 2019 New Visions International film Festival. As an expert in crime history, he is a consultant to the Gangland TV series and has been interviewed on numerous TV programs, including Discovery, NBC Dateline, History, Biography, ID, Reelz, Black Entertainment Television, Starz, and TV 1. As a journalist, Ron has reported from more than thirty-five countries, including Cuba, Northern Ireland, Colombia, Kenya, Hong Kong, and Nepal, and his 16, 000 plus interviews include such luminaries as Gerry Adams, Yasser Arafat, John Kerry, Evander Holyfield, Jimmy Carter, Andy McDow, Abbie Hoffman, a former president of Nicaragua, and three former presidents and two vice presidents of Colombia, South America. In addition, Ron is radio host of CRIME BEAT Radio Show. The Crime Beat show has been on the air since January 2011 and has listeners in 160 plus countries. Guests have included Robert Kennedy, Jr., Henry Hill, Noam Chomsky, George Jung, Joe Pistone (aka Donnie Brasco), F. Lee Bailey and Chris Kyle, American sniper VISIT: ronchepesiuk.com/index.htm 

As President Trump and his allies escalate the administration's battle on colleges, and on Harvard specifically, Steven Levitsky, Harvard professor and author of “How Democracies Die,” joins Christiane to discuss the reshaping of knowledge in America. Then, best-selling German author Daniel Kehlmann speaks with Christiane about his new book “The Director," exploring what it was like for artists like G.W. Pabst who made films for Joseph Goebbels and the Nazis. Marking 600 days of war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, Christiane highlights both Jeremy Diamond's report on Israel's fight to get back the 58 remaining hostages in Hamas captivity and Oren Lieberman's story on the chaotic aid delivery to starving Palestinians this week. Christiane also talks to Wilfred Frost, son of the legendary TV host David Frost, about his father's iconic interviews with the likes of Richard Nixon, Yasser Arafat and Elton John, and a new documentary series following his storied career. From her archive, Christiane pays tribute to award-winning Brazilian photographer Sebastião Salgado. Finally, marking 45 years since CNN's founding, Christiane revisits her conversation with company founder Ted Turner about how he changed the news business forever. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Quando si parla di Medio Oriente, le opinioni che tendono a prevalere – anzi, forse addirittura ad uniformarsi – sono quelle che, in maniera sostanzialmente trasversale, ci spiegano che la pace in Terra Santa diventerà una realtà soltanto il giorno in cui Israele accetterà la presenza di uno Stato palestinese ai suoi confini. E se diplomazie, università e media insistono su questo tasto con tanta convinzione, sarebbe sconsiderato non prestare, alle loro argomentazioni, tutta l'attenzione che indubbiamente meritano. A voler essere però storicamente precisi, bisogna pure riconoscere che, in origine, i primi a ragionare in termini di “due stati e due popoli”, sono stati proprio gli Israeliani, i quali, fin dal 29 novembre del 1947, accettarono la Risoluzione 181 dell'ONU che prevedeva la spartizione del territorio palestinese fra due istituendi Stati: uno ebraico, l'altro arabo, con Gerusalemme sotto controllo internazionale. Il rifiuto di questo Piano da parte del mondo arabo condurrà – come noto – allo scoppio della prima guerra arabo / israeliana del 1948. Ed a questo proposito, ricordiamo che le truppe di Egitto, Siria, Libano, Transgiordania e Iraq invasero Israele proprio il giorno dopo la sua nascita ufficiale: il 15 maggio 1948. Passano gli anni (e sono anni insanguinati da entrambe le parti), ma, nel luglio del 2000 – anfitrione il presidente Clinton – a Camp David l'allora premier israeliano Ehud Barak mostra di credere ancora alla soluzione dei “due stati”, offrendo a Yasser Arafat uno Stato palestinese su oltre il 94% della Cisgiordania, tutta Gaza e con capitale a Gerusalemme Est. Una soluzione decisamente favorevole che, tuttavia, il Rais sorprendentemente rifiuta. Otto anni più tardi un nuovo leader israeliano – questa volta si tratta di Ehud Olmert – si spinge persino oltre Camp David, proponendo al presunto “moderato” Abu Mazen, ulteriori scambi di territorio per compensare gli insediamenti, il controllo congiunto sui luoghi sacri di Gerusalemme ed un ritorno parziale dei rifugiati palestinesi. Anche in questo caso però, l'offerta non verrà presa in considerazione. Nel frattempo, nel 2005, Israele – sotto il governo del generale Ariel Sharon, la cui fama non è certamente quella di un mite fraticello di Assisi – ha provveduto al ritiro unilaterale da Gaza, smantellando 21 insediamenti e dislocando altrove oltre 9.000 coloni israeliani. In cambio della rinuncia totale al territorio, Tel Aviv non riceverà mai ringraziamenti o attestati di amicizia, ma dovrà invece accontentarsi di una pressoché quotidiana razione di missili provenienti proprio dalla Striscia, ormai divenuta il feudo di Hamas. Viene, pertanto, legittimo avanzare il sospetto che a dividere gli Arabi dagli Israeliani non siano tanto gli aspetti territoriali, quanto quelli identitari. In altre parole, il popolo palestinese è disposto a coesistere con quello ebraico? A noi pare, quindi, che, se davvero si vuole la pace, oltre a chiedere ad Israele alcune indispensabili concessioni territoriali, sia soprattutto prioritario domandare ai Palestinesi di chiarire, una volta per tutte, se sia maturato o meno il loro “si” ad una coesistenza irreversibile e senza retro pensieri. "Il Corsivo" a cura di Daniele Biacchessi non è un editoriale, ma un approfondimento sui fatti di maggiore interesse che i quotidiani spesso non raccontano. Un servizio in punta di penna che analizza con un occhio esperto quell'angolo nascosto delle notizie di politica, economia e cronaca. ___________________________________________________ Ascolta altre produzioni di Giornale Radio sul sito: https://www.giornaleradio.fm oppure scarica la nostra App gratuita: iOS - App Store - https://apple.co/2uW01yA Android - Google Play - http://bit.ly/2vCjiW3 Resta connesso e segui i canali social di Giornale Radio: Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/giornaleradio.fm/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/giornale_radio_fm/?hl=it

Israel comete crimes de guerra em Gaza e a mudança de discurso do premiê Benjamin Netanyahu, nos últimos dias, deixa claro que o objetivo de seu governo é a limpeza étnica da região.Vocês não têm ideia de como me dói dizer isso. Desde que me entendo por gente, sou sionista. Ao longo da vida, mudei de opinião a respeito de muitas questões. Este é um dos raros casos em que me mantive constante. Ser sionista é ser favorável a um Estado, no Levante Meridional, para o povo judeu. Um Estado na sua terra. Mas o meu é o sionismo de Theodor Herzl, o sionismo de David Ben Gurion. O meu é o sionismo de Yitzhak Rabin, que compreendeu, como todo israelense inteligente, que as mesmas razões que sustentam o direito de judeus terem seu país sustenta, igualmente, o direito de palestinos terem o seu.O governo Netanyahu é a negação de todos esses valores.Neste momento, estão nas ilhas de edição do Meio três episódios especiais da série Ponto de Partida que vão para nosso streaming e tratarão de Israel e da Palestina. Não pretendia voltar a este assunto antes do lançamento porque, afinal, em dez, doze minutos de um vídeo aqui, não cabe tudo o que gravamos num total de uma hora e meia. Só que os acontecimentos não esperam.O governo Netanyahu está propositalmente deixando sem comida e sem remédios milhões de pessoas na Faixa de Gaza. Não existe qualquer razão estratégica, do ponto de vista militar ou político, para justificar algo assim. É um nível absurdo de crueldade, de desumanidade.No Knesset, o parlamento de Israel, na semana passada, Netanyahu afirmou que por conta de sua política de “destruir mais e mais moradias”, as palavras são do premiê, “o resultado inevitável será o desejo pelos moradores de Gaza de deixarem a região”. Neste mesmo discurso, ele afirmou que só permitirá que ajuda humanitária chegue a quem não voltar para casa.Se o desejo de Benjamin Netanyahu é tornar a vida em Gaza tão insuportável que a população deseje deixar suas casas para nunca mais voltar, o nome disso é limpeza étnica. É a definição de dicionário. É limpar, de uma região, um povo. A política de tornar um lugar impossível para a vida de quem vive lá. O primeiro-ministro de Israel está declarando isso. Ministros de seu gabinete já diziam desde o ano passado, mas Netanyahu, não. Agora ele começou a dizer. É política de Estado.Que ninguém se engane. Esta política não só é bárbara e anti-Palestina. Ela é, igualmente, anti-Israel. Esta política não vai eliminar o Hamas. Ela vai alimentar o ódio palestino a um ponto como jamais houve na história. Ela vai acirrar o conflito. A longo prazo, ela ameaça a existência do Estado de Israel. E, não, ela não vai expulsar os palestinos. Primeiro porque o povo palestino já demonstrou, ao longo das décadas, uma resiliência sem igual. Eles querem sua terra e vão ficar. Mas, em segundo lugar, é preciso considerar os vizinhos imediatos. O Egito já deixou claro que não quer os palestinos no seu país. A Jordânia, idem. O Líbano, a Síria, mesma coisa. Não há outro lugar para o povo palestino que não a sua terra. Gaza e Cisjordânia.Além disso, o que a política de Netanyahu faz é estender o sofrimento dos 58 reféns que ainda vivem no cativeiro, em Gaza. Estão sendo torturados, passam fome e estão nas mãos de pessoas que os odeiam. Nunca na história, desde 1948, houve um único governo israelense que não pusesse como absoluta prioridade a segurança de cada judeu no mundo. Nunca. Israel nasceu para que o resultado de dois mil anos de racismo, perseguição e violência que os judeus sofreram na Europa nunca mais ocorresse.Nunca mais.Esta política mudou com Netanyahu. A guerra em Gaza não representa qualquer estratégia de interesse do Estado de Israel. Ela representa os interesses da extrema-direita israelense e os interesses pessoais do primeiro-ministro. Netanyahu é um político corrupto que compreende que, no momento em que deixar o governo, será imediatamente processado e corre o risco de passar seus últimos dias na cadeia. Manter-se em guerra garante o apoio da extrema-direita e, com o apoio da extrema-direita, seu governo não termina antes da próxima eleição. Enquanto ele controlar metade mais um do Knesset, o governo fica de pé. Ou seja, eleição só em 27 de outubro do ano que vem.É um pesadelo para os palestinos. É um pesadelo para as famílias dos reféns. É um pesadelo para os democratas israelenses.A gente não tem como prever o futuro, mas temos como compreender o que aconteceu para chegarmos até aqui. Este não é um vídeo que vai agradar a turma do “Palestina livre do rio ao mar”. Não é um vídeo que agradará quem acha que Israel está sempre certa. É um vídeo para quem deseja compreender e quem anseia, urgentemente, pela paz. Uma paz cada vez mais distante.Eu sou Pedro Doria, editor do Meio.Netanyahu não é um premiê popular. Ele sabe disso. Sabe que perderia a eleição pesado. Ele tem o apoio de apenas 32% dos israelenses. Mais do que isso. 55% acreditam que seu único interesse é se manter no poder. Uma pesquisa realizada este mês pelo Maariv afirma que a oposição, se as eleições fossem hoje, conquistaria 62 cadeiras do Knesset e, o bloco de Netanyahu, 48.Existem duas extrema-direitas diferentes em Israel. E é importante entender isso. São dois grupos que, embora igualmente extremistas, não se bicam. Não se falam. De um lado estão os nacionalistas sionistas e, do outro, os ultra-ortodoxos.Uma das principais marcas dos nacionalistas sionistas, tipo a camisa da Seleção brasileira deles, o boné MAGA, é uma kipá de tricô. Eles são quem mais faz pressão para que Israel anexe os territórios palestinos, a Cisjordânia e Gaza. É a turma que ergue assentamentos, condomínios inteiros, em território que não pertence ao Estado de Israel. Defendem uma Grande Israel, andam pesadamente armados, em geral quando há instantes de violência contra palestinos, são eles. Foi um cara desse grupo que assassinou Yitzhak Rabin no momento em que ele tentava negociar a paz com Yasser Arafat. Os nacionalistas sionistas são sempre os primeiros a se alistar no Exército e se oferecem para estar na linha de frente. São, por isso mesmo, os que mais morrem na guerra.Os ultraortodoxos são o contrário. Não se alistam, têm licença especial para escaparem do serviço militar que é obrigatório para todos os outros cidadãos israelenses. Também não trabalham. Estudam a Torá o dia todo e são financiados pelo Estado. Seu principal objetivo é manterem-se isentos do serviço militar e de qualquer trabalho, é manter os recursos do Estado vindo pra eles enquanto estudam a palavra de Deus.A tensão entre os dois grupos é grande e é real justamente por isso. Só que em nenhum outro governo na história de Israel qualquer um dos dois já teve o espaço de poder que eles têm hoje. Porque, a sua maneira, são extremistas de formas distintas. Então um atura o outro e os dois grupos, embora minoritários, têm votos o suficiente para manter Netanyahu no poder. A coalizão de governo se mantem no poder por 4 votos. Apenas quatro cadeiras. Se quatro deputados deixam o governo, ele desmorona. Só que não acontece. Não acontece enquanto Netanyahu garantir as benesses dos religiosos e acenar com limpeza étnica palestina para os nacionalistas.Mas como foi que Netanyahu chegou lá? Tem uma verdade inconveniente nisso tudo. Israel apresentou duas vezes um plano concreto para a criação do Estado da Palestina. A primeira com o gabinete de centro-esquerda de Ehud Barak, no ano 2000. A segunda pelo gabinete de centro-direita de Ehud Olmert, em 2008. Não é que os palestinos tenham recusado. Nem Arafat, em 2000, nem Mahmoud Abbas, em 2008, apresentaram uma contra-proposta. Na verdade, após a primeira apresentação de proposta, explodiu a Segunda Intifada, que matou muita gente em Israel. É como se, no momento em que finalmente Israel conseguiu se convencer, tanto na esquerda quanto na direita, de que era preciso haver um Estado palestino, o governo da Palestina tivesse congelado. Vejam, teve uma vez, sem resposta. Veio uma onda brutal de ataques terroristas. Aí apresentaram uma segunda proposta. Silêncio no rádio. Os palestinos nunca disseram, sequer, não. Nunca explicaram exatamente o que não gostavam na Foi neste cenário que Benjamin Netanyahu se elegeu. Ele era o único político dizendo “os palestinos não querem paz”. Subentendido nesta ideia está a percepção que muitos israelenses ainda têm de que, para os palestinos, a única solução é o fim de Israel. Pois, em 2009, a população de Israel ouviu Bibi. E o elegeu. Mais de uma década e meia depois, ele segue no governo e tudo piorou muito. Netanyahu tornou a paz ainda mais difícil de ser conquistada. Então como se constrói a paz?O Sete de Outubro é um trauma que não vai embora tão cedo. A destruição de Gaza, muito menos. Mas eu queria sublinhar um último ponto. Hoje, 50% da população de Israel é formada por judeus cujos avós moravam no Norte da África e no Oriente Médio. 30% por judeus cujos avós vieram da Europa. 20% de árabes palestinos com cidadania israelense. Geneticamente, os judeus asquenazitas, os europeus, são mais próximos dos judeus mizrahim e sefarditas do que de qualquer povo europeu. Eles são a mesma gente. E não há povo mais próximo de qualquer judeu do que os palestinos.Isso tem explicação. São os dois povos cananeus. Os dois povos são de lá. Os dois povos descendem diretamente dos homens e mulheres que primeiro aprenderam a plantar na história. Isso. Dez mil anos atrás, na Revolução Agrícola. Nenhum povo pertence mais a uma mesma terra do que judeus e palestinos pertencem a Canaã. Não importa sua crença ideológica, sua crença religiosa, nada muda o fato de que são duas culturas ancoradas há milênios naquela terra. Todas suas rezas, seus monumentos, seus textos. Cada artefato arqueológico encontrado com mil, dois mil, três mil, cinco mil, oito mil anos foi construído, moldado, pelas mãos dos antepassados de todos os judeus e todos os palestinos. Em alguns casos, dos antepassados comuns aos dois povos.Não existe saída que não o reconhecimento de que a terra é dos dois. Precisamos dos dois países. E, às vezes, a paz nasce justamente quando não parece mais haver esperança.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

There was once hope in the Middle East, but does it now feel further away than ever? In this first episode, unparalleled insight into groundbreaking peace deals left dangling, a recent covert negotiation effort in the West Bank, revealed for the first time… and what it's like having Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat hang up on you live on air.As President Donald Trump lands in the Middle East – for the first major trip of his second term – Christiane and Jamie ask: could he be the person to broker peace between Israel and Hamas?We take a look back at Oslo's shredded promise, America's failures that led to Hamas' election victory, and Jamie's secret wrangling at the heart of the Middle East peace process. Christiane asks, could Trump's unpredictability bring peace, or deepen the divide? What's at stake for civilians, and is lasting peace still possible?Contact us at: amanpourpod@global.comFor more content, please follow us:Watch us: https://www.youtube.com/@AmanpourPodInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/amanpourpodX: https://x.com/AmanpourPodFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/people/Christiane-Amanpour-PresentsBlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/amanpourpod.bsky.social

There was once hope in the Middle East, but does it now feel further away than ever? In this first episode, unparalleled insight into groundbreaking peace deals left dangling, a recent covert negotiation effort in the West Bank, revealed for the first time… and what it's like having Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat hang up on you live on air.As President Donald Trump lands in the Middle East – for the first major trip of his second term – Christiane and Jamie ask: could he be the person to broker peace between Israel and Hamas?We take a look back at Oslo's shredded promise, America's failures that led to Hamas' election victory, and Jamie's secret wrangling at the heart of the Middle East peace process. Christiane asks, could Trump's unpredictability bring peace, or deepen the divide? What's at stake for civilians, and is lasting peace still possible?Contact us at: amanpourpod@global.comFor more content, please follow us:Watch us: https://www.youtube.com/@AmanpourPodInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/amanpourpodX: https://x.com/AmanpourPodFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/people/Christiane-Amanpour-PresentsBlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/amanpourpod.bsky.social

There was once hope in the Middle East, but does it now feel further away than ever? In this first episode, unparalleled insight into groundbreaking peace deals left dangling, a recent covert negotiation effort in the West Bank, revealed for the first time… and what it's like having Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat hang up on you live on air.As President Donald Trump lands in the Middle East – for the first major trip of his second term – Christiane and Jamie ask: could he be the person to broker peace between Israel and Hamas?We take a look back at Oslo's shredded promise, America's failures that led to Hamas' election victory, and Jamie's secret wrangling at the heart of the Middle East peace process. Christiane asks, could Trump's unpredictability bring peace, or deepen the divide? What's at stake for civilians, and is lasting peace still possible?

A discussion of ongoing negotiations with Iran began this episode with the former leading Middle East negotiator and author of Statecraft 2.0 Ambassador Dennis Ross, and proceeded to dialogue about Turkey, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Israel and the shift in regional balances of power in the Middle East. Michael Krasny brought up President Trump and statecraft as well as Trump's tariff strategy, the way he views U.S. allies and his overall mendacity. Ambassador Ross spoke of leverage diminishing without geopolitical successes and the reality of our presently no longer being in a unipolar world.This rich and highly engaging conversation went on to include discussion of deterrence and compromise and working with China and leverage Trump has with Putin if he would use it, as well as the difficulties policy makers face in making objectives clear – Lyndon Johnson on Vietnam, Joe Biden on Iraq and Barack Obama on Syria serving as the Ambassador's examples. Former White House Chief of Staff James Baker and current Secretary of State Marco Rubio were discussed along with the tools of statecraft, including the role of kindness and empathy, the importance of focusing on issues and the role of social media. Krasny and Ross went on to talk about Yasser Arafat, which led the Ambassador to highlight what he could have done better with the PLO leader, and to reflect on the Camp David talks and what he wished he had done. This richly expansive dialogue concluded with reflections from Ambassador Ross on present day Saudi Arabia under MBS and what both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict must do to move forward toward peace.In anticipation of Mother's Day, this episode added, following the Krasny-Ross conversation, an interview with Eva Hausman, co-founder of the Mother's Day Movement, which gives assistance to mothers around the world.

Send us a textIn this episode, Ricardo Karam meets with Raeda Taha, a Palestinian director and writer who was born in Jerusalem and is the daughter of Palestinian activist Ali Taha.Raeda talks to us about the impact of the Palestinian struggle on her life and shares her journey between art and politics, having worked as a press secretary for President Yasser Arafat from 1987 to 1994.Raeda speaks openly about personal liberation that does not contradict with national struggle and the differences between generations of resistance, how the tools of resistance have shifted from weapons to social media, which has helped spread the Palestinian cause worldwide. She also tells us how she used theater as a tool to confront the imposed silence on personal and artistic expression.From her play "Ghazal Akka" to her solo performance titled "Where Can I Find Someone Like You, Ali?", Raeda gives a powerful Palestinian voice, sharing her artistic journey that began in Jerusalem before 1967 and moved through Lebanon, Amman, and Ramallah. She also reveals her meeting with Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and the influence of Ghassan Kanafani on her artistic career.Join Ricardo Karam and Raeda Taha in a conversation that reveals a life filled with struggle, art, and stories that reflect the reality of Palestinians in exile.في هذه الحلقة، يلتقي ريكاردو كرم مع رائدة طه، المخرجة والكاتبة الفلسطينية التي نشأت في القدس ابنة المناضل الفلسطيني علي طه. تُحَدِّثنا رائدة عن تأثير النضال الفلسطيني على حياتها، وتشاركنا رحلتها بين الفن والسياسة، إذ عملت كسكرتيرة إعلامية للرئيس ياسر عرفات بين عامي 1987 و1994.  تتحدث رائدة بصراحة عن التحرر الشخصي الذي لا يتناقض مع النضال الوطني، وعن الفرق بين أجيال المقاومة، وكيف تحوّلت أدوات النضال من الأسلحة إلى وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي التي ساعدت في نشر القضية الفلسطينية على نطاق عالمي. كما تروي لنا كيف استطاعت استخدام المسرح كأداة لمواجهة الصمت المفروض على التعبير الشخصي والفني.  من خلال مسرحية "غزال عكا" إلى عرضها الفردي الذي حمل عنوان "أين أستطيع أن أجد شخصاً مثلك، علي؟"، تقدم رائدة صوتاً فلسطينيًاً قوياً، وتستعرض رحلتها الفنية التي تبدأ من القدس قبل 1967 وتنتقل إلى لبنان وعمان ورام الله. كما تكشف عن لقائها مع الرئيس الفنزويلي نيكولاس مادورو، وتأثير غسان كنفاني في مسيرتها الفنية.  انضموا إلى ريكاردو كرم ورائدة طه في حوار يكشف عن تجارب حياة مليئة بالنضال، الفن، والقصص التي تعكس واقع الفلسطينيين في الشتات.

Yasser Arafat must be laughing from hell (or paradise with his 72 virgins) as he watches Western civilization destroy its own symbols, while embracing his.

Depuis l'attaque du 7 octobre 2023, de nombreuses personnalités du Proche-Orient se retrouvent au cœur du conflit : Benyamin Netanyahou, bien sûr, le Premier ministre israélien ; l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei, le guide suprême iranien ; ou encore Hassan Nasrallah, le secrétaire général du Hezbollah libanais. À chaque étape de son histoire depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, d'importants personnages ont fait basculer le conflit israélo-palestinien. Ce sont leurs portraits qu'on dresse dans cette série de podcasts, et qui nous permettent de comprendre ce qui se joue aujourd'hui. Pour ce troisième épisode, Frédéric Encel, géopolitologue et chroniqueur à L'Express, et Corentin Pennarguear, journaliste au service Monde, nous racontent le parcours du palestinien Yasser Arafat. Retrouvez tous les détails de l'épisode ici et inscrivez-vous à notre newsletter. L'équipe : Présentation et écriture : Charlotte BarisMontage et réalisation : Jules KrotCrédits : INA, Reportage Palestine, RTSMusique et habillage : Emmanuel Herschon / Studio Torrent Logo : Jérémy CambourPour nous écrire : laloupe@lexpress.fr Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Acquista il piano biennale di NordVPN per iniziare a proteggerti online, otterrai 4 Mesi Extra e come al solito 30 giorni di soddisfatti o rimborsati Vai su https://nordvpn.com/dentrolastoria Il nostro canale Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCw Il Nostro SITO: https://www.dentrolastoria.net/ Sostieni DENTRO LA STORIA su Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/dentrolastoria Abbonati al canale: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC1vziHBEp0gc9gAhR740fCw/join Il nostro store in Amazon: https://www.amazon.it/shop/dentrolastoria Sostienici su PayPal: https://paypal.me/infinitybeat La sete può essere usata come arma. Ed è quanto avviene nell'estate del 1976 in un quartiere di Beirut Est chiamato Tel al-Zaatar ossia "la collina del timo". Trasformato in campo profughi dall'OLP, Tel al-Zaatar è il rifugio di cinquemila disperati. Ma è anche un'arma di propaganda usata da Yasser Arafat che impone ai suoi connazionali il martirio per accreditarsi agli occhi del mondo come leader di un popolo oppresso e non come signore della guerra e massacratore dei civili cristiani di Damour. A pagare il conto della campagna militare dei falangisti di Gemayel e delle politiche suicide di Arafat saranno proprio i rifugiati della collina del timo. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust, calling it Operation Al Aqsa. For journalist Yardena Schwartz, the massacre was a chilling echo of the 1929 Hebron Massacre—the brutal slaughter of nearly 70 Jews, incited by propaganda that Jews sought to seize the Al Aqsa Mosque. At the time, she was deep into writing her first book, Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In this episode, Yardena shares how history repeated itself, how the October 7 attack reshaped her book, and why understanding the past is essential to making sense of the present. ___ Read:  Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine That Ignited the Arab Israeli Conflict Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran Social media influencer Hen Mazzig on leaving Tunisia Chef Einat Admony on leaving Iran Playwright Oren Safdie on leaving Syria Cartoonist Carol Isaacs on leaving Iraq Novelist Andre Aciman on leaving Egypt People of the Pod:  Latest Episode: Higher Education in Turmoil: Balancing Academic Freedom and the Fight Against Antisemitism Held Hostage in Gaza: A Mother's Fight for Freedom and Justice Yossi Klein Halevi on the Convergence of Politics and Religion at Jerusalem's Temple Mount Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. __ Transcript of Interview with Yardena Schwartz: Manya Brachear Pashman: Hello, and welcome to People of the Pod, brought to you by American Jewish Committee. Each week, we take you beyond the headlines to help you understand what they all mean for America, Israel and the Jewish people. I'm your host Manya Brachear Pashman:. In October 2023 journalist Yardena Schwartz was in the middle of writing her first book exploring the rarely talked about 1929 Hebron massacre, in which nearly 70 Jews were murdered, dozens more injured by their Muslim neighbors during riots incited by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who spread lies that Jews wanted to take over the Al Aqsa Mosque. When she heard reports of the October 7 terror attacks by Hamas dubbed Operation Al Aqsa, she realized just how relevant and prescient her book would be, and began drafting some new chapters. Yardena is with us now to discuss that book titled Ghosts of a Holy War: The 1929 Massacre in Palestine that ignited the Arab Israeli conflict. Yardena, welcome to People of the Pod.  Yardena Schwartz: Great to be here, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So full disclosure to you and our audience. You attended Columbia Journalism School 10 years after I did, and you took Professor Ari Goldman's class on covering religions 10 years after I did that, class had always traveled to Israel, and I had hoped it would be my ticket to go to Israel for the first time, but the Second Intifada prevented that, and we went to Russia and Ukraine. Instead, your class did go to Israel, and that was your first visit to Hebron, correct?  Yardena Schwartz: So it was in 2011 and we went to Hebron for one day out of our 10 day trip to Israel, and it was my first time there. I was the only Jewish student in our class. It was about 15 of us, and I was the only one who had been to Israel. I had been all over Israel, but I had never been to Chevron. And our tour was with Breaking the Silence, an organization of former Israeli soldiers who had served in Hebron or in other parts of the West Bank and wanted Israelis to know what was happening in Hebron and how Palestinians were living there, and the various restrictions that were put in place as a result of terrorist attacks. But nevertheless, you know, those restrictions were extremely disturbing, and that brief visit in 2011 made me really never want to go back to Hebron. And when I moved to Israel two years later to become a freelance journalist there, and, you know, to move to Israel because I loved Israel, and still obviously love Israel, I didn't really go back to Chevron because I, you know, was really troubled by what I saw there. But this book took me, of course, back to Chevron hundreds of times, spending hundreds of hours there. And it came to be, you know, my expertise in this conflict, in my reporting. And you know, of course, Heron is kind of the main character in this book, Manya Brachear Pashman: Tell us how you came to find out about this massacre. Was it mentioned during that class visit in 2011 or was it later that you learned about it? Yardena Schwartz: So that was one of the most interesting things about my early adventure into writing this book, was that I had of course been to have Ron, and yet, during that day that we spent there learning so much about the history of this place, this deeply holy place to so many people, there was no mention of the massacre of 1929, so, you know, I knew that Chevron is, you know, the second holiest city in Judaism, the burial place of Abraham And the matrix and patriarchs of the Jewish people. And you know the first place where King David established his kingdom before Jerusalem. So it was holy before Jerusalem. And yet I had no idea that this ancient Jewish community in Hebron had been decimated in 1929 in one of the worst pogroms ever perpetrated. We all know about the kishineff pogrom of 1904 and yet the pogrom in 1929 in Hebron, perpetrated by the Muslim residents of Hebron, against their Jewish neighbors, was more deadly and more gruesome than the kishineff pogrom, and it effectively ended 1000s of years of Jewish presence in this holy city. And so when I was told by my mentor, Yossi Klein Halevi, the amazing writer, that there was a family in Memphis, Tennessee that had discovered a box of letters in their attic written by a young American man from. Memphis, who had traveled to Chevron in 1928 to study at the Hebron yeshiva, which was at the time, the most prestigious yeshiva in the land of Israel in what was then, of course, British Mandate Palestine. And that this young man had been killed in that massacre. Yet his letters, you know, painted this vivid portrait of what Chevron was before the massacre that took his life. I was immediately fascinated. And I, you know, wanted to meet this family, read these letters and see how I could bring the story to life. And I was introduced to them by, yes, in 2019 so that's when I began working on my book. And you know, as you mentioned, I was still writing the book in 2023 on October 7, and this book I had been writing about this massacre nearly a century ago immediately became more relevant than I ever hoped it would be.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The young American man from Memphis. His name was David Schoenberg. Give our listeners a history lesson. Tell us about this 1929 massacre. So Yardena Schwartz: On August 24 1929 also a Shabbat morning in crevorone, every Jewish family had locked their doors and windows. They were cowering in fear as 1000s of Muslim men rioted outside their homes, throwing rocks at their windows, breaking down their doors and essentially hunting down Jews, much like they did on October 7, families were slaughtered. Women and teenage girls were raped by their neighbors in front of their family members. Infants were murdered in their mother's arms. Children watched as their parents were butchered by their neighbors, rabbis, yeshiva students were castrated and Arabic speaking Jews, you know, Sephardi, Mizrahi, Jews, who composed about half of the Jewish population in Hebron at the time, and were very friendly with their Arab neighbors. You know, they went to each other's weddings and holidays, went to each other's shops, and these people were also slaughtered. It wasn't just the yeshiva students who had come from Europe or from America to study there, or, you know, the Ashkenazi Jewish families. It was, you know, Arabic speaking Jews whose families had been there for generations and had lived side by side in peace with their Muslim neighbors for centuries. They too were slaughtered. Manya Brachear Pashman: Why did their Muslim neighbors turn on them so suddenly and violently? The Yardena Schwartz: rioters that day were shouting Allahu Akbar. They claimed to be defending Islam and Al Aqsa from this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa in order to rebuild the Third Temple. This is what they had been told by their leaders and by Imams and their mosques and in Hebron, that Lai had also extended to the tomb of the patriarchs and matriarchs, which is known in Arabic as the Ibrahimi mosque. Imams there had told Muslims in Hebron that the Jews of Hebron were planning to conquer Ibrahimi mosque in order to turn it into a synagogue. So this incitement and this disinformation that continues to drive the conflict today. Really began in 1929 the rumors about this supposed Jewish plot to destroy Al Aqsa that began in 1928 around the same time that David Schoenberg arrived in Palestine to study at the yeshiva. Manya Brachear Pashman: So in addition to the letters that David Schoenberg wrote to his family back in Tennessee. How else did you piece together this history? How did you go about reporting and researching it? Who kept records?  Yardena Schwartz: So it's really interesting, because I was so surprised by the lack of literature on this really dramatic moment in history, in the history of Israel, the history of this conflict. And yet, despite the fact there are really no books in English, at least, about the massacre and about these riots and what led to them, there were mountains of, you know, testimony from victims and survivors. The British carried out this commission after the riots that produced this 400 page report filled with testimony of British officials, Arab officials, Jewish officials, survivors. So there was just so much material to work with. Also, survivors ended up writing books about their experiences in Hebron, very similar to David's letters, in a way, because they wrote not only about the riots and the massacre itself, but also what they experienced in Hebron before they too, wrote about, you know, the relatively peaceful relations between the city's Jewish minority and the Arab majority. And I also relied on archival newspaper reports so the. Riots really occupied the front pages of American newspapers for about a week, because it took about a week for the British to quell the riots, and they did so with an air, land and sea campaign. They sent warships and war planes from across the British Empire and sent troops from other parts of the British Empire. Because one of the reasons the riots were so effective, in a way, you know, were so deadly, especially in kharag, was because there was just no military force in Palestine. At the time, the British did not have a Palestine military force, and it was only after the 1929 riots that they did have troops in Palestine. Until then, they had the Palestine police force, and that police force was mostly Arabs. In Hebron, for example, there were about 40 policemen under the stewardship of one British police chief, and all but one of those policemen were Arabs, and many of them participated in the massacre or stood by outside of Jewish homes and allowed the mobs to enter the homes and carry out their slaughter. And Manya Brachear Pashman: I'm curious. There was a lot of newspaper coverage, but what about the international community's response beyond the British Empire? Yardena Schwartz: So there were actually protests around the world against the massacre in New York. 35,000 people marched through the streets of Manhattan to protest the British failure to protect their Jewish subjects from these riots. Most of the marchers were Jewish, but nevertheless, I mean 35,000 people. We didn't see anything like that after October 7. Of course, we saw the opposite people marching through the streets of New York and cities around the world supporting the mass of October 7. You know, I mentioned this March in New York, but similar protests were held around the world, mostly in Jewish communities. So in Poland, Warsaw and in England, there were protests against the British failure to protect Jews in Palestine from these riots. And the American government was livid with the British and they sent statements put out, statements to the press, criticizing the British inaction, the British failure to protect the Jewish subjects and the American citizens who were in Palestine at the time, there were eight Americans killed in Hebron on August 24 1929. Out of the 67 Jewish men, women and children who were killed, and all of them were unarmed. The Haganah at the time, you know, the underground Jewish Defense Force that would later become the nucleus of the IDF, the Haganah was active then, mostly in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there were no Haganah members in Hebron. The Hebron Jewish community was very traditional, very religious, and when Haganah came to Hebron two days before the riots erupted, they because they knew that these riots were going to happen. There had been calls from Arab officials to riot, to attack Jewish communities across Palestine. And so the Haganah came to Hebron to warn Jewish leaders of Hebron that they could either come there to protect them or evacuate them to Jerusalem to safety until the riots subsided and the Jewish leaders of Hebron were unanimous in their opposition. They said, No, you know, we're friends with our Arab neighbors. They'll never hurt us. We trust them. If anything happens elsewhere, it won't happen here. And they believed that because, not only because they had such a good relationship with their Arab neighbors and friends, but also because in previous outbursts of violence in other years, like in 1920 1921 when they were much smaller riots and much less deadly riots. When those riots reached other parts of Palestine, they didn't reach Hebron because of those relations and because they weren't fueled by incitement and disinformation, which was what led the riots of 1929 to be so massive and so deadly, and what led them to be embraced by previously peaceful neighbors. Manya Brachear Pashman: How did that disinformation travel in 1929 How did it reach those neighbors in Hebron? Yardena Schwartz: When we talk about disinformation and misinformation today, we think of it as this, you know, modern plague of, you know, the social media era, or, you know our fractured media landscape. But back in 1929 disinformation was rampant, and it also traveled through Arabic newspapers. They were publishing these statements by Arab officials, mostly the Grand Mufti Hajime Husseini, who was the leader of Palestinian Muslims under British rule, he began this rumor that the Jews of Palestine were plotting to conquer Al Aqsa mosque to rebuild their ancient temple. Of course, Al Aqsa is built upon the ruins of the ancient temples. Temple Mount is the holiest place for Jews in the world. And in 1929, Jews were forbidden from accessing the Temple Mount because it was considered, you know, a solely holy Muslim site. But the closest place they could pray was the Western Wall, the Kotel. And Jews who were demanding British protection to pray in peace at the Western Wall without being attacked by Muslims as a result of this disinformation campaign were then painted by the Arabic press as working to conquer the Western Wall, turn it into a synagogue, and then from there, take Al Aqsa Mosque.  So this disinformation traveled from the very highest of Muslim officials. So the imams in mosques across Palestine, specifically in Al Aqsa and in Hebron, were repeating these rumors, these lies about this supposed Jewish plot. Those lies were then being published in flyers that were put in city squares. Jewish officials were warning the British and telling, you know, they should have known and they should have done more to end this campaign of disinformation, not only to achieve peace in this land that they were ruling over, but also because they were responsible for installing hajamina Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, into his position they had chosen him for that position, that all powerful position. And so they were responsible, in a way, for all of these lies that he was spreading. And yet they took no responsibility.  And even in the commission that they sent to Palestine from London to investigate the causes of the riots, despite the fact that, you know, if you read these, you know, 400 pages, I don't recommend it. It's a tough reading. But, you know, I did that for this book. And it's so clear from all of these hearings that this disinformation campaign was very obvious, very clear and very clearly to blame for the riots. And yet, because saying so would have made the British responsible for so much death, their conclusions in this commission was that it was Jewish immigration to Palestine and Jewish land purchases at the time that had sparked the riots, and that it was this Jewish demonstration, peaceful demonstration at the Western Wall on to Shabaab in August of 1929 that had sparked these riots.  So there's just, you know, this absolute lack of accountability, not only for the Mufti, who retained his position and became even more powerful and more popular as a leader after these riots, but also for the British and instead, you know, the Jewish victims were blamed for their suffering. At the time, Jews were just 20% of the Palestinian population, which was just 1 million people. Of course, today, Israel is home to more than 10 million people. So you know, clearly there was room for everyone. And the Jews at the time were very peaceful. The Haganah was a very, you know, weak, decentralized force, and after these riots, it became much stronger, and Sephardi Jews and Mizrahi Jews, more traditional Jews who had not joined the Haganah before 1929 had not really embraced Zionism before 1929 now agreed that if Jews were going to be safe in our homeland, then we would need our own army. Manya Brachear Pashman: Can we talk a little bit about the turn toward radicalization and extremism during this time, and what role that has played in the years since? Yardena Schwartz: you know, the Zionist leadership was very adamant that Jews in Palestine should not be carrying out attacks against Arabs in Palestine. You know, it should be really about defending Jews, preventing attacks, but not carrying out retaliatory attacks. But as we've seen throughout the century, of this conflict. You know, extremism begets extremism. And you know, when violence is being used by one side, it is going to be used by the other side as well. And so the rise of a more militant form of Zionism was a direct result of 1929 and this feeling of just helplessness and this feeling of relying on this foreign power, the British, to protect them, and realizing that no foreign power was going to protect the Jews of Palestine and that Jews would have to protect themselves, and the radicalism and the extremism within the Muslim population, particularly the Muslim leadership of Palestine, really just accelerated after the massacre, because they saw that it succeeded. I mean, the British punished the Jewish population of Palestine for the riots by vastly limiting Jewish immigration, vastly limiting Jewish land purchases. Notice, I use the word land purchases because, contrary to a lot of the disinformation we hear. Much today, none of this land was being stolen. It was being purchased by Jews from Muslim land owners. Many of them were absentee landowners. Many of them were from the wealthiest families in Palestine. And many of them were members of, you know, this anti Zionist, pro Mufti circle, who were then telling their own people that Jews are stealing your land and evicting you from your land, when, in fact, it was these wealthy Arab landowners who were selling their land to Jews at exorbitant prices. Manya Brachear Pashman: Did you establish a motive for the Mufti and what were his intentions spreading this disinformation? Yardena Schwartz: Great question. So it was very clear. I mean, he never admitted this, but it was very clear what his motives were, and that was to counter the criticism and accusations of corruption that had dogged him for years, until he began this campaign of propaganda which led much of that criticism and much of those stories of his corruption within the Arabic press and among his Arab rivals to essentially disappear, because now they had a much more threatening enemy, and that enemy was the Jewish community of Palestine, who was plotting to destroy Al Aqsa, conquer Al Aqsa, rebuild their temple, take over Palestine and his campaign worked. You know, after that propaganda campaign became so successful, there were very few people willing to stand up to him and to criticize him, because after 1929 when he became so much more powerful, he began a campaign of assassinations and intimidation and violence used against not only his political rivals and dissidents, but also just Anyone who favored cooperation between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. So there were various mayors of Arab cities who wanted to work together with the Jewish community of those cities or with other Jewish leaders to bring about various economic initiatives, for instance. And some of those mayors were assassinated by the muftis henchmen, or they were just intimidated into silence and into kind of embracing his platform, which was that Palestine is and has always been and should always be, a purely Muslim land, and that there is no place for any kind of Jewish sovereignty or Jewish power in that land.  So, you know, the Mufti, in 1936 he ended up leading a violent rebellion against the British. And the British at that point, had gotten tired of ruling Palestine. They realized it was much more work than they were interested in doing, and they were interested in leaving Palestine, handing over governance to the local population to the Jews and Arabs of Palestine, and they had been interested in figuring out what could be done. Could there be a binational state with equal representation, or representative governance? If Jews are 40% of the population and Arabs are 60% then there could be some kind of governance on those ratios, all of those solutions, including a two state solution, which was presented in 1937 all of those solutions were rejected by the grand mufti, and his platform was embraced by the other Arab officials within Palestine, because if it wasn't, they could face death or violence. And he even rejected the idea of Jews remaining in Palestine under Arab rule. You know when the British said to him, okay, so what will be done with the 400,000 Jews who are in Palestine right now? He said they can't stay. So he didn't only reject the two state solution. He rejected, you know, this bi national, equal utopian society that we hear proposed by so many in pro Palestine movement today. You know, all of these solutions have been on the table for a century and always. They have been rejected by Palestinian leaders, whether it was the Grand Mufti or his apprentice, his young cousin, yas Arafat. Manya Brachear Pashman: Ah, okay, so what happened to Grand Mufti Husseini? Did he stick around? So The Mufti was eventually, finally wanted for arrest by the British after his rebellion claimed the life of a British official. Until then, it had only claimed the lives of Jews and Arabs, but once a British official was killed, then the British had decided that they'd had enough of the Mufti, and they ordered his arrest. He fled Palestine. He ended up in Iraq, where he was involved in riots there the far hood in which many Jews were massacred, perhaps hundreds, if not over 1000 Jews were slaughtered in Baghdad, which was at the time home to about. 100,000 Jews. He then fled Iraq and ended up in Berlin, where he lived from 1941 to 1945 in a Nazi financed mansion, and he led the Arab branch of Joseph Goebbels Ministry of Propaganda. He was the Nazi's leading voice in the Arab world, he spread Nazi propaganda throughout the Muslim world and recruited 10s of 1000s of Muslims to fight for the Nazis, including in the Waffen SS and when the war ended, when world war two ended, and the UN wanted him for Nazi war crimes, he was wanted for Nazi war crimes, placed on the UN's list of Nazi war criminals. Once again, he fled, first to France, then to Cairo, eventually settling in Beirut, where he continued to lead his people's jihad against the Jews of Palestine. So when, in 1947, when the UN voted to partition British Mandate Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state so that the British could finally leave Palestine. He declared jihad, and he rejected the Partition Plan, along with every other Arab state which also rejected it. Of course, the Jews of Palestine embraced it, celebrated it, and the very next day after the UN vote, riots erupted throughout Palestine, and he helped. He was kind of pulling the strings of that Jihad taking place in Palestine. And in fact, 1000 Muslim men who he had recruited for the Waffen. SS joined that holy war in Palestine. The Mufti helped create the army of the holy war. Yasser Arafat, who was also in Beirut at the time, also assisted the army of the holy war. He actually fought in the war that began in 1947 alongside the Muslim Brotherhood. So, you know the legacy that the Mufti had? You know, it doesn't end there. It continued to his dying day in 1974 and Arafat took over his mantle as the leader of the Palestinian people. And you know, we see how the disinformation and incitement and rejection of Jewish sovereignty in any part of the ancient land of Israel has continued to be a prominent force in Palestinian politics no matter who was in charge. You know, the Fatah, Mahmoud, Abbas and Hamas, of course, perpetuate the same lies about Al Aqsa. They perpetuate the same denial of a Jewish right to live in peace in our homeland, deny the history of Jewish presence in Israel. So, you know, it's really astounding to me how little is known about the Grand Mufti and how little is known about his impact on this conflict, and particularly in the very beginnings, the ground zero of this conflict in 1929 Manya Brachear Pashman: It's so interesting. We talk so much about Hitler, right? And his antisemitism, but we don't talk about Husseini. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, and they were good friends. I mean, they met in 1941 shortly after the Mufti arrived, he had a private chauffeur. He was lavishly paid by the Nazis, and he was good friends with Himmler. He toured concentration camps. He knew very well about the final solution. Hitler himself considered the Mufti an honorary Aryan. I mean, the Mufti had blue eyes, fair skin, light hair. Hitler believed that Husseini had Roman blood, and he saw him as someone who could lead the Nazi forces once they arrived in the Middle East. He saw him as, you know, a great ally of the Nazis. He didn't just participate in the Nazis quest to eradicate the Jewish population of Europe and eventually arrive in Palestine, but he also the Mufti worked to convince various European leaders not to allow Jewish refugees from fleeing Europe and not allowing them to come to Palestine. He told them, send them to Poland, and he knew very well what was happening in Poland. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to go back to this family in Tennessee, the genesis of this story, and I'm curious. David Schoenberg's niece said that at one point in the book, she said they're Southern, so they sweep ugly under the rug in the south. And so they just didn't talk about that. And when I read that, I thought, actually, that's kind of a Jewish approach, not a southern approach, except we wouldn't say we sweep things under the rug. We move on, right? We treasure our resilience, and we move on from that pain and we build anew. But is moving on really in the Jewish community's best interest? Is that how we end up forgetting and letting this history and this very important history fade?. Yardena Schwartz: Yeah, absolutely. You know, I think it is possible to do both. It is possible to take great pride in our resilience and in our strength and our ability to experience so much devastation and suffering, and yet every time emerge stronger.  I mean, think about the Holocaust. First of all, for many years, we did sweep that under the rug. Survivors were discouraged from speaking about what they went through. They were seen as, you know, especially in Israel, they were seen as, you know, people who went like sheep to the slaughter. It wasn't something to talk about. It was something to move on from. And yet now we are able to hold both in both hands. You know. We're able to honor and commemorate the memory and speak about the atrocities that millions of Jews suffered during the Holocaust, while also celebrating where we went after the Holocaust. I mean, three years after the Holocaust, Israel was born. You know, that's just, on its own, you know, a remarkable symbol of our resilience and our strength as a people. But I think the way we commemorate the Holocaust is a really great example of how we do both how we honor the memory and use that as a lesson so that it never happens again.  And yet, I think that when it comes to the conflict and the various forces that have led us to where we are today, there is this tendency to kind of try to move on and not really speak about how we got here. And it's really a shame, because I think that this is the only way we'll ever find a way out of this tragic cycle of violence, is if we learn how we got here, the forces that continue to drive this conflict after a century, and you know, the people who brought us here. Not only the Grand Mufti, but also, you know, the leaders today who are very much capitalizing on fear and religion, exploiting religion for their own, their own interests, and utilizing disinformation to remain in power. And I think that, you know, we can't afford not to speak about these things and not to know about our own history. It's really telling that, you know, even in Jewish communities, where people know so much about Israel and about this conflict, there is just a complete lack of knowledge of, you know, the very bedrock of this conflict. And I think without that knowledge, we'll never get out of this mess. Manya Brachear Pashman: Yardena, thank you so much. This is such a wonderful book, and congratulations on writing it.  Yardena Schwartz: Thank you so much.  Manya Brachear Pashman: If you missed last week's episode, be sure to tune in for my conversation with Dr Laura Shaw Frank, Director of AJC Center for Education Advocacy. We discussed the delicate balance between combating antisemitism, safeguarding free speech, and ensuring campuses remain safe for all students.  Thank you for listening. This episode is brought to you by AJC. Our producer is Atara Lakritz. Our sound engineer is TK Broderick. You can subscribe to People of the Pod on Apple podcasts, Spotify or Google podcasts, or learn more at ajc.org/PeopleofthePod. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC. We'd love to hear your views and opinions or your questions. You can reach us at PeopleofthePod@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends. Tag us on social media with hashtag People of the Pod and hop on to Apple podcasts to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Tune in next week for another episode of People of the Pod.

Israeli journalist Zvi Yehezkeli pinpointed the core of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as he reflected on a post-interview conversation with Yasser Arafat, the late chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), more than two decades ago. A one-time secular security official who became a religious West Bank settler and called on air for the slaying of 100,000 Gazans in the wake of Hamas' October 7, 2023, attack on Israel that killed some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, Mr. Yehezkeli said it took him years to understand what he believed the Palestinian leader was telling him once the camera stopped rolling. “I don't recognize your right to the land, and your logic is completely different from mine. The end of the conflict is your invention... I never agreed to it," Mr. Yehezkeli quoted Mr. Arafat as saying. In a recent email inviting recipients to subscribe to his monthly broadcasts, Mr. Yehezkeli offered an interpretation of Mr. Arafat's remark that ensures the perpetuation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict rather than acceptance of a reality that potentially holds out the promise of an eventual healing of the wounds on both sides of the divide if adequately managed.

Bài Giảng: Kiêng ĂnDiễn giả: Robert Tillman Kendall Chuyển ngữ: Đội ngũ Ba-rúcLink bài giảng gốc:    • Fasting | Dr. R. T. Kendall  ---------------------------------Chào mừng các bạn đến với bài giảng của Dr. R.T. Kendall về việc "Kiêng ăn". Trong bài giảng này, Dr. Kendall sẽ chia sẻ những ích lợi sâu sắc của việc kiêng ăn, đặc biệt là việc kiêng ăn đã giúp giải quyết các vấn đề trong gia đình và hội thánh của ông như thế nào. Ông sẽ trình bày bốn loại kiêng ăn đó là kiêng ăn giả tạo, kiêng ăn chân thành, kiêng ăn khiêm nhường và kiêng ăn cùng nhau. Bài giảng này sẽ giúp bạn hiểu rõ hơn về ý nghĩa và tầm quan trọng của kiêng ăn trong đời sống đức tin, từ đó hướng bạn đến một mối quan hệ sâu sắc hơn với Chúa và cộng đồng hội thánh. Hãy cùng khám phá và áp dụng những bài học quý giá này!Robert Tillman Kendall là một tác giả, diễn giả và giảng viên Cơ đốc nổi tiếng, sinh ngày 13 tháng 7 năm 1935 tại Ashland, Kentucky. Ông đã là mục sư tại Westminster Chapel trong suốt 25 năm và là tác giả của hơn 50 cuốn sách, bao gồm cuốn Total Forgiveness. Kendall là người đã gặp gỡ và thảo luận về đức tin Cơ đốc với lãnh đạo Palestine, Yasser Arafat vào năm 2002.Dù đã nghỉ hưu, ông vẫn tiếp tục công việc viết sách và là diễn giả khách mời tại các hội nghị Cơ đốc giáo, xuất hiện trên truyền hình Cơ đốc và đóng góp cho các ấn phẩm Cơ đốc. Hiện ông là chủ tịch của R.T. Kendall Ministries.---------------------------------The Giang Luan Kinh Thanh (Biblical Preaching) YouTube channel is dedicated to providing biblically faithful sermons and messages from respected Christian speakers. Our content is specifically designed to uplift and support pastors and believers in Vietnam, where access to resources for Christian teaching can be limited. As a non-profit initiative, our mission is to offer encouragement and spiritual guidance to believers striving to serve God in their communities.We would like to inform you that some videos may not have obtained formal copyright permissions prior to translation. We sincerely appreciate the understanding and forgiveness of copyright holders regarding this matter. If you have any concerns or inquiries, please feel free to reach out to us at giangluankinhthanh@gmail.com.---------------------------------Anh chị em có thể nghe bài giảng audio của Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh tại địa chỉ sau:Spotify: https://sum.vn/HybEqApple podcast: https://sum.vn/SccJBGiảng Luận Kinh Thánh là dự án dịch thuật/lồng tiếng sang tiếng Việt các bài giảng, thông điệp Cơ Đốc kinh điển của những diễn giả đã được thời gian khẳng định và cộng đồng Cơ đốc chung xác nhận. Đây là dự án phi lợi nhuận nhằm cung cấp nguồn tư liệu cho các tôi tớ cùng con dân Chúa tham khảo và sử dụng miễn phí. Để hiểu hơn về chúng tôi vui lòng truy cập website :https://giangluankinhthanh.net/Đội ngũ Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoan nghênh mọi đề nghị cộng tác của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong các lĩnh vực như dịch thuật, lồng tiếng, quảng bá, cầu thay, v.v. Nếu quý con cái Chúa sẵn lòng đóng góp công sức của mình vào bất cứ lĩnh vực nào, cùng đồng công trong những sứ điệp giúp tỉnh thức nhiều người.Xin vui lòng điền thông tin cá nhân vào biểu mẫu sau: Kênh Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoạt động vì các mục tiêu phi lợi nhuận, không phát quảng cáo. Vì vậy, chúng tôi mong tiếp tục nhận được sự dâng hiến và ủng hộ của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong việc phát triển kênh. Quý vị có thể dâng hiến theo thông tin trong biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/ZZ19mXin chân thành cảm ơn!#Giangluankinhthanh #kiengan #RobertTillmanKendall #baigianghay #caunguyen #baigiangtinlanh #hocloiChua

Bài Giảng: Kiêng ĂnDiễn giả: Robert Tillman Kendall Chuyển ngữ: Đội ngũ Ba-rúcLink bài giảng gốc:    • Fasting | Dr. R. T. Kendall  ---------------------------------Chào mừng các bạn đến với bài giảng của Dr. R.T. Kendall về việc "Kiêng ăn". Trong bài giảng này, Dr. Kendall sẽ chia sẻ những ích lợi sâu sắc của việc kiêng ăn, đặc biệt là việc kiêng ăn đã giúp giải quyết các vấn đề trong gia đình và hội thánh của ông như thế nào. Ông sẽ trình bày bốn loại kiêng ăn đó là kiêng ăn giả tạo, kiêng ăn chân thành, kiêng ăn khiêm nhường và kiêng ăn cùng nhau. Bài giảng này sẽ giúp bạn hiểu rõ hơn về ý nghĩa và tầm quan trọng của kiêng ăn trong đời sống đức tin, từ đó hướng bạn đến một mối quan hệ sâu sắc hơn với Chúa và cộng đồng hội thánh. Hãy cùng khám phá và áp dụng những bài học quý giá này!Robert Tillman Kendall là một tác giả, diễn giả và giảng viên Cơ đốc nổi tiếng, sinh ngày 13 tháng 7 năm 1935 tại Ashland, Kentucky. Ông đã là mục sư tại Westminster Chapel trong suốt 25 năm và là tác giả của hơn 50 cuốn sách, bao gồm cuốn Total Forgiveness. Kendall là người đã gặp gỡ và thảo luận về đức tin Cơ đốc với lãnh đạo Palestine, Yasser Arafat vào năm 2002.Dù đã nghỉ hưu, ông vẫn tiếp tục công việc viết sách và là diễn giả khách mời tại các hội nghị Cơ đốc giáo, xuất hiện trên truyền hình Cơ đốc và đóng góp cho các ấn phẩm Cơ đốc. Hiện ông là chủ tịch của R.T. Kendall Ministries.---------------------------------The Giang Luan Kinh Thanh (Biblical Preaching) YouTube channel is dedicated to providing biblically faithful sermons and messages from respected Christian speakers. Our content is specifically designed to uplift and support pastors and believers in Vietnam, where access to resources for Christian teaching can be limited. As a non-profit initiative, our mission is to offer encouragement and spiritual guidance to believers striving to serve God in their communities.We would like to inform you that some videos may not have obtained formal copyright permissions prior to translation. We sincerely appreciate the understanding and forgiveness of copyright holders regarding this matter. If you have any concerns or inquiries, please feel free to reach out to us at giangluankinhthanh@gmail.com.---------------------------------Anh chị em có thể nghe bài giảng audio của Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh tại địa chỉ sau:Spotify: https://sum.vn/HybEqApple podcast: https://sum.vn/SccJBGiảng Luận Kinh Thánh là dự án dịch thuật/lồng tiếng sang tiếng Việt các bài giảng, thông điệp Cơ Đốc kinh điển của những diễn giả đã được thời gian khẳng định và cộng đồng Cơ đốc chung xác nhận. Đây là dự án phi lợi nhuận nhằm cung cấp nguồn tư liệu cho các tôi tớ cùng con dân Chúa tham khảo và sử dụng miễn phí. Để hiểu hơn về chúng tôi vui lòng truy cập website :https://giangluankinhthanh.net/Đội ngũ Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoan nghênh mọi đề nghị cộng tác của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong các lĩnh vực như dịch thuật, lồng tiếng, quảng bá, cầu thay, v.v. Nếu quý con cái Chúa sẵn lòng đóng góp công sức của mình vào bất cứ lĩnh vực nào, cùng đồng công trong những sứ điệp giúp tỉnh thức nhiều người.Xin vui lòng điền thông tin cá nhân vào biểu mẫu sau: Kênh Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoạt động vì các mục tiêu phi lợi nhuận, không phát quảng cáo. Vì vậy, chúng tôi mong tiếp tục nhận được sự dâng hiến và ủng hộ của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong việc phát triển kênh. Quý vị có thể dâng hiến theo thông tin trong biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/ZZ19mXin chân thành cảm ơn!#Giangluankinhthanh #kiengan #RobertTillmanKendall #baigianghay #caunguyen #baigiangtinlanh #hocloiChua

Ever wondered how a dictator survives for decades? If you think he does so without a care in the world, as I did, you are in for a surprise. Tyrants are probably amongst the most paranoid people in the world. Their single-minded determination to stay in power makes them do crazy things. They need to manage those who are close to them, bodyguards and palace elites included. Citizens can go to hell. But that doesn't make their job any easier, says Dr Marcel Dirsus, the author of his latest book, “How Tyrants Fall: And How Nations Survive”. Some like Saddam Hussain and Yasser Arafat were known to micromanage and were often more worried about internal coups than external foes. How can adversaries deal with them? How can data and analytics help countries to deal with madmen? Marcel himself had a scare when he worked in a brewery in Congo where he decided to entrench himself in the subject. In this podcast he talks about the fascinating, if depressing world of these dictators, and what can be done about it.

Bài Giảng: Người Nữ Không Được Yêu ThươngDiễn giả: Robert Tillman Kendall Chuyển ngữ: Đội ngũ Ba-rúcLink bài giảng gốc:    • The Unloved Woman | Dr. RT Kendall  "Trong bài giảng hôm nay, mục sư Robert Tillman Kendall sẽ chia sẻ câu chuyện cảm động về Lê-a, một người phụ nữ chỉ mong muốn được chồng yêu thương, nhưng dù bà không nhận được điều đó, Đức Chúa Trời vẫn có một kế hoạch tốt đẹp hơn dành cho bà. Và đó là dòng dõi của Lê-a sau này lại trở thành những người có ảnh hưởng rất lớn trong Vương quốc của Đức Chúa Trời, điều mà bà không thể hình dung được lúc đó.Giống như Lê-a, có thể chúng ta cũng đang trải qua những khó khăn và thất vọng, nhưng hãy tin rằng Chúa có một kế hoạch tốt đẹp hơn, là kết hoạch để đem đến những điều tốt lành vượt qua những gì chúng ta có thể suy tưởng. Hãy mở lòng đón nhận và tin tưởng vào tình yêu và kế hoạch tuyệt vời của Ngài."Giới thiệu tác giả: Robert Tillman Kendall là một tác giả, diễn giả và giảng viên Cơ đốc nổi tiếng, sinh ngày 13 tháng 7 năm 1935 tại Ashland, Kentucky. Ông đã là mục sư tại Westminster Chapel trong suốt 25 năm và là tác giả của hơn 50 cuốn sách, bao gồm cuốn Total Forgiveness. Kendall là người đã gặp gỡ và thảo luận về đức tin Cơ đốc với lãnh đạo Palestine, Yasser Arafat vào năm 2002.Dù đã nghỉ hưu, ông vẫn tiếp tục công việc viết sách và là diễn giả khách mời tại các hội nghị Cơ đốc giáo, xuất hiện trên truyền hình Cơ đốc và đóng góp cho các ấn phẩm Cơ đốc. Hiện ông là chủ tịch của R.T. Kendall Ministries.---------------------------------The Giang Luan Kinh Thanh (Biblical Preaching) YouTube channel is dedicated to providing biblically faithful sermons and messages from respected Christian speakers. Our content is specifically designed to uplift and support pastors and believers in Vietnam, where access to resources for Christian teaching can be limited. As a non-profit initiative, our mission is to offer encouragement and spiritual guidance to believers striving to serve God in their communities.We would like to inform you that some videos may not have obtained formal copyright permissions prior to translation. We sincerely appreciate the understanding and forgiveness of copyright holders regarding this matter. If you have any concerns or inquiries, please feel free to reach out to us at giangluankinhthanh@gmail.com.Anh chị em có thể nghe bài giảng audio của Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh tại địa chỉ sau:Spotify: https://sum.vn/HybEqApple podcast: https://sum.vn/SccJBGiảng Luận Kinh Thánh là dự án dịch thuật/lồng tiếng sang tiếng Việt các bài giảng, thông điệp Cơ Đốc kinh điển của những diễn giả đã được thời gian khẳng định và cộng đồng Cơ đốc chung xác nhận. Đây là dự án phi lợi nhuận nhằm cung cấp nguồn tư liệu cho các tôi tớ cùng con dân Chúa tham khảo và sử dụng miễn phí. Để hiểu hơn về chúng tôi vui lòng truy cập website :https://giangluankinhthanh.net/Đội ngũ Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoan nghênh mọi đề nghị cộng tác của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong các lĩnh vực như dịch thuật, lồng tiếng, quảng bá, cầu thay, v.v. Nếu quý con cái Chúa sẵn lòng đóng góp công sức của mình vào bất cứ lĩnh vực nào, cùng đồng công trong những sứ điệp giúp tỉnh thức nhiều người.Xin vui lòng điền thông tin cá nhân vào biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/m4wqtKênh Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoạt động vì các mục tiêu phi lợi nhuận, không phát quảng cáo. Vì vậy, chúng tôi mong tiếp tục nhận được sự dâng hiến và ủng hộ của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong việc phát triển kênh. Quý vị có thể dâng hiến theo thông tin trong biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/ZZ19mXin chân thành cảm ơn!#Giangluankinhthanh #nguoinu #yeuthuong #RobertTillmanKendall #baigiangtinlanh #baigiangcodoc #baigiangkinhthanh

Bài Giảng: Người Nữ Không Được Yêu ThươngDiễn giả: Robert Tillman Kendall Chuyển ngữ: Đội ngũ Ba-rúcLink bài giảng gốc:    • The Unloved Woman | Dr. RT Kendall  "Trong bài giảng hôm nay, mục sư Robert Tillman Kendall sẽ chia sẻ câu chuyện cảm động về Lê-a, một người phụ nữ chỉ mong muốn được chồng yêu thương, nhưng dù bà không nhận được điều đó, Đức Chúa Trời vẫn có một kế hoạch tốt đẹp hơn dành cho bà. Và đó là dòng dõi của Lê-a sau này lại trở thành những người có ảnh hưởng rất lớn trong Vương quốc của Đức Chúa Trời, điều mà bà không thể hình dung được lúc đó.Giống như Lê-a, có thể chúng ta cũng đang trải qua những khó khăn và thất vọng, nhưng hãy tin rằng Chúa có một kế hoạch tốt đẹp hơn, là kết hoạch để đem đến những điều tốt lành vượt qua những gì chúng ta có thể suy tưởng. Hãy mở lòng đón nhận và tin tưởng vào tình yêu và kế hoạch tuyệt vời của Ngài."Giới thiệu tác giả: Robert Tillman Kendall là một tác giả, diễn giả và giảng viên Cơ đốc nổi tiếng, sinh ngày 13 tháng 7 năm 1935 tại Ashland, Kentucky. Ông đã là mục sư tại Westminster Chapel trong suốt 25 năm và là tác giả của hơn 50 cuốn sách, bao gồm cuốn Total Forgiveness. Kendall là người đã gặp gỡ và thảo luận về đức tin Cơ đốc với lãnh đạo Palestine, Yasser Arafat vào năm 2002.Dù đã nghỉ hưu, ông vẫn tiếp tục công việc viết sách và là diễn giả khách mời tại các hội nghị Cơ đốc giáo, xuất hiện trên truyền hình Cơ đốc và đóng góp cho các ấn phẩm Cơ đốc. Hiện ông là chủ tịch của R.T. Kendall Ministries.---------------------------------The Giang Luan Kinh Thanh (Biblical Preaching) YouTube channel is dedicated to providing biblically faithful sermons and messages from respected Christian speakers. Our content is specifically designed to uplift and support pastors and believers in Vietnam, where access to resources for Christian teaching can be limited. As a non-profit initiative, our mission is to offer encouragement and spiritual guidance to believers striving to serve God in their communities.We would like to inform you that some videos may not have obtained formal copyright permissions prior to translation. We sincerely appreciate the understanding and forgiveness of copyright holders regarding this matter. If you have any concerns or inquiries, please feel free to reach out to us at giangluankinhthanh@gmail.com.Anh chị em có thể nghe bài giảng audio của Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh tại địa chỉ sau:Spotify: https://sum.vn/HybEqApple podcast: https://sum.vn/SccJBGiảng Luận Kinh Thánh là dự án dịch thuật/lồng tiếng sang tiếng Việt các bài giảng, thông điệp Cơ Đốc kinh điển của những diễn giả đã được thời gian khẳng định và cộng đồng Cơ đốc chung xác nhận. Đây là dự án phi lợi nhuận nhằm cung cấp nguồn tư liệu cho các tôi tớ cùng con dân Chúa tham khảo và sử dụng miễn phí. Để hiểu hơn về chúng tôi vui lòng truy cập website :https://giangluankinhthanh.net/Đội ngũ Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoan nghênh mọi đề nghị cộng tác của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong các lĩnh vực như dịch thuật, lồng tiếng, quảng bá, cầu thay, v.v. Nếu quý con cái Chúa sẵn lòng đóng góp công sức của mình vào bất cứ lĩnh vực nào, cùng đồng công trong những sứ điệp giúp tỉnh thức nhiều người.Xin vui lòng điền thông tin cá nhân vào biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/m4wqtKênh Giảng Luận Kinh Thánh hoạt động vì các mục tiêu phi lợi nhuận, không phát quảng cáo. Vì vậy, chúng tôi mong tiếp tục nhận được sự dâng hiến và ủng hộ của quý con cái Chúa khắp nơi trong việc phát triển kênh. Quý vị có thể dâng hiến theo thông tin trong biểu mẫu sau: https://sum.vn/ZZ19mXin chân thành cảm ơn!#Giangluankinhthanh #nguoinu #yeuthuong #RobertTillmanKendall #baigiangtinlanh #baigiangcodoc #baigiangkinhthanh

Ahmed Soboh, director general de la Fundación Yasser Arafat, se refirió en La W al plan del presidente Donald Trump de controlar Gaza.

Assine a Brasil Paralelo: https://sitebp.la/bp-face-oculta ___________ Por trás de aclamadas personalidades há um lado obscuro que ninguém está olhando. Neste programa documental e cheio de mistérios, abordaremos a face oculta das principais personalidades e instituições. Nesta edição: Yasser Arafat. __________ Precisa de ajuda para assinar? Fale com nossa equipe comercial: https://sitebp.la/yt-equipe-de-vendas Já é assinante e gostaria de fazer o upgrade? Aperte aqui: https://sitebp.la/yt-equipe-upgrade __________ Siga a #BrasilParalelo: Site: https://bit.ly/portal-bp Instagram: / brasilparalelo Facebook: / brasilparalelo Twitter: / brasilparalelo Produtos oficiais: https://loja.brasilparalelo.com.br/ ___________ Sobre a Brasil Paralelo: Somos uma empresa de entretenimento e educação fundada em 2016. Produzimos documentários, filmes, séries, trilogias, cursos, podcasts e muito mais. Nosso foco é o conteúdo informativo e educativo relacionado ao contexto social, político e econômico brasileiro.

We look back on the region's history and discuss what it can teach us about the future.Jonny Dymond brings together a carefully curated panel of experts, academics and journalists to talk about the conflict in the Middle East.What has happened in history to lead us to this point? And, what can history teach us about what might happen next?This week, Jonny is joined by Dr Ahron Bregman, from King's College London, and the BBC's International Editor, Jeremy Bowen.In the second of two special episodes, they focus in on the former Israeli leader, Ariel Sharon. Last week's episode covered another leader who bestrode the modern Middle East - Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.This episode was made by Keiligh Baker and Eleanor Harrison-Dengate. The technical producers were John Scott and Michael Regaard. The assistant editor is Ben Mundy. The senior news editor is Sam Bonham.This episode is part of a BBC Sounds series. The discussion was recorded at 15:00 on Friday 6 December 2024.

We look back on the region's history and discuss what it can teach us about the future.Jonny Dymond brings together a carefully assembled panel of experts, academics and journalists to talk about the conflict in the region.What has happened in history to lead us to this point? And, what can history teach us about what might happen next?This week, Jonny is joined by Dr Burcu Ozcelik, Senior Research Fellow for Middle East Security at RUSI, and BBC correspondent and Middle East expert Jane Corbin.In the first of two special episodes, they focus in on the former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. Next week, attention will turn to another leader who bestrode the modern Middle East, Israel's military and political leader Ariel Sharon. This episode was made by Keiligh Baker. The technical producers were Dan Ehrlich and David Crackles. The assistant editor is Ben Mundy. The senior news editor is Sam Bonham.This episode is part of a BBC Sounds series. It was recorded at 10:00 on Monday 2 December 2024.

As President Trump transitions into the White House for a second term, some of his cabinet appointments—stacked with MAGA loyalists—are shocking even Republicans and raising questions about their implications for U.S. policy at home and abroad. This week Christiane examines how these staffing decisions could reshape America's role on the global stage, with Richard Haass weighing in on the risks Trump 2.0 poses to U.S. foreign policy. Washington Governor Jay Inslee discusses the stakes for climate policy and how Democrats can recover from a crushing defeat. Former French President François Hollande reflects on Trump's impact on Europe and Ukraine, while UNRWA Commissioner Philippe Lazzarini sheds light on the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza amid Israel's efforts to shut down his organization. Marking 20 years since Yasser Arafat's death, from her archives, Christiane revisits his legacy in advancing the Palestinian quest for statehood. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Le 13 Novembre 1974, le leader de l'O.L.P Yasser Arafat est invité pour la première fois à la tribune de l'ONU où il prononce le discours historique qui va faire basculer l'opinion publique internationale en faveur de la reconnaissance de la cause palestinienne. « Aujourd'hui, je suis venu porteur d'un rameau d'olivier et d'un fusil de combattant de la liberté. Ne laissez pas le rameau d'olivier tomber de ma main. Je vous le répète : ne le laissez pas tomber de ma main. » Pointant du doigt l'assemblée de l'Onu, Yasser Arafat va en réalité répéter trois fois sa dernière phrase et déclencher un tonnerre d'applaudissements.Quel leader est Yasser Arafat, coiffé du keffieh noir et blanc, symbole du nationalisme palestinien lorsqu'il est invité à l'ONU ? Quels sont les arguments du représentant de l'OLP ? Et que représente ce discours dans l'histoire et la mémoire du peuple palestinien ?À l'aube des 50 ans de la reconnaissance du droit des Palestiniens à l'auto-détermination votée le 22 Novembre 1974 par l'ONU à une majorité écrasante, RFI et MCD s'associent pour donner accès à une archive essentielle pour la compréhension de l'histoire du conflit israélo-palestinien. De larges extraits du discours traduits en français s'articulent avec les témoignages de Anwar Abou Aïsha, ancien ministre palestinien de la Culture ; Hala Qodmani, journaliste spécialiste du Proche-Orient ; Elias Sanbar, historien ettraducteur ; Leïla Shahid, ex-déléguée générale de la Palestine en France et Yousef Zayed, musicien et professeur de oud.Un documentaire signé Valérie Nivelon RFI avec la collaboration de Tarik Hamdan MCD.Réalisation : Sophie Janin avec Adrien Landivier, Nicolas Falez et Nicolas Pichon-Loevenbruck. À lire : - « La dernière guerre ? » Palestine, 7 octobre 2023-2 avril 2024 par Elias Sanbar.Collection Tracts (no56) Gallimard- « Comment la Palestine fut perdue et pourquoi Israël n'a pas gagné, Histoire d'un conflit », de Jean-Pierre Filiu aux éditions Seuil- « Israël/Palestine Anatomie d'un conflit », de Vincent Lemire et Thomas Snégaroff aux éditions Les Arènes.

Forrest Claypool has one of the most impressive and varied resumes in politics...early campaign and operative work with David Axelrod and Rahm Emanuel, two-time Chief of Staff to the mayor of Chicago, opposing Barack Obama in mock debates in his 2004 Senate race, running the Chicago Park District, Chicago Transit Authority, and Chicago Board of Education, elected to the Cook County Board, intense races against the Chicago machine, and now author of the new book - The Daley Show - about the 20+ year tenure of Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley. In this conversation, Forrest talks his path from small town Southern, IL to breaking into politics to his time running major city departments to being an integral part of the Chicago machine before running against the machine a few years later and deep into the last 40+ years of Chicago politics through the impact of the mayoralty of Richard M. Daley. IN THIS EPISODE...Forrest's roots in Southern Illinois and the state politics of his youth in the 60s and 70s...Forrest connects with David Axelrod at the start of the Axelrod rise as a national media consultant...The x-factor that made Axelrod such an effective political consultant...One of Forrest's favorite races he worked on as a political consultant...Forrest plays the role of Alan Keyes in Barack Obama's 2004 debate prep...Forrest's initial impressions of the 1990s Barack Obama who started making the rounds in Chicago politics...Forrest remembers the Rahm Emanuel he first worked with in the mid-1980s...Of the numerous positions he held around Chicago and Cook County politics, which did Forrest find most exciting...Why Forrest turned down an almost sure-thing, safe seat in Congress...What he learned when he ran for Cook County office himself...The Forrest Claypool 101 on effectively running organizations...His evolution as a foot soldier of the Daley machine to a prominent machine critic and opponent...What made Forrest write his new book, The Daley Show, about the 20+ year mayoralty of Richard M. Daley...How the original Mayor Daley, Richard J. Daley, dominated Chicago politics for decades...The story of Richard M. Daley in the political wilderness after the death of his father, and how he rose to the mayor's office via an "outside game"...Details on how the Chicago mob controlled an entire city ward into the 1980s and 90s...The importance of "abandoned cars" in running a city...The most important accomplishment of the Mayor Richard M. Daley era...The biggest "missed opportunity" from Daley's time as Mayor...The "most brilliant ploy" Forrest saw from Mayor Daley during the 1990s wars over Chicago-area airports...The story from Forrest's first race in Cook County, with his opponent trying to convince voters that Forrest (who is white) was a Black candidate...How far one has to go back in Chicago politics to find election-counting interference...Forrest's take on why Chicago is no longer "a city that works"...Forrest's favorite story of the influential Chicago columnist, Mike Royko...Forrest's must-see recommendations around Chicago for political junkies...AND AKPD, Yasser Arafat, Thomas Barnes, Evan Bayh, Michael Bilandic, Rod Blagojevich, Jane Byrne, Jimmy Carter, council wars, Fred Cowan, Andrew Cuomo, John D'Arco, Richard Dennis, economic invalids, eye-glazing agencies, Paul Findley, Newt Gingrich, The Grateful Dead, iron-handed bravado, Brandon Johnson, Martin Kennelly, Martin Luther King, Lori Lightfoot, Machiavellian power plays, Ron Madison, Millennium Park, The Rolling Stones, John Stroger, Ed Vrdolyak, & more!

Today Justin talks with Norman Ohler. Norman is a best selling novelist, a journalist, and a screenwriter. He's written three novels, which comprise the City Trilogy, and while working in the West Bank in 2004, he interviewed Yasser Arafat in what turned out to be the final interview of his life before he passed away in November of that year. He's also the author of the non fiction book Blitzed: Drugs in Nazi Germany, published in English in 2016. In this episode he discusses his newest book, Tripped: Nazi Germany, the CIA, and the Dawn of the Psychedelic Age, which was published earlier this year. Norman built on his previous research here to cover post-war efforts to control narcotics in occupied Germany and the rise of psychedelic drugs, both within the populace and as potential tools for interrogation and mind control by the world's intelligence agencies.Connect with Norman:normanohler.comIG: @normanohlerCheck out Tripped here.https://amzn.to/3Nshgw5Connect with Spycraft 101:Get Justin's latest book, Murder, Intrigue, and Conspiracy: Stories from the Cold War and Beyond, here.spycraft101.comIG: @spycraft101Shop: shop.spycraft101.comPatreon: Spycraft 101Find Justin's first book, Spyshots: Volume One, here.Check out Justin's second book, Covert Arms, here.Download the free eBook, The Clandestine Operative's Sidearm of Choice, here.Support the show

Vincent Lemire, historien spécialiste de Jérusalem est le directeur du centre de recherche français à Jérusalem, maître de conférences et spécialiste des conflits du Proche-Orient.Il est l'auteur de très nombreux ouvrages, dernièrement de la bande dessinée à succès "Jérusalem" mais il a également participé au podcast de France Inter "Israël Palestine : anatomie d'un conflit" et est l'auteur du livre éponyme.Vincent a consacré l'ensemble de sa carrière à étudier cette région du monde, avec un regard attentif sur les dynamiques historiques, religieuses et géopolitiques qui la traversent. Ensemble, nous avons pris le temps de décrypter un sujet complexe, sensible et souvent mal compris : le conflit israélo-palestinien.Aucun sujet ne devrait être tabou mais il est important de les traiter avec neutralité et s'attachant aux faits et aux lois. C'est exactement ce que l'on fait avec Vincent.Cet épisode est le plus long jamais réalisé sur Vlan, il est donc séparé en 2 parties. Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de l'émergence du sionisme, un mouvement politique et national né à la fin du 19ème siècle en Europe. C'est Theodor Herzl, marqué par l'antisémitisme européen, et notamment par l'affaire Dreyfus en France, qui a formulé l'idée d'un refuge pour les Juifs dans un contexte de montée des persécutions. J'ai questionné Vincent sur la manière dont ce projet sioniste s'est structuré et les différentes options qui ont été envisagées avant que la Palestine ne devienne la destination privilégiée pour la création d'un foyer national juif. Ce point de départ est crucial pour comprendre les tensions qui s'en suivront.Nous avons aussi exploré la cohabitation entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane à la fin du 19ème siècle. Contrairement à ce que l'on pourrait imaginer, les relations entre ces communautés étaient relativement harmonieuses à l'époque, notamment à Jérusalem, où la municipalité était mixte, avec des représentants de chaque communauté. Vincent explique comment ce fragile équilibre a été bouleversé par la montée des nationalismes à partir du début du 20ème siècle.Le conflit a véritablement pris forme après la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque les puissances coloniales ont pris le contrôle de la région. Nous avons discuté de la guerre de 1948, un tournant décisif, et des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont rejeté le plan de partage proposé par l'ONU. Vincent offre un éclairage précieux sur cette période, où 80% de la population en Palestine était arabe, mais où le projet sioniste prenait de plus en plus de poids, soutenu par une volonté de créer un État juif indépendant.La guerre des Six Jours en 1967, un autre moment clé, a conduit à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie, de Gaza, du Golan et du Sinaï par Israël. Cet épisode a profondément redessiné les frontières de la région, transformant le conflit israélo-palestinien en une lutte pour la restitution des territoires. Nous avons discuté de la façon dont cette occupation perdure encore aujourd'hui et comment elle continue d'alimenter les tensions.Enfin, nous avons abordé les tentatives de paix, notamment les accords d'Oslo dans les années 1990, qui avaient suscité beaucoup d'espoir mais qui, malheureusement, ont échoué à apporter une solution durable.J'ai interrogé Vincent sur les raisons de cet échec, en particulier le pari fait par Yasser Arafat, qui a reconnu l'existence d'Israël en échange d'un espoir de restitution de 22% du territoire pour un État palestinien. A cette occasion, il recevra le prix Nobel de la Paix conjointement avec Yitzhak Rabin et Shimon Peres.Malheureusement, cet espoir n'a jamais été concrétisé.Cet épisode est une véritable plongée dans l'histoire et les enjeux contemporains du conflit israélo-palestinien. Nous tentons de prendre du recul pour mieux comprendre les racines profondes de cette confrontation, les dynamiques religieuses et nationales, ainsi que le rôle des grandes puissances dans la région. C'est une invitation à aller au-delà des raccourcis et des idées préconçues pour saisir la complexité d'un conflit qui continue de modeler l'actualité internationale.Une partie des questions que l'on traite avec Vincent :À partir de quel moment historique est-il pertinent de remonter pour comprendre le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment le projet sioniste a-t-il émergé à la fin du 19ème siècle et quelle a été son influence sur les relations internationales ?Quelles ont été les motivations derrière la déclaration de Balfour en 1917 et comment a-t-elle changé le cours du conflit ?Quelles étaient les dynamiques religieuses et sociales entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane avant le début des tensions nationalistes ?Pourquoi les Palestiniens ont-ils refusé le plan de partage de l'ONU en 1947 ?Quels ont été les impacts des guerres de 1948 et de 1967 sur les frontières actuelles de la région ?En quoi la guerre des Six Jours de 1967 a-t-elle marqué un tournant décisif dans le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment l'occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza s'est-elle mise en place, et pourquoi persiste-t-elle encore aujourd'hui ?Quelles étaient les principales divergences entre les mouvements sionistes révisionnistes et les mouvements sionistes plus modérés ?Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont-ils échoué à résoudre le conflit et quels étaient les enjeux stratégiques pour les deux parties ?Quel rôle a joué la diaspora palestinienne dans le soutien international à la cause palestinienne ?Comment les puissances coloniales, comme la France et le Royaume-Uni, ont-elles influencé les premiers accords autour de la Palestine ?Quel est l'impact de la montée des mouvements religieux en Israël et en Palestine sur les négociations politiques ?En quoi le processus de paix est-il entravé par la politique des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie ?Pourquoi les frontières définies après la guerre de 1948 n'ont-elles pas suffi à stabiliser la région ?Quel rôle jouent les grandes puissances, comme les États-Unis et la Russie, dans la dynamique du conflit actuel ?Comment la guerre en Ukraine a-t-elle influencé la perception du conflit israélo-palestinien sur la scène internationale ?En quoi les accords récents, comme ceux d'Abraham, impactent-ils le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Quels sont les principaux points de blocage dans les négociations actuelles entre Israël et l'Autorité palestinienne ?Comment l'évolution des mouvements politiques en Israël, comme la montée de l'extrême droite, a-t-elle influencé la gestion du conflit ?Quelle est la position de l'Union Européenne sur les colonies israéliennes et l'occupation des territoires ?Pourquoi les résolutions de l'ONU n'ont-elles pas abouti à une solution durable ?En quoi la guerre des Yom Kippour en 1973 a-t-elle modifié la géopolitique régionale ?Comment la question des réfugiés palestiniens influence-t-elle encore aujourd'hui le processus de paix ?Quel rôle les organisations non-gouvernementales jouent-elles dans la médiation du conflit ?Timestamps : 02:00 - Les origines du sionisme : Émergence du projet sioniste en Europe à la fin du 19ème siècle en réponse à l'antisémitisme.07:00 - La cohabitation à Jérusalem avant 1908 : Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens vivaient en harmonie dans la Palestine ottomane.12:30 - L'influence de la déclaration de Balfour (1917) : Promesse britannique de soutien à la création d'un foyer national juif.18:45 - La guerre de 1948 et le plan de partage de l'ONU : Analyse des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont refusé le plan proposé.23:00 - La montée des tensions dans les années 1920 : La formation des milices juives et les premières confrontations.28:40 - L'impact de la guerre des Six Jours (1967) : Transformation des frontières et occupation des territoires palestiniens.35:00 - La question des réfugiés palestiniens : Les conséquences de l'expulsion de milliers de Palestiniens après 1948.40:15 - Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont échoué : Discussion sur les espoirs et les déceptions des négociations des années 1990.45:30 - La montée de l'extrême droite en Israël : Impact des partis religieux et nationalistes sur la politique israélienne.50:10 - Le rôle des colonies israéliennes : Comment la politique de colonisation en Cisjordanie complique le processus de paix.55:45 - Le rôle des grandes puissances : L'implication des États-Unis, de la Russie et de l'Union Européenne dans la gestion du conflit.1:01:00 - La perspective palestinienne aujourd'hui : Comment les Palestiniens perçoivent leur situation face à l'occupation israélienne.1:05:00 - Le rôle des médias et des réseaux sociaux : Leur impact sur la perception internationale du conflit.1:10:00 - Les accords d'Abraham : Quels impacts ont eu ces accords récents sur la dynamique du conflit israélo-palestinien ?1:12:30 - Perspectives d'avenir : Quelles solutions sont envisageables pour un futur plus apaisé dans la région ? Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #312 Les défis géopolitiques d'un monde hors de contrôle avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/jscnrns) #175 Comprendre le dessous des guerres invisibles mondiales avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/DDPnQDW) #166 Comprendre le phénomène des génocides pour les éviter avec Jacques Fredj (https://audmns.com/ftstCEN)

Vincent Lemire, historien spécialiste de Jérusalem est le directeur du centre de recherche français à Jérusalem, maître de conférences et spécialiste des conflits du Proche-Orient.Il est l'auteur de très nombreux ouvrages, dernièrement de la bande dessinée à succès "Jérusalem" mais il a également participé au podcast de France Inter "Israël Palestine : anatomie d'un conflit" et est l'auteur du livre éponyme.Vincent a consacré l'ensemble de sa carrière à étudier cette région du monde, avec un regard attentif sur les dynamiques historiques, religieuses et géopolitiques qui la traversent. Ensemble, nous avons pris le temps de décrypter un sujet complexe, sensible et souvent mal compris : le conflit israélo-palestinien.Aucun sujet ne devrait être tabou mais il est important de les traiter avec neutralité et s'attachant aux faits et aux lois. C'est exactement ce que l'on fait avec Vincent.Cet épisode est le plus long jamais réalisé sur Vlan, il est donc séparé en 2 parties. Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de l'émergence du sionisme, un mouvement politique et national né à la fin du 19ème siècle en Europe. C'est Theodor Herzl, marqué par l'antisémitisme européen, et notamment par l'affaire Dreyfus en France, qui a formulé l'idée d'un refuge pour les Juifs dans un contexte de montée des persécutions. J'ai questionné Vincent sur la manière dont ce projet sioniste s'est structuré et les différentes options qui ont été envisagées avant que la Palestine ne devienne la destination privilégiée pour la création d'un foyer national juif. Ce point de départ est crucial pour comprendre les tensions qui s'en suivront.Nous avons aussi exploré la cohabitation entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane à la fin du 19ème siècle. Contrairement à ce que l'on pourrait imaginer, les relations entre ces communautés étaient relativement harmonieuses à l'époque, notamment à Jérusalem, où la municipalité était mixte, avec des représentants de chaque communauté. Vincent explique comment ce fragile équilibre a été bouleversé par la montée des nationalismes à partir du début du 20ème siècle.Le conflit a véritablement pris forme après la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque les puissances coloniales ont pris le contrôle de la région. Nous avons discuté de la guerre de 1948, un tournant décisif, et des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont rejeté le plan de partage proposé par l'ONU. Vincent offre un éclairage précieux sur cette période, où 80% de la population en Palestine était arabe, mais où le projet sioniste prenait de plus en plus de poids, soutenu par une volonté de créer un État juif indépendant.La guerre des Six Jours en 1967, un autre moment clé, a conduit à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie, de Gaza, du Golan et du Sinaï par Israël. Cet épisode a profondément redessiné les frontières de la région, transformant le conflit israélo-palestinien en une lutte pour la restitution des territoires. Nous avons discuté de la façon dont cette occupation perdure encore aujourd'hui et comment elle continue d'alimenter les tensions.Enfin, nous avons abordé les tentatives de paix, notamment les accords d'Oslo dans les années 1990, qui avaient suscité beaucoup d'espoir mais qui, malheureusement, ont échoué à apporter une solution durable.J'ai interrogé Vincent sur les raisons de cet échec, en particulier le pari fait par Yasser Arafat, qui a reconnu l'existence d'Israël en échange d'un espoir de restitution de 22% du territoire pour un État palestinien. A cette occasion, il recevra le prix Nobel de la Paix conjointement avec Yitzhak Rabin et Shimon Peres.Malheureusement, cet espoir n'a jamais été concrétisé.Cet épisode est une véritable plongée dans l'histoire et les enjeux contemporains du conflit israélo-palestinien. Nous tentons de prendre du recul pour mieux comprendre les racines profondes de cette confrontation, les dynamiques religieuses et nationales, ainsi que le rôle des grandes puissances dans la région. C'est une invitation à aller au-delà des raccourcis et des idées préconçues pour saisir la complexité d'un conflit qui continue de modeler l'actualité internationale.Une partie des questions que l'on traite avec Vincent :À partir de quel moment historique est-il pertinent de remonter pour comprendre le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment le projet sioniste a-t-il émergé à la fin du 19ème siècle et quelle a été son influence sur les relations internationales ?Quelles ont été les motivations derrière la déclaration de Balfour en 1917 et comment a-t-elle changé le cours du conflit ?Quelles étaient les dynamiques religieuses et sociales entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane avant le début des tensions nationalistes ?Pourquoi les Palestiniens ont-ils refusé le plan de partage de l'ONU en 1947 ?Quels ont été les impacts des guerres de 1948 et de 1967 sur les frontières actuelles de la région ?En quoi la guerre des Six Jours de 1967 a-t-elle marqué un tournant décisif dans le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment l'occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza s'est-elle mise en place, et pourquoi persiste-t-elle encore aujourd'hui ?Quelles étaient les principales divergences entre les mouvements sionistes révisionnistes et les mouvements sionistes plus modérés ?Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont-ils échoué à résoudre le conflit et quels étaient les enjeux stratégiques pour les deux parties ?Quel rôle a joué la diaspora palestinienne dans le soutien international à la cause palestinienne ?Comment les puissances coloniales, comme la France et le Royaume-Uni, ont-elles influencé les premiers accords autour de la Palestine ?Quel est l'impact de la montée des mouvements religieux en Israël et en Palestine sur les négociations politiques ?En quoi le processus de paix est-il entravé par la politique des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie ?Pourquoi les frontières définies après la guerre de 1948 n'ont-elles pas suffi à stabiliser la région ?Quel rôle jouent les grandes puissances, comme les États-Unis et la Russie, dans la dynamique du conflit actuel ?Comment la guerre en Ukraine a-t-elle influencé la perception du conflit israélo-palestinien sur la scène internationale ?En quoi les accords récents, comme ceux d'Abraham, impactent-ils le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Quels sont les principaux points de blocage dans les négociations actuelles entre Israël et l'Autorité palestinienne ?Comment l'évolution des mouvements politiques en Israël, comme la montée de l'extrême droite, a-t-elle influencé la gestion du conflit ?Quelle est la position de l'Union Européenne sur les colonies israéliennes et l'occupation des territoires ?Pourquoi les résolutions de l'ONU n'ont-elles pas abouti à une solution durable ?En quoi la guerre des Yom Kippour en 1973 a-t-elle modifié la géopolitique régionale ?Comment la question des réfugiés palestiniens influence-t-elle encore aujourd'hui le processus de paix ?Quel rôle les organisations non-gouvernementales jouent-elles dans la médiation du conflit ?Timestamps00:00 - Le poids des résolutions de l'ONU :03:30 - La politique américaine au Moyen-Orient : 08:00 - La radicalisation religieuse des deux côtés : 12:45 - Discussion sur le terme "génocide" dans le contexte israélo-palestinien : 20:00 - Les mouvements BDS et les appels au boycott d'Israël : 27:15 - L'influence des médias internationaux : 33:45 - L'expansion des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie : 40:00 - Les accords d'Abraham : 45:30 - Héritage de la guerre des Six Jours (1967) : 51:00 - Le futur de Jérusalem :55:30 - Perspectives pour une solution pacifique : Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #312 Les défis géopolitiques d'un monde hors de contrôle avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/jscnrns) #166 Comprendre le phénomène des génocides pour les éviter avec Jacques Fredj (https://audmns.com/ftstCEN) #175 Comprendre le dessous des guerres invisibles mondiales avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/DDPnQDW)

Depuis l'attaque du 7 octobre 2023, de nombreuses personnalités du Proche-Orient se retrouvent au cœur du conflit : Benyamin Netanyahou, bien sûr, le Premier ministre israélien ; l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei, le guide suprême iranien ; ou encore Hassan Nasrallah, le secrétaire général du Hezbollah libanais. À chaque étape de son histoire depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, d'importants personnages ont fait basculer le conflit israélo-palestinien. Ce sont leurs portraits qu'on dresse dans cette série de podcasts, et qui nous permettent de comprendre ce qui se joue aujourd'hui. Pour ce troisième épisode, Frédéric Encel, géopolitologue et chroniqueur à L'Express, et Corentin Pennarguear, journaliste au service Monde, nous racontent le parcours du palestinien Yasser Arafat. Retrouvez tous les détails de l'épisode ici et inscrivez-vous à notre newsletter. L'équipe : Présentation et écriture : Charlotte BarisMontage et réalisation : Jules KrotCrédits : INA, Reportage Palestine, RTSMusique et habillage : Emmanuel Herschon / Studio Torrent Logo : Jérémy CambourPour nous écrire : laloupe@lexpress.fr Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

In this very moving and heartwarming interview I had the opportunity to discuss with Fida Jiyris her work, a beautifully written memoir that tells the story of her and her family journey, which is also the story of Palestine, from the Nakba to the present—a seventy-five-year tale of conflict, exodus, occupation, return and search for belonging, seen through the eyes of one writer and her family. Fida reveals how her father, Sabri, a PLO leader and advisor to Yasser Arafat, chose exile in 1970 because of his work. Her own childhood in Beirut was shaped by regional tensions, the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982 Israeli invasion, which led to her mother's death. Thirteen years later, the family made an unexpected return to Fassouta, their village of origin in the Galilee. But Fida, twenty-two years old and full of love for her country, had no idea what she was getting into. Stranger in My Own Land: Palestine, Israel and One Family's Story of Home (Hurst, 2022) chronicles a desperate, at times surreal, search for a homeland between the Galilee, the West Bank and the diaspora, asking difficult questions about what the right of return would mean for the millions of Palestinians waiting to come ‘home'. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In this very moving and heartwarming interview I had the opportunity to discuss with Fida Jiyris her work, a beautifully written memoir that tells the story of her and her family journey, which is also the story of Palestine, from the Nakba to the present—a seventy-five-year tale of conflict, exodus, occupation, return and search for belonging, seen through the eyes of one writer and her family. Fida reveals how her father, Sabri, a PLO leader and advisor to Yasser Arafat, chose exile in 1970 because of his work. Her own childhood in Beirut was shaped by regional tensions, the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982 Israeli invasion, which led to her mother's death. Thirteen years later, the family made an unexpected return to Fassouta, their village of origin in the Galilee. But Fida, twenty-two years old and full of love for her country, had no idea what she was getting into. Stranger in My Own Land: Palestine, Israel and One Family's Story of Home (Hurst, 2022) chronicles a desperate, at times surreal, search for a homeland between the Galilee, the West Bank and the diaspora, asking difficult questions about what the right of return would mean for the millions of Palestinians waiting to come ‘home'. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

In this very moving and heartwarming interview I had the opportunity to discuss with Fida Jiyris her work, a beautifully written memoir that tells the story of her and her family journey, which is also the story of Palestine, from the Nakba to the present—a seventy-five-year tale of conflict, exodus, occupation, return and search for belonging, seen through the eyes of one writer and her family. Fida reveals how her father, Sabri, a PLO leader and advisor to Yasser Arafat, chose exile in 1970 because of his work. Her own childhood in Beirut was shaped by regional tensions, the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982 Israeli invasion, which led to her mother's death. Thirteen years later, the family made an unexpected return to Fassouta, their village of origin in the Galilee. But Fida, twenty-two years old and full of love for her country, had no idea what she was getting into. Stranger in My Own Land: Palestine, Israel and One Family's Story of Home (Hurst, 2022) chronicles a desperate, at times surreal, search for a homeland between the Galilee, the West Bank and the diaspora, asking difficult questions about what the right of return would mean for the millions of Palestinians waiting to come ‘home'. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

In this very moving and heartwarming interview I had the opportunity to discuss with Fida Jiyris her work, a beautifully written memoir that tells the story of her and her family journey, which is also the story of Palestine, from the Nakba to the present—a seventy-five-year tale of conflict, exodus, occupation, return and search for belonging, seen through the eyes of one writer and her family. Fida reveals how her father, Sabri, a PLO leader and advisor to Yasser Arafat, chose exile in 1970 because of his work. Her own childhood in Beirut was shaped by regional tensions, the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982 Israeli invasion, which led to her mother's death. Thirteen years later, the family made an unexpected return to Fassouta, their village of origin in the Galilee. But Fida, twenty-two years old and full of love for her country, had no idea what she was getting into. Stranger in My Own Land: Palestine, Israel and One Family's Story of Home (Hurst, 2022) chronicles a desperate, at times surreal, search for a homeland between the Galilee, the West Bank and the diaspora, asking difficult questions about what the right of return would mean for the millions of Palestinians waiting to come ‘home'. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

In this very moving and heartwarming interview I had the opportunity to discuss with Fida Jiyris her work, a beautifully written memoir that tells the story of her and her family journey, which is also the story of Palestine, from the Nakba to the present—a seventy-five-year tale of conflict, exodus, occupation, return and search for belonging, seen through the eyes of one writer and her family. Fida reveals how her father, Sabri, a PLO leader and advisor to Yasser Arafat, chose exile in 1970 because of his work. Her own childhood in Beirut was shaped by regional tensions, the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982 Israeli invasion, which led to her mother's death. Thirteen years later, the family made an unexpected return to Fassouta, their village of origin in the Galilee. But Fida, twenty-two years old and full of love for her country, had no idea what she was getting into. Stranger in My Own Land: Palestine, Israel and One Family's Story of Home (Hurst, 2022) chronicles a desperate, at times surreal, search for a homeland between the Galilee, the West Bank and the diaspora, asking difficult questions about what the right of return would mean for the millions of Palestinians waiting to come ‘home'. Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

Jim talks with Timothy Clancy about the Israel-Hamas War following Hamas's October 7 attack on Israel. They discuss the sorting-out period that follows the end of an empire, Jerusalem as a perpetual battleground, 3 questions for understanding conflict, a missed opportunity for Jordan to take back the West Bank, what happened on October 7, recovering the sense of security, the scale of the atrocity, strategic limitations of bloodlust, unconditional surrender, grievance, pulling weeds vs addressing root grievances, the civil war between Fatah and Hamas, the story behind Yasser Arafat's rejection of the potential settlement between the Palestine Liberation Organization & Israel, ways to invade a city, the increasing likelihood of a ceasefire, the difference between conventional & asymmetric warfare, the importance of contingencies & constraints, the arms supply from the U.S. to Israel, the increase of Western support for Hamas, alignment with grievance, the role of Indian & Bangladeshi bot farms in increasing Palestine-Israel tensions, the colonial narrative, a system for analyzing grievances, Timothy's prediction for long-term trajectory, contingent factors of the rise of Iran, employment as a cure for grievance, Gaza as a feral city, and much more. Episode Transcript JRS Currents 057: Timothy Clancy on Russia's Mid-Game "Dynamics of Atrocity Scripts in Conflict," by Timothy Clancy "Theory of an Emerging-State Actor: The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Case," by Timothy Clancy Timothy Clancy is an Assistant Research Scientist at START specializing in studying wicked mess problems, including violence and instability, as complex systems. Current research topics include understanding violent radicalization as a system, the terror contagion hypothesis for public mass killings, the emerging-state actor hypothesis for asymmetric and irregular warfare conflicts, and advancing methods for modeling social complexity through computer simulations integrated with AI.

The second half of the conversation between the brothers and historian Abdel Razzaq Takriti (@abedtakriti). In this part, they do a deep dive into the Oslo negotiations, the effect of the Camp David Agreement, Yasser Arafat's leadership of the PLO, and why he signed the Oslo Accords. They also discuss the rise of Hamas and its significance within Palestinian politics and the long history of resistance. Watch the episode on our YouTube channel Date of recording: June 11, 2024. Follow us on our socials: X: @MakdisiStreet YouTube: @MakdisiStreet Insta: @Makdisist TikTok: @Makdisistreet Music by Hadiiiiii *Sign up at Patreon.com/MakdisiStreet to access all the bonus content, including the latest bonus episode.*  

On this edition of Parallax Views, a MASSIVE, wide-ranging conversation with Hussein Ibish, a Senior Resident Scholar at The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington and a contributor to publications like The Atlantic and the UAE's The National, that delves into the history of the Israel/Palestine conflict and where it is headed. We go through the diplomatic failures, the formation of Israeli and Palestinian national identities, the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush era efforts to bring about a political solution, the 2000 Camp David Summit and its controversies, the ongoing Occupation by Israel of Palestinian territories since 1967, the BDS movement and why Hussein considers "Divestment" to be where activists should focus their energies as opposed to "Boycott" and "Sanctions", the two-state solution vs. the one-state solution, riparian rights (ie: issues related to water) concerns related to a two-state solution, the rise and fall of the American Task Force on Palestine, Condoleezza Rice's forgotten approach to Israel/Palestine in the Bush years, Elliot Abrams and how pushes for a two-state solution have been diminished by shifting focuses of administrations over the years, Israeli and Palestinian competing narratives over 1948 (for one it meant independence; for another it meant destruction and the "Nakba" or "Catastrophe"), Hamas and the psychology of rage in Gaza, the Israeli operation in Rafah, cycles of violence, Israeli obstinance and the one-state reality, Benjamin Netanyahu and the Likud Party, the Gaza War, terrorism and how Israel's current approach is creating a recruitment boom for Hamas, the power asymmetry in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the potentially for explosive violence in the West Bank to lead to an ethnic cleansing campaign, and much, much more. A note that this was recorded on 5/29/24.

In this episode, I present Gilles Deleuze's writings on Palestine: "Stones," "Spoilers of Peace," "The Indians of Palestine," and the "Grandeur of Yasser Arafat." Please consider donating to one of the following organizations: Palestinian Children's Relief Fund: https://pcrf1.app.neoncrm.com/forms/general United Nations Relief and Works Agency: https://donate.unrwa.org/gaza/~my-donation Middle East Children's Alliance: https://secure.everyaction.com/1_w5egiGB0u0BAfbJMsEfw2 X: @DavidGuignion IG: @theory_and_philosophy TikTok: @theoryphilosophy

On this edition of Parallax Views, the University of Connecticut's Prof. Jeremy Pressman, Director of Middle East Studies at UConn and author of The Sword is Not Enough: Arabs, Israelis, and the Limits of Military Force, joins the show to discuss the myths of the 2000 Camp David Summit and Taba talks. During recent appearances in media programs such as Morning Joe w/ Joe Scarborough, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton brought up the old trope that "the Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity" that is often invoked when discussing PLO leader Yasser Arafat and the 2000 Camp David Summit. This is used to say that Arafat failed the Palestinian people and "rejected an offer". It's also a talking point used to justify use of military force rather than pursuing a political solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict. It forecloses on the possibility of a diplomatic solution or peace being achieved by saying the Palestinians are "not ready" for peace. Prof. Jeremy Pressman wrote a researched, footnoted piece entitled "Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?" that pushes back on this oversimplified narrative of the Clinton-era diplomatic negotiations between Israel and Palestinians. We'll dig into all the different areas of the 2000 Camp David Summit as well as dealing with the pre-history of it, specifically the Oslo Accords and the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin. We'll also compared Camp David to the Abraham Accords, cycles of escalatory violence, land swaps and the two-state solution, the Confederation model and the arguments against the two-state solution, the power asymmetry between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. concessions made by the Palestinians in negotiations, and much, much more.

On this edition of Parallax Views, Leila Hilal, an international human rights lawyer and the former co-director of the New America Foundation Middle East Task Force, joins the show to discuss her experiences as an advisor to Palestinian negotiators, Israel/Palestine, Israel's assault on Gaza, the situation in the West Bank and settler violence, misunderstandings about UNRWA, the U.S.'s refusal or inability to reign in Israel during this war, dynamics of extremism and containment, Yasser Arafat and the PLO in the era of the Oslo Accords, risks of regional war and the recent confrontation between Israel & Iran, the role of the Arab world in Israel/Palestine going forward, the "Palestinian Never Miss an Opportunity to Miss an Opportunity" trope and dehumanization of Palestinians, the recent settler attack on an aid truck, the one-state reality and Palestinians' struggle for bare life survival/search for dignity in the West Bank, the Second Intifada's effect on Palestinians and Israelis, and much, much more.

Dr. Jordan B. Peterson sits down in person with Mosab Hassan Yousef. They discuss the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, the chaos created by Yasser Arafat, how Palestine has globalized their radical cause, Mosabs time as a prisoner, what set him free, and the far-from-paved road going forward. Mosab Hassan Yousef (born in 1978) is a Palestinian ex-militant who defected to Israel in 1997 where he worked as an undercover agent for the Shin Bet until he moved to the United States in 2007. Yousef was considered the Shin Bet's most reliable source in the Hamas leadership, earning himself the nickname "The Green Prince.” The intelligence he supplied to Israel led to the exposure of many Hamas cells, as well as the prevention of dozens of suicide bombings and assassination attempts on Jews. Yousef's father is Sheikh Hassan Yousef, a co-founder of Hamas.  - Links - 2024 tour details can be found here https://jordanbpeterson.com/events   Peterson Academy https://petersonacademy.com/    For Mosab Hassan Yousef: On X https://twitter.com/MosabHasanYOSEF?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor “Son of Hamas: A Gripping Account of Terror, Betrayal, Political Intrigue, and Unthinkable Choices” (book) https://www.amazon.com/Son-of-Hamas-Mosab-Hassan-Yousef-audiobook/dp/B006PJC4H2/?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=PheAV&content-id=amzn1.sym.cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_p=cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_r=138-3764402-1287437&pd_rd_wg=fLHUm&pd_rd_r=8445617a-f7bd-45ef-bcff-98e77e6b26f5&ref_=aufs_ap_sc_dsk 

30 years ago the US brokered Oslo accords seemed to herald a new era of peaceful coexistence for Israelis and Palestinians. Yasser Arafat -- long demonized as a terrorist in the Tel Aviv, whilst being hailed as a freedom fighter in Palestine -- shared a Nobel Peace Prize with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and politician Shimon Peres.  30 years later, peace seems further away than ever before after  Hamas and Islamic Jihad militants' horrific 7 October attack on Israel provoked a response from Israel that caused South Africa to take Israel to court for allegedly committing genocide.  In this episode I speak with Middle Eastern policy and strategy expert Dr. Stephen Zunes a Professor at the University of San Francisco. We discuss how the Oslo accords unraveled, the role of the US, the current situation, and prospects for peace. Guest: Dr. Stephen Zunes Official Website Music: Pixabay This episode is sponsored by World History Encyclopedia, one of the top history websites on the internet. I love the fact that they're not a Wiki: Every article they publish is reviewed by their editorial team, not only for being accurate but also for being interesting to read. The website is run as a non-profit organization, so you won't be bombarded by annoying ads and it's completely free. It's a great site, and don't just take my word for it they've been recommended by many academic institutions including Oxford University. Go check them out at WorldHistory.org or follow this link: World History Encyclopedia.

Listen to the FRONTLINE Film Audio Track for the seminal 2002 documentary on how the Israeli-Palestinian peace process begun at Oslo was derailed and ultimately undone by the dynamics of politics and violence on both sides. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo traced how cautious optimism in the aftermath of Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat and then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin agreeing to the 1993 Oslo Accord was undermined in the following years by violence and major setbacks. It explored the growing threat to the peace process posed by radical nationalist factions among both Jews and Palestinians — groups, including Hamas, that opposed all compromise between the two peoples. The documentary also examined the U.S. role in the peace process, including the U.S.-brokered negotiations at in 1998, 2000 and 2001. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo includes interviews with key figures from both sides of the negotiating table, including Benjamin Netanyahu, Yasser Arafat, Shimon Peres, Saeb Erekat and Ehud Barak.