Podcasts about travancore

We talk with Edward in Melbourne from Edward Thomas Estate Agents. Struggling to save for a deposit in Melbourne? For couples aged 25-34, saving for a 20% deposit takes 5 years 1 month for a house and 3 years 5 months for a unit. Discover affordable options in Melbourne's inner suburbs! Travancore leads with a median unit price of $373,500. Kensington offers diverse choices under $500,000, attracting homeowners and investors with its strong demand and connectivity. Ascot Vale provides larger units under $500,000, with a median of $490,000   ► Subscribe here to never miss an episode: https://www.podbean.com/user-xyelbri7gupo ► INSTAGRAM: https://www.instagram.com/therealestatepodcast/?hl=en  ► Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100070592715418 ► Email:  myrealestatepodcast@gmail.com    The latest real estate news, trends and predictions for Brisbane, Adelaide, Canberra, Gold Coast, Sydney, Melbourne and Perth. We include home buying tips, commercial real estate, property market analysis and real estate investment strategies. Including real estate trends, finance and real estate agents and brokers. Plus real estate law and regulations, and real estate development insights. And real estate investing for first home buyers, real estate market reports and real estate negotiation skills. We include Hobart, Darwin, Hervey Bay, the Sunshine Coast, Newcastle, Central Coast, Wollongong, Geelong, Townsville, Cairns, Ballarat, Bendigo, Launceston, Mackay, Rockhampton, Coffs Harbour.   #MelbourneRealEstate #AffordableUnits #FirstHomeBuyers #PropertyInvestment #Kensington #Travancore #AscotVale #MelbourneDeposits #MedianPrices #InnerCityLiving"

What is Hinduism? For centuries, that question was particularly thorny, both for local Indians and for colonial outsiders. People inside and outside the country tried to define what Hinduism was. Missionaries grappled with Hindu practices, finding both similarities and dangerous differences with their own Christian faith. The East India Company adopted several Hindu rituals to keep the peace, much to the chagrin of officials back in London. And, increasingly, Indians began to define what Hinduism meant as part of a broader political awakening. Manu Pillai tells that story in his latest book Gods, Guns and Missionaries: The Making of the Modern Hindu Identity (Allen Lane: 2024) Manu Pillai is the author of the critically acclaimed The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins: 2016), Rebels Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), The Courtesan, the Mahatma, and the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019) and False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut: 2021). Former chief of staff to Shashi Tharoor MP, Pillai is also a winner of the Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskar (2017) and holds a PhD in history from King's College London. His essays and writings on history have appeared in various national and international publications. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore.

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/christian-studies

Contested Childhoods: Caste and Education in Colonial Kerala (Cambridge UP, 2024) traces a complex history of caste, race, education, and Christian missions in colonial south India. It draws upon the vast Protestant Christian missionary archives of the London Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society, and the Basel German Evangelical Missionary Society to showcase the processes of negotiation, tensions, and underlying violence in the encounters between European 'outsiders' and local populations on the question of education. It examines the interplay of caste and education in reshaping ideas and norms of modern childhood and lower-caste community building in the regions of Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar. Set against a comparative historical perspective, the book argues for a greater focus on subaltern histories, especially the meanings and practices associated with educating poor, lower-caste children within the confines of formal schooling and beyond. Divya Kannan teaches in the Department of History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Shiv Nadar University, India. She is a historian of South Asia with particular interests in histories of childhood and youth, gender and sexuality, empires and colonial violence, histories of education, curriculum and pedagogy, Christian missions, and public and oral histories. Khadeeja Amenda is PhD candidate in the Cultural Studies in Asia programme at the Department of Communication and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Full Text of ReadingsWednesday of the First Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 307The Saint of the day is Saint Devasahayam PillaiSaint Devasahayam Pillai's Story Neelakandan Pillai was born into an affluent Hindu family in 1712. As a young man he went into the service of the royal household in India's Travancore province. Eventually put in charge of state affairs, Pillai became acquainted with Captain Eustachius De Lannoy, the Dutch naval commander who trained the king of Travancore's forces. Their relationship awakened Pillai's interest in the captain's Christian faith. At his baptism in 1745, Pillai chose the name Lazarus, or Devasahayam in the Malayalam language. His wife and other members of his family were baptized at the same time. Soon after, Pillai's enemies convinced the royal court that he was using his position to force others to convert, leading to his imprisonment. European Christians in Travancore came to Pillai's defense, urging the king to release him. After three years the king complied under condition that Pillai go into exile to a hostile territory. Though beaten and tortured almost daily, Pillai consistently responded with kindness, openly praying for his captors. Shot to death by local soldiers in 1752, Pillai's body was transported to St. Xavier Church in Kottar. Later when his remains were interred beneath the altar, the site became a popular pilgrimage destination. In 2012, Devasahayam Pillai became the first Indian layman not connected to any religious institute to be beatified. Ten years later he was canonized in Rome. His liturgical feast is celebrated on January 14. Reflection At the May 15, 2022, canonization Mass, Pope Francis said that the lives of the saints prove that holiness is not an unreachable goal accomplished by a select few but comes from acknowledging and sharing God's love. Pillai, he said, exemplified the Christian call “to serve the Gospel and our brothers and sisters, to offer our lives without expecting anything in return, or any worldly glory.” Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

"British India was what had been annexed before 1857. The rest of it was princely India, which formed 45 percent of the subcontinent, almost half. At school, we learn about what happened in British India but most of us don't know about what happened in the part ruled by rajas and nawabs even though it formed such a big part of the independence movement and transfer of power and so on. It's a key element of the story of independence but somehow, it doesn't figure in textbooks. The general idea we have is that the princely kingdoms were all backward and feudal. All of them were not like that. In fact, the first constitution in India was in a princely kingdom -- Baroda. Many princes were forward thinking — there was the Maharaja's temple entry proclamation in Travancore, some states like Mysore were industrialising... The idea that all of them were backward is not true. I have tried not to pass judgement. I have tried to humanise these people and see them from different perspectives...Nehru and Patel had nothing but disdain for the royal class but Patel was a practical person. He knew he had to get them on board to sigh their own death warrants. This book is a bit of history and geography. Had it not been for these events, the map of India would be very different. I have tried to not make it like reading a record but like watching a movie" - Mallika Ravikumar, author, '565; The Dramatic Story of Unifying India' talks to Manjula Narayan about how Sardar Patel, VP Menon and the hurriedly formed States Department managed to coax and, in some cases, force princely states like Tripura, Bikaner, Travancore, Bhopal, Jammu and Kashmir, Patiala and Hyderabad, among others, to join the Indian union in 1947.

A version of this essay has been published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/climate-tragedy-of-wayanad-and-the-vulnerability-of-western-ghats-13808331.htmlAfter days of intense coverage of the landslides in Wayanad, the news cycle has moved on to other calamities. But the problems remain, and things cannot be left to benign neglect as is usually the case. For example there was a strange thundering noise from deep underground that alarmed people in the area. This is ominous, as it may presage a tectonic movement, although there have been no big quakes here for centuries.A dramatic before-and-after report from Reuters, using satellite images from Planet Labs, Google, Maxar Technologies and Airbus, shows how the landslide left a giant scar on the surface of the earth, washing away hundreds of houses, leading to widespread fatalities and destruction.Prime Minister Modi visited the afflicted area. Better governance, both by Center and State, is sorely needed to tackle the problem, because it is not simple: there are proximate, preponderant and root causes. A lot of it is anthropogenic based on local factors, but climate change is also a major factor, as the local climate and rainfall patterns have shifted dramatically in the recent past. There was a drought in 2015, followed by the Ockhi cyclone in 2017, and then landslides and floods in 2018 and 2019.As a resident of Kerala, who has visited Wayanad only twice (once in 2018 and the second time in April this year), both the problems and the possible solutions are of immediate importance to me, because the very same issues are likely to crop up all over the State, and unless remedial measures are taken now, we can expect further tragedies and endless suffering. Proximate Cause: Excess RainThe proximate cause is La Nina-enhanced rainfall, which has been higher this year along the west coast. In Wayanad itself, it rained 572mm in 48 hours before the landslide: about 1.8 feet, an enormous amount. Before the Wayanad landslide, there had been another in Shirur on the Karnataka coast near Ankola, where a number of people were swept away. The story of Arjun, a Kerala trucker whose truck full of lumber disappeared, was all over the news, and after a weeks-long search, there was no sign of him or the truck. The total rainfall since June 1 was of the order of 3000mm in Wayanad, which is unusually high, creating vulnerability to landslides. In a recent interview, environmental expert Madhav Gadgil mentioned that quarrying may have added to the intensity of the rainfall, because the fine dust from the mining and explosions forms aerosols, on which water molecules condense, leading to excessive precipitation. The intense rainfall saturated the soil, and in the absence of sufficient old-growth vegetation that might have held it together, the hillside simply collapsed. Preponderant Cause: Population Pressure, Over-Tourism, EcocideThe preponderant causes of the problems in Wayanad are obvious: population pressure, over-tourism and environmental destruction. The forest has basically ceased to exist due to human exploitation. According to India Today, 62% of the green cover in the district disappeared between 1950 and 2018 while plantation cover rose by around 1,800%. Fully 85% of the total area of Wayanad was under forest cover until the 1950s.Overpopulation, settlement and habitat lossMy first visit to Wayanad was in 2018, when we drove to Kerala from Karnataka: from the Nagarhole/Bandipur Wildlife Sanctuaries to the contiguous Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary, all forming a Project Tiger ecosphere along with neighboring Mudumalai Wildlife Sanctuary in Tamil Nadu. Together they form the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve. Bandipur/Nagarhole actually looks like a forest. But I was astonished when we drove into Wayanad, because it does not look like a forest any more: it is full of human habitation. It looks like any of the other districts in Kerala: thickly populated, with settlements all over the place. It appeared to be only notionally a wildlife sanctuary.Habitat loss, especially that of forest cover, is true of all of Kerala, as highlighted in a study by IISc scientists. It is startling to see how much of this has happened in just a few decades. But it is the culmination of a process that started at least a century ago. Wayanad, according to myth and legend, was once a lovely, lush forest inhabited by a small number of tribals. There were fierce Kurichya archers (it is possible they were warriors banished to the forest after losing a war) who, with Pazhassi Raja, carried on a guerilla war against the British colonials in the 19th century until the Raja was captured and executed. I visited the Pazhassi Museum in Mananthavady this May, on my second visit to Wayanad. There were artifacts there from the tribal settlements.Then, in the 20th century, there was a large migration of lowland people, mostly Christians from Central Travancore, to the Wayanad highlands (and the Western Ghats uplands in general). They encroached on public/forest lands, cleared the forests, and created plantations and agricultural settlements. Their struggles against malaria, wild animals and the land itself was the subject of Jnanpith winner S K Pottekkat's renowned novel Vishakanyaka (Poison Maiden).The public land thus captured eventually made some people rich, but the whole process also in effect enslaved the tribals, who became an exploited underclass: the very same story as of Native Americans, who are still struggling for social justice after centuries of being untermenschen.Since most of the settlers were Christians, the Church became a powerful spokesman for them. Successive governments gave a lot of the settlers title to the land they had illegally captured. So there is a class of rich planters, and on the other hand, miserable plantation workers, often migrants especially from Tamil Nadu. The green deserts need to be turned back into forestsKerala's highlands, over time, became ‘green deserts', rather than ‘tropical rainforests'. The monoculture of tea, rubber, coffee, and especially invasive species such as acacia and eucalyptus is destructive. They crowd out native species, ravage the water table, do not put down deep roots, and offer almost no sustenance to wild animals. It may look deceptively green, but it is no forest. An expert committee, the Madhav Gadgil Commission, recommended in 2011 that the entire Western Ghats was ecologically sensitive (ESA or Ecologically Sensitive Area) and 75% of it must be preserved intact with minimal human presence. The report was scathing about quarrying, including blasting with dynamite, which upset the already fragile ecosystem, ravaged as it was by the removal of old growth forest and the root system that held the soil together. At the time, Gadgil did say that the calamity would not take a 100 years, but it would happen in ten to twenty years. He was right, but he was ignored as though he were Cassandra. The Church opposed the Gadgil report tooth and nail, and the Government of Kerala pushed back on it. So the Central government created the Kasturirangan Commission (2013), which reduced the proposed ESA to 37%. It classified 60% of the Western Ghats as a ‘cultural landscape' with human settlements, plantations and agriculture. But that too was not acceptable. In fact, Jayanthi Natarajan claimed that she was forced to resign as Environment Minister because she actually notified the order on protection of the Western Ghats the day before she was removed. Her successor duly put the order on hold.Sitting Congress MP in nearby Idukki, P T Thomas, says he was dropped in the 2014 elections because he supported the Gadgil report against “encroachments… illegal constructions, quarrying, timber smuggling, sand mining from the rivers and ganja cultivation…My stand upset the Idukki dioceses of the Syro Malabar Catholic Church. The Idukki Bishop had openly opposed my candidature.”The GoK convened a third committee, the Oommen Commission (2014), which was specific to Kerala, and it recommended keeping all inhabited areas and plantations out of the ESA altogether. Mission accomplished. No more restrictions on land use.Over-tourism and carrying capacity of the landThis is one reason for the proliferation of resorts and homestays in Wayanad. Every second house caters to tourists, as can be seen from a Google Map (of the area around Kalpetta). The environmental pressure from this (what about solid waste disposal? Do they dump liquid wastes into rivers?) is horrific and increasing. Trash lines the area near the Thamarassery Pass.As a tourist myself, I did not choose a plantation resort, but instead a homestay which has a working farm. Perhaps I made a wrong choice, because a plantation has a lot of space to absorb the tourist impact. The homestay had many youngsters from Bangalore over the weekend, and it was perfectly nice, but I wonder how much I contributed to the human toll on the environment. I had gone to Wayanad to visit the Thirunelli temple and the Edakkal caves, which have petroglyphs and drawings reliably dated back to 8000 Before the Present, making them second only to the Bhimbetka caves in Madhya Pradesh, whose rock art dates back to 10,000 BP and earlier. So this area, despite the geological fault lines, has indeed been inhabited for a very long time. The carrying capacity of the land was sufficient in those prehistoric times and even up until recently; now the land can no longer sustain the population. It is also host to another recent influx. Muslims from nearby lowland Kozhikode and Malappuram districts have come up the Thamarassery Pass and settled in Wayanad in numbers. They have added to the population pressure in Wayanad. Incidentally this is one reason Wayanad Lok Sabha constituency (which includes areas from nearby Kozhikode and Malappuram districts that are heavily Muslim) is so dependably a Congress citadel. When I made my trip in April, just before elections, I asked several people who would win there: the candidates were Rahul Gandhi (Congress), Annie Raja (CPI), K Surendran (BJP). All of them said “Rahul Gandhi”. One man told me “Rahul Gandhi is going to become the PM”. Another laughed and said, “Are you joking? We all know the answer”. It was, pun intended, a landslide win for the Congress candidate. Root Cause: Geology and Errant RainfallThe root cause of the problems in Kerala is the increasingly unstable landscape. It is remarkable that Kerala has such a high number of landslides and vulnerable spots. India Today reports that Kerala has recorded the largest number of landslides in the country, 2,239 out of 3,782 that occurred between 2015 and 2022. The “Landslide Atlas of India 2023” from ISRO lists 13 out of 14 Kerala districts among the top 50 landslide-prone areas of the country.This is surprising, because the more obvious fault lines must be in the North, where the Indian Plate continues to grind up against the Eurasian Plate, and the Himalayas and the Tibetan Plateau continue to gain a few centimeters in elevation every year. Indeed Arunachal, Himachal, J&K and Uttarakhand are landslide-prone. But why Kerala, at the other end of the land-mass?It must be the case that there have been severe tectonic movements in Kerala in the past: the Parasurama legend of the land coming up from the sea is based on a real event, presumably caused by an earthquake in a prehistoric time frame. More recently, the thriving Kerala port of Kodungalloor (aka Muziris), the principal West Coast port in historical times along with Bharuccha in Gujarat, was suddenly rendered bereft in 1341 CE after a severe flood in the River Periyar, and port activities shifted to nearby Kochi.More recently, old-timers talk about the Great Flood of ‘99, i.e. 1099 Malabar Era, or 1924 CE. Exactly 100 years ago there were torrential rains in July, and records suggest it was 3368mm or 1326 inches over three weeks, that is 11 feet of rain. Floodwaters rose up to 6 feet, rivers changed course, and at least 1,000 people died along with large numbers of livestock, and there was massive destruction of agricultural land and foodgrains. The Flood of ‘99 became etched in the collective memory of the area, but it mostly affected the lowland areas of Travancore and Cochin, leaving the highlands largely untouched. That has changed with deforestation, quarrying, construction, and denudation of hillsides.There were the floods of 2018, which affected the hills, especially in Munnar. A full mountainside fell 300 meters into a river there. Entire settlements were washed away. A total of 2,346mm of rain or 923 inches was recorded in July and August, almost 50% higher than the norm. 483 people were killed, with many more missing and unaccounted for. Infrastructure was wiped out, including roads and clean water supply. Dams had to be opened, wreaking havoc on those downstream. There is also the perennial threat of Mullaperiyar Dam overflowing or being breached, which is, among other things, a source of friction between Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Other root causes include the following: * Climate Change: A study by the World Weather Attribution group indicated that climate change has intensified rainfall in the region by about 10%, contributing significantly to the severity of the disaster. The ongoing increase in global temperatures has led to more extreme weather patterns, including heavier monsoon rains.* Soil Characteristics: Wayanad's soils are loose and erodible, particularly in areas with steep gradients exceeding 20 degrees. When saturated, these soils lose their structural integrity, making them susceptible to landslides. The presence of large boulders and mud further complicates the stability of the slopes during heavy rains.* Soil piping: Previous landslides in the region, such as the 2019 Puthumala event, created conditions for soil piping, where voids form in the subsurface soil, increasing the risk of subsequent landslides during heavy rainfall.* Lack of Effective Land Management Policies: There is a notable absence of comprehensive land use and disaster management policies in Kerala, particularly in ecologically fragile areas. Despite previous disasters, there has been insufficient progress in implementing hazard mapping and community awareness programs to mitigate risks associated with landslides.Thus Kerala is vulnerable to a host of issues, especially climate change (which is also eating away at the coastline). Behind the tropical paradise facade of “God's Own Country”, there lie tremendous dangers related to excessive human exploitation, amounting to ecocide. What is the solution? Maybe Madhav Gadgil was right, after all, and strict controls should be imposed on human activity, especially denudation of forest, and quarrying. His report had included Vythiri, Mananthavady and Sulthanbathery taluks in Wayanad as Ecologically Sensitive Zone ESZ-1, which means no change whatsoever in land use is permissible there. Chooralmala, Mundakkai, and Meppadi, where the worst of the disasters happened, are all in Vythiri taluk. No effective disaster prevention or mitigation efforts have been put in place. The only solution is reforesting and restoring green cover, and stopping construction, quarrying, and tourism and the most contentious issue, relocating people away from the ESZ. Unfortunately the tropical rainforest may not restore itself if simply left alone (as temperate-zone forests do), and perhaps efforts such as Miyawaki foresting with native species may need to be pursued.It is to be hoped that we have not passed the point of no return. Kerala's population is shrinking (Total Fertility Rate is 1.80, well below the replacement rate of 2.1 children per woman), but there is no limit to human greed.What needs to be done There are no magic solutions, but comprehensive climate action and improved disaster management strategies can mitigate things to an extent. Experts emphasize the importance of:* Enhanced Communication and Coordination: There is a critical need for better intergovernmental communication regarding disaster preparedness. This includes timely warnings and efficient evacuation plans to mitigate the impact of natural disasters.* Land Use Policies: Implementing stringent land use regulations is essential to prevent construction in ecologically sensitive areas. The degradation of green cover due to unregulated development has significantly increased the risk of landslides.* Early Warning Systems: Developing robust early warning systems for landslides and floods can provide crucial alerts to communities at risk. These systems should be supported by regular community education and drills to ensure residents are prepared for emergencies.* Afforestation and Environmental Conservation: Massive afforestation and reforestation drives (especially with native species) are necessary to stabilize hillsides and reduce landslide risks. Protecting and restoring natural habitats can help mitigate the effects of climate change and enhance biodiversity. Collaborating with local communities for reforestation projects can also provide economic incentives and foster a sense of stewardship.* Community Engagement: Empowering local communities to participate in disaster preparedness and environmental conservation efforts is vital. Education on risks and proactive measures can significantly reduce the impact of disasters.* Tourism Management: Over-tourism can exacerbate environmental degradation. Developing a sustainable tourism strategy that limits visitor numbers, promotes eco-friendly practices, and educates tourists about environmental conservation is essential. Establishing eco-tourism zones and supporting community-based tourism initiatives can provide economic benefits while preserving the natural environment.* Regulation of Quarrying and Construction: Strict regulation and monitoring of quarrying and construction activities are necessary to prevent ecological damage. Implementing sustainable practices in these industries, such as controlled quarrying methods and responsible waste management, can mitigate their impact on the environment. Regular audits and penalties for non-compliance can enforce these regulations.* Surveillance and meteorological data collection: With modern technology like drones, continuous monitoring of the landscape is possible at a relatively low cost; and this can also be used for collecting large amounts of meteorological data to support early-warning systems. Satellite images from India's own as well as foreign sources can be used to warn of dangerous construction, quarrying, and loss of forest cover. Some of these are purely technical solutions, offering computerized forecasts and disaster warnings. The social and governance aspects are even more important: discipline, co-operation and awareness on the part of the residents, and the strict enforcement of land use rules and regulations. Dealing with powerful settlers, encroachers, and vested interests requires a delicate balance of enforcement and negotiation, carrot and stick. Government agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and local communities must collaborate to develop and implement policies that address these challenges. Advocacy for stronger environmental laws and community involvement in decision-making processes can help align interests and foster co-operation.With all these in place, it may be possible to repair the damaged hills of the Western Ghats, one of the global hotspots of biodiversity. 2200 words, Aug 17, 2024 updated 3000 words, Aug 19 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Is there a real “Chamber of Secrets”? What lies inside the hidden vaults of the ancient Padmanabhaswamy Temple in India? Its mysterious door is protected by two massive, painted cobras. It has no bolts, latches, or other visible means of entry. It's also believed that the door was sealed shut by sound waves from a secret chant lost in time. Hindu priests say that at present, there is no human capable of opening this door by executing the necessary chants. So what's inside? Jewels and gold? Spirits of the beyond? A portal? Ancient scrolls? Well, the secrets of the Padmanabhaswamy Temple run as deep as its history, and Metaphysical is going to bring all the investigative research and remote viewing they can collect on it. Join Rob Counts and John Vivanco for another metaphysical show that's out of this world. In this episode: Hear the background of the world's richest Hindu temple, the Padmanabhaswamy Temple in the very far south of India, Kerala. The temple is dedicated to the deity Vishnu, also known as Padmanabhaswamy, and has fantastic tales associated with it. Miracles, divine serpents, Naga beings, and more are just part of the story. Guarded and managed by the Travancore family for generations, the vast riches inside were protected … for the most part. Despite a fierce fight between the Travancores and the government of India, archaeologists were directed to open some of the chambers inside the temple. The question is, what did they really find inside? Rob and John discuss the known contents of Padmanabhaswamy Temple's vaults, its mysterious “chamber of secrets” and what happens when you get inside, whether Harry Potter had a similar concept, and the legend of how Padmanabhaswamy Temple was created in the first place. The discussion gets interesting when John shares his remote viewing data and Rob questions him about the ancient contents of the forbidden vaults. In this episode, discover what's really in the Padmanabhaswamy Temple. Support Our Work: https://themetaphysical.tv Shop Metaphysical Merch: https://shopmetaphysical.com Watch the Podcast: https://bit.ly/RiseTVMetaphysical

#Georgia #folktale In this story the prince is unable to find love until he unseals his fate and stabs a sick lady. Source: ⁠Georgian Folk Tales by Marjory Wardrop Narrator: Dustin Steichmann Music: ANDRANIK SARKAVAG TOTIK YAR Andranik sarkavag Manukyan Sound Effects: Hua Hin 4:30am by Dustin Steichmann and XC685015 - Eurasian Blue Tit - Cyanistes caeruleus satunini.mp3 by Ding Li Yong Podcast Shoutout: Reddit on Wiki. Hosts John, the punny pinoy, Josh, the sweet international host, and ya boy Sean, Houston's finest, gang up with a rotating cast of advice givers and work through your weirdest reddit stories and give you the best advice three cis hetero partnered men can give. And it is really good. Like these guys really think it through and are super kind. And so if you like their show as much as I do, go and give them a like, a rating, an ogtha, and a review. Listener Shoutout: And the listener shoutout is to Thiruvan anthapuram (or Trivandrum). It is the capital of the southern Indian state of Kerala. The meaning of the city name is "The City of Lord Ananta” It's distinguished by its British colonial architecture and many art galleries. It's also home to Kuthira Malika (or Puthen Malika) Palace, adorned with carved horses and displaying collections related to the Travancore royal family, whose regional capital was here from the 18th–20th centuries. ― Google It's also where a fun drama called “the good karma hospital” is supposed to be set. And of course, I would love to visit there. I wonder if folks get tired of me saying that. Video by Headliner Photo Credit "Caravaggio Fortune Teller" by rjhuttondfw is licensed under CC BY 2.0. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/sandman-stories/message

Full Text of ReadingsMonday of the Second Week in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 311The Saint of the day is Saint Devasahayam PillaiSaint Devasahayam Pillai's Story Neelakandan Pillai was born into an affluent Hindu family in 1712. As a young man he went into the service of the royal household in India's Travancore province. Eventually put in charge of state affairs, Pillai became acquainted with Captain Eustachius De Lannoy, the Dutch naval commander who trained the king of Travancore's forces. Their relationship awakened Pillai's interest in the captain's Christian faith. At his baptism in 1745, Pillai chose the name Lazarus, or Devasahayam in the Malayalam language. His wife and other members of his family were baptized at the same time. Soon after, Pillai's enemies convinced the royal court that he was using his position to force others to convert, leading to his imprisonment. European Christians in Travancore came to Pillai's defense, urging the king to release him. After three years the king complied under condition that Pillai go into exile to a hostile territory. Though beaten and tortured almost daily, Pillai consistently responded with kindness, openly praying for his captors. Shot to death by local soldiers in 1752, Pillai's body was transported to St. Xavier Church in Kottar. Later when his remains were interred beneath the altar, the site became a popular pilgrimage destination. In 2012, Devasahayam Pillai became the first Indian layman not connected to any religious institute to be beatified. Ten years later he was canonized in Rome. His liturgical feast is celebrated on January 14. Reflection At the May 15, 2022, canonization Mass, Pope Francis said that the lives of the saints prove that holiness is not an unreachable goal accomplished by a select few but comes from acknowledging and sharing God's love. Pillai, he said, exemplified the Christian call “to serve the Gospel and our brothers and sisters, to offer our lives without expecting anything in return, or any worldly glory.” Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

“We must celebrate our democracy. More importantly, it must be nurtured, preserved and deepened.” Episode 1 of The India Project, The Princely States, opens with these lines, going on to explore how one of the fundamental challenges to the idea of a unified India came from its princely states. From Hyderabad under the Nizam to the kingdom of Travancore, from Junagadh to Bhopal, each state was presented with the option of joining the dominion of India or Pakistan. As the clock ticked towards August 15, 1947, how did the builders of the nation resolve the intricacies of this maze? The India Project is an ambitious project with investigative reporter Josy Joseph. Author, most recently, of A Feast of Vultures: The Hidden Business of Democracy in India, and The Silent Coup: A History of India's Deep State, Josy unearths documents that shed new light on the birth of Indian democracy and its institutions through snippets and stories. Acknowledgements: Tryst With Destiny | India's first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru addresses the nation of India (English). YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lrEkYscgbqE&t=58s 1946 Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru's Constituent Assembly Speech at Delhi (Hindi). YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lrEkYscgbqE&t=58sCredits:

A man of great contradictions… that is how the learned and venerable reformer and technocrat Sir Chetput Pattabhiraman Ramaswami Iyer is introduced in the second episode of The India Project with Josy Joseph. In the summer of 1947, Sir CP had drawn up an aggressive plan for independence… not of India, but of the princely state of Travancore, of which he was the Diwan from 1936 to 1947. As the clock ticked, it appeared as if Travancore would hoist its own national flag even before India would. Until one night in July, as Sir CP finished addressing the audience at a concert commemorating the anniversary of the former Maharaja and Carnatic music composer Swathi Thirunal, a sickle swished in the dark.Episode 2 of The India Project unravels the intrigues and covert correspondences leading up to Travancore's eventual accession to the Union of India. Until the turning point — the attempted assassination of Sir CP.Listen to discover more.The India Project, narrated by investigative reporter and author Josy Joseph, chronicles the formation of the republic through documents that shed new light on the genesis of Indian democracy and its institutions.Acknowledgements:Tryst With Destiny - Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's address to the nation on August 15, 1947 | YouTube:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lrEkYscgbqE&t=58sNagumomu - Abheri performed by Semmangudi Srinivasa Iyer | YouTubehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ofgoh6Ef3ioThanks to Confluence Media for CP's Letter to the MaharajaPerformed by Narayan KrishnaswamyMusic used fromhttps://www.britishpathe.com/video/maharajah-of-bikaners-birthdayCredits:Akshay Ramuhalli, Bijoy Venugopal, Bruce Lee Mani, Narayan Krishnaswamy, Prashant Vasudevan, Sananda Dasgupta, Seema Seth, Shraddha Gautam, Supriya Joshi and Velu Shankar.

A car chase in Bombay climaxes in a cold-blooded street murder and a foiled abduction. A cornered potentate, chastened by a scandal, agrees reluctantly to abdicate. Amid the power play of dangerous liaisons, this episode of The India Project packs it all in. After our exploration of the fraught politics of The Princely States in Episode 1 and the mutinous designs of Travancore to renege on the Union in Episode 2, we journey to Indore, a princely state in present-day Madhya Pradesh, where palace intrigues deepen the Maharaja's decision — accede to the Union of India, or secede and face the consequences. After the abdication of Maharaja Tukoji Rao III Holkar XIII, scion of the Holkar dynasty, his young happy-go-lucky heir Yashwant Rao Holkar II has been installed on the throne, a move that marks the beginning of British control of Indore. Years later, barely weeks from August 15, 1947, the flamboyant ruler is in the crosshairs of a crisis as he tries to assert his dominion's independence. Acknowledgements: Audio excerpts in this episode are drawn from the following sources: Lord Louis Mountbatten at New Delhi talks (1947) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EUWNDK6ZDt4 Thief Of Baghdad- 1940 ( Hindi) 1:16:19 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dBorHUADApc&t=4578s Sazaa Full Movie - Dev Anand - Nimmi - Shyama | Old Hindi Movies | Classic Bollywood Film https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y-sE_SUrH40 Sheesh Mahal (1950) Full Movie | शीश महल | Sohrab Modi, Naseem Banu https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0HeeJCq0XPY&feature=youtu.be Raj Nartaki 1940 Hindi Classical Full Movie || Prithviraj Kapoor, Sadhna Bose || Hindi Movies https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5d43ZbFo39s&t=2079s AI voices from Murf.ai Credits: Akshay Ramuhalli, Bijoy Venugopal, Bruce Lee Mani, Narayan Krishnaswamy, Prashant Vasudevan, Sananda Dasgupta, Seema Seth, Shraddha Gautam, Supriya Joshi and Velu Shankar

Kanakku Chembakaraman Kesava Pillai was an Indian composer of Carnatic music and a poet of Malayalam literature. He was the Poet Laureate of Travancore and was known for Kesaveeyam, a mahakavya in Malayalam, two attakathas and several bhajans and kirtans.

Join us on an exhilarating journey with Rohan to Tirthan Valley, where the mountains stand tall, rivers sing melodies, and every turn in the trail reveals a new adventure! In this episode, we lace up our sneakers and venture into the heart of this enchanting destination, exploring some of its most breathtaking treks. Rohan takes us along on an unforgettable trekking experience, where laughter, misadventures, and unexpected fractures become part of the journey!

Discover the complex issues around school attendance that can adversely affect students, teachers and parents. The media have referred to it as school ‘refusal' but student attendance is an old problem in the new post COVID lockdown era. Hear out host, Dr Sophie Specjal speak with clinical psychologist, Associate Professor Glenn Melvin who shares research and expertise with student anxieties. Discover practical insights from Katie Archibald and Rebecca Plunkett discuss how they are working with at risk students in improving their school attendance at the Travancore school. Explore the big picture of school attendance measurement and its national issues from Associate Professor Lisa McKay Brown who shares research, expertise and support for the complexity of school attendance. 

A version of this essay was published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/shadow-warrior-crown-sceptre-and-the-saga-of-dharmapuri-12647632.htmlIn Malayalam, the terms are “kireedom and chenkol”, that is, crown and scepter, signifying the powerful symbols of the State. He or she who holds these is deemed to be the ruler, ruling with the full authority of the office, and the full approval of the subjects. The words chenkol in Malayalam and ‘sengol' in Tamil are cognate, eg. Chenkotta (red fort) in Malayalam is Sengottai in Tamil.The scepter is an important marker of kingship, so much so that during imperial times, Britain was referred to as the ‘sceptr'd isle', that is, the unquestioned ruler of its far flung empire. There is of course the third symbol, the throne, or ‘simhasanam'. During the recent investiture of the British king, I am sure all three of these were on full display. For some reason, the throne seems less important in Indian lore than the other two, but in a wicked pun, the great fabulist O V Vijayan in his savage satire “The Saga of Dharmapuri” equated the throne with a European toilet, as in a slang American expression for the erstwhile ‘thunder box'.The Chola ‘sengol' from Tamil Nadu was a sacred symbol included in a “vesting ceremony accompanied by a recital of 11 verses from the Thevaram text invoking the blessings of Shiva for the ruler” in 1947, according to S Gurumurthy in “How the Sengol embodied India's freedom and why it was forgotten and lost” on republicworld.com. Not only was the sengol forgotten, the Cholas, and their great maritime empire that extended all the way to Indonesia, were erased.In fact, all of South Indian history, including the fabled Vijayanagar Empire, the samurai-like kalaripayat warriors of the west coast and Tulunadu, Telugu patriots like Alluri Sitarama Raju, Travancore's Marthanda Varma who defeated the Dutch at Colachel in 1749, and Travancore's Chempakaraman Pillai of the INA who coined the term ‘Jai Hind', was wiped out from the pages of textbooks. In their place, a weird pabulum of make-believe was installed. The sacred ‘sengol' denoting “virtuous and ethical rule” per Gurumurthy was deemed to be a personal gift, a gold walking stick given to Jawaharlal Nehru, which once again shows how a personality cult was relentlessly built up that would make Mao and Kim Il Sung green with envy. “L'etat, c'est moi” (The State, it is I), said Louis XIV, the Sun King of France. Well, we know what happened to his descendants: the guillotine. Indians, being more gentle, have not quite done the same thing. Or at least done so only metaphorically. Which reminds me, why is/was Nehru called ‘Pandit Nehru'? Who certified him? What was he a pundit in? Did he pass some pundit exam? Ah, it was just part of the personality cult. I don't see other Kashmiri Hindus going around calling themselves Pandit: they use their family names, so what's special about these people?Oh well, I guess I answered my own question. According to the cult, Nehrus were the hereditary rulers of India, and so it was only natural that the kingship would pass from the British to Nehru. There is only one slight problem. Again according to O V Vijayan in The Path of the Prophet, the Nehrus were not hereditary feudal lords, but ferrymen on the river Neher, “they who came from somewhere”, and had taken the name of the river as their surname. Jawaharlal's grandfather Ganga Dhar was a kotwal in a Delhi police station. A Ghosh had some more startling information about this man, who was photographed in a full Pathan outfit, but I shall let that pass. I made an attempt at deconstructing the Nehru myth in my 1999 Rediff.com essay Let us now praise famous men wherein I quote at length the relevant passage from Vijayan. In my considered opinion, Nehru was an almost unmitigated disaster for India: he thought India was his personal fiefdom, and he was entitled to dispense imperial largesse. He gave away all sorts of things (that didn't belong to him in the first place):* Treaty rights in Tibet inherited from the British given away in exchange for nothing* The right of independent Tibet to exist was erased, as he colluded with Chinese road-building on the Indo-Tibetan border: Chinese troops were fed with Indian rice!* Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir given away by taking the issue to the hostile UN instead of allowing the Indian Army to cleanse the area of invading Pakistani tribals* UN Security Council seat, offered by both the US and Russia (yes, I can quote chapter and verse on this from Nehru's collected writings), given away to China* Coco Islands given away to Burma, which is now allowing China to build a naval base thereIn addition, Nehru, in his own words in this video, thought that throughout history South India was a separate country. I get it, he must have taken his pundit exam along with Romila Thapar in ancient Indian history!There is good reason to think of Jawaharlal Nehru as not quite getting the full picture (Chou En Lai allegedly referred to him, rather rudely, as a ‘useful idiot'). Then what does that make his acolytes? That was the question Vijayan asked in “Dharmapuri”, which opens with the dramatic statement: “Prajapati wanted to s**t”, in crude Malayalam. “It was a little off the usual time that day, so the assembled dignitaries were a little disturbed when the Army Chief blew the conch signifying that the event was at hand. It was only the late afternoon. Normally Prajapati did his thing at dawn and dusk, to the accompaniment of Dharmapuri's national song.” [See the photograph of Page 1 of the book in Malayalam]Prajapati is seated on his ‘throne', a toilet. That was important, because whatever Prajapati expelled into the toilet was eagerly consumed by his courtiers. This Brechtian tale is hard to read: it invokes bibhatsa in the reader, creating both alienation and catharsis. Here's a relevant bit: “Whoever became anybody in the kingdom, in industry, or in politics, had done so by regularly eating Prajapati's s**t. Mothers would pray that their children would have an opportunity to consume those perfumed feces”. That's a gross way of putting it, but there's an element of truth: the Dynasty demanded utter loyalty. Meanwhile, India's economy kept declining steadily in comparison to the rest of the world, until there was a bit of a turnaround in 1991, and accelerating growth in the 2010s. After all these years of living dangerously, India is now inching ahead. With economic growth, it is normal to think of tradition, culture and heritage. It is only fitting, then, that the Prime Minister took part it an investiture ceremony, with several Tamil Nadu matha-adhipathis in attendance. With native Tamil and Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman taking a visible role, the government has declared its intent to nip any sub-nationalism (the US ambassador's obsession) in the bud. It is an emphatic re-assertion of pan-Indian nationalism, necessary in these times of increasingly complex geopolitics. It is time to decisively throw off the shibboleths of the immediate post-independence period. The Chola-style sengol is being restored to its rightful place as a symbol of the resurgent Indian State, as it was intended to be in the first place, not, absurdly, some guy's walking stick. Errata: It was pointed out by Professor Subhash Kak that Vijayalakshmi Pandit was married to a man with the surname Pandit. The error is regretted. 1117 words, 25 May 2023, 1137 words, updated 27 May 2023, 1214 words, updated 28 May 2023 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

In the early 19th century, the Maharaja of Travancore levied an absolutely bizzare tax: Any woman who had come of age and had breasts had to pay a breast tax, and bare her breasts to anyone who was of a higher caste to them. This was one amongst the hundreds of taxes the lower castes had to endure, which put them in a cycle of perpetual debt and poverty. And then came a revolt which led the Maharaja to revoke the tax. This week, in the fifth episode of India's Linguistic Heritage, we explore the bizzare story of the origins of modern Malayalam, which has everything from a breast tax to a religious power struggle. Tune in and discover, what this story means for us as travellers, everytime we encounter a new culture. Till then Check out the other episodes, Anne Frank, Lootera and Endless Life of TreesThe Trees that built VeniceElm Trees, National Revolutions and Modern PaperEuropean Impressionism, Japanese Nationalism and Cherry Blossom TreesThe tree that built New ZealandLiving Fossils, National Identities and 200 MM year old trees You can check previous episodes of 'Podcasts from Nowhere' on IVM Podcasts websitehttps://ivm.today/3xuayw9You can reach out to our host Utsav on Instagram: @whywetravel42(https://www.instagram.com/whywetravel42 )You can listen to this show and other awesome shows on the IVM Podcasts app on Android: IVM Podcasts - Apps on Google Play or all other major audio platforms.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hints on the Art and Science of Government was the first treatise on statecraft produced in modern India. It consists of lectures that Raja Sir T. Madhava Rao delivered in 1881 to Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, the young Maharaja of Baroda. Universally considered the foremost Indian statesman of the nineteenth century, Madhava Rao had served as dewan (or prime minister) in the native states of Travancore, Indore and Baroda. Under his command, Travancore and Baroda came to be seen as 'model states', whose progress demonstrated that Indians were capable of governing well. Rao's lectures summarise the fundamental principles underlying his unprecedented success. He explains how and why a Maharaja ought to marry the classical Indian ideal of raj dharma, which enjoins rulers to govern dutifully, with the modern English ideal of limited sovereignty. This makes Hints an exceptionally important text: it shows how, outside the confines of British India, Indians consciously and creatively sought to revise and adapt ideals in the interests of progress. The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao's Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Oxford UP, 2021) contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected-until now. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Hints on the Art and Science of Government was the first treatise on statecraft produced in modern India. It consists of lectures that Raja Sir T. Madhava Rao delivered in 1881 to Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, the young Maharaja of Baroda. Universally considered the foremost Indian statesman of the nineteenth century, Madhava Rao had served as dewan (or prime minister) in the native states of Travancore, Indore and Baroda. Under his command, Travancore and Baroda came to be seen as 'model states', whose progress demonstrated that Indians were capable of governing well. Rao's lectures summarise the fundamental principles underlying his unprecedented success. He explains how and why a Maharaja ought to marry the classical Indian ideal of raj dharma, which enjoins rulers to govern dutifully, with the modern English ideal of limited sovereignty. This makes Hints an exceptionally important text: it shows how, outside the confines of British India, Indians consciously and creatively sought to revise and adapt ideals in the interests of progress. The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao's Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Oxford UP, 2021) contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected-until now. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Hints on the Art and Science of Government was the first treatise on statecraft produced in modern India. It consists of lectures that Raja Sir T. Madhava Rao delivered in 1881 to Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, the young Maharaja of Baroda. Universally considered the foremost Indian statesman of the nineteenth century, Madhava Rao had served as dewan (or prime minister) in the native states of Travancore, Indore and Baroda. Under his command, Travancore and Baroda came to be seen as 'model states', whose progress demonstrated that Indians were capable of governing well. Rao's lectures summarise the fundamental principles underlying his unprecedented success. He explains how and why a Maharaja ought to marry the classical Indian ideal of raj dharma, which enjoins rulers to govern dutifully, with the modern English ideal of limited sovereignty. This makes Hints an exceptionally important text: it shows how, outside the confines of British India, Indians consciously and creatively sought to revise and adapt ideals in the interests of progress. The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao's Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Oxford UP, 2021) contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected-until now. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Hints on the Art and Science of Government was the first treatise on statecraft produced in modern India. It consists of lectures that Raja Sir T. Madhava Rao delivered in 1881 to Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, the young Maharaja of Baroda. Universally considered the foremost Indian statesman of the nineteenth century, Madhava Rao had served as dewan (or prime minister) in the native states of Travancore, Indore and Baroda. Under his command, Travancore and Baroda came to be seen as 'model states', whose progress demonstrated that Indians were capable of governing well. Rao's lectures summarise the fundamental principles underlying his unprecedented success. He explains how and why a Maharaja ought to marry the classical Indian ideal of raj dharma, which enjoins rulers to govern dutifully, with the modern English ideal of limited sovereignty. This makes Hints an exceptionally important text: it shows how, outside the confines of British India, Indians consciously and creatively sought to revise and adapt ideals in the interests of progress. The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao's Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Oxford UP, 2021) contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected-until now. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Hints on the Art and Science of Government was the first treatise on statecraft produced in modern India. It consists of lectures that Raja Sir T. Madhava Rao delivered in 1881 to Sayaji Rao Gaekwad III, the young Maharaja of Baroda. Universally considered the foremost Indian statesman of the nineteenth century, Madhava Rao had served as dewan (or prime minister) in the native states of Travancore, Indore and Baroda. Under his command, Travancore and Baroda came to be seen as 'model states', whose progress demonstrated that Indians were capable of governing well. Rao's lectures summarise the fundamental principles underlying his unprecedented success. He explains how and why a Maharaja ought to marry the classical Indian ideal of raj dharma, which enjoins rulers to govern dutifully, with the modern English ideal of limited sovereignty. This makes Hints an exceptionally important text: it shows how, outside the confines of British India, Indians consciously and creatively sought to revise and adapt ideals in the interests of progress. The Progressive Maharaja: Sir Madhava Rao's Hints on the Art and Science of Government (Oxford UP, 2021) contains both the newly rediscovered, original lecture manuscripts; and an authoritative introduction, outlining Rao's remarkable career, his complicated relationship with Sayaji Rao III, and the reasons why his lectures have been neglected-until now. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

A version of this essay has been published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/shadow-warrior-sarpam-thullal-naga-dance-of-kerala-12175812.htmlKerala has a long tradition of Naga (sarpa, serpent) worship, as has also been the case in some parts of the Northeast. There are sarpa kavu or untouched patches of virgin forest, where serpent deities reside. There are large temples, for example Mannarsala, where childless couples make offerings to gain the boon of a baby: Nagas are believed to grant fertility. The Theyyams of Malabar, as well as the bhoota kola of neighboring Tulunadu, celebrate the autochthonic deities of the region. As in the superb film Kantara and to a lesser extent in the film Malikappuram about a girl-child who is an ardent devotee of Swami Ayyappan of Sabarimala, the deities of the land are a powerful presence in the daily lives of the faithful.In Kantara the traditions are presented with neither explanation nor apology: they just are. In Malaikappuram, which is a very good film as well, there is a bit of a tendency to ‘explain' away mystical and spiritual experiences in ‘modern, scientific' terms (which Kantara wisely refrains from, and that is a major part of its charm). There are traditions where the deities physically inhabit the faithful who have been chosen and undergone the required purification rituals, and the faithful have experiences that are not necessarily amenable to rational, scientific explanation: which probably just means that science hasn't caught up with tradition. The oracle-like velichapads of Kerala, the oracular vestal virgins of ancient Greece, and the spirit dancers of the bhoota kola are examples.So are the Nagaraja, Naga Yakshi, Sarpa Yakshi, Mani Nagam, Kari Nagam, Kuzhi Nagam and Kanyavu of the sarpam thullal that I attended at the family temple of some relatives in Alappuzha district in Kerala. They are chosen from among the matrilineal descendants of the family. Apart from the Nagaraja who is a male, the others are all female, and the Kanyavu is a pre-pubescent girl-child. In passing, matriliny/Devi worship and Naga worship appear to go hand in hand.  I had seen videos of and listened to the hypnotic music of the sarpam thullal before: it is easy to imagine being induced into a trance while listening to it. But this was the first time I was fortunate enough to see it.The ‘penitents' stay in the temple for a week or so. (I am reluctant to use that term because they are not sinners, but rather the chosen few who are fortunate enough to experience the rituals first hand. But that seems to be the closest term in English. I think I'll instead use the neutral term ‘Naga dancers' for them.) They undergo purification rites (kappu kettu), perform ritual vrtam, and are put on a special sattvic diet that excludes salt or spice. In addition, there are piniyal (literally minions), other family members who are not part of the thullal itself, but whose duty it is to protect the vulnerable Naga dancers who do enter into a trance-like state and are unaware of their surroundings as they sway to the music. The piniyal do not have to stay in the temple but do undergo the same vratam.This particular sarpam thullal is conducted once every three years, and it goes on for three days at the temple, which was cleaned up, the surroundings cleared of vegetation, and lit up with bright lights. There are several thullals a day: late morning and/or late afternoon and late night. I attended the second day's events, afternoon and night: it went on till two in the morning. The entire function is orchestrated by a Pulluva chief, a tribal man who has a traditionally strong connection with Naga deities. In most temples in Kerala, there is a subsidiary shrine for the Naga deities, and on auspicious days, especially the ayilyam (ashlesha) nakshatra which is associated with Nagas, a Pulluva singer will sing an invocation for you, playing his violin-like instrument that is the basis of the thullal music, which also includes a deft chenda drum orchestra and nadaswaram pipes.A major part of the thullal is the creation of the kalam or the drawing on which the naga dancers perform their dance, swaying to music. This is done in a custom-built pandal (covered temporary structure decorated with young coconut leaves). Using vegetable dyes, the Pulluva can quite amazingly create a beautiful and complex drawing in a couple of hours, with a Naga theme. Sadly, it is ephemeral, because the dancers will destroy it shortly thereafter. These photos are of a kalam in the shape of a serpent coiled around a black palm tree (karimpana), with various Naga dancers in the foreground, getting ready for the thullal. The dancers are brought to the kalam after an invocation ceremony and obeisance to the deities. They do a circumambulation of the kalam, and then they are given a bunch of tender florets of the arecanut tree, which they hold to their faces. Apparently the fragrance of the florets helps induce the trance state, and then they move to the kalam and start swaying rhythmically to the music, which waxes and wanes in a sinuous manner in a metaphor for a serpent's motion.As they move around, the dancers appear to become more and more detached from their normal, daily selves, and more and more involved in the trance state. Their movements become more uncontrolled, and their eyes and expressions take on an other-worldly hue. They are liable to hurt themselves by hitting the pillars of the pandal, or falling into the audience crowding around. So their piniyal form a protective cordon, linking arms, so that the dancers are safe.They are given tender coconuts to refresh them while they dance. Sometimes they seem to be searching for someone in the audience. They may choose a person, and summon them to give them a tender coconut, in what is considered a blessing. Indeed, the dancers look mesmerized. I was told by a niece that a few years ago, she was watching the dance, and suddenly she felt the uncontrollable urge to join the dancers herself, and so she did. After dancing the kalam to dust, the dancers then run to the sarpa kavu (sacred grove) and the nearby temple pond, where they immerse themselves, again with the piniyal joining them to ensure they don't harm themselves. I watched the young Nagaraja run with astonishing speed to the kavu, so fast that his piniyal couldn't keep up. He crashed into a tree and I was afraid he might have suffered a concussion. But doctors examined him, and he was fine. In our case, the Naga dancers included several young women, a middle-aged woman who had come all the way from the US, the teenaged Nagaraja, and the 9 year-old girl Kanyavu. I noticed that the Kanyavu was reluctant to participate. She stood aside, looking confused. But on the final day, she suddenly danced with full enthusiasm. After their visits to the kavu and the pond, the Nagas, now soaking wet, come back to the kalam pandal, and after some further ceremonies, that thullal is over, and they go back to their temporary accommodation in the temple. There are two or three thullals a day, and it obviously physically taxing for the Nagas, as well as for piniyal. The most elaborate one is at night and it goes on well into the early morning, say 2am. I was present for the afternoon and night thullal on the second day. I should have been there for the third and concluding day, but I had to leave. So I was watching the live broadcast of the event around 11pm, and then there was a commotion among the ladies sitting on mats on the ground next to the kalam. It was because a small serpent was sinuously wending its way towards the main temple steps. This was astonishing. It was a finger-sized serpent about 3 feet in length, with a silvery spotted body. It went as far as the steps to the main Mahadeva shrine, in front of which the kalam pandal was, and remained there for a while. Then it slithered up the back of a plastic chair, coiled itself around it, and remained there for the rest of the thullal until the final ceremony.Someone brought the serpent a little nurum palum on a banana leaf: this is the mixture of milk, turmeric etc that is the main offering at Naga ceremonies. The serpent appeared to take a few sips of this. Let us remember that all this happened in a place where the entire vegetation had been removed using a JCB backhoe just a week or two prior. There were a couple of hundred people sitting or milling around the pandal. There was deafening amplified music from the chenda orchestra. None of this seemed to deter the serpent. After the final ceremony where the Naga dancers return to their normal lives (kapp-azhippu), it disappeared below the roots of one of the nandyar-vattam medicinal plants around the temple, without any fuss.I had heard from a relative that a few years prior, three serpents had come to this thullal. To be honest, I was skeptical: why would serpents, which try to avoid humans, come to such a loud ceremony? Then I saw a video of a recent thullal in another temple in Alappuzha, where again a finger-width (but this time golden-colored) serpent had arrived, stayed, and then disappeared.But the fact that I was seeing this in real time (albeit on video feed) was staggering. None of my rational, scientific beliefs could explain what had happened: why on earth did this serpent appear and seem to be unperturbed, and even enjoy the ceremony? I have no answer. The only thing I can think of is Kantara's premise: there are spirits and demi-gods all around us, if only we learn to look. There is the belief that the real Nagas (such as the slender silver- and gold-colored ones I saw in videos) are not the same as the usual snakes one encounters. These are special, with semi-divine attributes, and they are the ones that accept our offerings.One of my favorite writers, the brilliant Malayalam fabulist O V Vijayan, once explained to me his short story The Little Ones, about benign ancestral spirits that appeared as points of light in the sky when the family was going through troubles. It's the same idea: unseen, unknown and often benign (presumably there are malign ones too) powers that we are only dimly aware of. I had wanted for years to see a sarpam thullal, because of the hypnotic quality of its music that I had heard, and because of the connection between matriliny, Devi worship and Naga worship that were all hallmarks of Hindu Kerala society for long. It is my theory that these, along with ample monsoon rains and the rice and spice trade, had enabled Kerala, especially Travancore, to be a fairly prosperous tropical paradise. Now that I have seen the thullal, I am even more in awe of my ancestors, who knew a thing or two: they had some of the most accurate calendars in the world; in the 14th century CE, Kerala mathematician Madhava of Sangamagrama discovered rapidly converging infinite series for trigonometric functions (the basis of calculus and of navigation across the open ocean). As early as the 2nd century BCE, Pliny the Younger was complaining that Roman coffers were being emptied for the spices of Kerala, especially pepper. We must try to understand why our long-standing traditions have survived. Lindy, as Nassim Taleb would say: they survived because they have meaning, and value.1950 words, 13 Feb 2023 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Full Text of ReadingsSecond Sunday in Ordinary Time Lectionary: 64The Saint of the day is Saint Devasahayam PillaiSaint Devasahayam Pillai's Story Neelakandan Pillai was born into an affluent Hindu family in 1712. As a young man he went into the service of the royal household in India's Travancore province. Eventually put in charge of state affairs, Pillai became acquainted with Captain Eustachius De Lannoy, the Dutch naval commander who trained the king of Travancore's forces. Their relationship awakened Pillai's interest in the captain's Christian faith. At his baptism in 1745, Pillai chose the name Lazarus, or Devasahayam in the Malayalam language. His wife and other members of his family were baptized at the same time. Soon after, Pillai's enemies convinced the royal court that he was using his position to force others to convert, leading to his imprisonment. European Christians in Travancore came to Pillai's defense, urging the king to release him. After three years the king complied under condition that Pillai go into exile to a hostile territory. Though beaten and tortured almost daily, Pillai consistently responded with kindness, openly praying for his captors. Shot to death by local soldiers in 1752, Pillai's body was transported to St. Xavier Church in Kottar. Later when his remains were interred beneath the altar, the site became a popular pilgrimage destination. In 2012, Devasahayam Pillai became the first Indian layman not connected to any religious institute to be beatified. Ten years later he was canonized in Rome. His liturgical feast is celebrated on January 14. Reflection At the May 15, 2022, canonization Mass, Pope Francis said that the lives of the saints prove that holiness is not an unreachable goal accomplished by a select few but comes from acknowledging and sharing God's love. Pillai, he said, exemplified the Christian call “to serve the Gospel and our brothers and sisters, to offer our lives without expecting anything in return, or any worldly glory.” Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

#kiranprabha #padmini #telugucinema Travancore Sisters refers to the trio of Lalitha, Padmini and Ragini who were actresses, dancers and performers in Malayalam, Tamil, Telugu, Hindi movies. Their golden period is from 1950 to 1975. They started their movie career as dancers and quickly got main roles in multiple languages. They used to act in all combinations among themselves. Two sisters in a movie, all three sisters in a movie and individually also. Tamil, Malayalam, Hindi and Telugu language audience never forget these highly talented sisters. KiranPrabha narrates interesting movie career of these sisters.

The Southern state of Travancore was one of the first among the princely states to refuse accession to the Indian union. It wanted to remain independent, but things changed after an assassination attempt on the dewan of the state, Sir CP Ramaswamy Aiyer. In this episode, historian Manu Pillai and renowned painter and descendant of the Travancore royal family, Rukmini Varma join us to tell us more about the story of the state's integration.Hosted by Adrija Roychowdhury and Damini JaimanEdited by Damini JaimanMixed by Suresh PawarEditorial Support: Shashank Bhargava----Listen to all five episodes on the Indian Express://indianexpress.com/audio/pages-from-the-past/Or download The Indian Express app:iOS link: https://apps.apple.com/in/app/indian-express-news-epaper/id506351833Android link: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.indianexpress.android&hl=en_IN&gl=US&pli=1

The Southern state of Travancore was one of the first among the princely states to refuse accession to the Indian union. It wanted to remain independent, but things changed after an assassination attempt on the dewan of the state, Sir CP Ramaswamy Aiyer. In this episode, historian Manu Pillai and renowned painter and descendant of the Travancore royal family, Rukmini Varma join us to tell us more about the story of the state's integration.Hosted by Adrija Roychowdhury and Damini JaimanEdited by Damini JaimanMixed by Suresh PawarEditorial Support: Shashank BhargavaListen to all five episodes on the Indian Express://indianexpress.com/audio/pages-from-the-past/Or download The Indian Express app:iOS link: https://apps.apple.com/in/app/indian-express-news-epaper/id506351833Android link: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.indianexpress.android&hl=en_IN&gl=US&pli=1

This essay was published by firstpost.com.The Hero's Journey is a common metaphor used by storytellers from the Ramayana to the Iliad, and in innumerable modern works. You have the hero rising, then facing odds that are so overwhelming that he is on the verge of failure, but he often wins in the end, and is transformed or redeemed in the process. And indeed, for each of us, our own lives are heroes' journeys, as the mythologist Joseph Campbell elucidated in a series of excellent documentaries.Both the recent films Kantara and Rocketry: The Nambi Effect, in my opinion, fall into this broad categorization; but what's notable and different is that they are about very Hindu heroes, quite a departure from the standard Indian film (especially of the Urduwood variety) where overt Hindus are usually depicted with contempt or disgust. The two films are very different from each other, of course, but it is telling that they both resonate with audiences, in a visible departure from the conventional wisdom that holds that neither a Hindu nor a nationalist should be depicted with sympathy, and especially not a Hindu nationalist. There is another Hindu meme: the local and the national are not meaningfully distinct, just as the Atman and Brahman are not. Kantara, set in the Tulu-land of Dakshina Kannada district, Karnataka, is instantly understandable to Hindus anywhere; and Rocketry, the story of a patriot of Tamil origin living Thiruvananthapuram, who is attacked and to whom tejovadham is done by mysterious, malign forces, is understandable to any Hindu, we whose face hostility in India and elsewhere.When I saw Kantara, I was surprised by how normal the story was to me: of course, obviously, there are spirits, or demi-gods/daivas all around. This is something that I grew up with. I remember as a small boy being taken by my grandfather to the bharani festival of the village Devi temple in central Travancore: there were wondrous, magical things there then. Much later, I watched theyyams in Malabar, which is adjacent to Tulunadu, and the wonderful costumes are almost identical to those in the Bhoota kola depicted in the film; some of most impressive were thee-pothi (the fire-goddess) and the gulikan (the fierce deity identical to guliga in the film), especially as they performed at dusk. The belief in possession by spirits, as in the hypnotic sarpam-thullals (serpent-dances) of Travancore or of velichapads (oracles) in many parts of Kerala, holds no surprises for me. It is easy for a practicing Hindu to believe in them. It is not hard to imagine benign (and malign) spirits all around, for example as in O V Vijayan's story The Little Ones, luminous ancestral spirits that help in times of trouble. I had a personal experience of the Divine, on my first trip to Sabarimala when I was a teenager. It was an incredible religious experience: for a moment, a glimpse of something extraordinary, a powerful vision of the Infinity of Grace. My friend, a doctor, tells me of medical miracles that can only be attributed to the power of prayer and Divine Grace.In Kantara, the protagonist Siva consistently and carefully avoids the bhoota kola, as he was traumatized by the unexplained disappearance of his father, the oracular dancer of the village. He tries to lead the life of a carefree youth, drinking, hunting wild boar and getting into fights; but the panjurli daiva calls to him in his dreams. Spoiler alert: his hero's journey culminates in a spectacular finale.In Rocketry, the fictionalized story of the real-life Nambi Narayanan, the hero's journey is even more evident. After early and brilliant success as a rocket engineer, his life and career were ruined in what was apparently a sordid combination of commercial sabotage by a three-letter acronym spy agency, and a power struggle among Congress politicians in Kerala, with some corrupt policemen in the mix.Even if it is a little exaggerated for rhetorical purposes, Nambi Narayanan's efforts to convince Rolls-Royce's head (a Scot), the French Ariane rocket program, and the Soviet cryogenic labs to transfer technology and know-how to ISRO are amazing stories that I too had not heard, even though I live in Thiruvananthapuram, where Narayanan and Abdul Kalam did their work on solid and liquid-propelled rockets. Despite Narayanan's value to the Indian space program, and the evident holes in the 1994 Maldivian spy story (see my Rediff column Who killed India's cryogenic engine?) it took a court saga of 24 years to clear his name, and to get the redemption he deserved (a Padma Bhushan in 2019). In the meantime, India's cryogenic engine was delayed by 19 years. What is remarkable in the film -- and it is disturbing that this should even have to be highlighted -- is that Narayanan is shown as an unapologetic Hindu. There is nothing whatsoever that prevents an observant and pious Hindu from also being an engineer and scientist: no dogma. But the prevailing filmi wisdom, which has become “truth by repeated assertion” is that Hindu rituals are superstition, but Abrahamic superstition is somehow ‘scientific'. The very fact that such films are being made, and are becoming blockbusters, shows that the narrative is shifting (the so-called Overton window). There is pushback, though: a little-known band in Kerala is suing Kantara over the song ‘Varaha-roopam', which has Sanskrit lyrics and traditional tribal music. Because traditional knowledge cannot be copyrighted, it is likely that their intellectual property claim is not sustainable.There were also people grumbling that Narayanan was lionized and that he wasn't as key to ISRO's success as the film makes him out to be. Maybe, but even if it was 50% exaggerated, he is still an amazing engineer and manager, and in any case it was unconscionable by any measure to torture him for 50 days, defame him, and destroy his career. Those who ordered the hit have never been named. My heroes have long been those among us who fight for Dharma and righteousness: Professor Eachara Warrier, Major Shaitan Singh. I am happy to now add Dr Nambi Narayanan to that list, and perhaps Siva, who brings to life the forest deities.1020 words, 3 Nov 2022 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Travancore, Jonathan, Quarlton, and Burnie talk about what they plan to do in the short and long term future.  Find out more about our show:  Website: https://www.distinguishedadventurers.com  Twitter: https://twitter.com/DistinguishAdv  Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/DistinguishedAdventurers  Our Cast: Dungeon Master Lauren Urban (Twitter: @OboeLauren), Julia "Juls" (Twitter: @Giulia_Rossa) , John Sedlack (Twitter: @that_film_guy IG: @that_film_guy), Jonathan Serna (Twitter: @road_block, IG: @roadblockactual), Jack Edathil (Twitter: @jackedathil; IG: @jackedathil)  Special thanks to Idle Champions of the Forgotten Realms for the free electrum chest! Check them out: (codenameentertainment.com)   Art by Luke McKay (lukemckay.com), music by Linnea Boyev (taichiknees.com) with oboe performance by Lauren "Oboe" Urban, and Dungeons & Dragons 5e system by Wizards of the Coast

A version of this essay has been published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/from-caatsa-waiver-for-india-to-chastened-visit-to-saudi-arabia-why-biden-is-making-conciliatory-noises-10961801.htmlSamuel Johnson once said: “When a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight, it concentrates his mind wonderfully”. Going by POTUS Biden’s recent hyperactivity, it seems that the prospect of imminent electoral catastrophe has the same effect. For, the hitherto imperious Democrats have been backpedaling so furiously that it is a wonder to watch.Consider just a few events: the importunate, chastened visit to Saudi Arabia (after having trashed it for the Jamal Khashoggi murder); the CAATSA waiver for India (after blood-curdling threats by the sorely missed Daleep Singh et al regarding Ukraine); and the noises being made by several parties about bringing hostilities to an end in Ukraine. Behind all these is the realization that pandemic management has been royally screwed up (the much-vaccinated and Pfizer-oral-vaccine-medicated Biden himself caught the Wuhan virus), and that Anthony Fauci, Peter Daszak et al surreptitiously funding gain-of-function research in Wuhan was a major mistake. To be fair, even formerly lionized New Zealand now has significant numbers of covid deaths, but that is hardly comforting to Americans. Printing trillions of dollars as the panacea for covid was an even greater mistake, because the blowback has been raging inflation at 9.1%, hitting the average voter in the pocketbook. I personally endured the previous bout of high US inflation in the late 70s, but as a poor student it didn’t affect me much; as a family man I am sure I would have been pinched badly if I were a US resident and voter now. I remember petrol at $1-2, not $5 as it is now. This does not bode well for the Biden Democrats in the November midterm elections.Inflation is not fun, as the Turkish voter is also finding out. Someone will take the blame.I don’t think blaming Vladimir Putin for inflation is quite working; nor is blaming Donald Trump, who, after all, was the only recent POTUS who didn’t go to war. Biden’s ratings may continue on a downward trajectory. The abortion rights issue roused some of the faithful, but I don’t think this has staying power till November. Thus the U-turns, amusing to the impartial observer. The energy squeeze (and related inflation) explains the Saudi visit. The European Union, in particular Germany, is in bad shape, as is evident from the Euro dropping to a historical low of parity to the dollar. Germany’s GDP shrank for the first time in, well… a long time. If there is no renewed supply of Russian gas, Europe is going to freeze this winter. So it is imperative for NATO to beg or cajole or threaten OPEC, especially the Saudis, into increasing production.There had earlier been the unedifying spectacle of Biden seeking help from Saudi Arabia, Venezuela and even Iran, all of whom his staff had demonized earlier. If I am not mistaken, the Saudis and the Venezuelans literally refused to take his phone call, which is humiliating. There is a more subtle reason the Saudis are important to Biden: petrodollars. Who outside the US is going to want all those trillions printed by the US Fed other than to buy petroleum products? The fact is that, having been lured by the siren-song of the Chinese, the US has de-industrialized to such an extent that there's not much global demand for dollars to buy American goods, except for armaments and high technology. If petroleum were to be traded in any other currency than the US dollar, it would depreciate, maybe even collapse. That is a scary prospect, which could trigger a serious global recession. Saudis have to be mollified and/or terrified so they don't even think of accepting other currencies in payment. Both Gaddafi and Saddam Hussein talked about accepting payment in Euros etc, and we all know what happened to them. Besides, there is an interesting little trick: the ‘Tipu Technique’. I believe the British tacitly encouraged Tipu to invade and loot the temples of Kerala, which had grown rich through centuries of lucrative spice trading. The British saw this opportunity, and allowed Tipu to haul the loot to Srirangapatnam. Then they killed him, and took all the riches in one fell swoop instead of piecemeal. And the clever British came out smelling of roses, as the good guys.They also charged the entire cost of their war with Tipu to Travancore, paupering the latter, while maintaining the fiction that they were ‘protecting’ Kerala. Absolutely brilliant tactics. Nice transfer of wealth from India to Britain. This is similar to the American playbook in 1973, when OPEC suddenly tripled oil prices. The US didn’t invade, which is a surprise. Why? The reason is that though the US also had to pay higher prices (consumers and industry felt the pain), the Deep State (and the US economy) made most of it back by selling weapons aplenty to OPEC. It was, and is, a zero-sum dollar-recycling game for them. But it was, and is, also a massive transfer of wealth to OPEC from developing countries who could least afford it. The Third World took it on the chin. Once again, brilliantly done. Thus it is imperative for the US to maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia. Moral grandstanding by the Democrats has reached a point of seriously diminishing returns. Onwards to the CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries Through Sanctions Act). It is intended to deter other countries from doing things the US administration of the day doesn’t like, as in the fashionable ‘social-justice warrior’ tropes of the day, although sanctions are clearly a blunt instrument. India was threatened with these because it is buying Russian SA-400 anti-missile defense systems, instead of US analogs like THAAD and Patriot.As Gautam Sen of the London School of Economics said in a penetrating commentary on Why the West is so uncomfortable with a rising India and happy to sponsor its enemies, India is important to American plans for continued world dominance, unfortunately in a negative way as a permanent vassal, a low-caste neo-feudal flunky that exports raw materials and labor and imports manufactured goods. And weapons, especially weapons. There has been a full-court press on India to buy increasing amounts of US armaments, and the Ukraine war provided a good excuse to bully India (which is easily shamed by the West chiding it) into dumping perfectly good Russian weapons like the SA-400 (and presumably the Indo-Russian joint venture, BrahMos). India becoming a minor exporter of weapons (not just a big consumer) is not part of the plan. India has been the third-biggest weapons buyer in the world, accounting for 11% of global purchases in the recent past. Reversing itself on bullying India to buy nothing but American weapons is another tactical U-turn by the US.Evidently Atlanticist-minded Biden is not serious about the Indo-Pacific, as seen in his evisceration of the Quad. But it must have dawned on his foreign policy types that India and Japan are the cornerstones of any possible response to China’s rampant imperialism in the region. Besides, India has endured American sanctions and technology denials before (supercomputers, cryogenic engines) without collapsing; and probably will do so again. On balance, better not to piss India off totally. But Biden has no love lost for India: it was his Biden Amendment that messed up India’s cryogenic engine deal with Russia, which is the central theme of the movie Rocketry: The Nambi Effect. I wrote long ago about this in Who killed the ISRO’s cryogenic engine?, as it happened in my hometown. It ruined eminent aerospace engineer Nambi Narayanan’s career and delayed India’s heavy rocket GSLV by 19 years. As far as the Ukraine war is concerned, even the war-mongering Deep State mouthpiece The Economist, which was gung-ho in the beginning, is now making conciliatory noises. Foreign Affairs, a notably optimistic outlet, had a story titled Ukraine’s Implausible Theories of Victory: The Fantasy of Russian Defeat and the Case for Diplomacy.The fact is that Russia has (certainly in the short run) weathered the vaunted sanctions rather well, and the rouble is the best-performing currency against the dollar. The unintended consequence of the war has been widespread pain, especially in the ‘First World’, that is, Western Europe and North America. It would be better, as India has been saying all along, for there to be a negotiated settlement. A stalemate is still a win for Russia, as it has captured the disputed Russian-speaking parts of eastern Ukraine, created a land bridge to Crimea, and now controls the ports on the Sea of Azov. That is the most likely outcome, as Europeans tire of the war, and Biden’s plans to fight Russia to the last Ukrainian seem to have unraveled. It is time for the Great Reset. And that may not help the wokes; they are being consigned to the trash-heap of history at a record pace. It is the end of the Woke Century, after just a year and a half. And deservedly so. 1500 words, 25 July 2022 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

“En vérité, je vous le déclare, qui n'accueille pas le Royaume de Dieu comme un enfant n'y entrera pas.” Marc 10.15Quand l'évêque de Madras était en train de visiter Travancore, on lui amena une petite esclave connue sous le nom de l'enfant évangéliste. Elle avait reçu ce titre pour son zèle à parler de Jésus-Christ partout autour d'elle. 

Manu S Pillai is the author of the critically acclaimed The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (2015) and Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (2018). Formerly chief of staff to Shashi Tharoor MP, he is also a winner of the Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskar (2017). His other essays and writings have appeared in Mint Lounge, The Hindu, Hindustan Times, Open Magazine, The New Statesman, and other publications. The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin is Manu's third book, and a collection of essays on Indian history. In this Network Capital podcast, Manu reflects on his journey as a writer, key inflection points in his career and the art of making your passion your profession. Riddled with historical anecdotes and colorful stories, this podcast is essential for anyone interested in history, public policy and writing.

It can be easy to think of the recent history of India—especially for those who aren't from there—as a straight line, from the Mughal Empire, through the British Empire, to independent India. That, of course, is hugely simplistic, missing the mess of competing polities, interests, and people that made up Indian history over the last few centuries. Manu Pillai's False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut, 2021), looks at a few of these political actors: the Maharajas of India, who led the “princely states”. Not quite sovereign entities, not quite directly-ruled colonies. Pillai portrays the stories of a few of these princes and princesses through the life of famed Indian artist Ravi Varma as he travels around India in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In this interview, Manu and I talk about the princely states, the Maharajas, and why Manu chose Ravi Varma to tell the stories of the Indian princes. Manu S Pillai is the author of the award-winning The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins India: 2015), Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), and The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019). He can be followed on Twitter at @UnamPillai and on Instagram at @WaatCoconut. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of False Allies. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

It can be easy to think of the recent history of India—especially for those who aren't from there—as a straight line, from the Mughal Empire, through the British Empire, to independent India. That, of course, is hugely simplistic, missing the mess of competing polities, interests, and people that made up Indian history over the last few centuries. Manu Pillai's False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut, 2021), looks at a few of these political actors: the Maharajas of India, who led the “princely states”. Not quite sovereign entities, not quite directly-ruled colonies. Pillai portrays the stories of a few of these princes and princesses through the life of famed Indian artist Ravi Varma as he travels around India in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In this interview, Manu and I talk about the princely states, the Maharajas, and why Manu chose Ravi Varma to tell the stories of the Indian princes. Manu S Pillai is the author of the award-winning The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins India: 2015), Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), and The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019). He can be followed on Twitter at @UnamPillai and on Instagram at @WaatCoconut. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of False Allies. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

It can be easy to think of the recent history of India—especially for those who aren't from there—as a straight line, from the Mughal Empire, through the British Empire, to independent India. That, of course, is hugely simplistic, missing the mess of competing polities, interests, and people that made up Indian history over the last few centuries. Manu Pillai's False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut, 2021), looks at a few of these political actors: the Maharajas of India, who led the “princely states”. Not quite sovereign entities, not quite directly-ruled colonies. Pillai portrays the stories of a few of these princes and princesses through the life of famed Indian artist Ravi Varma as he travels around India in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In this interview, Manu and I talk about the princely states, the Maharajas, and why Manu chose Ravi Varma to tell the stories of the Indian princes. Manu S Pillai is the author of the award-winning The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins India: 2015), Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), and The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019). He can be followed on Twitter at @UnamPillai and on Instagram at @WaatCoconut. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of False Allies. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

It can be easy to think of the recent history of India—especially for those who aren't from there—as a straight line, from the Mughal Empire, through the British Empire, to independent India. That, of course, is hugely simplistic, missing the mess of competing polities, interests, and people that made up Indian history over the last few centuries. Manu Pillai's False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut, 2021), looks at a few of these political actors: the Maharajas of India, who led the “princely states”. Not quite sovereign entities, not quite directly-ruled colonies. Pillai portrays the stories of a few of these princes and princesses through the life of famed Indian artist Ravi Varma as he travels around India in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In this interview, Manu and I talk about the princely states, the Maharajas, and why Manu chose Ravi Varma to tell the stories of the Indian princes. Manu S Pillai is the author of the award-winning The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins India: 2015), Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), and The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019). He can be followed on Twitter at @UnamPillai and on Instagram at @WaatCoconut. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of False Allies. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/asian-review

It can be easy to think of the recent history of India—especially for those who aren't from there—as a straight line, from the Mughal Empire, through the British Empire, to independent India. That, of course, is hugely simplistic, missing the mess of competing polities, interests, and people that made up Indian history over the last few centuries. Manu Pillai's False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma (Juggernaut, 2021), looks at a few of these political actors: the Maharajas of India, who led the “princely states”. Not quite sovereign entities, not quite directly-ruled colonies. Pillai portrays the stories of a few of these princes and princesses through the life of famed Indian artist Ravi Varma as he travels around India in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In this interview, Manu and I talk about the princely states, the Maharajas, and why Manu chose Ravi Varma to tell the stories of the Indian princes. Manu S Pillai is the author of the award-winning The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore (HarperCollins India: 2015), Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji (Juggernaut: 2018), and The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History (Context: 2019). He can be followed on Twitter at @UnamPillai and on Instagram at @WaatCoconut. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of False Allies. Follow on Facebook or on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an associate editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

A conversation with writer Manu Pillai about Episode 3, The Last* Hindu Empire. Topics covered include the similarities between Ukraine, Russia, and the Deccan Sultanates. ABOUT MANU PILLAIManu S Pillai is the author of The Ivory Throne: Chronicles of the House of Travancore, for which he won the 2016 Tata Lit Live Prize for best first work of non-fiction and the 2017 Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskar.He has written three other books since: Rebel Sultans: The Deccan from Khilji to Shivaji, The Courtesan, the Mahatma & the Italian Brahmin: Tales from Indian History, and most recently, False Allies: India's Maharajahs in the Age of Ravi Varma.Formerly Chief of Staff to Dr Shashi Tharoor MP, Manu has also worked at the House of Lords in Britain, with Lord Karan Bilimoria CBE DL, and with the BBC on their Incarnations history series.Manu is an alumnus of Fergusson College, Pune, and is currently enrolled as a PhD candidate at King's College London. Follow him on Twitter @UnamPillai and on Instagram @WaatCoconutVISUALSThe painting Manu referencesA map showing the four states in discussion: Vijayanagara, Deccan Sultanates, Mughal Empire, and Persian (Safavid) EmpireANNOTATED TRANSCRIPTVisit www.kahaani.io/hampi-footnotes for a transcript with timestamps. TEACHER'S GUIDEVisit www.kahaani.io/misrepresented for free curriculum to help you use the MISREPRESENTED podcast in your classroom.MUSIC CREDITSArun Ramamurthy | ConceptionDrum ani Bass | King of Good Timespelle | Lizard Lunch Subh Saran | SlipDolorblind | QQABOUT THE PODCASTMISREPRESENTED is produced by Kahaani, a media organization that tells stories to widen the historical narrative. FOLLOW US ON INSTAGRAM AND TWITTER

A version of this essay was published by firstpost.com at https://www.firstpost.com/india/punjab-phenomenon-is-devastating-psychologically-but-is-it-just-reversion-to-the-mean-10254751.htmlPerhaps I am naive, but growing up in the South, I had a healthy respect for Sikhs, whom I viewed as men of honor and of principle. Later when I lived in California, I visited the Gadar Memorial Hall, and I wrote in 1996 (“Across a chasm of 75 years, the eyes of these dead mean speak to today’s Indian-American”) about the photographs of “glowering young men”, long-dead patriots, mostly Sikhs.I wrote of Kartar Singh Sarabha, the 19-year-old from the University of California, Berkeley, who was hanged by the British for ‘sedition’ in 1915. He inspired others like Bhagat Singh. And then there is the Komagata Maru incident; once again Sikhs were prominent. They were the ones who tried, as economic migrants, to move to Canada and the US, and were forced to return, and massacred on arrival.Thanks for reading Shadow Warrior! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.Later, I read O V Vijayan’s under-appreciated masterpiece The Path of the Prophet, and he spoke of “the lament of the innocent first-borns”, and I learned from a colleague named Inderjeet Gujral how he literally was the first-born of a Hindu family who had become a Sikh.Vijayan wrote of the betrayal ordinary Sikhs felt when the Indian Army attacked the Golden Temple. I wrote about Jallianwallah Bagh (“Remember Jallianwallah Bagh!”) and the sacrifice of the Sikhs, quoting Vijayan (translation from the Malayalam is mine):As far as the eye can see, gallows, hundreds and thousands of them; and on them, smiling, hanged martyrs, Sikhs! Merchants, hedonists, yet they paid the price for freedom. They loved India deeply.In 2019, I went to Kala Pani, the infamous penitentiary in Port Blair, the Andamans. They broke our patriots there, in a Panopticon, as visualized by the famous British liberal Jeremy Bentham. I paid homage to Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. And I read the plaques that had long lists of those incarcerated there: and they were disproportionately Sikhs and Bengalis.Thank you for reading Shadow Warrior. This post is public so feel free to share it.Therefore it is with personal anguish that I have followed the trajectory of the Khalistani movement, and the anti-India fervor espoused by them, including the Air India Kanishka bombing, followed by their infiltration into the farm-bill agitation. There is reason to believe that there are hostile entities’ fingerprints all over.Then there were the horrifying incidents of two lynchings, one in Amritsar and the other in Kapurthala. It is likely that both the victims were Hindus (the authorities have carefully refrained from naming them and the media has not produced tear-jerker stories about their grieving relatives, and by past experience this only happens when the murdered are Hindus). The likely implication is that there is a plan (now that Afghanistan is in the bag) by the ISI to escalate things back to the daily murders and mayhem in the pre-KPS Gill days in the 1990s.Worryingly, this is the same template that was used by the ISI to ethnically cleanse Hindus from Jammu & Kashmir in 1990. In Punjab, too, many Hindus were killed; but there was no exodus. Perhaps the idea now is to create enough terror and force a migration of Hindus out of Punjab.That fits the proposed map from “Sikhs for Justice” of ‘Khalistan’, which, notably, does not include any Pakistani territory, not even the Gurudwara Shri Kartarpur Sahib. That is telling. Also notice that J&K is not even in the map! This is reminiscent of similarly expansive ‘Eelam’ maps put out by LTTE, which included much of southern India. Therefore we can conclude that there is a clear political angle. But there is also a socio-economic angle to the troubles in Punjab.For one thing, there are serious caste fissures among Sikhs, and Jat Sikhs dominate and in some sense oppress SC Sikhs. And apparently Jat-ness transcends religion and even national boundaries: I was amused when a famous woman journalist bragged on Twitter that her half-Pakistani, out-of-wedlock son has classic Jat looks! Apparently this is also behind massive conversions to Christian churches in Punjab recently: what I gather is that the SC Sikhs are converting en masse perhaps in a rebuke to Jats.But I wonder if there are also some more mundane explanations. It may well be a reversion to the mean. Those parts of India that were ahead may well be now declining in relative terms. Similarly there’s the interesting idea of the “middle-income trap” that has caused some nations to stumble in their path to wealth.In addition to Punjab with its many freedom fighters (some of whom are alluded to above), Bengalis clearly led the flowering of a nationalist consensus, and there was a veritable constellation of greats: famous names like Bankim Chandra, Rash Behari Bose, Swami Vivekananda, Shri Aurobindo, Subhas Chandra Bose, all the way to unknowns like Bina Das.So what happened to West Bengal? Why is it benighted, and not the glittering center of Indian civilization? Have both Bengal and Punjab regressed to a mean, after having been outliers for a long time? Of course the two also bore the brunt of Partition.There is another reason to believe there is a reversion to the mean. Consider which states are well off and which states are poor. Look at the poverty rates in the graph.Remarkable, isn’t it? The least poor states are: Kerala, Sikkim, Goa, Delhi and Punjab. For the moment, let us ignore Sikkim, Goa and Delhi as they are small. (By the way, earlier data I found showed that J&K was by far the least poor territory. I am not sure what has changed.) So let us look at Kerala and Punjab.There is a simple reason for Kerala’s prosperity: it is a money-order economy, taking advantage of the superior indices of high school education and of healthcare, a legacy from the enlightened rulers of Travancore. This led to mass emigration, first to the rest of India, and later to many parts of the world: not only West Asia, but also rich white countries. Result: remittance money that props up creaking state finances.Take a look at the footnote in the graph: Kottayam district in Kerala has 0.0% poverty! Why is this? Kottayam (and nearby Ernakulam, also a winner) are the most Christian areas in Kerala, and produce the majority of the nurses who have become a major export: you can find Kerala-origin Christian nurses in large numbers in every part of the rich world. They emigrate, bring family members, and send good money back.More recently there has been a virtual invasion of oil-rich West Asia by Kerala people, leading to a windfall (most often from Muslim-dominated Kozhikode district, another winner). But that is coming to an end: I read that some 15 lakh emigres have returned, often after losing their jobs.Similarly, Punjab’s prosperity is easily explained. Punjabis are talented farmers (note the Sikh-Mexican Catholic farmers of California’s Central Valley who have become some of the biggest producers of almonds and so on there) and landowning castes (Jats in particular) benefited from the Green Revolution.These castes now do not want to share their prosperity with their landless laborer brethren; besides, they figured out how to make big bucks as intermediary arhatiyas who, among other things, ‘import’ lower-priced grain from other states and demand high support prices in Punjab. In other words, their prosperity now depends on looting the taxpayer and converting public property to private gain. Thus the opposition to the farm bills.Slowly but surely, this neat trick will cease to work, and Punjab’s gains will disappear.If I were a betting man, I’d bet on the laggard Gangetic Plain lands: yes, Bihar, UP, MP. All of them are low-hanging fruits, and within a decade, with good policies, leadership and a bit of luck, they will be the places to be. That would only be a reversion to what once was: the Gangetic Plain led the country with its empires: Mauryan, Gupta etc (of course, later there were the Cholas, Chalukyas and Vijayanagar as glittering imperial states).Thus regression to the mean may not be such a bad thing; and it is only in relative terms. In absolute terms, the entire nation will rise. And I suspect Punjabi separatism will subside, too. It is fairly clear that Sikhs are better off in India than in an imaginary ‘Khalistan’: they merely need to reflect on how they had to flee from Afghanistan with their sacred books as soon as the ISI won there.1350 words, 31 Dec 2021 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Note: a version of this essay was published by firstpost.com at Bharat is rising as 2022 looks like a year of living dangerously (firstpost.com)I have long thought T S Eliot was wrong: April isn’t the cruellest month, but November. For there is the anniversary on the 12th of the momentous Temple Entry Proclamation by the Maharaja of Travancore in 1936; on the 14th is the birthday of my late, dear friend Varsha Bhosle; on the 18th is 13 Kumaon’s magnificent last stand at Rezang-la; and on the 26th was the attack on Mumbai.But this year, I am beginning to think it is December, although it is only halfway done. On December 4th, the much-loved Chief of Defense Staff, General Bipin Rawat, died in a helicopter crash. On the 15th, there was the grand inauguration of the Kashi Viswanath Corridor. On the 16th is the 50th anniversary of the surrender of the Pakistani Army in Bangladesh. Also on the 16th, a $10 billion announcement about support for semiconductor fabs.And, as in ‘The Waste Land’, a pandemic still stalks the land. It is a mixture of hope and despair:April is the cruellest month, breeding Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing Memory and desire, stirring Dull roots with spring rain. Thanks for reading Shadow Warrior! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.After the devastating death of General Rawat and 12 others, there was the astonishing spectacle of ordinary highland Tamils lining the route of his funeral cortege and showering flower petals on the vehicles carrying their mortal remains. It startled me, because I have been led to believe that the average Tamil is this close to secession. The outpouring of genuine grief all over the country at the death of the General is a signal that there is a new India emerging, one where a nation is finally being built, overcoming the fissiparous tendencies and separatism that have bedevilled the country. This is a ray of hope. Gen Rawat stood for a hard, capable, and rising Indian State: he was lionized by the average Indian because he had stood up against the enemies of the nation.There is another India, though, the one that has long claimed to represent the masses. They showed their abundant churlishness by mocking the General’s death. A famous newspaper  had a headline where they didn’t even call him General, but just Rawat, an egregious violation of protocol. And there were others who could barely contain their glee. These people may even actually represent some strands of India: those that are thrusting rentiers, footloose, beholden to or mentally colonized by or pure fifth columnists of various hostile powers, or just plain awed by the West and impelled to copy them. But their days in the sun are over, because Bharat is rising and their India, of connections and plummy accents, is falling. The nationalist Dharampal once wrote movingly of a group of villagers on yatra, pilgrimage,  that he met on a train. They were a group from two villages in UP, of different jatis, and they had gone all the way to Rameswaram. Now they were going to Haridwar, and they had voluntarily skipped the great cities, the Nehruvian ‘temples of modern India’. They were indifferent to them, and to people like us, Anglophone urban residents. That Bharat has always been there, even if it is not visible to most of us. It was this Bharat that, with tearful faces, mourned the General. It is this Bharat that is happy that the dirty, disgusting bylanes of Varanasi have been removed. This Bharat will visit Ayodhya. And this Bharat is the one that has taken to UPI, QR codes, and digitization with a vengeance. It is they who have benefited from various development programs in the recent past, including Direct Benefit Transfer, JAM, UPI, health insurance, crop insurance, new roads and other infrastructure being built, the cooking-gas revolution, reliable electricity, and most of all, the Jal Jeevan mission. If they can be freed from the fetters of the colonial-Nehruvian State (a friend calls it the Anglo-Mughlai State) I suspect they will create miracles. It is this cohort, the salt of the earth, that we are only vaguely aware of, that has sustained Hindu civilization, bloodied but yet unbowed. And they are the ones under withering attack by various enemies of the nation, targets of conversion drives, false narratives, and outright extermination attempts. But it is they who are our hope.Thank you for reading Shadow Warrior. This post is public so feel free to share it.There will be a realignment, too. The low-hanging fruits are in the formerly benighted interior, the Gangetic Plain, sometimes derisively called BIMARU. From my vantage point, I see Kerala, which got an early start, now declining in the state rankings; perhaps like West Bengal. The North shall rise again, and that is a good thing. But others are inventing dangerous myths. There is the oft-repeated (but repudiated even by the Vatican) claim that Saint Thomas came to Kerala in 72 CE. Similarly, there is an effort in Tamil Nadu’s Keezhadi and Kerala’s Pattanam to create a perception respectively, that a) Tamil civilization is older and different from Hindu civilization, and b) that Saint Thomas brought Christianity to Kerala even before Hinduism arrived. The latest instalment in this saga is a story that some ancient rice has been discovered in a dig in Tamil Nadu. This has been breathlessly turned into ‘proof’ that Tamils are different, and in effect not part of Indian or Hindu civilization. Just today I read about the new American ambassador-designate’s plans for India, which include vaguely-worded threats about inciting that mysterious animal, ‘civil society’. That’s a euphemism for creating and sustaining fault lines in Indian society. There was, for instance, an American named Gail Omvedt who lived (lives?) in India, and was systematically attempting balkanization under the rubric of human rights. The ambassador-designate, by some accounts, has messed up so badly as Los Angeles mayor that he has to lie low for a while and get rehabilitated. What better than to send him to India on an errand of ‘sub-national diplomacy’? Surely he’s going to threaten India with sanctions over the Russian S-400 missile system, as well as on other Democrat hot buttons, for instance Ilhan Omar’s new Islamophobia Bill.It is downright insane that a politician is the US envoy to India, when a rising India surely needs a savvy businessman: India will likely grow its trade and manufacturing clout especially given the trend towards reducing China exposure. It shows Democrat animosity towards India, and is further proof that the Quad is dead, after being put on life-support by AUKUS. With the threat of war on the Tibet frontier, and of Omicron in the pandemic, 2022 looks like a year of living dangerously. The only consolation is that Bharat is rising, and that Kashi and Ayodhya have been reclaimed, though not in full measure, for Hindu civilization. 1130 words, 17 December 2021 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

A version of this essay was published by Swarajya magazine at https://swarajyamag.com/ideas/all-those-anniversaries-but-they-all-may-boil-down-to-the-powerful-screwing-the-meekIs this a particularly momentous year? 2021 has important anniversaries, and everyone has heard about at least that of the 9/11/2001 attack on the World Trade Center in New York. But there are other anniversaries too, and when I started looking at them, what struck me is a theme: so many of them end up with the strong taking advantage of the weak to loot or persecute the latter! That may be a coincidence, but it is intriguing.For instance, this year marks the 100th anniversary of the Moplah Riot in Malabar, in which Muslims attacked, slaughtered, raped and forcibly converted thousands of their Hindu neighbors for no fault of theirs, but simply because Turkey had abolished its caliphate. This year is also the 30th anniversary of India’s economic reforms, wherein then-Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao began to dismantle the stifling dirigiste state that had condemned hundreds of millions of Indians to poverty. At least this case is positive: it marked the beginning of the end of the pauperization of India’s masses by malign forces. This is also the 20th anniversary of China’s accession to the World Trade Organization, which event has done so much for the Chinese economy, essentially helping it become the hub of global manufacturing, although a remarkable technological innovation helped it too, and more on that later.2021 is also the 50th anniversary of the US going off the gold standard under Richard Nixon. This led to the dollar becoming the unofficial reserve currency of the world, and that brought great economic clout, because the US could now print dollars at will, without having to hold an equivalent amount of the precious metal. Undoubtedly there are other anniversaries I am unaware of, but let’s just go with these. What is intriguing is the connections between them.On the anniversary of 9/11, we saw Biden’s debacle in Afghanistan. The question is why it took the US twenty long years to discover that they were in a no-win situation and that they were being led by the nose by Pakistan into things that were not in their interest.It was evident to observers that things were going wrong as early as the 2001 November siege of Kunduz. I wrote at the time What happened in Kunduz | Rediff.com that the US allowing Pakistan to airlift its soldiers to safety (quite a few brigadiers etc were masquerading as Taliban) was an unfathomable act. But the US Deep State apparently had other ideas. Even when the CIA station chief was blown up Khost massacre: A point of inflexion in Obama’s War | Rediff.com in 2009, and bin Laden captured in 2011, the Deep State maintained its steadfast romance with the ISI. Why? There are many possible reasons. One is that it was hubris leading  to stupidity. Second, the $2-$3 trillion dollars spent was a windfall for the military industrial complex, so why would they stop the gravy train?Chances are that it was hubris and stupidity in play. The Deep State simply couldn’t imagine a situation in which the US was no longer the only game in town. They were sticking with an old playbook that had outlived its usefulness, wherein American money and overwhelming military power could solve all problems, but that world is long gone. If it ever existed. What they didn’t realize was that China’s accession to the WTO, and its insidious and steady deindustrialization of the US, had created a situation where it is essentially impossible to go back to a status quo ante where, as in the dialog from Top Gun, it was only “rubber dog-s**t from Hong Kong” that America needed to import, nothing of consequence. This is where the retreat from the gold standard becomes relevant. By printing dollars by the boatload, the US has now become the world’s biggest debtor, as Chinese savings flowed in and allowed the US to live beyond its means, by selling $3 trillion in treasury securities to the Chinese. That makes China and the US co-dependent in an uncomfortable way. If the Chinese were to dump US treasuries, the dollar would fall, and the value of their investments would collapse as well. On the other hand, if the US were to confiscate Chinese assets (as they have done to Afghan assets), they would have a war on their hands. Stalemate!But that’s not all. The dollar was a powerful weapon in the hands of US elites, especially their investment bankers, a few  years ago. They were able to fend off the Japanese challenge in the 1980s via the magic of the Plaza Accord of 1985, which caused the dollar to depreciate, and eventually forced the Japanese economy into its lost decades of malaise.Unfortunately, that weapon is no longer available, because the investment bankers are now China’s best friends in the US China Has One Powerful Friend Left in the U.S.: Wall Street - WSJ. This is partly because investment banks have invested a lot there; they are not particularly tied to geography, and their clients, the big corporates, are also vested there. These clients are finding it difficult to extricate themselves from China, even if you assume that they wish to do so.There is one other aspect of the supply chain vassaldom that the US is facing now: the role of the humble shipping container. The standardization of the 20 foot or 40 foot container and the concomitant dramatic fall in the cost and elapsed time for trans-Pacific shipping were the initial impetus for the migration of manufacturing to then low-cost Asia. There was also a remarkable unintended consequence of the Vietnam war. The US Navy containerized early, according to a fascinating podcast titled Thinking inside the box—the story of the shipping container | The Economist. They were sending so many containers to the war front, it made no sense to return them empty, and so they started picking up shiploads of electronics goods from Japan, and that’s how the shift to importing manufactured goods from Asia began.It’s too soon to tell what the unintended consequences of the Afghan war will be. There is indeed the possibility that it will be China’s Waterloo, as it was for the Soviets and the Americans. It may well lead to the collapse of the Chinese empire, a desirable outcome.Let us now revisit the question of the Deep State benefiting from the Afghan war (at the expense of the US taxpayer). It was clearly a transfer of wealth from the public purse to private interests. There are other examples of extortion subtly presented as something noble, or at least something in which a player was helpless. An excellent recent example is the 1973 oil price shock. OPEC suddenly tripled oil prices, and it was extortionate, because all economies had become addicted to cheap oil.Thus it was impossible for most nations to reduce their oil consumption overnight, however much they tightened the belt. The result was a dramatic transfer of wealth from sovereign nations to OPEC’s coffers. Of course, rich countries including the US were affected, but they could afford it. The real burden fell on poor, emerging nations, and what they should have been spending on their people was instead transferred to OPEC.That was grand theft. Immoral too, as it literally took food from the mouths of the starving.But there was an interesting twist. Much of the money that OPEC grabbed from all of us ended up in the US by dint of massive arms purchases by Saudi Arabia et al. The Deep State won. The US had enough clout and enough weapons that they could probably have forced OPEC to reduce the price shock, but they didn’t. OPEC looked like nasty, mean, inhumane monsters, but the US looked like a victim, too.The US thus neatly covered up its role in the crime.There is another fascinating example of clever extortion, this time from India, in the case of Tipu Sultan’s attacks on Malabar in the 1780s, which were a combined religious war and a war for loot. He captured the Samoothiri’s kingdom of Kozhikode, and principalities such as Valluvanad, Ernad, and parts of Kochi. Until Travancore repulsed him in 1790 at its Nedumkotta fortification with the aid of a ‘river bomb’, he was successful in both his goals. Tipu was clear that temples were his target, along with religious conversion. He knew that, enriched by over two millennia of the spice trade, Kerala’s temples were storehouses of wealth -- and the reason is that temples were the centers of social activity, disaster relief, public works and culture, and so people donated generously to them.The British were also keenly aware of this, and so they devised a diabolical plan. They would allow, or even secretly encourage, Tipu to prosecute his jihad on Kerala. And once he had hauled all the wealth to Srirangapatnam, they would attack, and take all the loot in one go. Very efficient, and they would get none of the blame of desecrating temples, but be lionized as the saviors of southern India. And that is exactly what they did. In fact, it was worse. The Brits were allegedly treaty allies of Travancore, but stood by and did nothing when Tipu attacked; but they charged Travancore the entire cost of the Third Anglo-Mysore war, on the theory that their attack on Srirangapatnam forced Tipu to retreat. This paupered Travancore, and a powerful British Resident was installed, who dictated policy. One of the policies forced upon the kingdom was the commingling of temple properties and State properties, which in effect made most smaller temples unviable; furthermore, one Munro, a Resident, forced the reigning Queen to donate Rs. 10,000 to the church in 1819, a huge fortune then, which led to massive conversion drives. Within 100 years, according to the Travancore Manual, Christians went from 6% to 33% in the kingdom.But the newspapers then and historians now give full marks to the Brits for their compassion and wisdom; meanwhile they enjoy their ill-gotten gains.Tipu destroyed and desecrated scores of temples big and small, and converted thousands at the point of the sword. That is how there is a large Muslim population in Malabar. And it was these local Muslims who went on a jihad in 1921 on the flimsy excuse of the ban on the caliphate in distant Turkey.The story put about by communists is that this was either a) a ‘peasant revolt’ against rich Hindu landlords, or b) a ‘freedom struggle’ against the British. We can easily eliminate (b) because not a single Briton was attacked, but thousands of Hindus were. As for (a), it turns out that the vast majority of those killed, converted, raped etc. were lower-caste Hindu agricultural laborers and so that explanation is also a little wanting.In a new book, Beyond Rampage: West Asian Contacts of Malabar and the Khilafat, Dr Hari Shankar, an archaeologist and scholar, argues that the riot was instigated by wealthy Muslim traders looking to expand their monopoly over the sea-borne timber trade to the Middle East and Turkey from the Nilambur forests, where the lands were owned by the temples. This is an intriguing hypothesis: and once again economics may explain hidden motives.There is yet another anniversary that is not spoken of very much: Brahma Chellaney pointed out that September 19th is the 61st anniversary of the unbelievably one-sided Indus Water Treaty. Said he on Twitter:Thus the various anniversaries we have seen this year may be connected in subtle ways. Going forward, we may also see in the new AUKUS pact the genesis of a new white Anglosphere alliance, with the Quad being downgraded, and non-white, non-Anglo partners such as India, Japan and Indonesia being dumped by the West. And the EU as well, as France indicated with its furious reaction.Twenty years later, we might look back on 2021 as the time the West retreated into an atavistic shell. Alternatively, perhaps we will see it as the beginning of the dissolution of the Chinese empire, and its retreat back into its Han homeland on the eastern coast. It is too soon to tell now. But I do suspect 2021 will turn out to be the year of living dangerously. 2000 words, Sept 21, 2021. Updated Sept 28, 2021. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

History has become a battle ground between those who want to change it and re-write it, though selectively, and those who say our history has been well researched and is fine the way it is. The latest target is the Moplah Rebellion of 1921 in Kerala, which has been so far seen as a revolt of the peasantry against the British colonial government. The BJP and the RSS now disagree and call the Moplahs an early example of a 'Taliban mindset'. That may have something to do with the fact that the Moplahs are Muslim. But these are strong words and have offended many Keralites as well as established historians.On this episode, host Sidharth Bhatia is joined by Manu Pillai, author and historian, to talk about and explain why Ram Madhav, who holds a prominent position in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has brought this up suddenly. Manu has written very well-regarded books like 'The Ivory Throne', about the Travancore royal families, and 'Rebel Sultans', about the rulers of southern kingdoms. Tune in for an eye-opening conversation.Follow Manu on Twitter & Instagram: https://twitter.com/UnamPillai and https://www.instagram.com/waatcoconutFollow Sidharth Bhatia on Twitter and Instagram @bombaywallahbombaywallah and https://instagram.com/bombaywallahYou can listen to this show on The Wire's website, the IVM Podcasts website, app on Android: https://ivm.today/android or iOS: https://ivm.today/ios, or any other podcast app.

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the East India Company's army on 10 May 1857, in the town of Meerut, and soon escalated into other mutinies and civilian rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India, with the major hostilities confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, northern Madhya Pradesh, and the Delhi region.The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region, and was contained only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858. The rebellion is also known as the India's First War of Independence, the Great Rebellion, the Indian Mutiny, the Revolt of 1857, the Uprising of 1857, the Sepoy Rebellion, and the Sepoy Mutiny. The Mutiny was a result of various grievances. However the flashpoint was reached when the soldiers were asked to bite off the paper cartridges for their rifles which were greased with animal fat namely beef and pork. This was, and is, against the religious beliefs of Hindus and Muslims. Other regions of Company-controlled India – such as Bengal, the Bombay Presidency, and the Madras Presidency remained largely calm.In Punjab, the Sikh princes backed the Company by providing soldiers and support. The large princely states of Hyderabad, Mysore, Travancore, and Kashmir, as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana, did not join the rebellion. In some regions, such as Oudh, the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against European presence. Maratha leaders, such as the Lakshmibai, the Rani of Jhansi, became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a century later; however, they themselves "generated no coherent ideology" for a new order.qaThe rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858. It also led the British to reorganize the army, the financial system and the administration in India. India was thereafter directly governed by the crown as the new British Raj.The podcast is under an hour, brief but informative and the history hit you are looking for.Please review! Follow us and like on socials:Twitter @bhistorypodcasthttps://www.facebook.com/pg/bhistorypodcast/about/Narrator and Author - Andrew Knight @ajknight31Producer and Composer - Harry EdmondsonResourseshttps://itunes.apple.com/lu/book/indian-mutiny-bri…https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Rebellion_of_…Alavi, Seema (1996), The Sepoys and the Company: Tradition and Transition 1770–1830, Oxford University Press, p. 340, ISBN 0-19-563484-5.Anderson, Clare (2007), Indian Uprising of 1857–8: Prisons, Prisoners and Rebellion, New York: Anthem Press, p. 217, ISBN 978-1-84331-249-9.Bandyopadhyay, Sekhara (2004), From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Longman, p. 523, ISBN 81-250-2596-0.Bayly, Christopher Alan (1988), Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, Cambridge University Press, p. 230, ISBN 0-521-25092-7.Bayly, Christopher Alan (2000), Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, c 1780–1870, Cambridge University Press, p. 412, ISBN 0-521-57085-9.Bose, Sugata; Jalal, Ayesha (2004), Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy (2nd ed.), London: Routledge, p. 253, ISBN 0-415-30787-2.Brown, Judith M. (1994), Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy (2nd ed.), Oxford University Press, p. 480, ISBN 0-19-873113-2.Greenwood, Adrian (2015), Victoria's Scottish Lion: The Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde, UK: History Press, p. 496, ISBN 0-75095-685-2.Harris, John (2001), The Indian Mutiny, Ware: Wordsworth Editions, p. 205, ISBN 1-84022-232-8.Hibbert, Christopher (1980), The Great Mutiny: India 1857, London: Allen Lane, p. 472, ISBN 0-14-004752-2.Jain, Meenakshi (2010), Parallel Pathways: Essays On Hindu-Muslim Relations ( 1707-1857), Delhi: Konark, ISBN 978-8122007831.

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 began as a mutiny of sepoys of the East India Company's army on 10 May 1857, in the town of Meerut, and soon escalated into other mutinies and civilian rebellions largely in the upper Gangetic plain and central India, with the major hostilities confined to present-day Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, northern Madhya Pradesh, and the Delhi region.The rebellion posed a considerable threat to Company power in that region, and was contained only with the fall of Gwalior on 20 June 1858. The rebellion is also known as the India's First War of Independence, the Great Rebellion, the Indian Mutiny, the Revolt of 1857, the Uprising of 1857, the Sepoy Rebellion, and the Sepoy Mutiny. The Mutiny was a result of various grievances. However the flashpoint was reached when the soldiers were asked to bite off the paper cartridges for their rifles which were greased with animal fat namely beef and pork. This was, and is, against the religious beliefs of Hindus and Muslims. Other regions of Company-controlled India – such as Bengal, the Bombay Presidency, and the Madras Presidency remained largely calm.In Punjab, the Sikh princes backed the Company by providing soldiers and support. The large princely states of Hyderabad, Mysore, Travancore, and Kashmir, as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana, did not join the rebellion. In some regions, such as Oudh, the rebellion took on the attributes of a patriotic revolt against European presence. Maratha leaders, such as the Lakshmibai, the Rani of Jhansi, became folk heroes in the nationalist movement in India half a century later; however, they themselves "generated no coherent ideology" for a new order.qaThe rebellion led to the dissolution of the East India Company in 1858. It also led the British to reorganize the army, the financial system and the administration in India. India was thereafter directly governed by the crown as the new British Raj.The podcast is under an hour, brief but informative and the history hit you are looking for.Please review! Follow us and like on socials:Twitter @bhistorypodcasthttps://www.facebook.com/pg/bhistorypodcast/about/Narrator and Author - Andrew Knight @ajknight31Producer and Composer - Harry EdmondsonResourseshttps://itunes.apple.com/lu/book/indian-mutiny-bri…https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Rebellion_of_…Alavi, Seema (1996), The Sepoys and the Company: Tradition and Transition 1770–1830, Oxford University Press, p. 340, ISBN 0-19-563484-5.Anderson, Clare (2007), Indian Uprising of 1857–8: Prisons, Prisoners and Rebellion, New York: Anthem Press, p. 217, ISBN 978-1-84331-249-9.Bandyopadhyay, Sekhara (2004), From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Longman, p. 523, ISBN 81-250-2596-0.Bayly, Christopher Alan (1988), Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, Cambridge University Press, p. 230, ISBN 0-521-25092-7.Bayly, Christopher Alan (2000), Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, c 1780–1870, Cambridge University Press, p. 412, ISBN 0-521-57085-9.Bose, Sugata; Jalal, Ayesha (2004), Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy (2nd ed.), London: Routledge, p. 253, ISBN 0-415-30787-2.Brown, Judith M. (1994), Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy (2nd ed.), Oxford University Press, p. 480, ISBN 0-19-873113-2.Greenwood, Adrian (2015), Victoria's Scottish Lion: The Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde, UK: History Press, p. 496, ISBN 0-75095-685-2.Harris, John (2001), The Indian Mutiny, Ware: Wordsworth Editions, p. 205, ISBN 1-84022-232-8.Hibbert, Christopher (1980), The Great Mutiny: India 1857, London: Allen Lane, p. 472, ISBN 0-14-004752-2.Jain, Meenakshi (2010), Parallel Pathways: Essays On Hindu-Muslim Relations ( 1707-1857), Delhi: Konark, ISBN 978-8122007831.

Kerala has been in the news a lot recently, mostly in a positive way. The state has always had a unique culture that seeps into everything from its approach to nature, health, women, families and most importantly, society.Kerala was also in the news recently because of the verdict on the Padmanabhasaamy temple, where the Supreme Court overruled an earlier Kerala high court verdict and gave control of the temple and its treasures back to the royal family of Travancore.In this episode, the host speaks to Manu Pillai, author of the book 'The Ivory Throne', originally published in 2016 by harper collins, which documents the history of the royal families of Travancore. The book is also an extraordinary history of Kerala itself, starting over five centuries back. Karthik speaks to Manu about the SC verdict, its implications on what remains of the royal family and also about brand kerala and its core DNA.Follow Manu on Twitter @UmamPillai and on Instagram @waatcoconutTweet to Karthik Nagarajan @The_Karthik and follow his WordPress handle here (filterkoffee.com).You can listen to this show and other awesome shows on the IVM Podcasts app on Android: https://ivm.today/android or iOS: https://ivm.today/ios, or any other podcast app.You can check out our website at http://www.ivmpodcasts.com