Podcast appearances and mentions of saint domingue

Castlevania: Nocturne: Season 1, Episode 3 "Freedom Was Sweeter" In shock after a loss, Annette shares the story of her escape from slavery and her journey from Saint-Domingue; chaos erupts at a public gathering.   Feedback : blackgirlcouch@gmail.com  (audio/written) Tumblr: blackgirlcouch Instagram: @blackgirlcouch Youtube: blackgirlcouchreviews

Dans cet épisode de Globetucker, on met le cap sur la République Dominicaine avec @lisa.timmins & @idylle.travel. Une île aux mille visages, entre plages paradisiaques, forêts tropicales et villages colorés. Ensemble, on explore les trésors de ce joyau des Caraïbes : de la vieille ville coloniale de Saint-Domingue, classée à l'UNESCO, aux eaux cristallines de Las Terrenas, en passant par le nord du pays ou encore les montagnes verdoyantes de Jarabacoa.On parlera aussi de la culture vibrante du pays, entre Merengue et Bachata, les plats typiques comme le Mangu ou le Sancocho, et les moments inoubliables vécus au rythme dominicain : cascades cachées, fêtes locales et rencontres touchantes avec les habitants.Globetucker, un programme WANAMedias proposé par l'OdioO ! Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

ORIGINALLY RELEASED Jun 21, 2020 In this episode, we explore the Haitian Revolution—the only successful slave revolt in history and a landmark event in the global struggle against colonialism and white supremacy. From the brutal plantation economy of Saint-Domingue to the rise of revolutionary leaders like Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, we trace how enslaved Africans overthrew French rule and declared the world's first Black republic. We also examine how this radical uprising shook the foundations of empire, inspired abolitionist movements, and remains a crucial—yet often erased—chapter in revolutionary history. Alexander Aviña is an associate professor of Latin American history in the School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies at Arizona State University. His book, "Specters of Revolution: Peasant Guerrillas in the Cold War Mexican Countryside" , was awarded the Maria Elena Martínez Book Prize in Mexican History for 2015 by the Conference on Latin American History. ---------------------------------------------------- Support Rev Left and get access to bonus episodes: www.patreon.com/revleftradio Make a one-time donation to Rev Left at BuyMeACoffee.com/revleftradio Follow, Subscribe, & Learn more about Rev Left Radio HERE Outro Beat Prod. by flip da hood

Dimanche 13 avril, le président-candidat à sa réélection Daniel Noboa affronte Luisa Gonzalez, candidate du parti de gauche Revolucion Ciudadana. L'Équateur, qui était l'an dernier le deuxième pays le plus violent d'Amérique du Sud, a vu de nouveau la violence flamber en début d'année. Le tout, sur fond de crise économique. D'un côté, le président sortant Daniel Noboa, au pouvoir depuis un an et demi, terminant le mandat de son prédécesseur. De l'autre, la candidate de gauche Luisa Gonzalez, héritière du parti de l'ancien dirigeant Rafael Correa.« Daniel Noboa, fils d'un milliardaire, a resserré les liens avec les États-Unis depuis son élection. Il a tout pour plaire à Donald Trump et vient d'inviter Erik Prince, le fondateur de la sulfureuse compagnie américaine de sécurité Blackwater, pour aider à la lutte contre les cartels. Le président sortant veut notamment réformer la Constitution pour que puissent revenir les bases militaires étrangères », résume notre correspondant en Équateur, Eric Samson. « En cas d'élection de Luisa González, l'Équateur devrait effectuer un retour à gauche vers une posture socialiste et anti-impérialiste. La candidate a déjà indiqué qu'elle reconnaîtrait le régime de Nicolas Maduro au Venezuela », précise notre reporter. À lire aussiÉlections en Équateur: des scrutins sous le signe de la violencePérou : manifestation des transporteurs contre l'extorsionHier, à Lima, les chauffeurs de bus ont protesté et demandé aux autorités de mieux les protéger contre les extorsions et violences de plus en plus fréquentes de la part des groupes criminels. Reportage de notre correspondant Martin Chabal. Haïti : Clarens Siffroy, lauréat du prestigieux World Press Photo pour l'Amérique du NordIl est de plus en plus difficile de raconter le quotidien d'Haïti. Les journalistes sont pris pour cible, attaqués par les gangs, mais certains parviennent à continuer d'informer. Le photojournaliste de l'Agence France Presse, Clarens Siffroy, témoigne à notre micro depuis Haïti : « Ce prix me donne l'opportunité de faire connaître la réalité de mon pays à travers le monde. »En République dominicaine, le bilan grimpe à 221 morts après l'effondrement du toit d'une boite de nuitCertaines personnes sont toujours portées disparues et les secours ont annoncé mettre fin aux recherches. Ce jeudi, les proches et fans du chanteur Rubby Perez, mort alors qu'il se produisait dans la boite de nuit, se sont réunis pour lui rendre hommage lors de ses funérailles.Le président a décidé hier de prolonger le deuil national de trois jours, jusqu'à dimanche, et le drame fait toujours la Une de la presse. Un « émouvant hommage » entre « larmes et musique » titre le Nuevo Diario. « Rubby Perez n'était pas qu'un symbole du merengue dominicain, c'était aussi un homme aimé, à la voix puissante, qui remplissait les scènes et le cœur », conclut le journal.Du côté du Diario Libre, « des hypothèses émergent » sur les raisons du drame. Le Nuevo Diario s'inquiète : et si le prochain effondrement concernait le pont de la 17, emprunté par 80 000 voitures par jour et dont plusieurs rapports pointent le délabrement ?À lire aussiLa République dominicaine met fin aux recherches de survivants de l'effondrement du toit d'une discothèqueHaïti : l'initiative de la France sur la double dette haïtienneCette somme considérable, 150 millions de francs de l'époque, exigée par l'ancien pays colonisateur, la France, en échange d'une reconnaissance de la jeune république d'Haïti.Le président français Emmanuel Macron fera des annonces jeudi 17 avril. 200 ans plus tôt, la France « extorquait une rançon à Haïti pour dédommager les propriétaires d'esclaves de la colonie de Saint-Domingue », écrit l'éditorialiste Frantz Duval.Depuis 2004, tous les présidents haïtiens avaient éludé la question, pour ne pas froisser la France, en espoir d'un soutien, explique Le Nouvelliste, qui rappelle que la crise traversée par le pays et les changements politiques en France ont réduit au minimum le soutien français.« Entre Haïti et la France, les promesses ne se transforment pas toujours en projet et les projets ne sont pas toujours menés à terme », prévient l'éditorialiste. Avant de conclure : « Pour le moment, plus que des milliards ou des promesses, le pays a besoin d'un coup de pouce sécuritaire. La France peut-elle s'occuper de cela ? »

Affaire MIC–Appavoo Hotels : Renganaden Padayachy reste en détention. L'ancien ministre des Finances sera de retour en cour le lundi 14 avril, une accusation provisoire de fraude par abus de position a été retenue contre lui. Et Harvesh Seegolam libéré sous caution dans la même affaire. Son avocat, Me Roshi Bhadain affirme que son client a livré tous les éléments en sa possession Affaire Ibrahim Patel : la FCC poursuit l'enquête, les devises saisies seront versées dans un compte appartenant à l'organisme Sécurité en ligne : Arianne Navarre-Marie tire la sonnette d'alarme sur un trafic de photos compromettantes sur Telegram E-commerce : de nouvelles lois bientôt en vigueur pour mieux encadrer le commerce en ligne, annonce le ministre Michael Sik Yuen À Rodrigues : Hausse du budget pour soutenir les projets essentiels, mais l'opposition reste vigilante A l'étranger : En République dominicaine : l'effondrement d'une discothèque à Saint-Domingue fait désormais 218 morts

1803… April… May… June… Three months in which war once again breaks out between Britain and France… American negotiators worrying about Louisiana's future get an unexpected offer from the First Consul… And on Saint-Domingue, General Jean-Jacques Dessalines unifies resistance to the struggling French expedition.This is episode 46 of the Napoleonic Quarterly - covering three months which sees the beginning of what will become known as the Napoleonic Wars.[04:25] - Headline developments[16:25] - Graeme Callister on the resumption of war between Britain and France[39:40] - Peter Kastor on the Louisiana Purchase[1:01:20] - Marlene Daut on the Arcahaie Agreement, the anti-French slide and progress towards Haitian independence on Saint-Domingue

En Haïti, le blocage des routes par des gangs a des conséquences désastreuses. Exemple : la route Kajak, l'une des pistes les plus dangereuses du pays reliant Port-au-Prince à la côte du département du Sud-Est, est sous l'emprise des gangs depuis plusieurs semaines. Nous en parlons avec Winthrop Attié, le directeur de la Fondation Seguin, il travaille pour la préservation du Parc national La Visite. Ce tronçon impraticable empêche la population et les marchandises de circuler. C'est une stratégie voulue par les gangs. Selon Winthrop Attié, les gangs ne veulent pas que des provisions alimentaires arrivent à Port-au-Prince, ils encerclent la capitale et empêchent que les paysans puissent y vendre leurs produits. « Toute notre infrastructure est détruite, et la communauté internationale nous regarde en train de mourir », explique le directeur de la Fondation Seguin en Haïti.Les gangs poursuivent aussi leur offensive à Mirebalais. Le centre-ville est devenu le théâtre d'affrontements intenses entre les groupes armés et les forces de sécurité. Ces attaques plongent la population dans la panique et paralysent le fonctionnement des hôpitaux comme l'hôpital universitaire de Mirebalais. Guy-Thierry Nyam, directeur des opérations de l'hôpital, explique : « Tout approvisionnement en médicaments est interrompu. Si cet hôpital cesse de fonctionner, c'est l'effondrement total du système sanitaire actuel. »Selon Le Nouvelliste, les gangs qui opèrent dans la capitale ont changé de stratégie : ils privilégient désormais les attaques nocturnes, ils agissent plus discrètement pour éviter d'attirer l'attention. Leur méthode : creuser des passages entre les murs et les clôtures pour circuler de maison en maison sans emprunter la voie publique. Il y a deux jours, des assaillants ont saccagé et incendié les locaux de la coopérative Fonkoze, avant de s'introduire dans la cour du presbytère de la paroisse Notre-Dame du Sacré-Cœur de Turgeau. Grâce à l'intervention d'un prêtre, qui a eu le réflexe de sonner la cloche de l'église, les agresseurs ont pris la fuite, écrit Le Nouvelliste.40 000 enfants haïtiens ont fui les violences depuis janvier 2025Le journal en ligne Alterpresse reprend aussi le communiqué de l'ONG Save the Children qui s'inquiète de la situation des enfants en Haïti. D'après l'organisation, plus 40 000 enfants ont dû fuir leur domicile à cause de la violence croissante des gangs. Un enfant sur quatre vit désormais dans des zones où l'accès à l'aide humanitaire est très limité.La star du merengue Rubby Perez meurt dans l'effondrement d'une discothèque à Saint-Domingue La République dominicaine frappée par un drame qui fait la Une des médias nationaux : l'effondrement de la boite de nuit Jet Set à Saint-Domingue hier, mardi 8 avril 2025. Le bilan humain ne cesse de s'alourdir, on compte au moins 113 morts. Les sauveteurs continuent de fouiller ce mercredi les décombres du Jet Set, mais plus de vingt-quatre heures après l'accident, l'un des plus meurtriers de l'histoire de la République dominicaine, il y a peu d'espoir de retrouver des personnes vivantes. « Saint-Domingue est plongé dans le deuil », selon le journal Listin qui décrit des scènes de douleur et de solidarité autour de l'Institut national de médecine légale. Familles et amis des victimes s'y assemblent dans l'angoisse d'obtenir des nouvelles. Cette angoisse concernait aussi la famille de la star du merengue, Rubby Perez, dont la mort a été finalement confirmée par les autorités. Tous les journaux publient un portrait de cette star de la musique caribéenne, surnommée « la voix la plus aiguë du merengue ». Il donnait un concert dans la discothèque lorsque le toit s'est effondré. « Rubby Pérez est mort en faisant ce qu'il faisait le mieux : chanter », écrit Diario Libre. Selon sa fille Zulinka Perez, c'est parce que son père s'est mis à chanter alors qu'il était coincé sous les décombres que les sauveteurs ont pu le retrouver. Le président dominicain Luis Abinader s'était rendu sur place, hier, a décrété trois jours de deuil national.À lire aussiRépublique dominicaine: un bilan de 124 morts dans l'effondrement du toit d'une discothèque à Saint-DomingueDonald Trump, le président disruptifLe New York Times dresse un constat sévère de la méthode Trump. Dans un article intitulé An Experiment in Recklessness : Trump as Global Disrupter, le quotidien américain décrit une présidence marquée par le goût du choc, quitte à en assumer les conséquences plus tard – quand il y a un plan, ce qui n'est pas toujours le cas. Exemple frappant : les droits de douane dits « réciproques » imposés par Donald Trump, qui ont précipité un plongeon des marchés et déclenché des représailles étrangères. Des mesures dont la Maison Blanche savait qu'elles provoqueraient une onde de choc… sans pour autant avoir anticipé les effets secondaires.De son côté, le mensuel The Atlantic décrit comment la foi quasi religieuse des partisans de Donald Trump est confrontée à un test de réalité : les effets catastrophiques de ses décisions économiques.Le magazine rappelle notamment cette déclaration d'un représentant républicain, en novembre dernier : « Si Donald Trump dit que les droits de douane fonctionnent, alors ils fonctionnent. Point. Parce que Donald Trump ne se trompe jamais. » Un dogme qui n'est pas sans rappeler, ironise The Atlantic, la célèbre formule de La ferme des animaux : « Camarade Napoléon a toujours raison. »Mais tous ne sont pas aussi stoïques. The Atlantic cite l'exemple du financier pro-Trump Bill Ackman, qui a reconnu sur X avoir été surpris par l'ampleur de la crise : « Je pensais que la rationalité économique primerait mon erreur. »Les prisonniers politiques étrangers au Venezuela Ils sont actuellement 901 prisonniers politiques au Venezuela, selon l'ONG Foro Penal. Parmi eux, 66 étrangers, ce qui leur donne un statut particulier, ils sont précieux, notamment pour les autorités de leur pays d'origine, mais également pour le gouvernement vénézuélien, qui peut les « échanger ». Six prisonniers américains ont notamment été libérés le 31 janvier, après des discussions entre Caracas et Washington. Actuellement, un Français, Lucas Hunter, est détenu au Venezuela. Sa famille est très mobilisée, nous explique notre correspondante à Caracas, Alice Campaignolle.Journal de la 1ère Comment accompagner nos ainés ?

Professor Charles Forsdick tells the story of Toussaint Louverture, who led Haiti's successful and highly adaptive slave revolt against the 18th century's great powers.   Toussaint Loverture was a force of nature. A former slave, he led the revolt in Saint Domingue between 1791– 1802 that resulted in Haitian independence. As a self-taught military commander, he was ever present in the fight, adapting his tactics, employing psychological warfare techniques and harnessing the island's tropical diseases to degrade the French occupying forces. A man of contradictions, he was variously a Spanish monarchist and a French republican who played the great powers of Britain, France, Spain and the United States to secure the space and resources for his revolution to succeed.   Despite leading one of the only successful slave revolts in history, he was less successful as a ruler, where the traits that made him such a great military leader, isolated him from his people. Internal divisions within the revolutionary army led to his capture by Napoleon's forces and death in captivity in France a few months before Haiti achieved full independence in 1803. For this reason, the Haitian's know him as ‘the Precursor' and reserve the title, ‘Liberator', for one of his lieutenants, Dessalines.   Professor Charles Forsdick is the Drapers Chair of French at the University of Cambridge. He writes extensively about post-colonial memory in Francophone countries, and is the co-author of Toussaint Louverture, A Black Jacobin in the Age of Revolution, with Christian Høgsbjerg published by Pluto Press in 2017.

Slave, revolutionary, king, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to end slavery. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe began fighting with Napoleon's forces against the formerly enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had abandoned, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. But why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? And what caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north and the other led by President Pétion in the south? To look at this story, we are joined by Marlene Daut, author of “The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe,” exploring the-still controversial enigma that he was.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dans cet épisode, nous vous emmenons en République Dominicaine.Séduisante par ses plages paradisiaques, ses eaux turquoise, sa nature luxuriante et sa population accueillante et chaleureuse, la République Dominicaine est une destination idéale entre détente, culture et exploration.1 semaine en République DominicaineSaint-DomingueSi vous décidez de [voyager 1 semaine en République Dominicaine: https://www.selectour.com/rep-dominicaine/sejour], nous vous conseillons de débuter par la ville et capitale incontournable de la République Dominicaine, Saint-Domingue. Partez à la visite du cœur historique de la ville, de la cathédrale Primada de América, du musée des Casas Reales, de la forteresse d'Ozama, du jardin botanique, du parc national de Los Tres Ojos, de la Dune de Bani, et enfin du village de Bayaguana.Punta CanaSeconde étape de notre semaine en République Dominicaine, on met le cap durant quelques jours à Punta Cana.Ce ne sont pas uniquement des plages de sable blanc et d'eau turquoise, il y a aussi la réserve écologique de Indigenous Eyes, le safari à Monkeyland, la ville de Higüey dans la province de La Altagracia et la plage de Macao.SamanaDurant ce voyage d'une semaine en République Dominicaine, visitez la péninsule de Samana pour voir les plus belles cascades de l'île, dont la cascade El Limon. Vous pourrez aller dans le parc national de Los Haitises en bateau, voir les mangroves, les centaines d'oiseaux et les pitons rocheux.Puerto PlataContinuez votre séjour d'une semaine en République Dominicaine en passant par Puerto Plata, une destination beaucoup plus authentique où on trouvera de la végétation. Ce n'est pas que des plages. Vous pourrez y faire du kitesurf, visiter le fort de San Felipe, le phare de Fortaleza et aussi le village de pêcheurs de Rio San Juan.SaonaLe dernier lieu à découvrir si vous réalisez ce voyage en 1 semaine en République Dominicaine, c'est l'île de Saona, via une excursion souvent proposée au départ des hôtels avec le déjeuner sur le catamaran ou sur l'île. C'est une petite île avec des plages de sable blanc, de l'eau turquoise où on voit ses pieds. Vous pouvez aller voir les étoiles de mer, on a pied en plein milieu de l'eau et on aura la chance de pouvoir s'approcher des maisons typiques du village de Mano Juan où on retrouvera cette vie locale et cet artisanat.Pourquoi voyager en République Dominicaine ?Quand on pense à la République Dominicaine, on pense à faire du balnéaire, à se reposer, à se baigner, à profiter des plages de sable blanc et de l'eau cristalline. Pourtant, la République Dominicaine ce n'est pas que ça. C'est une destination qui a des richesses incroyables, avec ses parcs nationaux, ses cascades.Donc s'il y a un conseil à donner, faites 9 heures d'avion et partez visiter cette île magnifique qui n'attend que vous.Si vous souhaitez en savoir plus sur la destination et, pourquoi pas, préparer votre prochain [séjour en République Dominicaine: https://www.selectour.com/rep-dominicaine/sejour], n'hésitez pas à faire appel à nos [experts: https://www.selectour.com/agent/recherche?postalCode=&city=&favoriteDestination=DO&page=1] !À bientôt dans le cockpit !Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Le président américain Donald Trump poursuit sa politique de licenciements massifs au sein de l'administration fédérale. Exemple: le CDC, l'agence en charge de la prévention et du contrôle des maladies, où près de 10% des employés, dont 1 700 scientifiques, sont concernés par ces coupes budgétaires, menées sous la houlette d'Elon Musk et de son organisme pour l'efficacité budgétaire. Ces licenciements suscitent une vive opposition, comme l'a constaté notre correspondant Édouard Maille à Atlanta. De nombreux employés et élus démocrates sont descendus dans les rues de la capitale de la Géorgie pour dénoncer la brutalité et les dangers que ces purges représentent, selon eux, pour la santé publique.Parmi les manifestants à Atlanta, Ann Malarcher, analyste en santé récemment licenciée, exprime son désarroi face à des procédures chaotiques : accès informatique coupé immédiatement, instructions contradictoires pour restituer son matériel et absence totale de communication. Ce climat de confusion est partagé par de nombreux employés. Selon l'élue démocrate Saira Draper, les victimes de cette purge redoutent désormais des représailles s'ils osent protester. Le manque de préparation et la suppression soudaine de postes compromettent des projets de recherche de plusieurs années ainsi que la gestion de données essentielles.Les experts en santé publique s'inquiètent des conséquences de ces licenciements sur la lutte contre les épidémies. Katrina Kretsinger, spécialiste des maladies infectieuses, cite l'épidémie de rougeole au Texas, où le manque de personnel et de ressources entrave la surveillance et le diagnostic. John Besser, ancien responsable du CDC, alerte sur la rupture des collaborations internationales, alors que les maladies ne connaissent pas de frontières. Cette restructuration s'inscrit dans une refonte plus large du ministère de la Santé, désormais dirigé par R.F. Kennedy, connu pour ses positions anti-vaccins, en contradiction avec les recommandations des experts du CDC. Trois ans de guerre en Ukraine : quel avenir pour la relation entre Washington et Kiev ?Depuis trois ans, l'Ukraine fait face à la Russie dans une guerre de plus en plus difficile pour Kiev. L'usure du conflit, la perte de terrain et un bouleversement des relations avec son principal soutien militaire, les États-Unis, marquent cette période. L'arrivée de Donald Trump au pouvoir a chamboulé ces relations, comme l'explique Martin Quincez, directeur du German Marshall Fund à Paris et spécialiste de la politique étrangère américaine.Selon lui, la relation entre les États-Unis et l'Ukraine est en pleine mutation sous l'influence de Donald Trump, qui adopte une approche transactionnelle. Contrairement à Joe Biden, qui défendait la souveraineté ukrainienne face à la Russie, Trump estime que l'Ukraine fait partie de la sphère d'influence russe et veut négocier un accord où Kiev devrait rembourser une partie de l'aide américaine. Une logique qui rappelle du «racket», selon certains responsables ukrainiens. Donald Trump met la pression sur Volodymyr Zelensky, qu'il qualifie de «dictateur sans élection», cherchant ainsi à forcer un cessez-le-feu favorable aux intérêts américains et russes. Pourtant, les livraisons d'armes américaines se poursuivent, car elles restent un levier stratégique dans ces négociations.Parallèlement, l'administration Trump pourrait redéfinir profondément les alliances internationales des États-Unis. L'Europe tente de compenser un éventuel désengagement américain en renforçant son soutien militaire et économique à Kiev pour éviter une capitulation face à Moscou. Mais Donald Trump, en repensant les relations transatlantiques sous un prisme purement mercantile, remet en cause le fonctionnement de l'OTAN et exige un retour sur investissement de la part des alliés européens. Cette vision pourrait durablement transformer l'ordre international en instaurant des relations basées sur des échanges financiers plutôt que sur des principes de défense commune.Haïti : Un policier kényan de la MMAS tué lors d'une patrouilleHaïti a connu un nouveau week-end de violences marqué par des attaques de gangs contre des civils et les forces de l'ordre. Parmi les victimes, des brigadiers haïtiens et un policier kényan de la Mission multinationale de soutien à la sécurité (MMAS), blessé par balle lors d'une patrouille dans l'Artibonite avant de succomber à ses blessures. Il s'agit du premier décès au sein de cette mission déployée depuis six mois, qui peine à stabiliser la situation sécuritaire. Malgré la présence de 1 000 policiers étrangers, majoritairement kenyans, la violence des gangs ne cesse d'augmenter.Face à cette situation, la République dominicaine a décidé de renforcer la surveillance à sa frontière avec Haïti. Le gouvernement de Saint-Domingue, qui place la lutte contre l'immigration clandestine au cœur de ses priorités, demande également un financement accru pour la MMAS. Pendant ce temps, les gangs poursuivent leur progression, rendant la capitale toujours plus instable et menaçant davantage la mission internationale.Journal de la 1èreEn Martinique, le protocole contre la vie chère signé en octobre 2024 poursuit son chemin.

The Author Events Series presents Marlene Daut | The First and Last King of Haiti  REGISTER In Conversation with Grace Sanders Johnson Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe--after nine years of his rule as King Henry I--shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. She teaches courses in anglophone, francophone Caribbean, African American, and French Colonial and historical studies.  Grace L. Sanders Johnson is a historian, visual artist, and associate professor of Africana Studies at the University of Pennsylvania.  Her areas of study include modern Caribbean history, transnational feminisms, oral history, and environmental humanities.  Her most recent work can be found in several journals including Her most recent work can be found in several journals including Palimpsest: A Journal on Women, Gender, and the Black International (2024), Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism (2023), Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism (2022), American Anthropologist (2022), and Caribbean Review of Gender Studies (2018). Sanders Johnson is the author of White Gloves, Black Nation: Women, Citizenship, and Political Wayfaring in Haiti (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) which won the 2023 Haitian Studies Association Best Book Award, and honorable mention for the 2024 Mary Nickliss Prize in U.S. Women's and/or Gender History from the Organization of American Historians; White Gloves, Black Nation is also one of the top 5 finalist for the 2024 African American Intellectual History Pauli Murray Book Prize and Choice Journal's 2024 list of Outstanding Academic Titles. The 2024/25 Author Events Series is presented by Comcast. Because you love Author Events, please make a donation when you register for this event to ensure that this series continues to inspire Philadelphians. Books will be available for purchase at the library on event night! All tickets are non-refundable. (recorded 2/13/2025)

Gotson Pierre, directeur de l'agence Alterpresse, revient sur ce nouveau carnage, qui a eu lieu ce dimanche. La plupart des victimes ont été sommairement tuées dans la rue, pour se venger du lynchage du père d'un membre du gang. Une mère a perdu quatre enfants et plusieurs familles ont fui le quartier jouxtant l'Académie de police. La tension reste palpable sur place. L'académie de police est depuis quelques mois une base opérationnelle avancée de la mission multinationale d'appui à la police. Mais la police ne parvient pas à éradiquer les activités criminelles aux portes mêmes de l'établissement.À lire aussi dans Alterpresse, une tribune signée de l'association des professeurs de l'Université d'État d'Haïti qui s'indignent du meurtre d'un étudiant en pleine salle de classe la semaine dernière.La République dominicaine va allonger le mur qui la sépare d'HaïtiLa République dominicaine a annoncé ce lundi 17 février un allongement d'une dizaine de kilomètres du mur qui la sépare d'Haïti, portant à 176 kilomètres la longueur prévue de cette barrière destinée à endiguer l'immigration.Saint-Domingue avait déjà fait construire un tronçon de 34 kilomètres. Le président Luis Abinader a annoncé un « appel d'offre » pour une extension « de 10 à 12 kilomètres ».Depuis octobre 2024, le gouvernement mène un plan d'expulsion à grande échelle des migrants haïtiens en situation irrégulière, avec 142 378 d'entre eux chassés en quatre mois, d'après la Direction générale des migrations (DGM).Politique anti-migration de Trump : reportage avec l'unité spéciale BorStar au TexasNotre envoyé spécial au Texas David Thomson a pu suivre une opération des unités d'élite de la police américaine déployées à la frontière avec le Mexique. Entre deux arrestations, les officiers estiment que l'immigration vers les États-Unis, qu'ils qualifient d'hémorragie, s'est « un peu arrêtée, mais pas totalement ». Ils disent que grâce à Trump, ils peuvent « reprendre le contrôle sur leur pays ». D'un autre côté, le Washington Post tient un tout autre discours. La période est très calme, selon le journal, avec moins de 50 arrestations par jour entre le secteur texan de Del Rio et la ville voisine d'Eagle Pass, alors qu'en 2023 on en comptait 5 000 par jour. Donald Trump a pourtant déployé 3 600 militaires pour venir prêter main forte à la police des frontières. Le maire de Del Rio dit ne pas savoir quel est l'objectif exact de leur mission. Depuis l'arrivée de Trump, entre les soldats déployés côté américain et côté mexicain, « il y a un militaire en poste pour chaque migrant qui tente de traverser ». Dans le comté voisin de Kinney, le shérif dit qu'il n'a jamais vu une période aussi calme, il n'y a pas eu une seule arrestation en 40 jours, et ses hommes ont repris leur train-train, « aller chercher les chats dans les arbres ou aider les vieilles dames à traverser, c'est le calme avant la tempête », dit-il. Le Washington Post estime qu'il y a actuellement 300 000 personnes qui attendent au Mexique de voir comment la politique antimigratoire de Trump va évoluer, et le calme actuel ne pourrait bien être que temporaire.Licenciements dans l'administration fédérale américaine : « une insulte qui s'ajoute au préjudice subi »USA Today s'est procuré les lettres de licenciements de 10 salariés de l'administration fédérale sur les milliers de personnes licenciés juste avant le long week-end du 15 février, des lettres envoyées plus souvent par mail. Elles mentionnent presque toutes des problèmes liés à la performance des employés alors que ceux-ci n'ont jamais eu de remontrances, ce qui ajoute « l'insulte au préjudice », dit le journal. Certains ont peur de ne pouvoir toucher le chômage, voire même de ne pouvoir retrouver du travail.USA Today publie aussi les photos de rassemblements à travers tout le pays contre ces coupes budgétaires, initiés par la commission de l'efficacité gouvernementale dirigé par Elon Musk. Le milliardaire est vu comme le bras armé de Donald Trump. Même le chef de la diplomatie Marco Rubio n'est plus qu'un pantin dans les mains du président, estime le journal Politico, et le « guide de survie du secrétaire d'État est en panne », devant un Elon Musk dont l'influence grandit jusque dans les sphères de la diplomatie américaine.Les appels à la démission du maire de New York se multiplientLe maire de New-York est sous la pression de son camp après que l'administration Trump a demandé à la justice d'abandonner les poursuites dont il fait l'objet dans une affaire de corruption. Le New York Times dans son éditorial revient sur l'incroyable arrangement entre Donald Trump et les avocats d'Eric Adams pour empêcher le Maire de New York de tomber. Le journal publie la photo d'un Donald Trump inquiétant sur fond noir, avec une main qui exhibe un gant en cuir. Il ressemble à un parrain de la pègre. Le président américain défi la justice, estime le journal, mais il a devant lui des hommes et des femmes « courageux et de vrais patriotes » estime le New-York Times.Bitcoin, le pari raté du président SalvadorienLe bitcoin n'a jamais été utilisé par la majorité des Salvadoriens et n'a aujourd'hui plus cours légal dans le pays. Un pari raté pour le présidentNayib Bukele, qui avait fait du pays le premier à adopter officiellement le bitcoin en 2021. Mais aussi le premier à mettre fin à la reconnaissance de cette cryptomonnaie.Pour Stéphane Genest, du service économie de RFI, ce que le président Bukele considérait comme une opération de modernisation du Salvador, n'a pas marché comme il l'avait envisagé. Pourtant, le gouvernement a beaucoup investi, entre 200 et 400 millions de dollars, en créant notamment une mesure incitative pour adopter le bitcoin.Colombie : l'ELN déclare une « grève armée » dans le nord-ouest du paysEn Colombie, pas de transports publics, pas d'approvisionnement des magasins, pas d'écoles à partir de ce mardi 18 février. L'ELN, l'armée de libération nationale, groupe armé colombien, a déclaré une « grève armée » dans le département de Chocó, au nord-ouest du pays.Les autorités locales appellent le président colombien, Gustavo Petro, à agir. Celui-ci avait promis la « paix totale » avec les groupes armés lors de sa campagne en 2022.Francisco Daza, coordinateur de la Fondation Paix et Réconciliation, joint par Carlos Pizarro de la rédaction en espagnol de RFI estime que le gouvernement est coincé entre deux positions contradictoires.Canada : le décès de la romancière et dramaturge canadienne Antonine Maillet, une « grande voix de l'Acadie »Antonine Maillet était aussi la première non-Européenne à recevoir le prix Goncourt, elle avait été promue commandeur de la Légion d'honneur. « Je suis d'autant plus heureuse de cette promotion que je suis Acadienne, et non pas seulement Canadienne, et il fallait continuellement combattre pour garder notre langue française dans un environnement anglophone », réagissait-elle en 2021 au micro de Marie Normand.La presse canadienne rend un hommage vibrant à cette grande dame qui a popularisé à l'extérieur duCanada l'histoire et la culture des Acadiens. Les réactions à la mort d'Antonine Maillet sont à la mesure de la perte que représente celle de cette immense autrice, témoignele Devoir. « On se souviendra longtemps des monologues songés de son personnage le plus connu 'La Sagouine' avec son bel accent acadien », a écrit le premier ministre du Québec, cité par le journal. Elle « a fait résonner l'Acadie et la francophonie canadienne aux quatre coins de la planète » estime le chef intérimaire du Parti libéral du Québec.La presse parle d'une « conteuse extraordinaire qui n'a jamais perdu la flamme de l'écriture ». Son éditeur se souvient de la dernière phrase qu'il a lu d'elle : « “La vie est juste en face.” Et quand il lui demande ce qu'elle veut dire par là, elle répondra : “Ma vraie vie commence.” ».

La rumeur enfle depuis plusieurs jours : les groupes armés de la coalition Vivre Ensemble se prépareraient à fondre sur Pétion-Ville, banlieue cossue de Port-au-Prince qui abrite le siège du gouvernement, les ambassades et les organisations internationales. C'est un jour-clé, parce qu'en Haïti, cette date du 7 février renvoie à la chute de la dictature des Duvalier en 1986, poussés dehors par une insurrection populaire. Les gangs chercheraient à surfer sur ce symbole de l'histoire haïtienne et le Conseil présidentiel de transition à placer la capitale en état d'alerte maximale pour les trois prochains jours.Les Haïtiens entrevoient malgré tout une lueur d'espoir, car l'administration Trump a levé les doutes et affirmé qu'elle soutiendrait bel et bien la Mission multinationale d'appui à la sécurité (MMAS). Au terme d'une importante visite hier (6 février 2025) en République dominicaine, le nouveau patron de la diplomatie américaine, Marco Rubio, a promis que les États-Unis ne quitteraient pas le navire : « La solution pour Haïti est aux mains d'Haïti, de son peuple, de ses élites. Mais nous allons les aider. Nous allons participer parce que nous ne pouvons pas ignorer les problèmes actuels. Le futur du pays doit être aux mains des Haïtiens. Malheureusement, aujourd'hui une grande partie du territoire est contrôlée par des gangs armés. Il faut faire face à ce danger. Le premier objectif est donc de pacifier cette situation. Et la seule option, c'est la mission qui existe. Nous allons continuer à la soutenir. Mais le cadre de cette mission doit être élargi pour pouvoir éliminer ces gangs. »En substance, c'est aussi le discours de Luis Abinader à la sortie de son tête-à-tête à Saint-Domingue avec Marco Rubio. On connaît la rhétorique au vitriol du président dominicain au sujet d'Haïti et les tensions politiques et migratoires entre les deux pays. Abinader estime depuis toujours que la crise sécuritaire haïtienne menace les Dominicains, et il s'est plaint hier que trop de gouvernements étrangers restent spectateurs du carnage : « Il n'y a pas de temps à perdre. La situation d'Haïti est une menace pour la sécurité de toute la région, et pour les États-Unis. Chaque jour, le pays est confronté à la barbarie. Haïti se noie. Et pendant ce temps-là, une partie de la communauté internationale observe la gravité de la situation depuis le rivage. Nous savons tous les deux que nos pays ne peuvent pas fuir la responsabilité de faire face à cette situation avec une grande détermination. Dans le cas d'Haïti, la participation des États-Unis est essentielle et irremplaçable ».Coïncidence : pendant qu'Abinader et Rubio échangeaient à Saint-Domingue, la MMAS accueillait à Port-au-Prince un nouveau contingent de policiers kenyans. 144 agents sont arrivés hier, dont 24 femmes, les premières policières kenyanes à être déployées en Haïti. La MMAS compte désormais environ un millier de membres. Elle récupère aussi trois hélicoptères militaires en provenance du Salvador, qui ont été livrés hier et qui vont servir à l'évacuation des blessés. Le Fort Saint-Joseph, incarnation d'un patrimoine haïtien en déshérence Notre consœur du média d'investigation en ligne Ayibopost, Lucnise Duquereste, signe un article consacré au Fort Saint-Joseph, qui surplombe la baie du Cap Haïtien, un symbole de la lutte et de la résistance face aux colons français. L'édifice, construit par la France entre 1748 et 1774, « a été repris par les esclaves pendant la période révolutionnaire […] avant de tomber définitivement sous le contrôle de l'armée indigène en 1803, après la bataille de Vertières », rappelle-t-elle.Ce bâtiment, pourtant classé au Patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 20 ans, se dégrade faute d'entretien et les travaux de restauration entamés en 2022 ont été interrompus par manque de moyens. L'Institut de Sauvegarde du Patrimoine National (ISPAN) ne peut intervenir, déplore son directeur général, Patrick Durandisse, qui souligne les contraintes financières et les obstacles logistiques liés à l'insécurité croissante. « Nous comptons aujourd'hui 176 sites et fortifications historiques en danger, voire en péril », alerte le responsable.Si aucune mesure n'est prise pour assurer la sauvegarde de parc national historique, comprenant la Citadelle Laferrière, le Palais Sans-Souci et le Palais des Ramiers, il risque le déclassement de la liste des patrimoines de l'humanité de l'UNESCO. Le canal de Panama mis en péril par la sécheresse et le changement climatiqueLe canal, qui permet de relier les océans Atlantique et Pacifique sans avoir à contourner le continent par le Sud, représente la première source de revenus du Panama. Il repose sur un système de grandes écluses qui nécessitent d'énormes quantités d'eau douce. Chaque transit consomme environ 200 millions de litres d'eau, en grande partie rejetés dans la mer. Pour l'alimenter, deux réservoirs artificiels : le lac Gatún et le lac Alajuela, qui se nourrissent des précipitations et assurent non seulement le fonctionnement des écluses, mais aussi l'approvisionnement en eau potable des riverains.En 2023, le phénomène météorologique El Niño a provoqué une sécheresse historique et sévère des bassins versants, ces zones qui collectent les eaux pluviales de ruissellement et qui garantissent l'approvisionnement en eau du canal. Le niveau d'eau s'établissait à 1,80 mètre sous la normale, causant ainsi un ralentissement du commerce maritime international et des embouteillages de cargos.Ces dérèglements se multiplient sous l'effet du réchauffement climatique. Résultat, l'Autorité du canal plafonne le nombre de navires autorisés à traverser, ce qui représente une grosse perte en matière de chiffre d'affaires et entraîne d'importantes conséquences environnementales.Pour y remédier, le gouvernement panaméen envisage des solutions de court terme : obliger les compagnies à effectuer des réservations pour toute traversée, mettre en place une surveillance accrue des fuites d'eau, ou encore la technique du cross-filing, qui consiste à réutiliser l'eau d'une chambre à l'autre par un système de remplissage croisé, sauvant l'équivalent de la consommation de six transits journaliers (sur une trentaine en moyenne.À long terme, on parle aussi du projet de barrage Rio Indio, estimé à près d'1,6 milliard de dollars, 840 mètres de long et 80,5 mètres de haut. Il s'agit d'endiguer la rivière Indio toute proche et de relier ce nouveau réservoir au lac Gatún qui alimente le canal en eau, grâce à un tunnel de 8 kilomètre à creuser dans la montagne.Le président panaméen y semble favorable, mais la population locale rechigne et les experts sont dubitatifs, car ce projet implique des sacrifices. Les vallées fluviales d'El Zaino et de La Arenosa, riches en biodiversité et habitées par des communautés agricoles, seraient submergées. Près de 2 260 personnes devraient être relogées, et 2 000 autres seraient partiellement affectées. Le gouvernement a promis un budget de 400 millions de dollars pour indemniser les familles et les relocaliser, mais la méfiance est palpable.Une chose est sûre, la dégradation environnementale des bassins versants du Canal du Panama entraîne un ralentissement de l'activité économique déjà fragile du pays – une tendance mondiale, qui rappelle la permanence de l'enjeu de l'eau.Dossier signé Chloé Balta, à réécouter dans son intégralité dans l'édition du jour. Russell Vought, une nomination polémique validée par le Sénat américainIl vient d'être confirmé à la tête d'une agence stratégique : le Bureau américain du budget. Les Démocrates ont tout fait pour saboter le processus, mais ils n'avaient pas les voix. Par 53 votes contre 47, cet idéologue conservateur revient dans le fauteuil qu'il occupait pendant le premier mandat Trump. Pourquoi tant de haine ? Parce que Russell Vought, c'est un partisan de terre brûlée, co-auteur du « Projet 2025 », un catalogue de mesures ultra-libérales et réactionnaires censé servir de référence au Parti républicain. Le New York Times rappelle l'un de ses discours à propos des fonctionnaires fédéraux, en 2023. « Nous voulons, disait-il, traumatiser les bureaucrates. Ce que nous voulons, lorsqu'ils se lèvent le matin, c'est qu'ils n'aient pas envie d'aller travailler parce qu'ils sentent qu'ils sont devenus des pestiférés ». Avec Russell Vought, on s'attend à un énorme plan d'économies, dont la revue Forbes liste les priorités : tailler dans les programmes d'éducation civique, réduire le périmètre du ministère du logement, dépouiller l'assurance-maladie pour les plus démunis et s'en prendre à l'Agence de protection de l'environnement. C'est aussi un défenseur acharné de la fonction présidentielle, qui doit, selon lui, pouvoir passer outre certaines lois votées par le Congrès américain. L'actualité des Outre-mer avec nos confrères de la 1èreRodrigue Petitot, le leader du RPPRAC (Rassemblement pour la protection des peuples et des ressources afro-caribéens) dénonce une nouvelle fois les accords signés en octobre 2024 et réclame un nouveau protocole contre la vie chère en Martinique.

1802. October, November, December… Three months in which the full brutality of the French approach on Haiti becomes abundantly clear… Potential threats to British control of India are worrying Richard Wellesley… And in the wastes of Afghanistan a weakened empire is creating an opportunity for Richard Wellesley to exploit. This is episode 44 of the Napoleonic Quarterly - covering three months in which conflict beyond Europe sets the tone for the years to come. [06:49] - Headline developments [32:00] - Marlene Daut on Saint-Domingue strife as key black generals turn against the brutality of the French [52:20] - Josh Provan on Afghanistan's ailing Durrani Empire [1:12:40] - Ravindra Rathee on the Treaty of Bassein between the British East India Company and the Maratha Confederacy's Peshwa Baji Rao II

In this episode, Marlene L. Daut (Yale University) and Grégory Pierrot (UConn-Stamford) revisit Ridley Scott's big-budget 2023 biopic, Napoleon, out of Apple Studios. The film's writers promised to tell the story of France's first emperor, Napoléon Bonaparte, in a novel way. Designed to focus on his relationship with his wife Joséphine de Beauharnais, the film instead harnessed much of its energy on rehearsing Bonaparte's well-known wins and losses at the Battles of Toulon, Austerlitz, Wagram, the Russian campaign and Waterloo. But there were important battles in Napoléon's life that viewers did not get to witness—namely, those Bonaparte ordered across the Atlantic in France's Caribbean colonies in Saint-Domingue (today Haiti) and Guadeloupe. With this conversation, Daut and Pierrot hope to engage the public in one of the most relevant conversations of our time: how to teach histories of slavery, racism, and colonialism in both national and international contexts. Post-production support by Genevieve Johnson-Smith (Newcastle University). Full transcript available at https://bit.ly/S08E05Transcript.

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by sharing episodes. Join us to learn from experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 240+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/academic-life

Henry Christophe was born to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, and fought to overthrow the British in North America before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue—as Haiti was then called—to end slavery. He rose to power and became their king. In his time, he was popular and famous the world over. So how did he become an enigma? In The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe, Dr. Marlene L. Daut reclaims the life story of this controversial revolutionary and only king of Haiti, drawing from a trove of previously overlooked sources to paint a captivating history of his life and the awe-inspiring kingdom he built. Peeling back the layers of myth and misconception reveals a man driven by both noble ideals and profound flaws, as unforgettable as he is enigmatic. More than just a biography, The First and Last King of Haiti is an exploration of power, ambition, and the human spirit. From his pivotal role in the Haitian Revolution to his coronation as king and eventual demise, this book is testament to the enduring allure of those who dare to defy the odds and shape the course of nations. The First and Last King of Haiti is a story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, euniteng with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Our guest is: Dr. Marlene Daut, who is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Her books include Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism; Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789–1865; Awakening the Ashes: An Intellectual History of the Haitian Revolution; and The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe. She is co-editor of the Haitian Revolutionary Fictions: An Anthology, and her articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, The Nation, Essence Magazine, Harper's Bazaar, The Conversation, New Literary History, Nineteenth-Century Literature, and Comparative Literature, among others. She is the co-creator and co-editor of H-Net Commons' digital platform, H-Haiti. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the creator and producer of the Academic Life podcast. Listeners might also enjoy: We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance Never Caught, with Dr. Erica Armstrong Dunbar Selling Anti-Slavery Running From Bondage Leading from the Margins Shoutin in the Fire Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/french-studies

L'ancienne Hispaniola, aujourd'hui Haïti et Saint-Domingue, conquise en 1492 par les Espagnols qui ont décimé les populations amérindiennes, a vu affluer dès le XVIe siècle des milliers d'esclaves du continent africain, soumis à de terribles souffrances, qui ont apporté avec eux une diversité de cultures, de langues, de croyances et de religions, dont le vaudou présent en Afrique de l'Ouest, notamment dans l'ancien royaume du Dahomey, aujourd'hui le Bénin. (Rediffusion) Le vaudou haïtien, à la fois culture, religion et identité, est devenu le socle de l'émancipation des Haïtiens, devenus indépendants en 1804, et reste aujourd'hui très présent, un refuge aussi dans les périodes les plus sombres.À l'occasion de l'exposition intitulée Zombis, la mort n'est pas une fin au Musée du quai Branly à Paris, nous nous plongeons dans les spécificités du vaudou haïtien, ses racines africaines, un syncrétisme fort de la religion catholique imposée par la force aux esclaves et les croyances ancestrales des populations autochtones, les Taïnos, les Caraïbes, les Arawaks que les esclaves en fuite, les Noirs-Marrons, ont côtoyés. Loin des mythes et des clichés du cinéma de Hollywood, qui mélange zombis et vampires, et des préjugés de sorcellerie et de rites magiques qui ont dénigré le culte, cette exposition veut revenir à l'essence et aux origines du vaudou haïtien.Invités : Philippe Charlier, commissaire principal de l'exposition Zombis au Musée du quai Branly à Paris, anthropologue et médecin-légiste,vice-doyen (culture et patrimoine), directeur du Laboratoire anthropologie, archéologie, biologie (LAAB), UFR Simone Veil - santé (UVSQ / Paris-Saclay) Erol Josué, commissaire associé de l'exposition Zombis au Musée du quai Branly à Paris, directeur général du Bureau national d'ethnologie à Port-au-Prince en Haïti, artiste et prêtre vaudou (chanteur, danseur, chorégraphe, prêtre Vodou) Lilas Desquiron, commissaire associée de l'exposition Zombis au Musée du quai Branly à Paris, ethnologue et écrivaine haïtienne, ancienne ministre de la Culture d'Haïti, autrice de Les chemins de Loco-Miroir (Éd. Stock - 1990).DIAPORAMA

Vous écoutez le podcast "Les interviews Histoire", notre émission hebdomadaire gratuite pour tous. Abonnez-vous à "5.000 ans d'Histoire" et accédez à environ 350 podcasts d'1 heure pour seulement 2€ par mois sans Pub ! Avec une nouvelle émission chaque semaine : https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Comment se faire connaître et « être reconnu » – il le fut par son père à l'âge de sept ans – quand on porte les mêmes prénom et nom que son grand-père et son père, célèbres déjà sous le nom de Dumas ?Pour mieux le comprendre, l'auteur nous raconte aussi l'histoire du général Dumas et de Dumas père : quelle extraordinaire destinée que celle de trois générations issues d'un aristocrate normand et d'une esclave de Saint-Domingue dont le nom « Dumas » fut préféré par le général pour servir dans l'armée française !Le troisième Dumas (1824-1895) devint écrivain comme papa, mais lui fut élu à l'Académie française ! Jeune dandy, bien dans son temps, il a des amis d'exception comme Victor Hugo, George Sand, « sa seconde maman ». Il devint paradoxalement le représentant d'un théâtre moral, utile et d'inspiration sociale.Son succès « La Dame aux Camélias » (1848) est un récit influencé par sa liaison avec une célèbre courtisane ; roman, puis pièce de théâtre, le sujet n'a cessé d'inspirer au fil des époques : l'opéra de Verdi (La Traviata en 1853), des adaptations, des films, des ballets…On ne devrait pas pour autant oublier ses autres écrits : sa vision de la femme a évolué lentement, cependant beaucoup plus vite que celle de la société du XIXe siècle, dépeinte dans ses terribles contradictions par T. Charles-Vallin.Décrivant et analysant le milieu qu'il nomme « le demi-monde », Dumas fils (1824-1895) est un des premiers à parler de « féminisme ».L'auteur, Thérèse Charles-Vallin, historienne, est notre invitée par téléphone.

Virginie Girod raconte le destin de Toussaint Louverture, esclave affranchi devenu général et entré dans l'Histoire pour son rôle dans le processus d'indépendance d'Haïti. En août 1791, dans la colonie française de Saint-Domingue, une insurrection d'esclaves éclate, mettant l'île à feu et à sang. Ces derniers entendent faire abolir le système qui les oppresse alors qu'en métropole, la Déclaration des droits de l'Homme a déclaré les hommes "libres et égaux en droit". Parmi les insurgés, se trouve Toussaint Bréda (env. 1743-1803), esclave affranchi qui bientôt, entre dans l'Histoire sous le nom de Toussaint Louverture. Œuvrant pour l'indépendance de la colonie qui l'a vu naître, il se rallie dans un premier temps à l'Espagne pour affaiblir la France, qu'il soutient finalement lorsque la Convention vote le décret d'abolition de l'esclavage.

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The First and Last King of Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Henry Christophe (Knopf, 2025) is the essential biography of the controversial rebel, traitor, and only king of Haiti. Henry Christophe is one of the most richly complex figures in the history of the Americas, and was, in his time, popular and famous the world over: in The First and Last King of Haiti, a brilliant, award-winning Yale scholar unravels the still controversial enigma that he was. Slave, revolutionary, traitor, king, and suicide, Henry Christophe was, in his time, popular and famous the world over. Born in 1767 to an enslaved mother on the Caribbean island of Grenada, Christophe first fought to overthrow the British in North America, before helping his fellow enslaved Africans in Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then called, to gain their freedom from France. Yet in an incredible twist of fate, Christophe ended up fighting with Napoleon's forces against the very enslaved men and women he had once fought alongside. Later, reuniting with those he had betrayed, he offered to lead them and made himself their king. But it all came to a sudden and tragic end when Christophe—after nine years of his rule as King Henry I—shot himself in the heart, some say with a silver bullet. Why did Christophe turn his back on Toussaint Louverture and the very revolution with which his name is so indelibly associated? How did it come to pass that Christophe found himself accused of participating in the plot to assassinate Haiti's first ruler, Dessalines? What caused Haiti to eventually split into two countries, one ruled by Christophe in the north, who made himself king, the other led by President Pétion in the south? The First and Last King of Haiti is a riveting story of not only geopolitical clashes on a grand scale but also of friendship and loyalty, treachery and betrayal, heroism and strife in an era of revolutionary upheaval. Marlene Daut is Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/french-studies

Cap sur les Caraïbes dans les dernières années du 18ème siècle. Né dans l'esclavage, Toussaint Louverture sera affranchi et gravira tous les échelons jusqu'à devenir Gouverneur général de l'ile de Saint Domingue. Héros de la colonie qui deviendra indépendante sous le nom d'Haïti, arrêté sur ordre de Bonaparte, il mourra dans les geôles du fort de Joux. Plongez dans l'histoire tragique de l'esclave affranchi qui a guidé Saint Domingue vers la liberté. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès. Du lundi au vendredi de 15h à 15h30, Lorànt Deutsch vous révèle les secrets des personnages historiques les plus captivants !

1802. January… February… March… Three months in which republican resistance on Saint-Domingue falters and the French commanders' well-laid plans appear to be succeeding… France makes peace with the Ottoman Empire, as Sultan Selim III faces some tricky questions… And back in France Bonaparte adds the so-called Organic Articles to the Concordat deal with the Catholic Church. This is episode 42 of the Napoleonic Quarterly - covering three months in which France appears to be winning the peace at home and abroad. [07:40] - The strategic irrelevance/relevance of the United States in 1802 [12:42] - Headline developments [23:00] - Marlene Daut on the Leclerc expedition pacifying Saint-Domingue [44:20] - Michael Talbot on the Ottomans and their peace treaty with France [1:02:45] - Mary Robinson on the Organic Articles and Bonaparte's deal with the Catholic Church Help us produce more episodes by supporting the Napoleonic Quarterly on Patreon: patreon.com/napoleonicquarterly

1800. January… February… March… Three months in which the British and the French finally end the war with the Peace of Amiens… The French force sent to reassert control over Saint-Domingue meets with an unfriendly welcome… And back home Napoleon Bonaparte is considering his next moves as the de facto ruler of France. This is episode 41 of the Napoleonic Quarterly - covering three months in which the revolutionary fight for freedom shifts to the Caribbean. [24:57] - headline developments [27:25] - Graeme Callister on the Peace of Amiens [44:27] - Marlene Daut on the fighting in Saint-Domingue [1:09:12] - William Doyle on Napoleon Bonaparte's to-do list Help us produce more episodes by supporting the Napoleonic Quarterly on Patreon: patreon.com/napoleonicquarterly

durée : 00:54:03 - Very Good Trip - par : Michka Assayas - Suite de la série sur la naissance du hip-hop à New York, dans laquelle vous sentirez l'importance d'une influence trop rarement éclairée : l'influence de la musique des Caraïbes, en particulier de Cuba et Porto Rico, sans oublier Haïti et Saint-Domingue, c'est entre les deux. - réalisé par : Stéphane Ronxin

Today, we're talking with veteran activist and theologian, the one and only, Lisa Sharon Harper! The conversation covers:-        Lisa's journey finding Jesus outside of Whiteness and White evangelicalism-        The centrality of advocating for political and institutional policy change to our faith in Jesus-        How respecting the image of God in all people is the starting point for following Jesus to shalom-        The unavoidable job we have to speak truth, even when it is costly-        Where Lisa finds her hope and motivation to keep going-        And after that, we reflect on the interview and then talk all things Springfield, Ohio and Haitian immigrants.Mentioned on the episode:-            Lisa's website, lisasharonharper.com/-            Lisa's Instagram and Facebook-            The Freedom Road Podcast-            Lisa's books, Fortune and The Very Good Gospel-            Make a donation to The Haitian Community Support and Help Center in Springfield, Ohio via PayPal at haitianhelpcenterspringfield@gmail.com.Credits-            Follow KTF Press on Facebook, Instagram, and Threads. Subscribe to get our bonus episodes and other benefits at KTFPress.com.-        Follow host Jonathan Walton on Facebook Instagram, and Threads.-        Follow host Sy Hoekstra on Mastodon.-        Our theme song is “Citizens” by Jon Guerra – listen to the whole song on Spotify.-        Our podcast art is by Robyn Burgess – follow her and see her other work on Instagram.-        Editing by Multitude Productions-        Transcripts by Joyce Ambale and Sy Hoekstra.-        Production by Sy Hoekstra and our incredible subscribersTranscript[An acoustic guitar softly plays six notes in a major scale, the first three ascending and the last three descending, with a keyboard pad playing the tonic in the background. Both fade out as Jonathan Walton says “This is a KTF Press podcast.”]Lisa Sharon Harper: I would lose my integrity if I was silent in the face of the breaking of shalom, which I learned in Bosnia and Croatia and Serbia, is built on earth through structures. It doesn't just come because people know Jesus. Two thirds of the people in the Bosnian war knew Jesus. The Croats were Christian and the Serbs were Orthodox Christian, and yet they killed each other. Massacred each other. Unfortunately, knowing Jesus is not enough if you have shaped your understanding of Jesus according to the rules and norms of empire.[The song “Citizens” by Jon Guerra fades in. Lyrics: “I need to know there is justice/ That it will roll in abundance/ And that you're building a city/ Where we arrive as immigrants/ And you call us citizens/ And you welcome us as children home.” The song fades out.]Jonathan Walton: Welcome to Shake the Dust, seeking Jesus, confronting injustice. I'm Jonathan Walton.Sy Hoekstra: And I am Sy Hoekstra. We have a great one for you today. We are talking to veteran organizer and theologian Lisa Sharon Harper, someone who a lot of you probably know and who was pretty big in both of our individual kind of stories and development as people who care about faith and justice when we were younger people, which you will hear about as we talk to her. We are going to be talking to her about the centrality of our voting and policy choices to our witness as Christians, the importance of integrity and respecting the image of God in all people when making difficult decisions about where to spend your resources as an activist, where Lisa gets her hope and motivation and a whole lot more.And then after the interview, hear our reactions to it. And we're also going to be getting into our segment, Which Tab Is Still Open, where we dive a little bit deeper into one of the recommendations from our weekly newsletter that we send out to our subscribers. This week it will be all about Haitian immigrants to America in Springfield, Ohio. You will want to hear that conversation. But before we get started, Jonathan.Jonathan Walton: Please friends, remember to go to KTFPress.com and become a paid subscriber to support this show and get access to everything that we do. We're creating media that centers personal and informed discussions on politics, faith and culture that helps you seek Jesus and confront injustice. We are resisting the idols of the American church by centering and elevating marginalized voices and taking the entirety of Jesus' gospel more seriously than those who narrow it to sin and salvation. The two of us have a lot of experience doing this individually and in community, and we've been friends [laughs] for a good long time. So you can trust it will be honest, sincere, and have some good things to say along the way.If you become a paid subscriber, you'll get access to all of our bonus content, access to our monthly subscriber Zoom chats with me and Sy, and the ability to comment on posts and chat with us. So again, please go to KTFPress.com and become a paid subscriber today.Sy Hoekstra: Our guest today, again, Lisa Sharon Harper, the president and founder of Freedom Road, a groundbreaking consulting group that crafts experiences to bring common understanding and common commitments that lead to common action toward a more just world. Lisa is a public theologian whose writing, speaking, activism and training has sparked and fed the fires of reformation in the church from Ferguson and Charlottesville to South Africa, Brazil, Australia and Ireland. Lisa's book, Fortune: How Race Broke My Family and the World, and How to Repair It All was named one of the best books of 2022 and the book before that, The Very Good Gospel, was named 2016 Book of the Year by The Englewood Review of Books. Lisa is the host of the Freedom Road Podcast, and she also writes for her Substack, The Truth Is…Jonathan Walton: Alright, let's jump into the interview.[The intro piano music from “Citizens” by Jon Guerra plays briefly and then fades out.]Sy Hoekstra: Lisa Sharon Harper, thank you so much for joining us on Shake the Dust.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yay, I'm so excited to be here, and I'm here with a little bit of a Demi Moore rasp to my voice. So I'm hoping it'll be pleasant to the ears for folks who are coming, because I got a little sick, but I'm not like really sick, because I'm on my way, I'm on the rebound.Sy Hoekstra: So you told us you got this at the DNC, is that right?Lisa Sharon Harper: Yes, I literally, literally, that's like what, almost three weeks ago now?Sy Hoekstra: Oh my gosh.Jonathan Walton: You've got a DNC infection. That's what that is.Sy Hoekstra: [laughs].Lisa Sharon Harper: I have a DNC cough. I have a DNC cough, that's funny.Jonathan Walton: [laughs].Sy Hoekstra: So before we jump into our questions, I wanted to take a momentary trip down memory lane, because I have no idea if you remember this or not.Lisa Sharon Harper: Okay.Sy Hoekstra: But in January of 2008, you led a weekend retreat for a college Christian fellowship that Jonathan and I were both in.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah, I do remember.Sy Hoekstra: You do remember this? Okay.Lisa Sharon Harper: Absolutely.Jonathan Walton: [laughs].Lisa Sharon Harper: I remember almost every time I've ever spoken anywhere.Sy Hoekstra: Wow, okay.Lisa Sharon Harper: I really do. And I remember that one, and I do remember you guys being there. Oh my gosh, that's so cool.Jonathan Walton: Yes.Lisa Sharon Harper: Okay.Jonathan Walton: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: You remember that. That's amazing.Sy Hoekstra: No, no, no.Jonathan Walton: Oh yeah.Sy Hoekstra: Hang on. Wait a minute [laughter]. We don't just remember it. Because, so you gave this series of talks that ended up being a big part of your book, The Very Good Gospel.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah.Sy Hoekstra: And you talked specifically about the difference between genuine and pseudo-community and the need to really address each other's problems that we face, bear each other's burdens, that sort of thing. And you did a session, which I'm sure you've done with other groups, where you split us up into racial groups. So we sat there with White, Black, and Latine, and Asian, and biracial groups, and we had a real discussion about race in a way that the community had absolutely never had before [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Yep.Sy Hoekstra: And it actually, it is the opening scene of Jonathan's book. I don't know if you knew that.Lisa Sharon Harper: Oh my God, I didn't know that.Jonathan Walton: It is.Lisa Sharon Harper: Which one?Jonathan Walton: Twelve Lies.Lisa Sharon Harper: Wow, I didn't know that. Oh my gosh, I missed that. Okay.Sy Hoekstra: So it was a… Jonathan put it before, it was a formative moment for everybody and a transformative moment for some of us [laughter] …Lisa Sharon Harper: Oooooo, Oh my goodness.Jonathan Walton: Yes.Sy Hoekstra: …in that we learned a lot about ourselves and what we thought about race, what other people thought about race. I will tell you that in the five minutes after the session broke up, like ended, it was the first time that my now wife ever said to me, “Hey, you said something racist to me that I didn't like.” [laughs] And then, because of all the conversation we just had, I responded miraculously with the words, “I'm sorry.” [laughter].Lisa Sharon Harper: Oh my God!Sy Hoekstra: And then we went from there.Lisa Sharon Harper: Miraculously [laughs]. That's funny.Sy Hoekstra: So I have lots of friends that we can talk about this session with to this day, and they still remember it as transformative.Jonathan Walton: Yes.Lisa Sharon Harper: Oh my Gosh. Wow.Sy Hoekstra: All of that, just to lead into my first question which is this, a lot of people in 2016 started seeing kind of the things about White evangelicalism that indicated to them that they needed to get out. They needed to escape in some way, because of the bad fruit, the bad political fruit that was manifesting. You saw that bad fruit a long time ago.Lisa Sharon Harper: A whole long time ago.Sy Hoekstra: You were deep in the Republican, pro-life political movement for a little bit, for like, a minute as a young woman.Lisa Sharon Harper: I wouldn't… here's the thing. I wouldn't say I was deep in. What I would say is I was in.Sy Hoekstra: Okay.Lisa Sharon Harper: As in I was in because I was Evangelical, and I identified with itbecause I was Evangelical and because my friends identified with it. So I kind of went along, but I always had this sense I was like standing on the margins looking at it going, “I don't know.”Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: You know what I mean? But I would say literally for like a minute, I was a believer. Maybe for like, a year.Sy Hoekstra: But my question then is, what were the warning signs? And then, separately from what were the warning signs that you needed to get out, who or what were the guiding lights that showed you a better way?Lisa Sharon Harper: My goodness. Wow. Well, I mean, I would say that honestly… Okay, so I had a couple of conversations, and we're talking about 2004 now. So 2004 also, this is right after 2000 where we had the hanging chads in Florida.Sy Hoekstra: Yep.Jonathan Walton: Yep.Lisa Sharon Harper: And we know how important voting is, because literally, I mean, I actually believe to this day that Gore actually won. And it's not just a belief, they actually counted after the fact, and found that he had won hundreds more ballots that were not counted in the actual election, in Florida. And so every single vote counts. Every single vote counts. So then in 2004 and by 2004, I'm the Director of Racial Reconciliation for greater LA in InterVarsity, I had done a summer mission project that wasn't really mission. It was actually more of a, it was a pilgrimage, actually. It was called the pilgrimage for reconciliation. The summer before, I had done the stateside pilgrimage. And then that summer, I led students on a pilgrimage through Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia asking the question, “How is shalom broken? And how is shalom built? How is it made?”And through both of those successive summer experiences, it became so clear to me, policy matters, and it matters with regard to Christian ethics. We can't say we are Christian and be, in other words, Christ-like if we are not concerned with how our neighbor is faring under the policies coming down from our government. We just can't. And as Christians in a democracy, specifically in America, in the US where we have a democracy, we actually have the expectation that as citizens, we will help shape the way that we live together. And our vote is what does that our vote when we vote for particular people, we're not just voting for who we like. We're voting for the policies they will pass or block. We're voting for the way we want to live together in the world.So in 2004 when I come back from Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, I'm talking with some of my fellow staff workers, and I'm saying to them, “We have to have a conversation with our folks about voting. I mean, this election really matters. It's important. ”Because we had just come through the first few years of the war in Afghanistan and Iraq. Like Iraq had just erupted a couple years before that, Afghanistan the year before that. And we were seeing young men coming back in body bags and this war, which had no plan to end, was sending especially young Black men to die because they were the ones…and I know, because I was in those schools when I was younger, and I alsohad been reading up on this.They're the ones who are recruited by the Marines and the Army and the Navy and the Air Force, especially the army, which is the cannon fodder. They're the ones who are on the front lines. They are recruited by them more than anybody else, at a higher degree than anybody else, a higher percentage ratio. So I was saying we have to have a conversation. And their response to me in 2004 was, “Oh, well, we can't do that, because we can't be political.” I said, “Well, wait, we are political beings. We live in a democracy.” To be a citizen is to help shape the way we live together in the world, and that's all politics is. It's the conversations we have and the decisions that we make about how we are going to live together.And so if we as Christians who have an ethic passed down by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount, and we have the 10 Commandments, which is like the grand ethic of humanity, at least of the Abrahamic tradition. Then, if we don't have something to say about how we should be living together and the decisions we make about that every four years, every two years, even in off year elections, then what are we doing here?Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: Who are we? Like, what is this faith? What is this Christian faith? So that was my first real rub, because I had experienced the pilgrimage to reconciliation. I had seen, I had rolled through. I had walked on the land where the decisions that the polis, the people had made, had killed people. It had led to the death of millions of people. Thousands of people in some case. Hundreds of people in other cases. But when coming back from Bosnia, it was millions. And so I was just very much aware of the reality that for Christians, politics matters because politics is simply the public exercise of our ethics, of our Christian ethic. And if we don't have one, then we're… honest, I just, I think that we are actually turning our backs on Jesus who spent his life telling us how to live.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: And so that was, for me, literally that conversation with that staff worker was kind of my first, “Aha! I'm in the wrong place.” I needed to learn more about how this public work works. How do systems and structures and policies and laws work? So that's what actually brought me, ended up bringing me a year later, to Columbia University and getting my master's in human rights. And I knew, having had the background in the two pilgrimages and the work that we did on the biblical concept of shalom at the time, which was nascent. I mean, it was for me, it was, I barely, really barely, understood it. I just knew it wasn't what I had been taught. So I started digging into shalom at that time, and then learning about international law and human rights and how that works within the international systems.I came out of that with a much clearer view, and then continued to work for the next 13 years to really get at how our Christian ethics intersect with and can help, and have helped shape public policy. And that has led me to understand very clearly that we are complicit in the evil, and we also, as Christians, other streams of our faith are responsible for the redemption, particularly in America and South Africa and other places in the world.Jonathan Walton: Yeah. So I think I'm placing myself in your story. So I think we intersected in that 2005, 2008 moment. So I've traveled with you.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah, we had a good time. It was so much fun.Jonathan Walton: We did. It was very good. So getting to follow, watch, learn, just for me, has been a huge blessing. First with the book, with New York Faith and Justice, reading stuff with Sojourners, grabbing your books, gleaning different wisdom things for… it's something that I've wondered as I'm a little bit younger in the journey, like as you've operated in this world, in the White Evangelical world, and then still White Evangelical adjacent, operating in these faith spaces. And now with the platform that you have, you've had to exercise a lot of wisdom, a lot of patience and deciding to manage where you show up and when, how you use your time, how you manage these relationships and keep relationships along the way. Because you didn't drop people.Lisa Sharon Harper: I have. I have dropped a few [laughter]. I want to make that really clear, there is an appropriate space to literally shake the dust.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah [laughs].Jonathan Walton: I think what I have not seen you do is dehumanize the people in the places that you left.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah, thank you. Yeah.Jonathan Walton: And that's hard to do, because most people, particularly my generation, we see the bridge we just walked across, and we throw Molotov cocktails at that thing [laughter].Lisa Sharon Harper: Y'all do. Your generation is like, “I'm out! And you're never gonna breathe again!” Like, “You're going down!” I'm like, “Oh my God…” [laughs].Jonathan Walton: It's quite strong with us [laughs]. And so could you give any pieces of wisdom or things you've learned from God about navigating in that way. Things that we can and folks that are listening can hold on to as things shift, because they will shift and are shifting.Lisa Sharon Harper: They always shift, yeah, because we are not living on a book page. We're living in a world that moves and is fluid, and people change, and all the things. So I think that the best advice that I got, I actually got from Miroslav Volf. Dr. Miroslav Volf, who is a professor at Yale University, and he wrote the book that really kind of got me into, it was my first book that I ever read that was a book of theology, Exclusion&Embrace. And when we went to Croatia, we met with him. We met with him in the city of Zadar on the beach [laughs], literally over lunch. It was just an incredible privilege to sit down with him. And I've had many opportunities to connect with him since, which has been a privilege again, and just a joy.But he said to our group, our little InterVarsity group. And that's not at all to minimize InterVarsity, but we had a real inflated sense of who we were in the world. We thought we were everything, and we thought we were right about everything. And so here we are going through Croatia, which had just experienced a decade and a little bit before, this civil war. And it wasn't really a civil war, it was actually a war of aggression from Serbia into Croatia, and it was horrible. And it turned neighbor against neighbor in the same way that our civil war turned neighbor against neighbor. So literally, these towns, you literally had neighbors killing each other, you just were not safe.So basically, think Rwanda. The same thing that happened in Rwanda, around the same time had happened in Croatia. And so Miroslav is Croatian, and the lines by which things were drawn in Croatia was not race, because everybody was White. So the lines that they drew their hierarchy on was along the lines of religion. It was the Croats, which were mostly Catholic, mostly Christian. Some not Catholic, they might have been Evangelical, but they were Christian. And then you had the Bosniaks, which were Muslim, and the Serbs, which were Orthodox. So that was the hierarchy. And when you had Milošević, who was the president of Yugoslavia, who was trying to keep that Federation together, Yugoslavia was like an amalgamation of what we now understand to be Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia.So he was trying to keep all of that together, and when he then crossed the lines, the boundary between Serbia and Croatia and invaded and just began to kill everybody, and the Serbs then went to his side, and the Croats went over here, and the Bosniaks were caught in the middle, and people just died. And they chose sides and they killed each other. And so we sat down to do lunch with Miroslav Volf, and in that context, interfaith conversation was critical. It was and is, it continues to be. One of the main markers of where you find healing, it's where you find interfaith conversation in Croatia and also Bosnia and Serbia. And so we, in our little Evangelical selves, we're not used to this interfaith thing.We think of that as compromising. We think of that as, “How can you talk to people and gain relationship with and actually sit down and…?” And he was challenging us to study this scripture with other people of other faiths, and study their scriptures. He was like, “Do that.” And so our people were like, “How can you do that and not compromise your faith?” And here's what he said. He said, “It's easy. Respect. It's respect, respecting the image of God in the other, the one who is not like me. That I, when I sit down and I read their scriptures with them, allowing them to tell me what their scriptures mean.” Not sitting in a classroom in my Evangelical church to learn what the Muslim scriptures say, but sitting down with Imams to understand what the Muslim scriptures say and how it's understood within the context of that culture.That's called respect for the image of God. And there's no way, no way for us to knit ourselves together in a society, to live together in the world without respect. That's baseline. That's baseline.Jonathan Walton: As I'm listening, I'm thinking, “Okay, Lisa made choices.” She was like, “We are gonna not just do a trip. We're gonna do a trip in Croatia.” And so as you're going on these trips, as you were having these conversations, you're making choices. There's decisions being made around you, and then you get to the decision making seat. And how that discernment around where to place your energy happens. So something that's at the top of mind for me and many people listening is Palestine.Lisa Sharon Harper: Oh, yeah.Jonathan Walton: So how did you decide at this moment that, “Hey,this is where my energy and time is coming. I'm going to Christ at the Checkpoint. I'm going to talk with Munther. I'm going to be there.”How did that rise to the surface for you?Lisa Sharon Harper: It's funny, because I have, really have been advised, and in the very first days of the conflict, I was advised by some African American leaders, “Don't touch this. Don't do it. You're going to be blacklisted.”Jonathan Walton: I heard the same thing, yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: “Don't do it. You're gonna find you're not invited to speak anywhere.” Da da da da. Sometimes these decisions are just made to say, “I am going to act in the world as if I don't know what the repercussions are, and I'm just going to do the thing, because my focus is not focused on the repercussions.” I mean, in some ways, in that way, I do think that my constitution is the constitution of a warrior. Warriors go to battle knowing that bullets are flying all around them, and they just choose to go forward anyway. Somebody who cared, and not just cared, but I think there's a moment where you begin to understand it's that moment of no turning back. It's the moment when you stand at the freshly buried graves of 5000 Muslim boys and men who were killed all in one day by bullet fire in Srebrenica.It's the moment that you drive through Bosnia and you see all of the graves everywhere. Everywhere, especially in Sarajevo, which experienced a siege, a multiyear siege by Serbia. And they turned the soccer field, which at one point was the focal point of the Sarajevo Olympic Games, they turned that into a graveyard because they ran out of space for the graves. When you roll through Georgia, and you go to Dahlonega, Georgia, and you go to the Mining Museum, which marks the very first gold rush in America, which was not in California, but was in Dahlonega, Georgia, on Cherokee land, and you hear the repercussions of people's silence and also complicity.When they came and they settled, they made a decision about how we should live together, and it did not include, it included the erasure of Cherokee people and Choctaw people and Chickasaw people, Seminole people, Creek people. And you walk that land, and the land tells you. It's so traumatic that the land still tells the story. The land itself tells the story. The land bears witness. When you stand on that land and the land tells you the story, there's a moment that just happens where there's no turning back and you have to bear witness to the truth, even with bullets flying around you. So with regard to Palestine, having done what now goodness, 20 years of research on this biblical concept called shalom, and written the book, The Very Good Gospel, which really lays it out in a systematic way.I would lose my integrity if I was silent in the face of the breaking of shalom, which I learned in Bosnia and Croatia and Serbia, is built on earth through structures. It doesn't just come because people know Jesus. Two thirds of the people in the Bosnian war knew Jesus. Two thirds. The Croats were Christian and the Serbs were Orthodox Christian, and yet they killed each other. I mean, massacred each other. Unfortunately, knowing Jesus is not enough if you have shaped your understanding of Jesus according to the rules and norms of empire. So we actually need international law. We need the instruments of international law. That's what stopped the war there. And they failed there too, but they also have been an intrinsic part of keeping the peace and also prosecuting Milošević. Solike making sure that some measure of justice on this earth happens, some shadow of it.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: And what are we told in scripture in Micah 6:8, walk humbly with God. Do justice. Embrace the truth. So I think that when I saw on October 7, the breach of the wall, the breach of the gate and then the massacre at the festival, I grieved. I really grieved. And I was scared, really scared for the nation of Israel, for the people who were there. And I began to ask questions, because I've learned the discipline of not dehumanizing. Because to dehumanize is to break shalom. It's one of the first things that happens in the breaking of shalom and the eradication of it. And so part of what I had to do if I was going to consider Palestinian people human was to ask what has happened to them that would cause them to take such violent and radical action. How did we get here? Is the question.And the narrative that I heard from Israel, from the state of Israel, from the leaders of the state of Israel, which had been marched against by their own people just the week before that, and weeks for like a month or two before that, they were trying to depose the leadership of Israel because they were trying to turn their state into a fascist state. I was watching that as well. Trying to take the power of the judiciary away so that they could increase the power of the Prime Minister. So what does it mean then? What does it mean that this happened? And I was listening to the way that the narrative that Netanyahu was giving and his generals and the narrative they were giving is, “These are monsters. They are terrorists. They are evil. They are intrinsically, they are not human.”And I knew when I saw that, when I heard that, I thought Bosnia. I thought Rwanda, where they called the other cockroaches. I thought South Africa, where they called Black people not human, monsters, who need to be controlled. I thought Native Americans, who were called savages in order to be controlled, in order to have the justification of genocide. I thought of people of African descent who were brought in death ships across the Atlantic to South America and Central America and Mexico and North America in order to be used to build European wealth and they were called non-human. And even according to our own laws, our constitution declared three fifths of a human being.So when I heard Netanyahu and his generals dehumanizing the Palestinians, I knew, that for me was like the first signal, and it happened on the first day. It was the first signal that we are about to witness a genocide. They are preparing us. They are grooming us to participate in genocide. And I, as a theologian, as an ethicist, as a Christian, would lose my credibility if I remained silent and became complicit in that genocide through my silence. Because having studied the genocides that I mentioned earlier and the oppressions that I mentioned earlier, I know that most of those spaces were Christian spaces.Sy Hoekstra: Right.Jonathan Walton: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: And they happened, those genocides and those oppressions were able to happen because Christians were silent.Jonathan Walton: Gathering all that up, I think… I mean, we've had Munther on this podcast, we've talked with him throughout the years. When he said, “The role of Christians is to be prophetic, to speak prophetic truth to power,” something clicked for me in that as you're talking about our witness being compromised, as you are saying, “Hey, let's ask this question, who does this benefit? What is happening?”Lisa Sharon Harper: That's right.Jonathan Walton: The reality that he said, “All of us are Nathan when it comes to empire. We are supposed to be the ones who say this is wrong.” And that resonates with what you said, like how can I have integrity and be silent? Genocide necessitates silence and complicity in that way from people.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah. And here's the thing. How are you gonna go to church and sing worship songs to Jesus on Sunday and be silent Monday through Saturday witnessing the slaying of the image of God on earth. You hear what I'm saying?Sy Hoekstra: Yes.Lisa Sharon Harper: Like my understanding of shalom now is not just we do these things in order to be nice and so we live together. It is that shalom is intricately connected with the flourishing of the kingdom of God.Sy Hoekstra: Right.Lisa Sharon Harper: It is the flourishing of the kingdom of God.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Lisa Sharon Harper: And the kingdom of God flourishes wherever the image of God flourishes. And the image of God is born by every single human being. And part of what it means to be made in the image of God is that humans who are made in the image of God exercise agency, stewardship of the world. And the most drastic example or practice of warfare against the image of God is war.Jonathan Walton: Yes [laughs]. Absolutely.Lisa Sharon Harper: War annihilates the image of God on earth. It is a declaration of war, not only on Palestinians or Gazans or even Israel or the empire anywhere. It is a declaration of war against God. It is a declaration of war against God.Sy Hoekstra: A phrase that has stuck in my head about you was from one of the endorsements to your last book Fortune. Jemar Tisby described you as a long-distance runner for justice.Jonathan Walton: [laughs] That's awesome.Sy Hoekstra: That always struck me as accurate.Jonathan Walton: That is great.Sy Hoekstra: [laughs] Not a sprinter.Jonathan Walton: No.Sy Hoekstra: Not a sprinter.Lisa Sharon Harper: That was really pretty cool. I was like, “Oh Jemar, thank you.” [laughter]Jonathan Walton: I need that. We just in here. That's great [laughs].Sy Hoekstra: So here's the question then, where does your hope and sustenance, how do you get that? Where does it come from?Lisa Sharon Harper: Honestly, it comes from focusing on the kingdom. Focusing on Jesus. Focusing on doing the kingdom of God. And when you do it you witness it. And when you witness it, you get hope. I mean, I've learned, even in the last year, an actual life lesson for me was hope comes in the doing. Hope comes in the doing. So as we do the kingdom, we gain hope. As we show up for the protests so that we confront the powers that are slaying the image of God on earth, we gain hope. As we speak out against it and form our words in ways that do battle with the thinking that lays the groundwork for ethics of erasure, we gain hope because we're doing it. We see the power.The kingdom of God exists wherever there are people who actually bow to the ethic of God. Who do it. Who do the ethic of God. You can't say you believe in Jesus and not actually do his ethic. You don't believe in him. What do you believe? He never said, “Believe stuff about me.” He said, “Follow me.” He literally never said, “Believe stuff about me.”Sy Hoekstra: Yeah [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Right.Lisa Sharon Harper: He said, “Follow me. Do what I do. ”And that's ethics. That's the question of, how do we live together in the world?? So we do and we gain hope.Jonathan Walton: Amen.Sy Hoekstra: I like that. That reminds me of Romans 5: There'll be glory in our suffering. Suffering produces perseverance, character, and character hope. It's like, it's not an intuitive thing necessarily, if you haven't done it before. But that's great, and that's a really, I like that a lot as a place for us to end [laughs]. To get out there and do it, and you will find the hope as you go.Jonathan Walton: Amen.Sy Hoekstra: Can you tell us where people can find you or work that you would want people to see of yours?Lisa Sharon Harper: Absolutely. Well, hey, first of all, thank you guys so much for having me on, and it's been really a joy to start my day in conversation with you. Y'all can follow what I'm up to at Lisasharonharper.com. I live on Instagram, and so you can [laughter], you can definitely follow on Instagram and Facebook. And Freedom Road Podcast is a place where a lot of people have found the conversation and are tracking with it. And I'm always trying to have guests on that are pushing me and causing me to ask deeper questions. And so I really, I welcome you to join us on Freedom Road.Sy Hoekstra: Yes. I wholeheartedly second that.Lisa Sharon Harper: And of course, the books [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Yes.Sy Hoekstra: And of course, the books.Jonathan Walton: [laughs].Sy Hoekstra: Fortune, Very Good Gospel, all the rest.Lisa Sharon Harper: Yeah, exactly.Sy Hoekstra: Lisa Sharon Harper, thank you so much for joining us. This has been a delight.Jonathan Walton: Thank you so much.Lisa Sharon Harper: Thank you Sy. Thank you, Jonathan.[The intro piano music from “Citizens” by Jon Guerra plays briefly and then fades out.]Sy Hoekstra: Jonathan, that was a fantastic discussion. Tell me what you are thinking about coming out of it?Jonathan Walton: Yeah, I think one, is just it's just really helpful to talk with someone who's been around for a while. I think most of us… I'm 38 years old, but let's just say millennials and younger, we don't consume or receive a lot of long form content.Sy Hoekstra: [laughs].Jonathan Walton: And we don't also engage with people who are willing and able to mentor us through difficult situations. We're getting sound bites from TikTok and Instagram and YouTube, and we don't get the whole of knowledge or experiences. So listening to Lisa talk about, “I grabbed this bit from L.A., I grabbed this bit from Palestine, I grabbed this bit from Croatia, I grabbed this bit.” We cannot microwave transformation. We cannot have instant growth. There is no, let me go through the side door of growing to maturity in my faithfulness and walk with Jesus.Sy Hoekstra: [laughs].Jonathan Walton: There is just doing it. And so when she said, “I find the hope in the doing,” you don't learn that unless you have done stuff. That's a big takeaway. I also appreciated just her take on the genocide in Palestine. And because she was mentored and has talked with Miroslav Volf, she knows what it smells like, because she's done the work in her own history of her own background. If you have not read Fortune, go read the book. The reason Black folks cannot find who we [laughs] come from is because they were enslaved and killed. The reason we cannot find the indigenous and native folks we were related to is because there was genocide. So there's these things.And she goes through that in her book, and to talk about how to wield our stories when we don't have one, or how to wield a story of tragedy to turn it into something transformative, is something I admire, appreciate and hope that I can embody if and when the time comes for myself, when I have collected and grown and have asked similar questions. I'm appreciative of what she had to say. And you know, I know I asked her the question about not burning things down, and so I appreciated that [laughs] answer as well. Like, there's just a lot of wisdom, and I hope that folks listening were able to glean as well.Sy Hoekstra: I totally agree with all that. I think all that was very powerful. And there isn't it… kind of reminds me of when her book we've mentioned a few times, The Very Good Gospel, came out. It came out in 2016, but like I said, when we were talking to her, the stuff that was in that book she had been thinking about for more than a decade at that point. And it was very clear. When I was reading it, I was like, “Oh, this is Lisa's bag—this is what she was talking to us about when we were in college in 2008.”Jonathan Walton: Yeah.Sy Hoekstra: At that camp, but she'd been thinking about it for even longer than that. It was just like, you can tell when something isn't like, “Oh, I had to research this because I was gonna write a book about it, so I had to learn about it.” You know what I mean? You can tell when someone does that versus when someone's been soaking in a subject. It's like marinating in it for 12, 15, years, or whatever it was. She just has a lot of that stuff [laughs]. You know what? I just used the image of marinating and marinating and microwaving are very different things [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Yes, that is true.Sy Hoekstra: One takes a lot longer.Jonathan Walton: Put a steak in a microwave, see if you enjoy it [laughter].Sy Hoekstra: Yeah, so I totally agree with all that. I came out of it thinking a lot about how the things that she said thematically kind of connected to some thoughts that I've had, but also just in terms of historical events. Because I told her this after the interview, when I moved to Switzerland in 2001 I was 13, my family moved over there. It was just at the end of the Yugoslavian Civil War, which was what she was talking about Bosnia and Croatia and Serbia. And Switzerland took in a ton of refugees from that war.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: So my neighborhood, there was a big apartment complex. I mean, big for Swiss standards, kind of small honestly for American standards. But there's an apartment complex around the corner from my house that they had put a bunch of Bosnian refugees in. And their school was right down the road, the public school. And so my neighborhood in high school was like the kids playing around in the streets and in the playground or whatever were Bosnian refugees. And the combination of the three countries, Serbian, Croatia and Bosnia, used to be one big thing called Yugoslavia, right.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: And the first two syllables of the word Yugoslavia were in Switzerland, a slur for anyone who was from that country. And there was just a ton of bigotry toward them, basically because they displayed poverty [laughter]. Like they were one of the most visible groups of poor people in Zurich. And again, like Lisa said, this wasn't about racism. Everybody's White. But you're talking about like there were ethnic differences and there was class differences. And people dismissed them for their criminality, or for how the young men would get in fights in bars and on the streets or whatever, and all that kind of stuff. And then, you know how a lot of refugees from the Somalian war ended up in Minneapolis and St Paul, just like where a lot of them were placed in the US, and then a lot of them moved into North Dakota.It's like, a lot of… which is where my family's from. I've been there a lot. I hear a lot of people talking about the politics in that region. And you would hear similar stuff about them, except that it was about race. That it was, “Oh, we have crime now because we have Black people and we haven't before.” I mean, obviously Minneapolis, they did, but not really in the parts of North Dakota that my family's from. And so it was this lesson for me about the thing that Lisa was talking about, respect for the image of God in all people and how when you bring people who are somehow differentiable [laughter] from you, somebody who's from another grid, you can call them a different class, a different race, whatever, we will find any excuse to just say, “Oh, these are just bad people,” instead of taking responsibility for them, loving our neighbor, doing any of the stuff that we were commanded to do by Jesus, to the stranger, the foreigner, the immigrant in our midst.We will find whatever dividing lines we can to write people off. It can be race, it can be poverty, it can be, it doesn't matter. It's not what we should actually be saying about poverty or violence, or the fact that people are getting mugged or whatever. What we should be saying is we have a bunch of people who just got here from a war torn society. They were cut off from education and job skills and opportunities and all kinds of other things. And this is, when you just stick them in a society that treats them like garbage, this is what happens every single time, without fail. And so what we need to do is [laughter] be good neighbors.Jonathan Walton: Yes.Sy Hoekstra: Treat people well and forgive when people wrong us and that sort of thing. And we just will find any excuse in the world not to do that. And it's because we are not starting from that place that Miroslav Volf, who I love by the way, said to Lisa, is the place where you have to start everything when it comes to these kinds of conflicts, which is respect for the image of God in other people. The fact that they didn't do that in Yugoslavia led to slaughter en masse, but it still happens when you leave and you put yourself in a different context. There's still that lack of respect, and it's still harming people, even when there's quote- unquote, peace.Jonathan Walton: This opens up another can of worms. But I thought to myself…Sy Hoekstra: Go for it.Jonathan Walton: …it's much easier to say, “I just don't want to help,” than it is to say, “This person's evil,” or, “These people are bad.” Because I think at the core of it, someone says, “Is this your neighbor?” Jesus says, “Is this your neighbor?” And the Jewish leader of the day does not want to help the Samaritan, whatever the reasoning is. Right?Sy Hoekstra: Right.Jonathan Walton: We're trying to justify our innate desire to not help our neighbor. As opposed to just dealing with the reality that many of us, when we see people who are broken and messed up, quote- unquote broken, quote- unquote messed up, quote- unquote on the opposite side of whatever power dynamic or oppressive structure that is set up or has just made, quote- unquote poor choices, some of us, our gut reaction is, I don't want to help them. And if we would just, I think just stop there, be like, “My first inclination is, I'm not interested in helping them.” And paused it there and reflected on why we don't want to do that internally, as opposed to turning towards them and making them the reason. Because they were just sitting there.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Jonathan Walton: The person on the street who's experiencing homelessness was just sitting there. The one in 10 students in New York City that is homeless is just sitting there. They're just there. And so if we were able to slow down for a second and say, “Why don't I want this person to live in my neighborhood, in my own stuff? Well, I don't like change. I'm afraid of this being different. I'm uncomfortable with different foods. I'm afraid of my favorite coffee shop or restaurant being taken away. I'm uncomfortable around people of different faiths. I feel weird when I don't hear my language being spoken.” If we were able to turn those reflections inward before we had uncomfortable feelings, turned them into actions, and then justified those actions with theology that has nothing to do with the gospel of Jesus, then I wonder what would be different. But that that slowing down is really hard, because it's easier to feel the feeling, react, and then justify my reaction with a divine mandate.Sy Hoekstra: Or just plug those feelings into stereotypes and all of the existing ways of thinking about people that we provide for each other so that we can avoid doing that very reflection.Jonathan Walton: That's all that I thought about there [laughs]. I'm going to be thinking about that for a while actually. So Sy, which tab is still open for you? We're going to talk about a segment where we dive a little bit deeper into one of the recommendations from our newsletter. And remember, you can get this newsletter for free just by signing up for our mailing list at KTFPress.com. You'll get recommendations on articles, podcasts and other media that both of us have found that will help you in your political education and discipleship. Plus you'll get reflections to keep us grounded, from me and Sy that help keep us grounded every week as we engage in just this challenging work and together in the news about what's happening and all that.You can get everything I'm just talking about at KTFPress.com and more. So go get that free subscription at KTFPress.com. So Sy, want to summarize that main story point for us?Sy Hoekstra: Yeah. I mean, this is interesting, because when I wrote about this, which is the story about Haitian immigrants in Ohio, it was two days after the debate, and the story has only exploded since then, and I think a lot of people kind of probably have the gist of it already. But some completely unfounded rumors based on fourth hand nonsense and some blurry pictures of people that have nothing whatsoever to do with Haitian immigrants started spreading online among right wing conspiracy theorists saying, for some reason, that Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio were eating pets.Jonathan Walton: [laughs].Sy Hoekstra: Stealing, kidnapping and eating the resident's pets.Jonathan Walton: Yes.Sy Hoekstra: And the absurdity of this story was immediately apparent to me being someone who married into a Haitian immigrant family, Haitians do not eat cats and dogs [laughs]. It's a ridiculous thing to have to say, but I say it because I understand, maybe you have no, maybe you know nothing whatsoever about Haiti and you think, “Well, I don't know. There are some cultures around the world where they eat animals that we think of as pets or that we don't think of as food or whatever.” And like, okay, fine, that's true. It's not Haiti, though.Jonathan Walton: Right [laughter].Sy Hoekstra: The idea of eating a cat or a dog to a Haitian is as weird to them as it is to us. I promise you, I've had so much Haitian food [laughter]. So basically this rumor spread, Donald Trump mentions that the debates and now there are Proud Boys in Springfield, Ohio, marching around with cat posters and memes. There are people calling in bomb threats to schools and to government buildings, to all other institutions in Springfield. The Haitian population is very afraid of Donald Trump. At this point, we're recording this on Friday, September 20, he has said that he will travel to Springfield, and basically everyone there has said, “Please do not do that. You're only going to stoke more problems.”And every last piece of evidence that has been offered as evidence, which was always pretty weak in the first place, has been debunked at this point. There was one, the Vance campaign just recent, the past couple days, gave a police report to the Washington Post and said, “See, we found it. Here's a woman who actually filed a police report that says that my Haitian neighbors took my cat and ate my cat.” And the Washington Post did what, for some reason Republicans never expect journalists to do, and actually did their job and called up the woman who said, “Oh, yeah, I filed that report, and then I found my cat in my basement, and they were fine.” [laughs]Jonathan Walton: Yes. In her house.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah. And so I don't know, there have been a couple of blips like that where somebody is like, “See, I found evidence,” and then someone was immediately like, “That's not actually evidence.” There have been rumors of other rallies or whatever. It's basically just becoming a focal point and a meme for all of Trump and his supporters, immigration resentment.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: There was a story today about people in Alabama being concerned about, some small town in Alabama being concerned about becoming the next Springfield because they had 60 Haitian immigrants in their town of 12,000 people [laughs]. I don't know. It's all just bizarre. The main actual point though, around the actual immigration policy stuff, Gabrielle and a few other people, my wife's name is Gabrielle, and a few other Haitians that I've seen comment on this, keep bringing up the Toni Morrison quote about how racism is a distraction from actual issues.Jonathan Walton: That is literally what I was gonna read.Sy Hoekstra: There you go. Okay [laughs]. So the actual issue here is that there's this community of about 60,000 people in Ohio that has had an influx of about 15,000 Haitian immigrants, and so it's a lot of strain on the schools and housing and stuff like that, which those are real questions. But also, the Haitian immigrants are there because the local economy revitalization efforts led to a bunch of manufacturers coming into Springfield and having more jobs than laborers, and explicitly saying, “We need you to bring in more laborers.” And so they were Haitian immigrants who are legally in the country [laughs], who have social security numbers and temporary protected status at the very least if not green cards or whatever, have been filling these jobs, and not remotely even a majority of these jobs.They're just filling in the extra 10, 15 percent or whatever the workforce that these manufacturers thought they needed. And the story has become, “Haitians are taking our jobs,” which is absolute nonsense.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: So those are the main points of the story. Sorry, I talked a while. I have a lot of feelings about this one [laughs].Jonathan Walton: No, I mean…Sy Hoekstra: But Jonathan, what are your thoughts?Jonathan Walton: For a good reason. Let me just say this quote by Toni Morrison, “The function, the very serious function of racism, is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining over and over again your reason for being. Somebody says your head isn't shaped properly, and you have scientists working on the fact that it is. Somebody says you have no art, so you dredge that up. Somebody says you have no kingdoms, so you dredge that up. None of this is necessary. There will always be one more thing.” So along with that Toni Morrison quote, I want to put that side by side with this quote from Robert Jones Jr.'s National Book of the Year, The Prophets.“To survive this place, you had to want to die. That was the way of the world as remade by the Toubab.” Toubab is a Western and Central African word for colonizer, European. “They push people into the mud and then call them filthy. They forbade people from accessing knowledge of the world, and then called them simple. They worked people until their empty hands were twisted and bleeding and can do no more, than they called them lazy. They forced people to eat innards from troughs, and then called them uncivilized. They kidnapped babies and shattered families and then called them incapable of love. They raped and lynched and cut up people into parts and called the pieces savages. They stepped on people's throats with all of their might and asked why the people couldn't breathe.”“And then when people made an attempt to break the foot or cut it off one they screamed, “Chaos,” and claimed that mass murder was the only way to restore order. They praised every daisy and then called every blackberry a stain. They bled the color from God's face, gave it a dangle between its legs, and called it holy. Then when they were done breaking things, they pointed to the sky and called the color of the universe itself a sin, [black]. And then the whole world believed them, even some of Samuel's [or Black] people. Especially some of Samuel's people. This was untoward and made it hard to open your heart to feel a sense of loyalty that wasn't a strategy. It was easier to just seal yourself up and rock yourself to sleep.”That to me, like those two quotes together. So the Son of Baldwin, Robert Jones Jr, great follow on Substack and that quote from Toni Morrison, an iconic Black female writer, wrote Beloved, The Bluest Eye, those two things together, like what racism does to a person. The giving up, the I just, “What can I do?” and the distraction for the people who do have effort, are just two roads that I wish we just didn't have to go down. But most people will spend our energy either resigned because we've spent too much or pushing against the lie as the powers that be continue to carry out genocide, continue to extract limestone from Haiti, continues to extract resources from Haiti, continue to destroy African economies through extraction in the Congo and Benin and all the places.And so my prayer and longing is that the resilience of the Haitian people and the legacy of Toussaint and all of that would be present in the people that are there and the diaspora. And I believe that is true. And I pray for safety for all of the people that still have to live in this, what is fastly becoming a sundown town.Sy Hoekstra: Right.Jonathan Walton: It's a very real thing. And I talked to someone else. Oh, actually [laughs], it was a DM on Instagram that I sent to Brandy, and she agreed that there's a lot of PTSD from when Trump was president, because things like this got said every day.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Jonathan Walton: All the time. And downstream of rhetoric are real actions, like lawyers and taxi drivers being mobilized to go to the airport to try and get the, quote- unquote, Muslim banned people now representation and get them to their destinations. You had very real terrible child separation that happened, that children are still separated from their families right now. And so downstream of all this stuff, are real, real concrete actions. And I am praying that… my daughter asked me this morning, Maya, she said, “Do I want Trump to win, or do I want Harris to win?” And I said, “Maya, I hope that Trump does not win.” She goes “Well, if Harris wins, will it be better?”I said, “It depends on who you ask, but I think there will be a better chance for us to move towards something more helpful if Trump does not win.” And then she said she knew some people who are supportive of Trump, and I told her things that her eight year old brain cannot handle.Sy Hoekstra: But wait, what does that mean? [laughs]Jonathan Walton: I just started breaking down why that is because I couldn't help myself.Sy Hoekstra: Oh, why people support him.Jonathan Walton: Why people would support him.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah, okay.Jonathan Walton: And then she quickly pivoted back to Story Pirates, which is a wonderful podcast about professional improvisational actors telling kid stories like Cecily Strong and things like that. It's hilarious. But all that to say, I think this is a prime example of the type of chaos and environment that is created when someone like Trump is president and the cameras are on him at all times. And I hope that is not the reality, because he absolutely does not have any meaningful policy positions besides Project 2025. I don't know if you saw… I'm talking a lot. He was in a town hall in Michigan, and someone asked him what his child care policies were. Like what actionable policy does he have? And he said a word salad and a buffet of dictionaries that you don't know what he was talking about.Sy Hoekstra: [laughs].Jonathan Walton: It was nonsense that somehow ended up with immigration being a problem.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Jonathan Walton: And so I think that the worst factions of our country will have a vehicle to live out their worst fantasies about deportations and violence and racism, White supremacy and patriarchy and all those things, if he becomes president. And that's really sad to me, and I think it's a preview of that is what's happening in Springfield right now.Sy Hoekstra: Here's another angle on this. And it fits into everything you just said, but it's just from a different angle, bringing a little bit of Haitian history here. The Haitian Revolution is probably, I can't say that I've read everything to guarantee this, is probably the greatest act of defiance against White supremacy that the world has ever seen. For those who don't know, it happened right after the American Revolution, it was just the enslaved people of the island of Saint-Domingue, which is now Haiti in the Dominican Republic, rising up and overthrowing the French and taking the island for themselves and establishing, like writing the world's second written constitution and establishing basically the world's second democracy.Really the world's first actual democracy [laughs] if you think about how American democracy was restricted to a very small group of people. If you read things that people in colonial governments or slave owners throughout the Western Hemisphere wrote and like when they spoke to each other about their fears over the next decades before slavery is abolished, Haiti is constantly on their minds.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: They never stop talking about it. It's actually mentioned in some of the declarations of secession before the Civil War. When the states wrote why they were seceding, it was like, “Because the Union wants Haiti to happen to us.” For the plantation owners to be killed. It was an obsession, and so the colonial powers in Europe, you may have read some of the work that the New York Times did in the New York Times Magazine last year, maybe it was two years ago, about this. But the amount of energy from European powers that went into making sure that Haiti as a country never had access to global markets or the global economy, that they were constantly impoverished.They were still finding ways to extract money from Haiti, even though it was an independent country. The fact that the US colonized Haiti for almost 20 years in the early 20th century, like the ways that we have controlled who is in power in their government from afar. We've propped up some of the most brutal dictators in the history of the world, honestly. We have been punishing and making sure that everybody knows that the defiance of white supremacy that Haiti showed will never be tolerated.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: And so it is so easy for Haitians at every stage to become a scapegoat for whatever anxiety we have about the world becoming less White, the world becoming less of like under our control. Haitian immigrants were the reason that we started using Guantanamo Bay as a prison. They were the first people that we ever imprisoned there. We changed our policies, we like… Do you know for a long time, they wouldn't let Haitian people donate blood in America?Jonathan Walton: Yes.Sy Hoekstra: Because we said they'd had HIV. They had dirty blood, is what we said about them for years. Haiti is not at the bottom because of its choice. That's what we're constantly telling ourselves. Pat Robertson went on his show after the earthquake in 2010, and said the reason that these things still happen to Haiti is because they did Voodoo before their revolution, because they're pagans or whatever. We will make up any reason to not just take responsibility. Again, like with the Bosnians, the Somalis, we make up any reason to not just take responsibility for our actions.Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: And this is just a continuation of that. And I don't know that I have a further point beyond that, other than to say, everything that Trump and Vance and the Proud Boys and all of them are doing in Springfield right now is just a continuation of that. “You're immigrants that we will call illegal, even though you're not right and you are Black. Your whole pride in your culture and your history is about the way that you defied White supremacy, and you're foreign to us, and you are strange. And we will say that you do things like eat cats that you don't do, and we will just believe it, because we don't actually want to know anything about you other than that you are a monster who defies the way that the world should be ordered.”Jonathan Walton: Yep.Sy Hoekstra: I'm trying to stop myself from tearing up right now, and I don't know that I have points beyond this. Do you know what I mean? I'm just angry because this is like people, this is my wife and my daughter. I'm probably just taking time now to do what I should have done earlier in this process, which is just feel all the sadness and the anger. But that is what I feel. The Trump and Vance and the people that are a part of his movement are just horrifying. The fruit of their way of seeing the world is just evil, and I think that's where I'm leaving it for now [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Our battle is not against flesh and blood, but against powers and principalities and spiritual wickedness in high places. And the very thing that Haitian people are called, evil, voodoo all those things, is what White supremacy is.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Jonathan Walton: That is evil, and that is wicked, and it has been at work for centuries. And in Jesus name, as Connie Anderson would pray in the work she does with White people around White supremacy and leaving that behind, and she says she just prays that it would be overthrown. That demonic power would be overthrown, and people would be disobedient to that leaning.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah.Jonathan Walton: And I pray the same would be true for many, many people before and after the polls close on November the 5th.Sy Hoekstra: Yeah. So in the newsletter, I put an email address where you could send a PayPal donation to the local Haitian community center. We'll have a link to that in the show notes too. The Haitians on the ground, especially some of the pastors and the churches there, are doing some incredible work to try and keep the peace. I think people have been overlooking that. There was a decent Christianity Today article on kind of what's going on the ground in Ohio, but it really focused on what the local White churches are doing to help [laughs].Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: And I really need people to focus on the Haitians, like what is actually happening there, and the fact that there are White supremacists marching around the town. And how terrifying that has to be for them, and how the people who are doing the work to keep the peace there are heroic, and they should not have to be. And they deserve all of our support and all our prayers. So I appreciate anything that you can, any intercession that you can do, any money that you can give. Any support that you can be. Any help that you can be just spreading the truth to people who may not be wanting to hear it or who might not be hearing it from their news sources right now,Jonathan Walton: Right.Sy Hoekstra: We're gonna end there, then. Thank you so much for listening. Please remember to go to KTFPress.com and become a paid subscriber and support everything we're doing, the media that we're making here. Get the bonus episodes to this show, come to our monthly Zoom calls to have a chat with me and Jonathan about everything that's going on in the election. Bring us your questions, get access to comments on our posts and more pl

1802. October... November... December... three months in which the longstanding contest between the British and the French switches from the battlefield to the negotiating table... After two complete years in power Napoleon Bonaparte's position looks increasingly secure... And the decision is taken to send a French fleet across the Atlantic with Saint-Domiongue's Toussaint Louverture in the firing line. This is episode 40 of the Napoleonic Quarterly - covering three months in which the curtain falls on the French Wars of the French Revolution. [16:52] - headline developments [21:05] - Graeme Callister on peace negotiations between Britain and France [41:30] - William Doyle on Bonaparte's first two years in power [1:07:30] - Marlene Daut on the decision to send a fleet to Saint-Domingue [1:20:52] - Season five closing comments from Charles Esdaile and Alexander Mikaberidze

We examine the complex and tumultuous history of the lands around the Caribbean basin, including the rise of the massive sugar-plantation colonies of Jamaica and Saint Domingue, which depended upon an enormous traffic in enslaved African workers, the emergence of distinctive creole languages and spiritual practices, the flourishing of piracy amidst inter-imperial wars, and the long struggle of resistance by slave rebels and defiant Maroons which eventually culminated in the catacylismic upheaval known today as the Haitian Revolution. Image: Women at a linen market, Dominica, by Agostino Brunias, ca. 1780. Our previous lecture on Creating the Caribbean: https://soundcloud.com/historiansplaining/creating-the-caribbean-the-colonial-west-indies-pt-1-1496-1697 Suggested further reading: Richard Dunn, "Sugar and Slaves"; Trevor Burnard, "Master, Tyranny, & Desire: Thomas Thistlewood and His Slaves"; John Sensbach, "Rebecca's Revival"; Marcus Rediker, "The Slave Ship"; Rediker & Linebaugh, "The Many-Headed Hydra"; Christopher L. Brown, "Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism." Please support to keep this podcast coming and to hear patron-only lectures including on the Dead Sea Scrolls: https://www.patreon.com/user?u=5530632

La fête du travail américaine marque traditionnellement le début des choses sérieuses pour les candidats à la Maison Blanche. Le Journal d'Haïti et des Amériques vous fixe un nouveau rendez-vous chaque semaine jusqu'à la présidentielle du 5 novembre aux États-Unis : tous les mardis, l'un de nos correspondants sur le sol américain revient sur l'actualité de la campagne.Guillaume Naudin ouvre le bal aujourd'hui avec le compte-rendu de deux déplacements importants côté démocrate : le premier à Detroit, dans le Michigan, la capitale de l'industrie automobile. Ces États-là, où le vote ouvrier compte, il faut que Kamala Harris les gagne si elle veut être élue. Et pour cela, elle doit s'adresser à un public qui n'est pas automatiquement convaincu par son profil de juriste californienne. Kamala Harris, en ce jour de fête du travail, s'est donc adressée à des syndicalistes, pour leur dire qu'elle partage leurs valeurs depuis toujours : « Beaucoup d'entre vous savent que mes parents se sont rencontrés pendant qu'ils militaient dans le mouvement pour les droits civiques. Quand j'étais petite, ma mère m'emmenait dans des réunions et dans des manifestations dans ma poussette. Très jeune, j'ai appris que, quand les gens sont ensemble, quand nous parlons ensemble, sachant que la grande majorité d'entre nous avons tellement plus qui nous réunit que ce qui nous sépare, quand nous parlons ensemble, nous pouvons faire des changements extraordinaires. »Deuxième étape : la Pennsylvanie, à Pittsburgh, région très industrielle là aussi où elle a tenu sensiblement le même discours, sauf qu'elle n'était pas seule : Joe Biden a mis fin à ses vacances pour lui apporter son soutien, comme il l'avait promis lors de la Convention démocrate. Un Joe Biden qui a envie d'en découdre et qui, malgré les doutes sur ses capacités physiques et cognitives, va mettre ce qui lui reste d'énergie au service de Kamala Harris.Quant à Donald Trump, il s'est fait discret, pas de déplacement hier. La controverse autour de son déplacement de campagne au cimetière national d'Arlington continue de le poursuivre, et pour éteindre l'incendie, la campagne Trump a donné la parole aux familles qui avaient convié l'ancien président républicain sur ce terrain sensible. Comme Mark Schmitz, père d'un des soldats tués en Afghanistan, qui s'adresse directement à la vice-présidente, sans concession : « Pourquoi nous voulions que Trump soit là ? Ce n'était pas pour l'aider dans sa campagne politique. Nous voulions un dirigeant. Cela explique pourquoi vous et Joe n'avez pas reçu d'appel. Imaginez une seconde que votre enfant soit tué. Et il y a un président des États-Unis qui veut vous prendre sous son aile et vous écouter. C'est ce que nous avons trouvé avec le président Trump. Certainement pas avec vous et certainement pas avec Joe Biden. »Le Falcon de Maduro sous la coupe de WashingtonLes États-Unis ont mis la main sur un avion considéré comme la monture de Nicolas Maduro, un Falcon 900EX, un appareil de chez Dassault, de fabrication française, capable d'accueillir entre 10 et 15 passagers.Qui dit aviation dit maintenance, et lorsqu'il a fallu bricoler ce Falcon, les autorités vénézuéliennes l'ont envoyé en Républicaine Dominicaine. Mauvaise idée : le ministère américain de la Justice a demandé sa saisie, Saint-Domingue a coopéré, et le coucou dort désormais en Floride, loin de Caracas.Le fondement juridique de tout ça ? Washington a découvert que ce Falcon avait été acheté aux États-Unis, pour 13 millions de dollars, par une société-écran basée aux Caraïbes. Puis, d'après le procureur général, sorti de manière clandestine jusqu'au Venezuela, pour servir de véhicule à Maduro et à son entourage. L'administration Biden y voit une violation du décret pris par Donald Trump en 2019 qui a radicalement restreint le commerce entre le Venezuela et des entités américaines.Coup de pression électoralNicolas Maduro n'ayant toujours pas produit les preuves de sa victoire à la présidentielle, le New York Times y voit un geste de mauvaise humeur de la Maison Blanche, et le mandat d'arrêt émis contre Edmundo González Urrutia par la justice vénézuélienne ne va rien arranger. Le candidat de l'opposition, qui affirme lui aussi avoir gagné le scrutin, est désormais recherché sur ordre d'un tribunal anti-terroriste pour usurpation de fonction, contrefaçon de documents publics, conspiration, sabotage de données électroniques et association de malfaiteurs. Huit pays de la région, souligne Tal Cual, ont déjà condamné ce mandat d'arrêt, qu'ils assimilent à une mesure de persécution politique.Le dossier d'Achim Lippold, consacré à l'explosion du trafic de cocaïne entre le Brésil et l'AfriqueAvec le sociologue Gabriel Feltran, professeur à Sciences Po Paris et directeur de recherche au CNRS, plongée dans les griffes de la Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), la plus grande organisation criminelle brésilienne. Coordinateur du rapport de l'ONG Global Initiative, le professeur Feltran décrit les mécanismes de la chaîne d'approvisionnement d'un réseau devenu multinational, présent et influent sur les cinq continents grâce à ses alliances avec d'autres acteurs majeurs de la criminalité internationale, notamment la 'Ndrangheta (mafia calabraise) et les réseaux criminels mexicains, colombiens, russes et africains. « Le Brésil, note le rapport, joue désormais un rôle prépondérant et croissant dans la logistique du trafic de cocaïne latino-américain via l'Afrique de l'Ouest, le PCC jouant un rôle central de coordinateur (à l'instar du Mexique qui contrôle l'entrée de la cocaïne aux États-Unis). »Le satisfecit de la police dans la capitale haïtienneLa Police nationale haïtienne (PNH) se félicite des opérations menées par les forces de l'ordre dans plusieurs quartiers de Port-au-Prince depuis la semaine dernière, à Bel-Air, Solino ou Fort-National. Les policiers affirment avoir repris du terrain, sans bilan précis, mais relatent que plusieurs bandits ont été tués, des armes à feu saisies et plusieurs interpellations réalisées, selon le porte-parole de la PNH hier en conférence de presse. Opération d'envergure menée depuis une semaine, grâce à la coopération entre trois entités : la PNH, l'armée et la MMAS, la Mission multinationale d'appui à la sécurité.À noter et à lire dans Le Nouvelliste : l'extension de l'état d'urgence sécuritaire à l'ensemble du territoire haïtien. Il était cantonné jusqu'ici aux départements de l'Ouest et de l'Artibonite, mais cela permettra à l'avenir, selon les sources du Nouvelliste, « de prendre des décisions qui concernent tout le pays au lieu de ces deux départements ».L'actualité des Outre-mer avec nos confrères de la 1èreCoupures intempestives, mauvaise qualité au robinet : en Guadeloupe, les problèmes d'eau encore et toujours d'actualité.

The creation of Haiti was the culmination of a slave revolt that began on a stormy night in the dense woods of Bois Caïman in Saint-Domingue, on 21st September, 1791, when a Voodoo ceremony led by the Jamaican-born priest Dutty Boukman called upon the enslaved Africans to reject their masters and embrace freedom in a bloody uprising. Saint-Domingue was France's most lucrative colony, producing vast quantities of sugar, coffee, cotton, and indigo. However, this wealth came at an enormous human cost. The brutal conditions on the plantations, exacerbated by rampant diseases like yellow fever, led to a staggering death rate among the enslaved population.  Meanwhile the French colonists, who were vastly outnumbered by the enslaved Africans, lived in constant fear of rebellion. When it came, the uprising rapidly gained momentum, destroying hundreds of plantations and killing thousands of white colonists within weeks. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly explain how the revolution was not actually intended to separate Haiti from France; consider how Toussaint Louverture rose through the ranks to command a formidable army and confront Napoleon's forces; and reveal how the Haitian flag came to be…  Further Reading: • ‘Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) • Global African History' (Blackpast, 2007): https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/haitian-revolution-1791-1804/ • 'How Toussaint L'ouverture Rose from Slavery to Lead the Haitian Revolution' (HISTORY, 2021): https://www.history.com/news/toussaint-louverture-haiti-revolution • 'The Haitian Revolution - Liberation' (Extra History, 2020): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KfLskhmVd7k Love the show? Support us!  Join 

Despite Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its considerable importance to our own history, Haiti barely registered in the historic consciousness of most Americans until recently. Those who struggled to understand Haiti's suffering in the earthquake of 2010 often spoke of it as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, but could not explain how it came to be so. In recent years, the amount of scholarship about the island has increased dramatically. Whereas once this scholarship was focused on Haiti's political or military leaders, now the historiography of Haiti features lively debates and different schools of thought. Even as this body of knowledge has developed, it has been hard for students to grasp its various strands.  Haitian History: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2012) presents the best of the recent articles on Haitian history, by both Haitian and foreign scholars, moving from colonial Saint Domingue to the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. It will be the go-to one-volume introduction to the field of Haitian history, helping to explain how the promise of the Haitian Revolution dissipated, and presenting the major debates and questions in the field today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Despite Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its considerable importance to our own history, Haiti barely registered in the historic consciousness of most Americans until recently. Those who struggled to understand Haiti's suffering in the earthquake of 2010 often spoke of it as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, but could not explain how it came to be so. In recent years, the amount of scholarship about the island has increased dramatically. Whereas once this scholarship was focused on Haiti's political or military leaders, now the historiography of Haiti features lively debates and different schools of thought. Even as this body of knowledge has developed, it has been hard for students to grasp its various strands.  Haitian History: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2012) presents the best of the recent articles on Haitian history, by both Haitian and foreign scholars, moving from colonial Saint Domingue to the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. It will be the go-to one-volume introduction to the field of Haitian history, helping to explain how the promise of the Haitian Revolution dissipated, and presenting the major debates and questions in the field today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Despite Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its considerable importance to our own history, Haiti barely registered in the historic consciousness of most Americans until recently. Those who struggled to understand Haiti's suffering in the earthquake of 2010 often spoke of it as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, but could not explain how it came to be so. In recent years, the amount of scholarship about the island has increased dramatically. Whereas once this scholarship was focused on Haiti's political or military leaders, now the historiography of Haiti features lively debates and different schools of thought. Even as this body of knowledge has developed, it has been hard for students to grasp its various strands.  Haitian History: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2012) presents the best of the recent articles on Haitian history, by both Haitian and foreign scholars, moving from colonial Saint Domingue to the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. It will be the go-to one-volume introduction to the field of Haitian history, helping to explain how the promise of the Haitian Revolution dissipated, and presenting the major debates and questions in the field today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Despite Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its considerable importance to our own history, Haiti barely registered in the historic consciousness of most Americans until recently. Those who struggled to understand Haiti's suffering in the earthquake of 2010 often spoke of it as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, but could not explain how it came to be so. In recent years, the amount of scholarship about the island has increased dramatically. Whereas once this scholarship was focused on Haiti's political or military leaders, now the historiography of Haiti features lively debates and different schools of thought. Even as this body of knowledge has developed, it has been hard for students to grasp its various strands.  Haitian History: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2012) presents the best of the recent articles on Haitian history, by both Haitian and foreign scholars, moving from colonial Saint Domingue to the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. It will be the go-to one-volume introduction to the field of Haitian history, helping to explain how the promise of the Haitian Revolution dissipated, and presenting the major debates and questions in the field today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

Despite Haiti's proximity to the United States, and its considerable importance to our own history, Haiti barely registered in the historic consciousness of most Americans until recently. Those who struggled to understand Haiti's suffering in the earthquake of 2010 often spoke of it as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, but could not explain how it came to be so. In recent years, the amount of scholarship about the island has increased dramatically. Whereas once this scholarship was focused on Haiti's political or military leaders, now the historiography of Haiti features lively debates and different schools of thought. Even as this body of knowledge has developed, it has been hard for students to grasp its various strands.  Haitian History: New Perspectives (Routledge, 2012) presents the best of the recent articles on Haitian history, by both Haitian and foreign scholars, moving from colonial Saint Domingue to the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. It will be the go-to one-volume introduction to the field of Haitian history, helping to explain how the promise of the Haitian Revolution dissipated, and presenting the major debates and questions in the field today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/caribbean-studies

Marlene Daut, Professor of French and African Diaspora Studies at Yale University, discusses the incredible 13-year period from 1791 to 1804 which saw self-liberated slaves, not least leader Toussaint Louverture, overcome French colonial rule to win freedom on Haiti. Including: [01:00] - Reflections on the complexity of the Haitian Revolution [05:15] - The intellectual roots of the Haitian Revolution [09:30] - Metropolitan France's negative / imperialist attitudes towards Toussaint Louverture and Saint-Domingue [14:00] - Bringing Haitian writers' thoughts and ideas to life [18:00] - Competing narratives about the Haitian Revolution - and what the revolutionaries said themselves [20:50] - Spelling out the end of slavery during the Revolution [22:30] - The challenges of implementing liberty after centuries of enslaved labour (or, how it all went wrong) [25:30] - Writing the biography of Henri-Christophe, the first king of Haiti [28:00] - Race and racism in Haiti's Anglophone historiography.

 The Haitian Revolution is a story of extreme violence, hope, and human rights.   Learn how slaves in Saint-Domingue fought against brutal conditions and multiple European powers to establish the first free black-led nation in the world.  Overview of the Haitian Revolution Toussaint L'Ouverture's early life and significance Colonisation of Saint-Domingue by the French Brutal conditions for slaves in Saint-Domingue Different social groups in Saint-Domingue Impact of the French Revolution Initial uprisings led by Vincent Ogé 1791 slave uprising initiated by Dutty Boukman Toussaint L'Ouverture's rise to power Haitian independence declared in 1804 Full interactive transcript, subtitles and key vocabulary available on the website: https://www.leonardoenglish.com/podcasts/haitian-revolution ---You might like:

La vente de la Louisiane par la France aux États-Unis en 1803, connue sous le nom de la "Louisiana Purchase", est un événement majeur de l'histoire américaine et française. Plusieurs facteurs stratégiques, économiques et politiques ont conduit à cette transaction.Contexte HistoriqueÀ l'aube du XIXe siècle, la France était dirigée par Napoléon Bonaparte, qui avait des ambitions expansionnistes en Europe et au-delà. En 1800, par le traité de San Ildefonso, l'Espagne a restitué la Louisiane à la France, une immense région s'étendant de la rivière Mississippi aux montagnes Rocheuses, couvrant environ 828 000 miles carrés.Raisons de la Vente1. Pressions Militaires et Diplomatiques :Napoléon avait de grandes ambitions en Europe et nécessitait des ressources financières et militaires pour soutenir ses campagnes. De plus, les tensions croissantes avec la Grande-Bretagne menaçaient une nouvelle guerre. Napoléon craignait que la Louisiane ne soit difficile à défendre et pourrait facilement tomber aux mains des Britanniques en cas de conflit.2. Révolte en Haïti :La révolte des esclaves à Saint-Domingue (aujourd'hui Haïti), dirigée par Toussaint Louverture, a été un coup dur pour les ambitions coloniales françaises dans les Amériques. La France a subi de lourdes pertes et a perdu le contrôle de l'île, réduisant ainsi son intérêt pour les possessions coloniales américaines, dont la Louisiane.3. Situation Économique :La France était en difficulté financière à cause des guerres continues en Europe. La vente de la Louisiane représentait une opportunité d'obtenir des fonds rapidement. Les États-Unis ont proposé 15 millions de dollars pour l'acquisition, une somme considérable pour l'époque, offrant à Napoléon des liquidités nécessaires pour financer ses campagnes militaires.4. Expansion Américaine :Pour les États-Unis, l'achat de la Louisiane était une occasion en or pour doubler leur territoire, ouvrir de nouvelles terres à la colonisation et garantir un accès crucial à la rivière Mississippi et au port de La Nouvelle-Orléans, essentiels pour le commerce.ConclusionLa vente de la Louisiane a été un acte pragmatique de la part de Napoléon, visant à renforcer la position française en Europe tout en se débarrassant d'une colonie difficile à défendre. Pour les États-Unis, ce fut une opportunité d'expansion territoriale et économique sans précédent. Cette transaction a profondément influencé l'histoire des deux nations, marquant un tournant dans l'expansion américaine et la politique coloniale française. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.