Podcast appearances and mentions of George Jackson

ORIGINALLY RELEASED Jan 8, 2024 Dr. Joy James joins Breht and PM for the third installment of Rev Left's ongoing Du Bois series, but this conversation goes well beyond the life and work of Du Bois to cover James' newest book, her long history of organizing, the history of black liberation struggles in the US, and much more. Together, they discuss George Jackson, James' concept of the Captive Maternal, Erica Garner, "New Bones Abolition", Marxism, black history, Ida B. Wells, and much more. Overall its a wide-ranging conversation with an incredibly wise and experienced revolutionary intellectual.  Dr. James is Ebenezer Fitch Professor of Humanities at Williams College. Her book is New Bones Abolition: Captive Maternal Agency and the (After)life of Erica Garner.  Proceeds from New Bones Abolition: Captive Maternal Agency and the (After)Life of Erica Garner go to Prison Radio. Follow PM on IG ---------------------------------------------------- Support Rev Left and get access to bonus episodes: www.patreon.com/revleftradio Make a one-time donation to Rev Left at BuyMeACoffee.com/revleftradio Follow, Subscribe, & Learn more about Rev Left Radio HERE Outro Beat Prod. by flip da hood

In this episode of The Energy Espresso, host Dave Bosco goes live from the 2025 Thrive Conference with special guests George Jackson and Jason Padilla. George unveils his new venture, Revolution Power Solutions, while Jason explores the cutting-edge innovations that Waukesha engines bring to the oil & gas and power generation industries.Together, they dive into the critical role of natural gas, the technical intricacies of emissions, the challenges of packaging equipment, and the rising energy demand across multiple sectors. Tune in for an insightful discussion on the future of energy solutions and how advanced technology is shaping a more efficient and sustainable industry.00:00 Welcome to The Energy Espresso00:11 Introducing Special Guests: George and Jason00:48 The Energy Espresso: Coffee and Energy01:36 George Jackson: Revolution Power Solutions02:41 Jason Padilla: Waukesha Engines03:42 Waukesha's Technological Edge09:05 Packaging and Direct Drive Technology18:45 Maintenance and Efficiency22:47 Digital Platforms and Customer Support28:22 Industry Standards and Interoperability29:23 Emissions Comparison: Rich Burn vs Lean Burn30:36 Catalyst Technology and Emissions Reduction35:26 Packaging and Design for Power Generation39:49 Market Trends and Future Outlook46:29 Attracting Talent and Industry Growth53:10 Conclusion and Future Plans

Detroit City Council President Mary Sheffield, who is running for mayor, talked on Saturday about her accomplishments on city council, her goals, her gripes about the city and her relationship with Mayor Mike Duggan on the podcast/videocast of "Detroit in Black and White." "I am most the qualified, the most caple, able and willing and ready, day one, to deliver (for) Detroit," she said.quoteThe co-hosts also talk with George Jackson, former CEO of the Detroit Economic Growth Corp., who thinks Mayor Mike Duggan took too much credit for developing the riverfront in the State of the City address. Co-hosts include Adolph Mongo, Vanessa Moss, Allan Lengel, Jim Nardone and Eric Brown.

Hosts Adolph Mongo, Vanessa Moss, Allan Lengel, Jim Nardone and Eric Brown talk about the week's events.They also talk with special guest George Jackson, former President and CEO of the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation, about the best uses for the RenCen."In terms of functionality, it really missed the mark...this is a real opportunity here to correct the Renaissance center," Jackson said. "You've got to make it part of the city instead of a fortress."

On this episode of Life in Perspective, I'm joined by my big sis, the incredibly talented Ayana George Jackson—who brings Catherine Jackson to life on Broadway in MJ the Musical. We dive deep into what it truly means to live unrestrained, step into purpose with boldness, and do it afraid.Ayana shares her journey of embracing the unknown, trusting the promise over the pressure, and how faith has fueled her path to a life unimaginable. This conversation is a reminder that when we lean into our calling, the weight of our purpose will always be greater than the weight of our fears.✨ Tune in for a powerful conversation about courage, faith, and the freedom to live unrestrained!Send us a textSupport the show

Host Adolph Mongo, Vanessa Moss, Allan Lengel, Jim Nardone and Eric Brown talk with George Jackson, the former President and CEO of the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation, about the RenCen; mayoral candidate Saunteel Jenkins tells why she thinks she should be Detroit's next mayor, and University of Michigan Law Professor Michelle Adams talks about her book on the history of  integrating Detroit schools.

In the next installment in our “sleeper hits” series, Earlonne listens back to the episode “August 21, 1971,” about George Jackson and one of the most significant days in San Quentin's history. E talks about why this was an essential story for Ear Hustle to tell, why it was a tricky one to tackle, and reflects on his personal connections to this history and its long aftermath. Mentioned in the episode: Episode 61: August 21, 1971 Day of the Gun documentary from Bay Area news station KRON4 Freedom Archives' 99 Books projectEar Hustle interview with Angela DavisEar Hustle is a proud member of Radiotopia, from PRX. 

Hosts Adolph Mongo, Vanessa Moss, Allan Lengel and Jim Nardone talk with George Jackson, the former President and CEO of the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation, and board member of the Detroit Riverfront Conservancy. He talks about development in Detroit under his watch and why he doesn't get the credit he deserves.He also talks about the FBI's search to determine if more than William Smith, the CFO, was involved in the theft of $40 million from the Detroit Riverfront Conservancy.  The hosts also talk to Detroit Ombudsman Bruce Simpson who is winding down his term in that job. Simpson talks about his accomplishments and what could be next on the agenda. 

When was the last time you read for 30 minutes straight? Uninterrupted? Ramon Javier, Head of School at George Jackson Academy, joins Articulating to discuss the importance of literacy in academic success, developing empathy, and building critical thinking skills. Listen for strategies on how to foster a love for reading not only for your scholar but also yourself!  ABOUT RAMON Ramón is a lifelong New Yorker, proud of his Afro-Latinx roots. A member of Prep for Prep, Ramón graduated from The Hackley School, Williams College, and received his Ed.M from Teachers College, Columbia University. He worked for Prep for Prep, The TEAK Fellowship, KIPP, Packer Collegiate, and The Trinity School in a variety of leadership roles. He also served on the NYSAIS Diversity Committee for six years.  Ramón sits on the boards of the International Boys' Schools Coalition, the New York State Association of Independent Schools. He is also a  member of the Education Committee of the Grace Church School Board of Trustees and sits on the Advisory Board of Parents In Action. Ramón is in his third year as Head of School at George Jackson Academy. Follow us at @artic.ulating on IG for more of Articulating!

In this episode we interview 20 year old organizer Calla Walsh to talk about her experiences as a co-founder of Palestine Action US, as well as the political repression she and others have faced in the case of the Merrimack 4. She talks about why we should view their case as a win, and underlines the need for continued escalation for Palestine thirteen months into the genocidal response to Al-Aqsa Flood In this interview she offers in-depth discussion of the importance of risk-taking, and the problems of defeatist narratives about taking direct action. It is also a sober set of reflections, criticisms, and self-criticism about the last year in the Palestine solidarity movement in the US. There are also reflections on the lack of strong ethics around movement defense in this time and principles of basic solidarity towards those facing repression even if there may be legitimate criticisms people may have of their actions. Calla also offers an analysis of some of the distinctions between Palestine Action UK and Palestine Action US and how Calla thinks we need to re-orient approaches to direct action for Palestine given these differences. It is important to note that Palestine Action UK continues to face a lot of repression and continues to have significant successes as well in the UK. We have a recent discussion with Huda Ammori which we encourage you all to listen to, in order to learn more about that, and see ways you can support Palestine Action in the UK. I really encourage people who listen to this, to write to Calla and other members of the Merrimack 4 while they are in jail.  All of their contact information is below. If you like what we do please become a patron of the show. You can do so for as little as $1 a month and we can only do what we do with the support of our listeners. We have an upcoming study group on George Jackson's Blood In My Eye which will be starting up soon. Information on that will be available in the next week, but if you want to make sure you don't miss that opportunity the best place to keep up to date with that and all our other work is by becoming a patron at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism Related Discussions: Ed Mead and Shaka Shakur Support the Merrimack 4 in jail! (Mailing information) On 14 November 2024, four Palestine actionists will begin their 60-day sentence in Valley Street Jail, Manchester, NH as punishment for dismantling the Elbit Systems facility in Merrimack, NH on 20 November 2023.  Originally they were facing 5 felonies and 37 years in prison. See below information on how to send them letters, books, and commissary $ in jail! Make sure to follow all the jail's mailing guidelines or your letters won't be received. Bridget's Address: Bridget Shergalis #67968, 445 Willow St, Manchester, NH 03103 Calla's Address: Calla Walsh #67970, 445 Willow St, Manchester, NH 03103 Book wishlist: tinyurl.com/callabooklist Paige's Address: Paige Belanger #68132, 445 Willow St, Manchester, NH 03103 Book wishlist: tinyurl.com/paigebooklist Sophie's address: Sophie Ross #67969, 445 Willow St, Manchester, NH 03103 They would love to receive books, letters, poems, and updates on the movement and world events.  Mailing Guidelines: https://hcnh.org/Departments/Department-of-Corrections/Administration “Items considered contraband include, but is not limited to, the following: postage stamps, letter writing supplies, mail order catalogs, Polaroid photos, paintings, perfumed paper, use of any marker, crayon, highlighter, or any questionable inks, tape, glue, Whiteout, glitter, stickers, body hair or fluids, newspaper/magazine clippings, pages cut/ripped out of any publication, unauthorized inmate to inmate correspondence, third party mail, gang graffiti or tagged correspondence (i.e., language, signs, symbols), anything laminated or spiral bound, posters and wall calendars. Newspapers – Must be delivered via the US Postal Service and must include the inmate's name and CCN otherwise it is considered undeliverable and will be disposed of. Photos – only photos deemed acceptable for inmate possession will be forwarded to the inmate. Photos depicting gang symbols/signs, illegal activity, nudity, partial nudity, or exposure of genitalia is not allowed. Books/Magazines – must be in NEW condition and directly from the publisher or a book store that sells ONLY new publications shipped via the US Postal Service. Used booksellers or third party retailers will not be accepted and returned to sender. Inmates are allowed only a minimal amount of books and magazines at a time. Any books or magazines received that exceed the amount allowed will be placed in the inmates property and can be requested by the inmate at a later date. [i.e. only ship from Amazon and Barnes & Nobles] Publications that contain articles or subject matter considered detrimental to the good order of the facility, contain nudity, partial nudity or exposure of genitalia, or publications that are oversized or considered bulky are not allowed and will not be forwarded to the inmate but placed in their property until their release. Soft cover books are recommended.” Commissary – Add money at accesscorrections.com (NH -> Hillsborough County -> search inmate name or CCN) All letters are inspected before delivery; do not discuss any details of their case or anything you would not want to be read by a cop.

Part 2: We're diving back into serving the Lord as Jennifer Jackson continues to explore the importance of missions in our lives. Sharing personal stories from her time in Kenya, she reflects on the enduring impact of her father-in-law, George Jackson, who helped plant numerous churches there. Jennifer highlights the reasons we are called to go—because the need is great, lives can be transformed, and we are commanded by Jesus to serve others. With heartfelt insights and scriptural references, she encourages listeners to embrace their unique roles in missions, whether locally or globally, and to align their hearts with God's love for all in need. Join Jennifer as she inspires us to answer the call and make a difference in the world around us.   Learn more about the host, Jennifer Jackson. Support the show today with a financial gift. Invite Jennifer to speak at your event. Additional resources from Jennifer.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Part 1: Today, Jennifer Jackson explores the importance of missions in our lives. Sharing personal stories from her time in Kenya, she reflects on the enduring impact of her father-in-law, George Jackson, and the reasons we are called to serve. Jennifer emphasizes that the need is great, lives can be transformed, and we are commanded by Jesus to go. With heartfelt insights and scriptural references, she hopes. to inspire listeners to embrace their roles in missions, whether locally or globally, and to align their hearts with God's love for the vulnerable.    Learn more about the host, Jennifer Jackson. Support the show today with a financial gift. Invite Jennifer to speak at your event. Additional resources from Jennifer.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In Episode 72, we're joined by Cecilia Guerrero, an organizer in Nashville, Tennessee, helping to innovate a new generation of socialist movement-building deep in the American South. We discuss what it's like organizing in Tennessee, the fantastic gains being made by the new network of organizations springing up there — including an unprecendented wildcat union of Uber and Lyft drivers — and the many lessons to be learned for socialists operating in such an environment. Part of the Quest for the Offline Left series.Show NotesThe Tyranny of Structurelessness by Jo FreemanAmber Frost on nonprofits - Dirtbag‘Nonprofit Mystification, Counterinsurgency and George Jackson' - Interview with Hiram Rivera on Millennials are Killing Capitalism'Hundreds of Nashville rideshare drivers vote to unionize' - Tennessee LookoutA Luta Sigue official websiteA Luta Sigue on IGTennessee Drivers' Union on IGNashville People Power on IGSouthern Youth Solidarity Network on IGFollow Fucking Cancelled on InstagramFind merch in our shopClementine MorriganJay LesoleilFucking CancelledTheme song by ST x LIAM.Mixing and editing by Charlotte Dora.Jay Lesoleil is a writer, artist, and shelter worker from Montréal with a background in political anthropology. Jay is also one half of the podcast Fucking Cancelled.Clementine Morrigan is a writer, zinester, and public intellectual based in Montréal. She writes essays and literay nonfiction on culture, politics, ethics, relationships, sexuality, spirituality, and trauma. She is one half of Fucking Cancelled. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.fuckingcancelled.com/subscribe

In this electrifying episode of Connecting the Dots, I sat down with Jon Jeter—two-time Pulitzer Prize finalist, former Washington Post bureau chief, and Knight Fellowship recipient—who pulled no punches as we unraveled the hidden dynamics of America's class war. Drawing from his explosive book Class War in America, Jeter revealed how the elite have masterfully weaponized race to keep the working class fractured and powerless, ensuring they stay on top. He delves into the ways education is rigged to widen inequality, while elite interests tighten their grip on public policy. With gripping personal stories and razor-sharp historical insight, Jeter paints a vivid picture of the struggle between race and class in America and leaves us with a tantalizing vision of a united working-class revolution on the horizon. This is an episode that will shake your understanding of power—and inspire you to see the potential for change.   Find me and the show on social media. Click the following links or search @DrWilmerLeon on X/Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Patreon and YouTube!   Hey everyone, Dr. Wilmer here! If you've been enjoying my deep dives into the real stories behind the headlines and appreciate the balanced perspective I bring, I'd love your support on my Patreon channel. Your contribution helps me keep "Connecting the Dots" alive, revealing the truth behind the news. Join our community, and together, let's keep uncovering the hidden truths and making sense of the world. Thank you for being a part of this journey!   Wilmer Leon (00:00:00): I'm going to quote my guest here. We've been watching for a while now via various social media platforms and mainstream news outlets, the genocide of the Palestinian people, what do the images of a broad swath of Americans, whites and blacks, Latinos, Arabs and Asians, Jews and Catholics and Muslims, and Buddhists shedding their tribal identities and laying it all out on the line to do battle with the aristocrats who are financing the occupation. Slaughter and siege mean to my guest. Let's find out Announcer (00:00:40): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history Wilmer Leon (00:00:46): Converge. Welcome to the Connecting the Dots podcast with Dr. Wilmer Leon, and I am Wilmer Leon. Here's the point. We have a tendency to view current events as though they happen in a vacuum, failing to understand the broader historical context in which many of these events take place. During each episode, my guests and I have probing, provocative, and in-depth discussions that connect the dots between these events and the broader historic context in which they occur, thus enabling you to better understand and analyze the events that impact the global village in which we live. On today's episode, the issue before us is again, quoting my guest. When the 99% come together to fight for one another rather than against each other is the revolution. Na, my guest is a former foreign correspondent for the Washington Post. His work can be found on Patreon as well as Black Republic Media, and his new book is entitled Class War in America. How The Elite Divide the Nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? Phenomenal, phenomenal work. John Jeter is my guest, as always, my brother. Welcome back to the show. Jon Jeter (00:02:07): It's a pleasure to be here. Wilmer. Wilmer Leon (00:02:10): So class war in America, how the elites divide the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? You open the book with two quotes. One is from the late George Jackson, settle Your Quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation. Understand that fascism is already here, that people are already dying, who could be saved that generations more will live. Poor butchered half lives. If you fail to act, do what must be done. Discover your humanity and love your revolution. Why that quote? And then we'll get to the second one. Why that quote, John? Jon Jeter (00:02:50): That quote, really that very succinct quote by the revolutionary, the assassinated revolutionary. George Jackson really explains in probably a hundred words, but it takes me 450 pages to explain, which is that the ruling class, the oligarchs, we call 'em what you want. Somewhere around the Haymarket massacre of 1886, I believe they figured out that the way that the few can defeat the many is to divide the many to pit it against itself, the working class against itself. And so since then, they have a embark on a strategy of pitting the working class against itself largely along, mostly along racial or tribal lines, mostly white versus black. And it has enveloped, the ruling class has enveloped more and more people into whiteness. First it was Italians and Germans and Jews, or Jews really starting after World War II and the Holocaust. And then it was gays and women, and now even blacks themselves have been enveloped in this sort of adjacency to whiteness where everyone sort of gets ahead by beating up, by punching down on black people. And so George Jackson's quote really sort of encapsulates the success that we, the people can have by working together. And I want to be very clear about the enemy is not white people. The enemy is a white identity. (00:04:48): Hungarians and Czech and the Brits and the French and the Italians are not our enemy. They are glorious people who have done glorious things, but the formation of a white identity is really the kryptonite for working class movements in this country. Wilmer Leon (00:05:07): In fact, I'm glad you make that point because I wanted to call attention to the fact that a lot of people listening to this and hear you talk about the Irish or the Poles or the Italians, that in Europe, those were nationalisms, those were not racial constructs. Those were not racial identities. And that it really wasn't until many of them came to America and or post World War ii, that this construct of whiteness really began to take hold as the elite in America understood, particularly post-slavery. That if the poor and the working class whites formed an alliance with the newly freed, formerly enslaved, that that would be a social condition that they would not be able to control. Jon Jeter (00:06:11): It was almost, it was as close to invincible as you could ever see. This coalition, which particularly after slavery, very tenuously, (00:06:24): But many, many whites, particularly those who were newer to the country, Germans and Italians and Irish, who had not formed a white identity, formed a white identity here. As you said in Europe, they were Irish Italians. Germans. One story I think tells the tale, it was a dock workers strike in New Orleans in 1894. I read about this in the book, and the dock workers were segregated, black unions and white unions, but they worked together, they worked in concert, they went on strike for higher wages, and I think a closed shop, meaning that if you worked on the docks, you had to belong to the union and they largely won. And the reason for that is because the bosses, the ship owners tried to separate the two. They would tell the white dock workers, we'll work with you, but we won't work with those N words. (00:07:22): And many of the dock workers at that time had just come over from Europe. So they were like, what are you talking about? He's a worker just like me. I worked right next to him, or he works the doc over from me or the platform over from me. He's working there. So what do you mean you're not going to work with, you're going to deal with all of us? And that ethos, that governing ethos of interracial solidarity was one that really held the day until 20 years later, 20 years later, by which time Jim Crow, which was really an economic and political strategy, had really taken hold. And many of the dock workers, their children had begun to think of themselves as white. Wilmer Leon (00:08:06): In fact, I'm glad you referred to the children because another parallel to this is segregated education. As the framers, and I don't mean of the constitution, but of this culture, wanted to impose this racial caste system, they realized you can't have little Jimmy and little Johnny playing together sitting next to each other in classrooms and then try to impose a system of hierarchy based on phenotype as these children get older. What do you mean I can't play with him? What do you mean I can't play with her? She's my friend. No, not anymore. And so that's one of the things that contributed to this phenotypical ethos separating white children from black children. Jon Jeter (00:09:01): Education has been such a pivotal instrument for the elites, for the oligarchs, for the investor class in fighting this class war. It's not just been an instrument, a tool to divide education in the United States. It's largely intended to reproduce inequality, and it always has been, although obviously many of us, many people in the working class see, there's a tool to get ahead. That's not how the stock class sees it. (00:09:35): But beyond that even it is the investment in education. This is a theme throughout the book from the first chapter to the last basically where education, because it is seen as a tool for uplift by the working class, but by the investment class, it's seen as a tool to divide. And increasingly really since about really the turn of the century, this century, the 21st century, it's been seen as an investment opportunity. So that's why we have all of these school closures and the school privatization effort. It's an investment opportunity. So the problem is that we're fighting a class war. We've always been fighting a class war, but it's something that is seldom mentioned in public discussions in the media, the news or entertainment media, it's seldom mentioned, but schools education, you could make an argument that it is the holy grail of the class war, whoever can capture the educational system because it can become a tool both by keeping it public or I guess making it public now, returning it to public. And so much of it is in private hands by maintaining its public nature, and at the same time using it to reduce inequality as opposed to reproducing inequality Wilmer Leon (00:11:08): And public education and access to those public education dollars is also an element of redistribution of wealth because as access to finance is becoming more challenging, particularly through the neocolonialist idea using public dollars for private sector interest, giving access to those public education dollars to the private sector is another one of the mechanisms that the elite used to redistribute public dollars into private hands. Jon Jeter (00:11:49): One of the things that I discovered and researching this book was the extent to which bonds sold by municipalities, by the government, those bonds are sold to investors. That is more and more since really the Reagan era, because we've shipped manufacturing offshore. So how do you make money if you are invested, if you've got surplus money laying around, how do you make money? You invest it, speculate. Loan tracking essentially is what it is. One of the ways that you can make money. One of the things that you can invest money in is the public sector. So schools become an instrument for finance. And so what we see around the country are schools education becoming an investment vehicle for the rich and they can invest in it and they're paying higher and higher returns. Taxpayers. (00:12:57): You and I, Wilmer, are paying more and more to satisfy our creditors. For as one example, I believe it was in San Diego or a school district near or right outside San Diego, this was about 20 years ago, but they took out a loan to finance public education there, I believe just their elementary schools in that district. And it was something like a hundred million dollars loan just for the daily operations of that school district. And that had a balance due or the money, the interest rate was such that it was going to cost the taxpayers in that district a billion dollars to repay that loan, right? So that is an extreme example. But increasingly what we've seen is public education bonds that are used to pay for the daily operations of our municipalities are the two of the class war are an instrument of combat in the class war because the more that cities practice what we call austerity, what economists call austerity, cutting the budget to the very bare minimum, the more investment opportunities it creates for the rich who then reap that money back. (00:14:15): So they've got a tax cut because they're not paying for the schools upfront, and it becomes an investment opportunity because they're paying for the schools as loans, which they give back exorbitant interest rates, sometimes resembling the interest rates on our credit card. So a lot of this is unseen by the public, but it really is how the class war being waged in the 21st century speculation because our manufacturing sector has been shipped offshore, and that's how we made the elites made their money for more than a century after World War ii, after the agrarian period. So yeah, it's really invisible to the naked eye, but it is where it's the primary battlefield for the class war. Wilmer Leon (00:15:00): The second quote you have is Muriel Rukeyser. The universe is made of stories, not of atoms. And I know that that resonates with you particularly because as a journalist, one who tells stories, why is that quote so significant and relevant to this book? Jon Jeter (00:15:26): This book is really, it took me almost a quarter of my life to write this book from the time that the idea first occurred to me, to the time I finished almost 15 years. And it's evolved over time. But one of the biggest setbacks was just trying to find a publisher. And many publishers, I think, although they did not say this, they objected to the subject matter. And my characterization, I have one quote again from George Jackson where he says, the biggest barrier to the advancement of the working class in America is white racism. So I think they objected to that. But I also faced issues with a few black publishers, one of whom said that after reading the manuscript that it didn't have enough theory. I would say to anyone, any publisher who thinks that theory is better than story probably shouldn't be a publisher. But I also think it's sort of symptomatic of today's, the media today where we don't understand that stories are what connects us to each other, Right? The suffering, the struggle, the triumphs of other people of our ancestors, Wilmer Leon (00:16:48): The reality Of the story Jon Jeter (00:16:51): reality, yes, Wilmer Leon (00:16:52): Juxtaposed to the theoretical. Jon Jeter (00:16:56): That's exactly right. Wilmer Leon (00:16:57): In Fact, Jon Jeter (00:16:59): The application of the theory, Wilmer Leon (00:17:01): I tell my students and when I was teaching public policy that you have to understand the difference between the theoretical and the practical, and that there are a lot of things in policy that in theory make a whole lot of sense until you then have to operationalize that on a daily basis and then have it make real sense. Big difference between the theoretical and the practical. Jon Jeter (00:17:26): No question about it. And you see this over and over again throughout the book, you see examples of, for instance, the application of communist theory. And I'm not advocating for anyone to be a communist, just that there was a very real push by communists in the United States encouraged by communists and the Soviet Union in the 1930s to try to start a worldwide proletarian revolution, the stronghold of which was here in the United States. And so the Scotts Corps boys, nine teenage boys, black boys who were falsely accused of rape, became the testing ground for communism right now, communism. It was something that sparked the imagination of a lot of black people. Very few joined the party, but it sparked the imagination. So you found a lot of blacks who were sympathetic to communism in the thirties and the forties. Wilmer Leon (00:18:21):  Rosa Parks's husband Rosa. Jon Jeter (00:18:23): That's correct. Wilmer Leon (00:18:24): Rosa. Rosa Parks's husband, Rosa Parks, the patron saint of protest politics. Jon Jeter (00:18:31): Yes. Coleman Young, the first black mayor of Detroit. I write about very specifically. It was a thing, right? But it was the application of it. And ultimately, I think most of the blacks, many of the blacks certainly who tried to implement communism would argue not only that they failed, but that communism failed them as well. So I don't, again, not an advocacy for communism, but that idea really did move the needle forward. And I think our future is not in our past. So going forward, we might sort of learn from what happened in the past, and there might be some things we can learn from communism, but I think ultimately it is, as the communist say, dialectical materialism. You can't dip your toe in the same river twice. So it is moving like it's gathering steam and it's not going to be what it was. Although we can take some lessons from the past, from the Scottsboro boys from the 1930s and the 1940s. Wilmer Leon (00:19:29): You write in your prologue quote, I cannot predict with any certainty the quality of that revolution, the one we were talking about in the open, or even it's outcome only that it is imminent for the historical record clearly asserts that the nationwide uprisings on college campuses' prophecy the resumption of hostilities between America's workers and their bosses. I'm going to try and connect the dot here, which may not make any sense, or you may say, Wilmer, that was utterly brilliant. I prefer the latter. Just over the past few days, former President Trump has been suggesting using the military to handle what he calls the enemy from within, because he is saying on election day, if he doesn't win, there will be chaos. And he says, not from foreign actors, but from the radical left lunatics, he says, I think the bigger problem are the people from within. And he says, you may need to use the National Guard, you may need to use the military, because this is going to happen. Now, I know you and Trump aren't talking. You're about two different things. I realize that different with different agendas, but this discussion about nationwide uprisings, and so your thoughts on how you looking at the college protests and what that symbolizes in terms of the discontent within the country and what Trump is, the fear that Trump is trying to sow in the minds relative to the election. Does that make any sense? Jon Jeter (00:21:18): It makes perfect sense. You don't say that about warmer Leon, all that all. Wilmer Leon (00:21:21): Oh, thank you. You're right. Jon Jeter (00:21:22): It makes perfect sense. But no, and actually I would draw a pretty straight line from Trump to what I'm writing about in the book. For instance, Nixon, who was a very smart man, and Trump was not a very smart man, it's just that he used his intelligence for evil. But Richard Nixon was faced with an uprising, a nationwide uprising on college campuses, and he resorted to violence, as we saw with Kent State. Wilmer Leon (00:21:52): Kent State, yes. Jon Jeter (00:21:53): Very intentional. Wilmer Leon (00:21:54): Jackson State, Jon Jeter (00:21:55): Yes, it was Wilmer Leon (00:21:56): Southern University in Louisiana. Jon Jeter (00:21:58): Yes, yes, yes. But Kent State was a little bit of an outlier because it was meant white kids as a shot across the bow to show white kids that if you continue to collaborate with blacks, with the Vietnamese, continue to sympathize with them and rally on their behalf, then you might get exactly what the blacks get and the Vietnamese are getting right. And honestly, in the long term, that strategy probably worked. It did help to divide this insurgency that was particularly activated on college campuses. So what Trump, I think is faced with what he will be faced with if he is reelected, which I think he very well may be, what he's going to be faced with is another insurgency that is centered on college campuses. This time. It's not the Vietnamese, it's the Palestinians, and increasingly every day the Lebanese. But it's the very same dynamic at work, which is this, you have white people on college campuses, particularly when you talk about the college campuses in the Ivy League. (00:23:13): These are kids who are mostly to the manner born. If you think about it, what they're doing is they are protesting their future employer. They're putting it all on the line to say, no, no, no, no, there's something bigger than my career than me working for you. And that is the fate of the Palestinian people. That's very much what happened in the late sixties, early seventies with the Vietnamese. And so Mark Twain is I think perhaps the greatest white man in American history, but one thing he got wrong. I don't think history rhymes. I think it does indeed repeat itself, but I think that's what we're seeing now with these kids on college campuses, that people thought that they dismantled these campus, these encampments all across the nation during the summer, the spring semester, and that when they came back that it would be over squash. (00:24:07): That's not what's happening. They're coming back loaded for bear. These college students, that does not all go well for the establishment, particularly in tandem with other things are going on, which is these nationwide, very likely a very serious economic crisis. Financial crisis is imminent, very likely. And these other barometers of social unrest, police killings of blacks, the cop cities that are being built around the country, environmental issues, what's happening in Gaza that can very much intersect. We're already seeing it. It's intersected with other issues. So there is a very real chance that we're going to see a regrouping of this progressive working class movement. How far it goes, we can't say we don't know. I mean, just because you protest doesn't mean that the oligarch just say, okay, well, you got it, you want, it doesn't happen that way. But what's the saying? You might not win every fight, but you're going to lose every fight that you don't fight. So we have a chance that we got a punch a chance like Michael Spinx with Mike Tyson made, but we got a shot. Wilmer Leon (00:25:26): And to that point, what did Mike Tyson say? Everybody can fight till they get punched in the face. Yeah, Jon Jeter (00:25:32): Everybody's got to plan until they get punched in the nose right Wilmer Leon (00:25:35): Now. So to your point about kids putting everything on the line and the children of the elite, putting it on the line, there was a university, a Bolt Hall, which is the law school at University of California, Berkeley, Steven David Solomon. He wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal that the law firm of Winston and Strawn did the right thing when it revoked the job offer of an NYU law student who publicly condemned Israel for the Hamas terrorist attacks. Legal employers in the recruiting process should do what Winston and Strawn did treat these students like the adults they are, if a student endorses hate dehumanization or antisemitism, don't hire 'em. So he was sending a very clear message, protest if you want to, there's going to be a price to pay. Jon Jeter (00:26:30): Yeah, I think those measures actually are counterproductive for the elites. It really sort of rallies and galvanizes. What we saw at Cornell, I'm not sure what happened with this, but a few weeks ago, they were talking about a student activist who was from West Africa, I believe, and the school Cornell was trying to basically repatriate, have them deported. But I think actions like that tend to work against the elite institutions. I hate to say this because I'm not an advocate of it, although I realize it's sometimes necessary violence seems to work best both for the elites and for the working class. And I'm not advocating that, but I'm just saying that historically it has occurred and it has been used by both sides when any student of France, Nan knows that when social movements allow the state to monopolize violence, you're probably going to lose that fight. And I think honestly speaking, that the state understands that violences can be as most effective weapon. People don't want to die, particularly young people. So it becomes sort of a clash between an irresistible force and an immovable object. Again, that's why I say I can't predict what will happen, but I do think we're on the verge of a very real, some very real social upheaval Wilmer Leon (00:27:54): Folks. This is the brilliance of John Jeter, journalist two time Pulitzer Prize finalists. We're talking about his book Class War in America, how the Elites Divide the Nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? As you can see, I have the book, I've read the book, phenomenal, phenomenal, phenomenal writer. Writer. You write in chapter one, declarations of War. And I love the fact you quote, Sun Tzu, all warfare is based on deception. Jon Jeter (00:28:24): That's Right. Wilmer Leon (00:28:25): You write on the last day of the first leg of his final trip abroad, his president with Donald Trump waiting in the wings, a subdued Barack Obama waxed poetic on the essence of democracy as he toured the Acropolis in Greece. It's here in Athens that so many of our ideas about democracy, our notions of citizenship, our notions of rule of law began to develop. And then you continue. What was left unsaid in Obama's August soliloquy is that while Greece is typically acknowledged by Western scholars as the cradle of democracy, the country could in fact learn a thing or two about governance from its protege across the pond. What types of things do you see that we still could learn from them since we're being told in this election, democracy is on the ballot and all of those rhetorical tactics? Yeah, a minute, a minute, a minute. Especially in the most recent context of Barack Obama helping to set the stage of a Kamala Harris loss and blaming it on black men. Jon Jeter (00:29:43): Yeah, that's exactly what he's doing. He's setting us up to be the scapegoats, Wilmer Leon (00:29:48): One of the does my connecting the dots there. Does that make sense? Jon Jeter (00:29:52): It makes perfect sense. And one of the themes of this book that I guess I didn't want to hammer home too much because it makes me sound too patriotic, but in one sense, what I'm writing about when I talk about the class war, what I'm writing about is this system of racial capitalism, right? Capitalism. Capitalism is exploited. Racial capitalism pits the workers against each other by creating a super exploited class that would be African-Americans and turning one half of the working class against the other half, or actually in the case of the United States, probably 70% against 30% or something like that. Anyway, but the antidote to racial capitalism is racial solidarity, which is a system of governance in which black men are fit to participate in, because we tend to be black men and black women tend to be the most progressive actors, political actors in the United States, the vanguard of the revolution, really, when we've had revolution in this country, we've been leaders of that revolution. And so what I was really trying to lay out with that first chapter where I talk about this interracial coalition in Virginia in the late 1870s, early 1880s, is that this was a century before South Africa created the Rainbow Nation, right? Nelson Mandela's Rainbow Nation, which didn't produce the results that the United States. Wilmer Leon (00:31:32): There was no pot of gold. There was no pot of gold. Jon Jeter (00:31:34): Yeah, not so far, we've seen no sight of it. And Brazil hadn't even freed its slaves when this readjust party emerged in Virginia. And so what I'm saying is that this interracial coalition that we saw most prominently in Virginia, but really all across the nation, we saw these interracial coalitions, political coalitions, were all across the Confederacy after the Civil War, and they had varying degrees of success in redistributing wealth from rich to poor, rich to working class. But the point is that no country has really seen such a dynamic interracial rainbow coalition or racial democracy, such as we've seen here in the United States, both in that period after the Civil War, and also in the period between, say, I would say FDRs election as president in 1930, was that 31, 33? 33. (00:32:36): So roughly about the time of Ronald Reagan, we saw, of course there was racism. We didn't end racism, but there was this tenuous collaboration between white and black workers that redistributed wealth. So that by 1973, at the height of it, the working class wages accounted for more than half of GDP. Now it's about 58%, I'm sorry, 42% that the workers' wages accountant for GDP. So the point I'm making really is that this racial democracy, this racial democracy has served the working class very well in the United States, and by dissipating that racial democracy, it has served the elites very well. So Barack Obama's plea to black men, which is really quite frankly aimed at white men, telling them, showing them, Hey, I've got the money control. His job is to sort of quell this uprising by black men, and he's trying to tell plea with black men to vote for Kamala Harris, knowing that the Democratic Party, particularly since 1992 when Bill Clinton was elected, has not only done nothing for black men, but in fact has sought to compete for white suburban voters, IE, many of them racist has sought to compete with the GOP for white suburban voters (00:34:04): By showing they can be just as hard on black people as the GOP. People think that the 1995, was it 1994, omnibus crime Bill 94, racial 94, the racial disparities were unintended consequences. They weren't unintended at all. They weren't in fact, the point they wanted to show white people, the Democratic Party, bill Clinton, our current president, Joe Biden, and many other whites in Democratic party want to show whites, no, no, no, no. We got these Negroes in check. We can keep them in control just like the GOP can. And that continues to be the unofficial unstated policy today, which is why Kamala Harris says, I'm not going to do anything, especially for black people. It's why, for instance, nothing has changed legislatively since George Floyd was lynched before our eyes four years ago. Absolutely nothing has changed. That's an accent that is by design. So there's some very real connections that could be made. There's a straight line that can be made from the read adjuster party in Virginia in the 1880s, which had some real successes in redistributing wealth from rich to the workers and to the poor. And it was an interracial collaboration to Barack Obama appearing, pleading with black men to come vote for Kamala Harris, despite the fact she's done nothing for black men or for black people. Wilmer Leon (00:35:31): And to your earlier point, offering nothing but rhetoric and the opportunity economy where everybody, what in the world is, how does that feed the bulldog? So we've gone from, at least in terms of what they're, I believe, trying to do with black politics. We've gone from a politics of demand. We've gone from a politics of accountability to just a politics of promises and very vague. And this isn't in any way, shape or form trying to convince people that Donald Trump is any better. No, that's not what this conversation is about. But it's about former President Obama coming to a podium and telling black men how admonishing black men, how dare you consider this. But my question is, well, what are the specific policies that Vice President Harris is offering that she can also pass and pay for that are going to benefit the community? Because that's what this is supposed to be about, policy output. Jon Jeter (00:36:55): And that's the one thing that's not going to happen until the working class, we, the people decide, and I don't know what the answer's going to be, if it's going to be a third party, if it's going to be us taking control of the Democratic Party at the grassroots level, I don't know what it's going to be. But the philosophical underpinnings of both political parties is black suffering, right? Black suffering is what greases the wheel, the wheel, the political wheel, the economic wheel of the United States, the idea that you can isolate blacks and our suffering. What Reagan did, what Reagan began was a system of punishing blacks in the workplace, shipping those jobs overseas, which Reagan began, and very slowly, Clinton is the one who really picked up the pace, Wilmer Leon (00:37:44): The de-industrialization of America. Jon Jeter (00:37:47): The de-industrialization of America was based on black suffering. We were the first, was it last hired? First fired. And so we were the ones who lost those jobs initially, and it just snowballed, right? We lost those jobs. And think about when we saw the crack epidemic. Crack is a reflection of crises, (00:38:12): Right? Social crises. So we saw this thing snowball, really, right? But you, in their mind, you can isolate the suffering until you can't. What do I mean by that? Well, if you have just a very basic understanding of the economy, you understand that if you rob 13% of your population buying power, you robbed everybody of buying power, right? I mean, who's going to buy your goods and services if we no longer have buying power? We don't have jobs that pay good wages, we have loans that we can't repay. How does that sustain a workable economy? And maybe no one will remember this, but you've probably heard of Henry Ford's policy of $5 a day that was intended to sustain the economy with buying one thing, the one thing Wilmer Leon (00:39:07):  wait a minute, so that his workers, his assembly line automobile workers could afford to buy the product they were making. There are those who will argue that one of the motivations for ending slavery was the elite looked at the industrialists, looked at this entire population of people and said, these can be consumers. These people are a drag on the economy. If we free them, they can become consumers. Jon Jeter (00:39:45): You don't have to be a communist to understand that capitalism at its best. It can work for a long time, for a sustained period of time. It can work very well for a majority of the people. If the consumers have buying power. We don't have that anymore. We're a nation of borrowers. Wilmer Leon (00:40:07): It's the greed of the capitalists that makes capitalism consumptive, and there's another, the leviathan, all of that stuff. Jon Jeter (00:40:19): Yes. And again, black suffering is at the root of this nation's failure. We have plunged into this dark hole because they sought first to short circuit our income, our resources, but it's affected the entire economy. And the only way to rebuild it, if you want to rebuild a capitalist economy, and that's fine with me, the only way you can rebuild is to restore buying power for a majority of the Americans. As we saw during the forties, the fifties, particularly after the war, we saw this surge in buying power, which created, by the way, the greatest achievement of the industrial age, which was the American middle class. And that was predicated again on racial democracy. Blacks participating in the democracy. Wilmer Leon (00:41:10): You mentioned black men and women tended to be incredibly progressive, and that black men and women were the vanguard of the revolution. What then is the problem with so many of our black institutions that, particularly when you look at our HBCUs that make so many of them, anything but progressive, Jon Jeter (00:41:42): That's a real theme of the book. This thing called racial capitalism has survived by peeling off more and more people. At first, it was the people who came through Ellis Island, European Central Europeans, Hungarians checks, and I have someone in the book I'm quoting, I think David Roediger, the labor historian, famous labor historian, where he quoted a Serbian immigrant, I think in the early 1900's , saying, the first thing you learn is you don't wanna be, that the blacks don't get a fair chance, meaning that you don't want to be anything like them. You don't want to associate with them. And that was a very powerful thing. That's indoctrination. But they do. They peel off one layer after another. One of the most important chapters in the book, I think was the one that begins with the execution of the Rosenbergs, who were the Rosenbergs. Ethel and Julius Rosenbergs were communists, or at least former communists who probably did, certainly, Julius probably did help to pass nuclear technology to the Soviet Union in the late forties, early fifties. (00:42:52): At best. It probably sped up the Russians. Soviet Union's ability to develop the bomb sped up by a year, basically. That's the best that it did. So they had this technology already. Ethel Rosenberg may have typed up the notes. That's all she probably did. And anyway, the state, the government, the US government wanted to make an example out of them. And so they executed them and they executed Ethel Rosenberg. They wanted her to turn against her husband, which would've been turning against her country, her countryman, right? She realized that she wouldn't do it. I can tell you, Ethel Rosenberg was every bit as hard as Tupac. She was a bad woman. Wilmer Leon (00:43:40): But was she as hard as biggie? Jon Jeter (00:43:41): I dunno, that whole east coast, west coast thing, I dunno. But that was a turning point in the class where, because what it was intended to do, or among the things it was intended to do, was the Jews were coming out the Holocaust. The Jews were probably, no, not probably. They certainly were the greatest ally blacks. Many of the communists who helped the Scotsboro boys in the 1930s, and they were communists. Many of them were Jews, right? It was no question about, because the Jews didn't see themselves as white. Remember, Hitler attacked them because they were non-white because they were communists. That's why he attacked them. And that was certainly true here, where there was a very real collusion between Jewish communists and blacks, and it was meant execution of the Rosenbergs was meant to send a signal to the working class, to the Jewish community, especially. You can continue to eff around with these people if you want right, Wilmer Leon (00:44:43): but you'll wind up like em. Jon Jeter (00:44:44): Yeah. Yeah. And at the same time, you think right after the Rosenbergs execution, this figure emerged named Milton Friedman, right? Milton Friedman who said, Hey, wait a minute. This whole brown versus Board of Education, you don't have to succumb to that white people. You can send your kids to their own schools or private schools and make the state pay for it. So very calculated move where the Jews became white, basically, not all of them. You still have, and you still have today, as we see with the protest against Israel, the Jewish community is still very progressive as a very progressive wing and are still our allies in a lot of ways. But many of them chose to be white. The same thing has happened ironically, with black people, right? There is a segment of the population that's represented by a former president, Barack Obama, by Kamala Harris, by the entire Congressional black office that has been offered, that has been extended, this sort of olive branch of prosperity. (00:45:40): If you help us keep these Negroes down, you can have some of this too. Like the scene in Trading Places where Eddie Murphy is released from jail. He's sitting in the backseat with these two doctors and they're like, well, you can go home if you want to. He's got the cigar and the snifter of cognac, no believe I can hang out with you. Fell a little bit longer, right? That's what you see happening now with a lot of black people, particularly the black elite, where they say, no, I think I can hang out with you a little bit longer. So they've turned against us. Wilmer Leon (00:46:13): Port Tom Porter calls that the NER position. Jon Jeter (00:46:17): Yes. Yes. Wilmer Leon (00:46:19): And for those that may not hear the NER, the near position that Mortimer and what was the other brother's name? i Jon Jeter (00:46:28): I Can't remember. I can see their faces, Wilmer Leon (00:46:30): Right? That they have been induced and they have been brought into this sense of entitlement because they are near positions of power. And I think a perfect example of that is the latest election in New York and in St. Louis where you've had, where APAC bragged publicly, we're going to invest $100 million into these Democratic primary elections, and we are going to unseat those who we believe to be two progressive anti-Israel and Cori Bush in St. Louis and Bowman, Jamal Bowman in New York were two of the most notable victims of that. And in fact, I was just having this conversation with Tom earlier today, and that is that nobody seemed to complain. I don't remember the Black caucus, anybody in the black caucus coming out. That article came out, I want to say in April of this year, and they did not say a mumbling word about, what do you mean you're about to interfere in our election? But after Cori Bush lost, now she's out there talking about APAC, I'm coming after your village. Hey, home, girl. That's a little bit of aggression, a whole lot too late. You just got knocked out. (00:48:19): Just got knocked the F out. You are laying, you are laying on the canvas, the crowd's headed to the exits, and you're looking around screaming, who hit me? Who hit me? Who hit me? That anger should have been on the front end talking about, oh, you all going to put in a hundred million? Well, we going to get a hundred million and one votes. And it should have been exposed. Had it been exposed for what it was, they'd still be in office. Jon Jeter (00:48:50): And to that point, and this is very interesting. Now, Jamal Bowman, I talked to some black activists in New York in his district, and they would tell you we never saw, right? We had these press conferences where we're protesting police violence under Mayor Eric Adams, another black (00:49:11): Politician, and we never saw him. He didn't anticipate. In fact, one of them says she's with Black Lives Matter, I believe she says, we called him when it was announced that APAC was backing this candidate. He said, what can we do? Said they never heard back. Right? Cori Bush, to her credit, is more from the movement. She was a product of Michael Brown. My guess is she will be back, right? That's my guess. Because she has a lot of support from the grassroots. She probably, if anyone can defeat APAC money as Cori Bush, although she's not perfect either. Wilmer Leon (00:49:44): But my point is still, I think she fell into the trap. Jon Jeter (00:49:51): No question. No question. No question. No, I don't disagree at all. And that again, is that peeling off another layer to turn them against this radical black? That's what it really is. It's a radical black political tradition that survived slavery. It's still here, right? It's just that they're constantly trying to suppress that. Wilmer Leon (00:50:10): And another element of this, and I'm trying to remember the sister that they did this to in Georgia, Congresswoman, wait a minute, hang on. Time out. Cynthia McKinney. The value of having a library, Cynthia McKinney. (00:50:31): Most definitely! (00:50:33): They did the same thing. How the US creates S*hole countries. Cynthia McKinney, they did the same thing to her. So it's not as though they had developed a new strategy. It's that it worked against Cynthia and they played it again, and we let it happen. Jon Jeter (00:50:57): Real democracy can immunize these politicians though, from that kind of strategy. Wilmer Leon (00:51:01): Absolutely. Absolutely. In chapter six, the Battle on the Bay, you talk about 1927, you talk about this 47-year-old ironworker, John Norris, who buys this flat, and then the depression hits and he loses everything. You talk about Rose Majeski, Jon Jeter (00:51:24): I think I Wilmer Leon (00:51:26): Managed to raise her five children. You talk about the Depression. The Harlem Renaissance writer, Langston Hughes wrote, brought everybody down a peg or two, and the Negro had but few pegs to fall. Travis Dempsey lost his job selling to the Chicago defender. Then you talk about a gorgeous summer day, Theodore Goodlow driving a truck and a hayride black people on a hayride, and someone falls victim to a white man running into the hayride. And his name was John Jeter. John with an H. Yours has no H Jon Jeter (00:52:13): Legally it does. Wilmer Leon (00:52:14): Oh, okay. Okay, okay. All right. Anyway, so you make a personal familiar connection to some of this. Elaborate, Jon Jeter (00:52:26): My uncle, who was a teenager at the time, I can't remember exactly how old he played in the Negro Leagues, actually, Negro baseball leagues was on this hayride. And I know the street. I'm very familiar with. The street. Two trucks can't pass one another. It's just too narrow, and it's like an aqueduct. So it's got walls there to keep you. Oh, (00:52:52): Viaduct. I'm sorry. Yeah. Not an auc. Yeah, thank you. Public education. So basically what happened is my uncle had his legs sort of out the hayride, like he's a teenager, and this car came along, another truck came along and it sheared his legs off, killed him. I don't think my father ever knew the story. I think my father went to his grave not knowing the story, but we did some research after his death, me and my sister and my brother, my younger brother. And there was almost a riot at the hospital when my uncle died, because the belief, I believe they couldn't quite say it in the black newspaper at the time, but the belief was that this white man had done it intentionally, right? He wasn't charged, and black people were very upset. So it was an act of aggression, very much, very similar to what we see now happening all over the country with these acts of white, of aggression by white men, basically young white men who are angry about feeling they're losing their racial privileges or racial entitlement. (00:53:52): So anyway, to make the story short, I was named after my uncle, my father, my mother named me after my uncle, but I think it was 1972. I would've been seven years old. And me and my father were at a farmer's market in Indianapolis where I grew up. And this old man at this time, old man, I mean doting in a brown suit, I'll never forget this in a brown suit. He comes up to us and he just comes up to my father and he holds his hand, shakes his hand, and I'm so sorry. I'm so sorry. And my father's said, no, it's okay. You didn't know. It wasn't your fault. Nobody blamed you. And come to find out that he was the driver of that hay ride, right? I think a dentist at the time, he was the driver of that hayride in which my uncle was killed. (00:54:38): And he had felt bad about it, I guess, the rest of his days. So yeah, it's really interesting how my life, or at least the lives of my parents and my grandparents, how it intersects with this story of the class war. And it does in many, many aspects. It does. And I suspect that's true of most people, I hope, who will read the book, that they will find their own lives and their own history intersecting with this class war. Because this class war is comprehensive. It's hard to escape from it. It is all about the class war to paraphrase Fred Hampton. And yeah, that story really kind of moved me in a lot of ways because I had personal history, personal connection. Wilmer Leon (00:55:25): You mentioned when you just said that there was almost this riot at the hospital. What a lot of people now today don't realize is how many of those incidents occurred during those times. And we know very little, if anything about 'em, we were raising hell. So for example, you listened to some kids today was, man, if I had to been back there, I wouldn't have been no slaves. I'd have been out there kicking ass and taking names. Well, but implicit in that is a lack of understanding that folks were raising hell, 1898 in Greenwood, South Carolina, one of my great uncles was lynched in the Phoenix Riot. Black people tried to vote, fight breaks out, white guy gets shot, they round up the usual suspects, Jon Jeter (00:56:23): Right Wilmer Leon (00:56:23): Of whom was my great uncle. Some were lynched, some were shot at the Rehoboth Church in the parking lot of the Rehoboth Church, nonetheless. And that was the week before the more famous Wilmington riot. It was one week before the Wilmington Riot. And you've got the dcom lunch counters. And I mean, all of these history is replete with all of these stories of our resistance. And somehow now we've lost the near position. We've lost. We've lost that fight. Jon Jeter (00:57:02): We don't understand, and I mean this about all of us, but particularly African Americans, we don't understand. We once were warriors. And so one of the things I talk about in the book I write about in the book is the red summer of 1919. Many people are familiar with 1919, the purges that were going on. Basically this industrial upheaval. And the white elites were afraid that blacks were going to sort of lead this union labor organizing movement. And so there were these riots all across the country of whites attacking blacks. But what people don't understand is that the brothers, back then, many of them who had participated in World War, they were like Fred Hampton, it takes two to tango, right? And they were shooting back. And in fact, to end that thought, some of these riots, which weren't really riots, they were meant to be massacre, some of these, they had scouts who went into the black community to see almost to see their vulnerability. And a few times the White Scouts came back and said, no, we don't wanna go in there. We better leave them alone. Wilmer Leon (00:58:12): I was looking over here on my bookcase, got, oh, here we go. Here we go. Here we go. Red summer, the summer of 1919, and the Awakening of Black America. Yeah, yeah. Jon Jeter (00:58:24): I've got that book. I've got that same book. Yep. Wilmer Leon (00:58:26): Okay, so I've got a couple others here. Death in the Promised Land, the Tulsa Race Riot in 1921, and see what a lot of people don't know about Tulsa is after the alleged encounter in the elevator Jon Jeter (00:58:44): Elevator, right! Wilmer Leon (00:58:45): Right? That young man went home, went to the community, went back to, and when the folks came in, the community, they didn't just sit idly by and let this deal go down. That's why, one of the reasons why I believe, I think I have this right, that it got to the tension that it did because it just came an all out fight. Jon Jeter (00:59:12): Oh yeah, Oh yeah! Wilmer Leon (00:59:12): We fought back Jon Jeter (00:59:14): tooth and nail. Wilmer Leon (00:59:16): We fought back, Jon Jeter (00:59:16): Tooth and nail. Yeah, no, definitely. Wilmer Leon (00:59:18): We fought back. So Brother John Jeter, when someone is done reading class War in America, how the elites divided the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? And I'm reading it backwards anyway, what are the three major points that you want someone to take away from reading? And folks I've read it, it's a phenomenal, phenomenal. In fact, before you answer that question, let me give this plug. I suggest that usually when I recommend a book, I try to recommend a compliment to it. And I would suggest that people get John Jeter class war in America and then get Dr. Ronald Walters "White Nationalism, Black Interests." Jon Jeter (01:00:13): Oh yeah. Wilmer Leon (01:00:14): And read those two, I Think. Jon Jeter (01:00:18): Oh, I love that. I love being compared to Ron Walters, the great Ron Walters, Wilmer Leon (01:00:23): And I would not be where I am and who I am. He played a tremendous role in Dr. Wilmer Leon. I have a PhD because of him. Jon Jeter (01:00:33): He is a great man. I interviewed him a few times. Wilmer Leon (01:00:36): Yeah, few. So while you're answering that question, I'm going to, so what are the two or three things that you want the reader to walk away from this book having a better understanding of? Jon Jeter (01:00:47): Well, we almost end where we begin. The first thing is Fred Hampton. It is a class war gda is what he said, right? It's a class war. But that does not mean that you can put class above race if you really want to understand the battle, the fight, Wilmer Leon (01:01:09): Oh, wait a minute. Wait a minute. Lemme interrupt you. There was a question I wanted to ask you, and I forgot. Thomas Sowell, the economist Thomas Sowell. And just quickly, because to your point about putting class above race, I wanted to get to the Thomas Sowell point, and I almost forgot it. So in your exposition here, work Thomas, Sowell into your answer. Jon Jeter (01:01:30): Yeah, Thomas. Sowell, and I think a lot of people, particularly now you see with these young, mostly white liberals, although some blacks like Adolf Reed, the political scientists, Adolf Reed posit that it's class above race, that the issues racial and antagonisms should be subordinate to the class issue. Overall, universal ideas and programs, I would argue you can't parse one from the other, that they are connected in a way that you can't separate them. That yes, it is a class issue, but they've used race to weaken the working class to pit it against the itself. So you can't really parse the two and understand the battle that we have in front of us. The other thing I would say too, because like the Panthers would say, I hate the oppressor. I don't hate white people. And it really is a white identity. But as George Jackson said, and I quote him in the book, white racism is the biggest barrier to a united left in United States. That which is true when he wrote it more than 50 years ago, (01:02:43): It was true 50 years before that is true today. It is white racism. That is the problem. And once whites can, as we see happening, we do see it happening with these young, many of them Jewish, but really whites of all from all walks of life are forfeiting their racial privileges to rally, to advocate for the Palestinians. So that's a very good sign that something is stirring within our community. And the third thing I would say is, I'm not optimistic, right? Because optimism is dangerous. Something Barack Obama should have learned talking about the audacity of hope, he meant optimism and optimism is not what you need. But I do think there's reason for hope, these young students on the college campuses who are rallying the, I think the very real existential threat posed to the duopoly by the Democratic Party, by Kamala Harris and Joe Biden's complicity in this genocide. I think there's a very real possibility that the duopoly is facing an existential threat. People are understanding that the enemy is, our political class, is our elite political class that is responsible for this genocide that we are seeing in real time. (01:04:03): That's Never happened before. So I would say the three things, it is a class for white racism is the biggest barrier to a united left or a united working class in this country. And third, there is reason to hope that we might be able to reorganize. And in fact, history suggests that we will organize very soon, reorganize very soon. There might be a dark period in between that, but that we will reorganize. And that this time, I hope we understand that we need to fight against this white racism, which unfortunately, whites give up that privilege. History has shown whites give up that privilege of being white, work with us, collaborate with us. But they return, as we saw beginning with Ronald Reagan, they return to this idea of a white identity, which is really a scab. Wilmer Leon (01:04:50): Well, in fact, Dr. King told us in where we go from here, chaos or community, he said, be wary of the white liberal. He said, because they are opposed to the brutality of the lash, but they do not support equality. That was from where we go from here, folks. John Jeter class War in America, how the elites divide the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? After you read that, then get white nationalism, black interests, conservative public policy in the black community by my mentor, Dr. The late great Dr. Ronald Walters, and I mentioned the Dockum drugstore protests. He was Dr. Ron Walters was considered to be the grandfather of, Jon Jeter (01:05:40): I didn't know that Wilmer Leon (01:05:41): of the sit-in movement. Jon Jeter (01:05:42): Did not know (01:05:43): The Dockum lunch counter protests in Wichita, Kansas. He helped to organize before the folks in North Carolina took their lead from the lunch counter protest that he helped. (01:06:01): I did not know that. Wilmer Leon (01:06:02): Yes, yes, yes, yes. Jon Jeter (01:06:03): I did not know that. Wilmer Leon (01:06:04): Alright, so now even I taught John Jeter something today. Now. Now that's a day. That's a day for you. John Jeter, my dear brother. I got to thank you as always for joining me today. Jon Jeter (01:06:16): Thank you, brother. It's been a pleasure. It's been a pleasure. Wilmer Leon (01:06:19): Folks, thank you all so much for listening to the Connecting the Dots podcast with me, Dr. Wimer Leon, and stay tuned for new episodes every week. Also, please follow and subscribe, lie a review, share the show, follow us on social media. You'll find all the links to the show below in the description. And remember that this is where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Because talk without analysis is just chatter. And we don't chatter here on connecting the dots. And folks, get this book. Get this book for the holidays. Get this book. Did I say get the book? Because you need to get the book. We don't chatter here on connecting the dots. See you all again next time. Until then, I'm Dr. Woman Leon. Y'all have a great one. Peace. I'm out Announcer (01:07:15): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge.  

Black August Memorial Black August Resistance 2024 finale “We attempted to transform the Black criminal mentality into a Black revolutionary mentality.” – George Jackson, from Soleded Brother: The Prison Letters of George Jackson On this last week of the 45th cycle of authentic Black August, moving into the final community breaking fast on August 31, New Afrikan Political Prisoner, Joka Heshima Jinsai, founder of Build the AIM, author and father – still caged after 30+ years; and New Afrikan former Political Prisoner and father, Fati Yero, home after 50 years, member of Cell Block 2 City Block, will co-host the final episode pulling together the last five weeks of commentary and political education regarding the original Black August Memorial Black August Resistance, its tenets and its historical and cultural purpose towards New Afrikan liberation and empowerment. Kan't stop, Won't stop Free Em All Liberate Our Elders All Power to the People! Free Palestine!

On this episode Dan and Kevin cover: Dan messes up the intro, ALF, root beer, dangers of the '70's, the word we won't use, Auburn 6, conditions in the prison, overcrowding, A Bug's Life, American TP, bad doctors, Frank "Big Black" Smith, metal shop strike, Rockefeller, George Jackson, throwing soup, the riot starts, taking hostages, and much much more!Please like, subscribe, and follow where ever you listen.The Beard StrugglePodUp!PatreonMerchBuy Us A CoffeeYouTubeInstagramTwitterTiktokThe Sassholes Insta!!Music from Uppbeat (free for Creators!):https://uppbeat.io/t/all-good-folks/curiosityLicense code: 7QU9IW0B2IJBFZJYMusic from Uppbeat (free for Creators!):https://uppbeat.io/t/christian-larssen/suburban-honeymoonLicense code: 1OKNVEXYPW8QAYSHMusic from #Uppbeat (free for Creators!):https://uppbeat.io/t/kevin-macleod/bass-vibesLicense code: YYUZSRCQDGQROBB4Music from #Uppbeat (free for Creators!):https://uppbeat.io/t/mountaineer/kick-backLicense code: QMHHB6U0M6H9WWENAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

The rivalry between the Aryan Brotherhood (AB) and the Black Guerrilla Family (BGF) is one of the most intense and violent conflicts within the U.S. prison system. Originating in the 1960s at San Quentin State Prison, these gangs were formed with starkly different ideologies: the AB centered on white supremacy and racial solidarity, while the BGF was driven by black revolutionary and Marxist ideals. Over the decades, both gangs expanded their influence through violent confrontations, strategic alliances, and a deep-seated commitment to their respective causes. Notable figures like Barry Mills of the AB and George Jackson of the BGF played crucial roles in shaping the groups' aggressive tactics and expansion, often resulting in bloody clashes and targeted assassinations to assert dominance and control over prison economies and territories.This conflict has had a significant impact on the U.S. prison system, leading to heightened security measures, increased violence, and a culture of fear and tension among inmates and staff. Both gangs employ a range of strategies, from leveraging corrupt prison staff to using a network of “cells” to maintain control and power. Their rivalry extends beyond prison walls, influencing street gangs and criminal networks, making them formidable forces both inside and outside of prison. The relentless pursuit of power by the AB and BGF perpetuates a cycle of violence and retribution, reflecting the harsh realities of survival and dominance within the penal system.(commercial at 9:16)to contact me:  bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

Black August began in the 1970s to mark the assassination of incarcerated political prisoners like the revolutionary organizer and writer George Jackson during a prison rebellion in California. Black August honors the freedom fighters, especially those inside the walls of our sprawling prison-industrial complex, who, with their vision, tenacity, and deep love for our communities, are leading us toward the horizon of abolition. The Center for Constitutional Rights is proud to be part of a rich legacy of inside-outside organizing to transform material conditions and build a world of collective safety without prisons, surveillance, and police.This Black August we bring to you an episode discussing the ongoing inside-outside organizing taking place to put an end to involuntary servitude in prisons or, more appropriately named, prison slavery. We are proud to represent incarcerated workers in Alabama as they seek to abolish forced prison labor, and we will continue to support them until slavery is banned everywhere, once and for all, in all its forms – not just in the law but in practice. Alabama is one of several states to join the growing movement to abolish prison slavery and involuntary servitude at the state and federal levels. Voters in Colorado, Nebraska, Oregon, Tennessee, Utah, and Vermont have approved similar changes to their states' constitutions to remove the loophole permitting slavery as a form of punishment for incarcerated people.Speakers:Theeda Murphy - Abolish Slavery National Network, Organizer & Operations ManagerMax Parthas - Abolish Slavery National Network, National Campaign Coordinator & Paul Cuffee Abolitionist Center in Sumter, SC., Acting DirectorClaude-Michael Comeau - Promise of Justice Initiative, Staff AttorneyModerator:maya finoh, Political Education and Research Manager

Too Black returns to the show to discuss the case of the Pendleton 2, the story of John “Balagoon” Cole and Christopher “Naeem” Trotter, the leaders of the Indiana prison uprising that rescued Lincoln "Lokmar" Love from being brutalized and killed by prison guards, exposed Pendleton's dehumanizing conditions, and unleashed the vindictive wrath of the Indiana Department of Correction. Together, he and Breht discuss the backstory, the legal case and trial, the absurdly long prison sentences they recieved, the KKK-affiliated "Sons of Light" operating amongst the prison guards, The Black Dragons, prison organizing, solitary confinement, how you can help the Pendleton 2 directly, the powerful legacy of George Jackson, the unacceptable and inhuman conditions of American prisons, the Black Alliance for Peace's "Black August" events, and more!   You can donate directly to campaign to free the Pendleton 2 HERE Watch the documentary "The Pendleton 2: They Stood Up" for free on YT HERE Check out Too Black's website HERE Here are previous episodes discussed during this converation, including the latest episode of the Black Myths Podcast, which you can find on your preferred podcast app:   Laundering Black Rage: Capitalism, Empire, and The Mechanics of Co-optation All Power to the People: The Kevin Rashid Johnson Interview Myth: Black August is a Celebration (w/ Christopher "Naeem" Trotter)   Follow Rev Left on IG   Outro Song: "Police State" by Dead Prez

The rivalry between the Aryan Brotherhood (AB) and the Black Guerrilla Family (BGF) is one of the most intense and violent conflicts within the U.S. prison system. Originating in the 1960s at San Quentin State Prison, these gangs were formed with starkly different ideologies: the AB centered on white supremacy and racial solidarity, while the BGF was driven by black revolutionary and Marxist ideals. Over the decades, both gangs expanded their influence through violent confrontations, strategic alliances, and a deep-seated commitment to their respective causes. Notable figures like Barry Mills of the AB and George Jackson of the BGF played crucial roles in shaping the groups' aggressive tactics and expansion, often resulting in bloody clashes and targeted assassinations to assert dominance and control over prison economies and territories.This conflict has had a significant impact on the U.S. prison system, leading to heightened security measures, increased violence, and a culture of fear and tension among inmates and staff. Both gangs employ a range of strategies, from leveraging corrupt prison staff to using a network of “cells” to maintain control and power. Their rivalry extends beyond prison walls, influencing street gangs and criminal networks, making them formidable forces both inside and outside of prison. The relentless pursuit of power by the AB and BGF perpetuates a cycle of violence and retribution, reflecting the harsh realities of survival and dominance within the penal system.(commercial at 9:16)to contact me:  bobbycapucci@protonmail.comBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Black August Memorial continues! We just finished our 24hr fast FLEA day honoring George Lester Jackson, The Dragon. New Afrikan Political Prisoner, Joka Heshima Jinsai, founder of Build the AIM, author and father – still caged after 30+ years; and New Afrikan former Political Prisoner and father, Fati Yero, home after 50 years, member of Cell Block 2 City Block, will co-host giving commentary on the true meaning of Black August and George Jackson's influence on and significance to it. Kan't stop, Won't stop Free Em All Liberate Our Elders All Power to the People! Free Palestine!

On episode 63 of the VITAL HOOPS Podcast Kalonji breaks down the history of Black August and the importance of commemorating.  https://unitedstatesofrhythm.bandcamp.com/album/rhythm-united-presents-black-august-the-past-present-and-future-of-a-black-liberation-movement https://www.thepeoplesarmy.org/blackaugust Book Recommendation: Soledad Brother: The Prison Letters of George Jackson. Blood in My Eye by George Jackson. The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon. Kalonji Jama Changa IG: whohetalkingto X: KalonjiChanga VITAL HOOPS PayPal: @FernandoCardenasXB IG: VitalHoopsPodcast  Facebook: Vital Hoops  X: VitalHoopsPod  Email: vitalhoopspodcast@gmail.com  https://www.patreon.com/vitalhoops https://www.vitalhoops.net https://www.blackpowermedia.org VITAL HOOPS is 4 THE KULTURE

Jonathan Jackson, teenage brother of imprisoned black power activist George Jackson, entered the Marin County Courthouse concealing three guns under his raincoat on 7th August, 1970.  In the middle of a trial, he took Judge Harold Haley hostage in a bid to secure his brother's release. The previous year had seen a landmark incident at San Quentin Correctional Facility, when three black inmates were shot dead by white prison guards. George Jackson, Jonathan's brother, had become a prominent figure, founding a Marxist revolutionary group within the prison and campaigning for justice for the ‘Soledad Brothers'. This context made the courtroom siege an explosive event in the fight against systemic racism. In this episode, Arion, Rebecca and Olly detail the brief but deadly shootout that followed in the court's parking lot; discover why the police opened fire, despite the high-profile hostages; and consider how George Jackson later smuggled a gun into prison… CONTENT WARNING: violence, murder, racism. Further Reading: • 'Marin County Courtroom Shootout' (Bay Area Television Archive, 1970): https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/190039 • ‘Bloody Breakout at San Rafael' (LIFE, 1970): https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=t1UEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA31&dq=harold+haley+james+mcclain&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjEnYX1q9aGAxWGWEEAHYg8DBoQuwV6BAgEEAY#v=onepage&q=harold%20haley%20james%20mcclain&f=false • ‘San Quentin's Bloodiest Riot | The Story of George Jackson' (19XX, 2023): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WzDoYNd5xjk Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Welcome to Get Up in the Cool: Old Time Music with Cameron DeWhitt and Friends! This week's friends are Anna Ekborg Hans-ers, Jerker Hans-ers, and Petrus Dillner of Northern Resonance, with special guests George Jackson and Morgan Harris! We recorded this in Viroqua, Wisconsin towards the end of our tour back in April. Tune in this episode: * Pride of America (0:54) * Polska efter Carl Sved (12:19) * Marion Reece's Cumberland Gap (29:15) * Over the Pacific (Petrus Dillner original) (39:01) * No. 1 (Anna Ekborg Hans-Ers original) (45:57) * Bonus Track: Chinquapin Hunting Visit their website (https://www.northernresonance.se/) Follow Northern Resonance on Instagram, (https://www.instagram.com/northernresonanceofficial) Facebook, (https://www.facebook.com/northernresonance) YouTube, (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCyRG_AXzluXcUEPJqEdRtfg) and TikTok (https://www.tiktok.com/@northern.resonance) Buy their albums on Bandcamp (https://northernresonance.bandcamp.com/) Buy Anna Ekborg Hans-Ers' solo album (https://annaekborg.bandcamp.com/album/solo) Follow Morgan Harris on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/morganharrisguitar/) Follow George Jackson on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/georgefiddle/) Sign up for my Crooked Tunes workshop series! (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/store) Support Get Up in the Cool on Patreon (https://www.patreon.com/getupinthecool) Sign up at Pitchfork Banjo for my clawhammer instructional series! (https://www.pitchforkbanjo.com/) Schedule a banjo lesson with Cameron (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/banjolessons) Visit Tall Poppy String Band's website (https://www.tallpoppystringband.com/) and follow us on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/tallpoppystringband/)

Mark Alexander Jackson (born 30 August 1959) is a former Australian rules footballer who played for the Melbourne Football Club, St Kilda Football Club and Geelong Football Club in the Victorian Football League (VFL) and for the South Fremantle Football Club in the West Australian Football League (WAFL). Known as "Jacko", Jackson's colourful and enigmatic personality often resulted in clashes with officials and teammates, which tended to overshadow the fact that he was also a capable full forward. Following his football career, Jackson became notable for several television appearances, including commercials for Jenny Craig, Energizer and Nutri-Grain, along with several feature films. Jackson has also written an autobiography, Dumb Like a Fox, which was released in 1986.   Jackson was born at the Royal Woman's Hospital as one of six children to George Jackson and his wife Frances, and grew up in the eastern Melbourne suburb of Nunawading.  Football career South Fremantle & Richmond (1979–1980) After playing colts and reserves football for Richmond in 1977 and 1978, Jackson started his senior career in the West Australian Football League, spending the 1979 season with South Fremantle. Coach Mal Brown employed Jackson as a forward to protect Ray Bauskis, a skillful but lightweight full-forward. Jackson kicked 53 goals in 22 games and Bauskis 66 in 17 games. South Fremantle finished second in 1979. The night before the second semi-final, Jackson returned to Melbourne after being told that the other players had voted him out of the team. He consequently missed out on playing in the 1979 grand final, which saw the then largest crowd in West Australian football history. Jackson rejoined Richmond for the 1980 season. However, with Michael Roach and Brian Taylor at the club, there was no room for another full forward. Jackson spent the entire 1980 season playing in the reserves and kicked 131 goals. Melbourne (1981–1982) Jackson moved to Melbourne for the 1981 season, coached by Ron Barassi. Jackson performed a handstand in front of the Hawks full back, Kelvin Moore, reportedly after Moore had told him he "wouldn't be a full forward while his arse pointed to the floor". Jackson on Open Mike said it was not pointed at Moore, rather it was directed at umpire Glenn James after he disputed a decision. Jackson kicked 76 goals in each of his two years with the Demons, leading the goal kicking in 1981 and one goal less than Gerard Healy in 1982.  St Kilda (1983) In 1983, Jackson joined St Kilda on a three-year contract believed to have been worth $40,000 per year. He played in the first nine matches (in which the Saints lost the first eight matches in a row) and kicked 40 goals, including 10 in Round 5 against Sydney. However, controversy reared its head again when he was relegated to the reserves for "disciplinary reasons" in Round 10, and then returned for the Round 11 game against Collingwood, where he was held to one goal in a high-scoring 16-point loss. Jackson was again dropped to the reserves, and suffered a bruised chest during the Sunday game. On the Tuesday following that game, the Saints had told Jackson his services were no longer required.  It was later revealed that, among other things, he had played a dangerous prank on club legend Trevor Barker by placing a brick behind the brake pedal in his car. He had also placed a lit cigarette butt in the pocket of club chairman Lindsay Fox in the social club. Jackson spent the remainder of the year playing for the Melbourne Harlequins rugby side. However, his 41 goals were still enough to be the Saints' leading goal kicker for the 1983 season. Geelong (1984–1986) 1984 saw Jackson return to the VFL with Geelong. He led their goal kicking in 1984 with 74. In total during his time at Geelong, Jackson scored 115 goals in 31 games. Geelong started 1985 poorly with one win in the first four rounds but improved with five wins in the next six rounds to be in fifth position. But after losing to Fitzroy in Round 11 they would spend the remainder of the season hovering just outside the Top Five, eventually finishing sixth on the ladder. The Round 11 match against Hawthorn at Princess Park was overshadowed by various spiteful incidents, including Leigh Mattews king-hit on Geelong midfielder Neville Bruns behind play, leaving Bruns with a broken jaw. Although this incident was not reported at the time, video footage of the incident resulted in Matthews being charged with assault by Victoria Police and subsequently deregistered by the VFL for four matches. Jackson kicked four goals for the game to be the Cats' main scorer for the day, but was reported four times during the match: by boundary umpire Gower, boundary umpire O'Leary, goal umpire Bill Pryde and field umpire Ian Robinson for allegedly striking Gary Ayres in the final quarter; by goal umpire Pryde for allegedly striking Chris Langford on two separate occasions during the final quarter; by field umpire Robinson for allegedly striking Chris Mew in the final quarter; and by field umpire Robinson for allegedly striking Chris Langford in the final quarter. At the VFL Tribunal hearing on the Monday following the game, Jackson was suspended for a total of eight matches, stemming from outcomes of three of the charges: He pleaded guilty to the charge from four umpires of striking Ayres (two-match suspension). He pleaded not guilty to striking Mew and was severely reprimanded The third charge of striking Langford by goal umpire Pryde was upheld (two-match suspension) He pleaded guilty to the fourth charge of striking Langford (four-match suspension). After kicking six goals in the first round of 1986 and two in the second round, he retired after his omission from the Geelong senior side in the following round. He ended his VFL career with 308 goals from 82 games, leading his club's goalkicking on 3 occasions. He holds the record for the most consecutive games from debut with at least one goal, with 79 games. His first and only goalless game in his career was in his third-to-last game in Round 21, 1985 against Richmond at VFL Park. Jackson gained a controversial reputation for his on-field antics and was regularly reported: twice at Melbourne and four times at Geelong, including an eight-match suspension following a fight against Hawthorn. Later years An autobiography of Jackson's football career was published in 1986 and titled Jacko, Dumb Like a Fox, written with the assistance of Melbourne journalist Jon Anderson. Later in 1986 he played a few games for Brunswick Football Club in the Victorian Football Association (VFA) First Division, the first of which against Sandringham drew a crowd of nearly 15,000 to Gillon Oval; he was sacked from Brunswick in July after missing training. Jackson returned to South Fremantle for the 1987 WAFL season and kicked 45 goals from the opening 10 games. This included nine goals against West Perth in round three. South Fremantle won its opening three games of the season, but then went on an 18-match losing streak to win the wooden spoon – the club's first since 1972. Jackson walked out on the club after round 10, where the Bulldogs lost to West Perth by a league-record 210 points. Despite only playing half the season, he still finished as the club's leading goalkicker. Later in 1987, he went to Queensland and played a game for QAFL club Kedron; he was paid a large fee of $2,000 per game, but his presence drew a large crowd which earned more than $12,000 for the club. He had intended to play more games for Kedron, but was suspended for unbecoming conduct after dropping his shorts several times during the match. Singing career Following his retirement from football, Jackson used his fame and popularity to launch a singing career. His first single, "I'm an Individual" was a hit on the Australian singles chart. A second single, "My Brain Hurts" was not so successful. A 1991 release, "You Can Do This", also failed to make an impression. Jackson combined a rap-like delivery with lyrics based on Australian comedy and larrikinism. Acting career After his singing career ended, Jackson began appearing in advertisements, the most successful of which was his role in Energizer battery commercials during the late 1980s and early 1990s. The commercials ended with a manic Jackson yelling "Get Energizer. It'll surprise you! Oi!". These commercials were shown extensively in the United States, even though few people knew of Jackson, during a period of high American interest in things Australian in the wake of the Crocodile Dundee films. This American infatuation with Australian culture is referenced in The Simpsons episode "Bart vs. Australia" (1995), in which Jackson makes a cameo promoting Energizer. He was the brand's last human spokesman before the emergence of the Energizer Bunny.  There was also a 10 in 1 "Oi! Jacko Gym" action figure toy that could talk, do push-ups, lift weights and ride a skateboard—all battery operated, with Jackson wearing the battery company logo on his singlet. He was also linked with Nutri-Grain amongst other companies, and for a time worked as a professional actor for commercials. Jackson has appeared in various television sitcoms and movies—one of the most notable being as survival expert "Jetto" in the short-lived American action-adventure series The Highwayman (1988)—as well as being on talkback radio and in various children's programs and talk shows. During 2005 Jackson embarked on a tour with author and renowned criminal Mark "Chopper" Read.  In 2014, Jackson was featured on 7mate's Bogan Hunters as a celebrity judge. Boxing Jackson also appeared in a televised Australian celebrity boxing match in 2002 in which he went up against Australian former rugby league centre Ma. Meninga. Jackson was soundly defeated. Jackson had previously beaten Essendon tough man Ron Andrews in a points decision on 10 December 1984 in a six-round boxing match at the Perth Entertainment Centre. 

This week, Bonnie joins the GovExec's AI Spotlight Series hosted by George Jackson for a roundtable discussion on the DoD's role in AI with Tyler Sweatt from Second Front Systems, Jason Preisser from DARPA, and Alexis Bonnell from AFRL. Together, they explore the transformative potential of AI, focusing on AI adoption, process innovation, and the cultural shifts that need to happen within the DoD to leverage AI capabilities. Tune in for an insightful conversation on how AI can revolutionize the defense space, if we let it. TIMESTAMPS: (4:25) How do we increase acquisition speed? (6:02) The unsexy reality of government's use of AI (8:49) Why the department still operates from an industrial age approach (12:13) How to cheat time in procurement (18:10) Why we need to focus on governance and attention as a currency (20:05) Three key decision-making traits to push innovation forward (27:22) Integrating AI with mission and people at scale (30:20) Why the DoD needs to guide industry LINKS: Follow Bonnie: https://www.linkedin.com/in/bonnie-evangelista-520747231/ Follow Tyler: https://www.linkedin.com/in/tylersweatt/ Follow Alexis: https://www.linkedin.com/in/alexisbonnell/ Follow Jason: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jason-r-preisser-05878220/ Follow George: https://www.linkedin.com/in/george-jackson-70b37b2a2/ CDAO: https://www.ai.mil/ GovExec: https://govexec.com/

Hosts Adolph Mongo, Vanessa Moss and Allan Lengel talk with George Jackson,  former head of the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation, and Detroit Free Press investigative columnist M.L. Elrick.Jackson talks about the future of the RenCen and previously developments he was involved in.  Elrick talks about Mayor Mike Duggan's decision to endorse Council member Mary Waters in the Congressional race and what was happening up in Mackinac at the annual conference with all the big shots who gathered there this week.

Hear the final segment of our interview with New Afrikan political prisoner Louis Powell and why we need to Liberate Our Elders! We also read from George Jackson's “Blood In My Eye” and hear the voices of Cuban med students on socialist practice. Lastly, take action to support New Afrikan Political Prisoner Kwame Shakur in an Indiana prison recently thrown into solitary confinement. All power to the people! Free ‘em All!

May is NZ Music Month, and this show features some NZ musicians and bands that have contributed to the bluegrass genre whilst overseas. Musicians featured include BB Bowness, Gerry Paul, Mark Mazengarb, Leonard Cohen, George Jackson, and of course, members of the Hamilton County Bluegrass Band.

Welcome to Get Up in the Cool: Old Time Music with Cameron DeWhitt and Friends! This week's friend is Emily Mann. We recorded this yesterday in Nashville at the home of Rachel Baiman and George Jackson. Tune in this episode: * Burl Hammons' Shelvin' Rock (0:46) * Forks of Reedy (13:51) * Clyde Davenport's Sally Johnson (29:19) * Long John (41:58) * Hell Up Coal Holler (50:30) * Bonus Track: Icy Mountain Visit Paper Wings' website (https://paperwingsband.com/) Follow them on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/paperwingsmusic/) Follow Emily Mann on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/em.fiddle/) Follow Steamboat on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/steamboatband/) Buy Emily Mann's album Clifftop 2020 (https://emilymann.bandcamp.com/album/clifftop-2020) Check Tall Poppy String Band's April tour dates with Northern Resonance (https://www.tallpoppystringband.com/shows) Sign up for my workshop series Music Theory for Old Time (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/store) Support Get Up in the Cool on Patreon (https://www.patreon.com/getupinthecool) Sign up at Pitchfork Banjo for my clawhammer instructional series! (https://www.pitchforkbanjo.com/) Schedule a banjo lesson with Cameron (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/banjolessons) Visit Tall Poppy String Band's website (https://www.tallpoppystringband.com/) and follow us on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/tallpoppystringband/)

A letter written for Bisan, circulated to my constituency: Peace. I write to you from the floor of my bedroom in Sierra Leone. Two days ago, Iran launched successful counter-attacks against the apartheid regime occupying the land of Palestine, currently known as Israel (which bombed their embassy in an open act of war on April 1). I can hear construction workers breaking rocks outside my window and the children of the house playing and running and the noise of Freetown traffic in an endless rise and fall. I always find it pertinent to name the moment clearly, as I am always certain tomorrow will not look like today; the things I consider commonplace will be precious and long gone. Some of my mind firmly plants itself in yesterday already: gone are the days where I can see children running and playing in the street— in any street, anywhere in the world— and I do not think of Palestinian children massacred in front of each other. I am in a permanent after. I kneel to pray and recall accounts of young Sudanese women messaging their local religious leaders, asking if they will still be permitted into paradise if they commit suicide to avoid rape from occupying soldiers. I am in a permanent after.Today is April 15, 2024. Tomorrow will not look like today.Bisan Owda, a filmmaker, journalist and storyteller, has called the world to strike on several occasions for the liberation of her homeland, Palestine. I feel about Bisan (and Hind, and Motaz, and many others) like I feel about my cousins: I pray for them before bed, asking for their continued protection, wondering for them— the same way I prayed for my family as a child, during Sierra Leone's own neocolonial war of attrition, or when Ebola came like the angel of death. This is the way I pray for Bisan, and for Palestine: with this heart beating in me that is both theirs and mine. She is my age. Bisan! You are my age! I wish we could have met at university, or at an artists workshop; I feel we would have long conversation. I understand more now about what my auntie dequi means when she says sister in the struggle— that's how she speaks of indigenous womyn, about Palestinian womyn, about womyn across the colonized world that use every tool they have to resist. Sisters in the struggle. It's never felt like an understatement— I just feel it in my body now. Sisters (n.): someone who you most ardently for. Someone who you care for such that it compels you to action. I'm certain many of you feel this for me—this long distance, cross-cultural, transcontinental kinship. Rhita, a stranger turned friend via instagram DMs, had me over for tea on a long layover in Morocco, and we spent at least two hours talking about blooming revolution and healing through art (she's a musician and she helps pave the way for musicians in Morocco, who fight for their royalties as well as their right to exist. Brilliant). Sisters in struggle: your lens on the world changes mine, and I am grateful for it. Today we are among war; I mobilize and I organize and I pray for a day where we might sit down for tea.I write to Bisan with the attention of my own constituency to shine light on her calls for a general strike, one of which occurs today, April 15 2024. These urgent asks have been met with lots of skepticism across the Western world: how do we organize something this fast? Does it really matter if I participate? How will one strike solve anything? I write to throw my pen and my circumstance behind you, Bisan. I lend you all (my constituency) my lenses as a teacher, in hopes that I make plain to you why these questions of feasibility assume there is another way out of our current standing oppressions. We have no other option for worldwide liberation that does not include a mass refusal to produce capital. We occupy a crucial moment of pivot as a species. Victory for the masses feels impossible from the complete waste they lay on anyone who dissents to their power. This feeling is manufactured. The hopelessness is manufactured. We see the insecurity of the nation-state everywhere. Never before has surveillance from the state been so totalitarian— even (especially) through the device likely read this on. I also submit: a conglomeration of ruling bodies who monitor their citizens with paranoia do so because they are very aware of their own precarity. ^this is a very good video if you want to learn more about that claim.The nation-state, as it currently exists, knows it will fall. Never before have we had this much access to one another in organizing across the world for our good. They know, and we are beginning to find out, this iteration of the human sovereign world (capitalism ruled by white, Western supremacy) is dying. Something else is on the way. The question is what? Will the world that comes after this one be for us or against us?I hope this set of arguments helps us understand our place in the human narrative, as those that still have the power to stop the machine.Theses:(1) The genocide in Palestine is not unique nor novel except in the fact that we can see it in real time. This is what colonial war has always looked like. Ruthie Wilson Gilmore described the machine perfectly. “Racism, specifically, is the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death." ― Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing CaliforniaRuthie Wilson Gilmore is an abolitionist that has radicalized me immensely. To put the above in my terms: racism occurs or made when a group of people (Black, Indigenous, and colonized peoples) are constantly exposed to premature death (in overt ways, such as carpet bombing or slavery, or in more covert ways, like pollution, policy that denies healthcare, poverty wages, restricting access to food). This mass killing comes either with a green light from the state, or comes from the civilian populace of that oppressive nation-state.Capitalism in and of itself created the need for racial oppression. The establishment of capitalism required the open and expedited slaughter of indigenous peoples to secure their own land, and the slow-bred, constant slaughter of African peoples as a vehicle to over-harvest lands across North and South America, as well as across Europe. And they continue to expand.So then: racial capitalism is a death-machine. There is no way we can transition this world to a new order, where the masses are sovereign over our own lives, without withholding the labor that keeps the death machine going. Striking is not just in a decline of consumption, which is when we refuse to consume the products made by the machine. Radical action occurs when we decline production. That's the only way to stop the machine in their tracks. If we do not, the machine will continue slaughter for output. Simply put: you can't just stop buying. We do actually have to stop working.Nothing about the actions taking place in the Palestinian genocide are new! This is racial capitalism doing what it has always done: slaughtered the indigenous population and embedded heinous acts of violence to crush dissent, exacted a nation-state on the shallow graves, and found or imported a labor force to exploit such that they can strip the land of her resources. It has always been this horrifying. The only difference now is that we can see the horror live televised, in real time. (2) we are tasked with mobilization from our new understandings. We have a sister war now occurring in Sudan, where the superpower benefitting from violent civilian death is the United Arab Emirates (who extract the gold from Sudan in deals with the warring military groups while the people are slaughtered). This is a war of attrition, designed to break the will of the people bit by bit, massacre by massacre until they force consent to military rule. We had wars of similar depravity in the killings of Iraqis in this made up War on Terror by the United States, in the killings of Black radical counter-insurgents in the United States' second civil war in the 1960s, in the attempted decimation of Viet Nam (again, by the US, there might be a pattern). This is what I mean about wars of colonialism— this is what the annexing of Hawaii looked like. The fall of Burkina-Faso's revolutionary government. This is just to name a few. It's happened again and again, and it will keep happening until we pivot away from allowing the technology of the nation-state be sovereign over the earth. This is what the nation-state does under racial capitalism.(2a) EXTRAPOLATE. The 15th of April 2024 also marks one year of war in Sudan, which has largely been ignored by Western spectacle. I say all the time your attention is lucrative.This particular bit is addressed to my constituency: never is this more clear than watching world trials, UN emergency meetings, world mobilization on behalf of Palestine and no such thing for Sudan. I know that Palestinians do not feel good about this. We should not have to be in a state where we have to compete for attention in order to get justice. We should not require spectacle to mobilize for our countrymen! There are no journalist influencers living in Sudan to have risen out as superstars with moment to moment updates— the technological infrastructure and the political landscape simply didn't align for that. Is this why we don't care? I am also hyper aware, as a Black American and as a Sierra Leonean, of how no one blinks when Black people die. We were the original capital under racial capitalism. There still is this sentiment, especially among the Western world, that suffering and dying is just… what we do.We humans are very good at caring for what we can manage to see. I am both heartened and excited by seeing increased conversations, direct actions, fundraisers, for Palestine. The responsibility to the human family is to constantly be in the work of expanding your eyesight— which means that you too care for the people that you might not see every day in your algorithm. The human tapestry, woven together in different colors and patterns, is ultimately one long, interconnected thread. The first step of mobilization that must come from from realizing our situation under racial capitalism is fighting for everyone that suffers from it— not just the people we can see. If we fight situationally, we are set up to lose, because we save one part of the human tapestry while another part burns. Coordinated action can only come from coordinated understanding. No one is free until everyone is free. (3) Fast. Train. Study. Fight. Only in a slaveocracy would the idea of freedom fighting and resistance seem mad. —Mumia Abu-Jamal, 2003 | Black August Commentary on Prison RadioFast; train; study; fight is the slogan of Black August, a month of discipline where those active in the fight for liberation remember our political prisoners and dedicate ourserlves to the sharpening of our minds, bodies, and communities in service of liberation. Black August was first commemorated with collective action in 1971 when George Jackson was assassinated by San Quentin prison guards in an attempt to quell the revolutionary spirit he stewarded within the concentration camp of prison enslavement. The article linked above is by Mama Ayaana Mashama, an educator, healer, poet, and founding member of the Oakland Chapter of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement from the Bay. Black August also acknowledges the amount of life and world-changing victories of resistance that have occurred for Black oppressed peoples in August— everything from the Haitian Revolution to Nat Turner's Rebellion to the birth of Fred Hampton.I find these four actions to be the key to mobilization in the practical rather than just the rhetorical or theoretical, especially if you are newly radicalized (like me. I've only been radicalized for six years).What are the practical ways to strike?Fasting from consumption: Do not engage in mindless consumption. Do not buy anything from companies who use your dollars to oppress yourself and your neighbor— this includes groceries, gas, flights, fast food, more than that. Do not grease the machine with your dollars. I understand these things are embedded into our day to day society. Resist anyways.Additionally, fasting during the inaugural Black August included abstinence from radio and television. Last year, my first time fasting for Black August, I fasted from screens. Conscious divestment from the machine includes mind and body, not just dollars. Training (in mind and body): Train your attention. Train yourself to notice when you impulse spend. Money is a token you can trade for power. To be in the role of consumer is to constantly trade your chance for power for a momentary comfort— a good feeling, a rush, a high, a status symbol, all of which depreciate for you and all of which give tokens of power to the world-makers currently in charge. Now is the time to build up the muscles of dissent (both the literal and the metaphysical strength and will to act in favor of the people when it is time to).Study: You are only as useful to the movement as you are able to use yourself well. Study yourself and your own wants needs and habits. Know intimately your own boundaries, motivations and desires. What is your version of freedom? What are you specifically fighting for? Write it down!Study your own observable world. Ensure that you are caught up well on the events that surround you. This means local. When you walk around outside, what do you see? First: do you take walks? I would recommend them. Who are your neighbors? What do they do? What do they want? Who are your comrades and who are not? What is going in your local policy?Study the world that you cannot personally observe (and not just the news that comes through your algorithm). Learn where the stitches of the human tapestry are frayed. Note where they are being or have been burned intentionally. How do you connect to those charred places? What does regeneration and recreation look like?The backdrop of Sudan's war saw about eight months of sporadic striking that finally led to the general strike, which then led to the successful popular uprising. Sudan had a successful popular uprising in 2019 because they engaged in strikes, strikes, strikes until they created enough mass action to win. It will never feel like the right time. We create the time we need to mobilize on our best behalf. Fight:Fight the impulse to do nothing. You are in a natural state of doing nothing—by design. So better, I should say: you are kept in a default state of believing that you should do nothing. Do not do nothing. The more you do something, the easier it is to do the next thing. Fight the will to accept the world as something that happens above you. You have more power than you think you do. Fight the urge to act alone.Fight the urge to shrink from consequence. Fight the restrictions that inevitably follow dissent.Also literally engaging in combat training is helpful (for legal purposes I don't condone violence :P).(4) Revolution more about beginnings than endings. Critical mass happens with repeat action. The tide will not change because of some mass quantum leap everyone has in logic and circumstance. It will not come because your neighbor saw you pick up your pitchfork and thought, “oh yes, we need schedule Revolution today, let me grab my chainsaw.” The masses will shift because person after person after person continued to practice small, increasing modes of dissent. Dissent!— such that when powder kegs go off, when moments occur like this, or like Black Lives Matter worldwide uprisings of 2020, moments which break through the numb dissonance we all wade through every day, we have enough discipline to engage in organized action.General striking needs to be not just for Palestine, but for all the pressing problems that have a time mark on them. If Palestine is what gets you to mobilize, I commend you. Because Palestine is what got me to mobilize for general strikes. It was because of my sister Bisan, who called for them. And I thank her. Thank you! We as a human species need to recognize that what's happening in Palestine will happen again if we do not have a coalesced list of needs and demands. We need to understand the need to shape policy. We strike for sovereignty under the hands of the masses. Sovereignty under the hands of the masses!I learn so much from studying the successes and failures of the Burkina Faso revolution, lasting for four glorious years. Here's what's previously happened across colonized countries that managed to have revolutions, like clockwork. Step three (mobilization) was executed by a critical mass of people (not everyone, not even the majority, but enough people fasted, trained, studied, fought, enough people taught their neighbor/girlfriend/cousin/librarian/grocery store clerk the same thing, of the ways we can engage with struggle rather than the ways we run from it, or assume it's the job of someone else. There was enough mobilization sustained by extrapolation (the understanding that this was bigger than them) such that a popular uprising occurred, when which is a hard thing not to lose (as in, to let dissipate). A popular uprising is a difficult thing to lose! The strength in numbers is very, very real. Look at the farmer's strike in India! How could they fail?Then, this new and fragile union with a new world, this baby that needs attention, protecting, a family of support around it— gets hijacked. Colonial or neocolonial regimes take root and begin killing as many people as they can in attempts to spread epigenetic fear into the populace such that they never, ever try and imagine a world without their power ever again. This is what's currently happening in Sudan right now. This is what is happening in Palestine. This is what's happening everywhere where there are colonized people fighting against oppressive regimes.If we can manage to act together, if we can manage world-wide mobilization and world-wide solidarity, we can stand for one another at this crucial stage— we must dream past the start of something and be thinking towards the day when we are inevitably successful— how will we keep those gains? Past the fall of the empire— what are we fighting for? How do we intend to keep it?Peace to you and yours, Bisan. The sun has set in Sierra Leone. There is not a day that goes by where I do not think about you. And I thank for being plugged in, being supportive of, being for the revolutions across the world— especially your own. Thank you for being someone who belongs to your country in ways that are bold and ways that endanger you. I am so proud of you. I can't thank you enough.And peace to everyone reading, here meaning: I hope the work you engage with today emboldens you to act tomorrow. ismatu g. PS. THIS IS STILL A STRIKE THAT LIVES LARGELY ON SOCIAL MEDIA! WE NEED THAT TO CHANGE. TALK! TO! YOUR! NEIGHBORS! YOUR PARENTS! PEOPLE YOU KNOW IN PHYSICAL, DAILY LIFE! I DID NOT LEARN ABOUT THIS UNTIL PEOPLE IN MY PHYSICAL LIFE TOLD ME! USE THIS TEXT AND TALK ABOUT IT thank you have a good day. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit ismatu.substack.com/subscribe

Old Kentucky crooked fiddle tunes are intriguing and Hiram Stamper is an authentic learning resource in my book. Bruce Greene recorded this one and it was tricky to arrange. I got some help listening to George Jackson, the New Zealander old-time player that's a pleasure to hear.

Old Kentucky crooked fiddle tunes are intriguing and Hiram Stamper is an authentic learning resource in my book. Bruce Greene recorded this one and it was tricky to arrange. I got some help listening to George Jackson, the New Zealander old-time player that's a pleasure to hear.

We had a great concert in my backyard with George Jackson & Brad Kolodner, and I'm featuring their music on this show. I've also got some great tracks from the Travelling McCourys, Barry & Holly Tashian, the Stanley Brothers, and Junior Sisk. High Fidelity get a look in, and there's even an opening track from Australian great Slim Dusty and the Travelling Country Band.

I've dug deep into my shelves of LPs, and hauled out a few favourites – the Blue Velvet Band, Seldom Scene, Doyle Lawson & Quicksilver, fiddler Glen Duncan, to find some tracks I've not played on the show previously. We've got a little more contemporary with the HCBB, George Jackson, the Kody Norris Show, and Balsam Range, and some classic bluegrass from Tony Ellis.

My guest this week is fiddle player George Jackson.George, originally from New Zealand,  now living in Nashville, won the 2022 IBMA Instrumentalist Of The Year Momentum Award.He's played with a wide range of artists with artists such as The Jacob Jolliff Band, Jake Blount, Tall Poppy String Band, The Local Trio, Front Country, Peter Rowan and Missy Raines.He joins me to chat about a fascinating project he's working on with Tristan Scroggins, called The Old Time 100. George and Tristan recorded 100 fiddle tunes in a day. Our conversation starts off with the obvious question ('Why?') and spreads from there into a wide ranging chat about how they chose the tunes, which versions they went for, how the tracks were recorded, why their key purpose is educational (although they sound great to listen to as well!)  and the differences (and similarities) between old time and bluegrass.I really enjoyed this one.To find out more about The Old Time 100, including transcriptions, videos and more, follow the links below.  InstagramTristan's InstagramGeorge's InstagramPatreonTristan's PatreonGeorge's PatreonHappy picking!Matt Support the show===- Sign up to get updates on new episodes - Free fiddle tune chord sheets- Here's a list of all the Bluegrass Jam Along interviews- Follow Bluegrass Jam Along for regular updates: Instagram Facebook - Review us on Apple Podcasts

Episode Notes To support this podcast you can follow me on Patreon where there is a bunch of video content and tabs avail! My guest this week is Tristan Scroggins. Tristan has 3 projects he is involved in that have release dates within the month! Available today is The Old Time 100 that he recorded with George Jackson and friends. He also appears on the newest Sister Sadie release as well as the upcoming Missy Raines and Allegheny release entitled “Highlander”. Keep up with Tristan via his website, his Instagram, or his Patreon!  Songs featured in this episode: “Dry and Dusty” by George Jackson and Tristan Scroggins (The Old Time 100) “Pad Thai Karaoke” by Sister Sadie (No Fear) “Listen to the Lonesome Wind” by Missy Raines and Allegheny (Highlander) “Tennessee Breakdown” by George Jackson and Tristan Scroggins (The Old Time 100) “Ruffled Drawers” by George Jackson and Tristan Scroggins (The Old Time 100) Get your tickets for the Charleston Bluegrass Festival Here!! As Always a HUGE thank you to all of my sponsor's that make this podcast possible each week! Mandolin Cafe Acoustic Disc Peghead Nation promo code mandolinbeer Northfiled Mandolins Ellis Mandolins Pava Mandolins Tone Slabs Elderly Instruments String Joy Strings promo code mandolinbeer

Dr. Joy James joins Breht and PM for the third installment of Rev Left's ongoing Du Bois series, but this conversation goes well beyond the life and work of Du Bois to cover James' newest book, her long history of organizing, the history of black liberation struggles in the US, and much more. Together, they discuss George Jackson, James' concept of the Captive Maternal, Erica Garner, "New Bones Abolition", Marxism, black history, Ida B. Wells, and much more. Overall its a wide-ranging conversation with an incredibly wise and experienced revolutionary intellectual.  Dr. James is Ebenezer Fitch Professor of Humanities at Williams College. Her book is New Bones Abolition: Captive Maternal Agency and the (After)life of Erica Garner.  Proceeds from New Bones Abolition: Captive Maternal Agency and the (After)Life of Erica Garner go to Prison Radio. Follow PM on IG Check out Dr. Joy James on Millennials are Killing Capitalism HERE & HERE Get 15% off any book from Leftwingbooks.net  Outro Music: "Sorrow Tears and Blood" by Fela Kuti ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Support Rev Left Radio 

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 8 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Jerry Mechling, Theresa Pardo, and Alan Shark,  as well as Brenda Bannan, moderated by GovExec's George Jackson. Imagine the controversy some 40 years ago among engineering school faculty who expressed concern that the standard hand-held slide rule might be replaced by sophisticated hand-held calculators. In some schools and colleges, they were banned for use during exams or major university entrance tests. Today, we see similar discussions and debates with the advent of generative AI (GAI) and, in particular, the popular ChatGPT. And given the allure and capabilities of GAI, the issues are much more difficult, and the consequences are potentially far more serious. .Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.e

Holiday listening, with some of my favourite musicians. Skaggs & Rice, Byron Berline (with 3 banjos!) John Reischman & the Jaybirds, Country Gentlemen, Jerry Douglas all get to present their songs and tunes, as do Flatt & Scruggs, Doyle Lawson, the HCBB, Frank Wakefield and Seldom Scene. George Jackson plays a fiddle tune, and I even get to play the end of the last show for 2023.

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 6 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Dan Chenok and Amy-Edwards Holmes, and Virginia Huth, moderated by GovExec's George Jackson.  This episode focuses on the impact of AI on the internal operations of government itself and includes discussion on government rulemaking, regulations, and implementation guidance.Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.e

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 5 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Martha Dorris, Greg Giddens, and Jerry Mechling, moderated by GovExec's George Jackson.  This fifth episode focuses on how government can use AI to improve its communications and increase the public's trust in government.Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en_

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 4 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Alan Balutis, James-Christian Blockwood, and Alexis Bonnell moderated by GovExec's George Jackson.  This fourth episode focuses on how government can use AI in an ethical manner while enhancing public trust in government.Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en_

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 3 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Alan Shark, Kimberly Walton, and Reginald Wells moderated by GovExec's George Jackson.  This third episode focuses on how public sector leaders can grow an AI-ready workforce both through retraining the current workforce and growing the next generation of workers.Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en_

Welcome to Get Up in the Cool: Old Time Music with Cameron DeWhitt and Friends! This week's friend is Morgan Harris with special guest fiddler George Jackson. We recorded this at my home in Portland, OR at the end of our recent tour as Tall Poppy String Band. Tune in this episode: * Roaring River (0:47) * Polly Put the Kettle On (15:36) * Rats Gone to Rest (25:44) * Apple Blossom (50:46) * Trouble on My Mind (59:05) * Bonus Track: Icy Mountain Visit Morgan Harris' website (https://www.morganharrisguitar.com/) and follow her on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/morganharrisguitar/) Buy George Jackson's Local Trio album (https://www.georgejacksonmusic.com/store) and follow him on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/georgefiddle/) Visit Tall Poppy String Band's website (https://www.tallpoppystringband.com/) and follow us on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/tallpoppystringband/) Sign up for my Learning Tunes on the Fly online banjo workshop series! (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/store) Support Get Up in the Cool on Patreon (https://www.patreon.com/getupinthecool) Sign up at Pitchfork Banjo for my clawhammer instructional series! (https://www.pitchforkbanjo.com/) Schedule a banjo lesson with Cameron (https://www.camerondewhitt.com/banjolessons)

In this episode of Management Matters we host part 1 of the Academy-GovExec TV  series on Artificial Intelligence featuring Academy Fellows, Jim Williams, David Bray, and Alan Shark, moderated by GovExec's George Jackson.  This first episode focuses on how AI can best be used by government agencies to interact with the public when offering services.  Support the Podcast Today at:donate@napawash.org or 202-347-3190Music Credits: Sea Breeze by Vlad Gluschenko | https://soundcloud.com/vgl9Music promoted by https://www.free-stock-music.comCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licensehttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/deed.en_

Content Notice: This episode contains discussions of sexual violence & rape This is the conclusion of our discussion on Orisanmi Burton's forthcoming book Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt. This discussion was recorded on the same day as the previously released episode, so you may catch references back to that conversation or to others we've had with Burton over the last couple of years. We'll link those in the show notes. Here we largely move into discussion of Attica itself, but this is not the blow by blow rendition that you have likely heard elsewhere. We talk about Attica through George Jackson's idea of the Black Commune, and Ruth Wilson Gilmore's Abolition Geography, we talk about how in the words of the Institute of the Black World “the men of Attica were different than their captors,” and we talk about the demand that prisoners be repatriated to a non-imperialist country. We also talk about Burton's findings on the repression faced by the prisoners after the slaughter of 39 men 52 years ago today. While we don't talk in graphic detail about all of that repression, a trigger warning is still necessary as we talk about sexual violence in that discussion.  We close by talking about Burton's work on the Black Liberation Army and how examining the prison as a site of struggle helped him develop a more capacious view of the BLA than what we find in most representations of who they were and what animated their activities. We're very grateful for the time that Orisanmi Burton has spent with us over the course of this interview and our other conversations over the past couple of years. We hope folks get as much out of these conversations as we do, and we strongly recommend that people pre-order Tip of the Spear if they haven't already. This is our 4th episode for the month of September. If you appreciate the work that we do, the best way to keep it coming is to join the amazing folks who make this show possible at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism by giving as little as $1 a month or $10.80 per year.  Links: pre-order Tip of the Spear Part 1 of this discussion Prior episodes with Orisanmi Burton

Orisanmi Burton returns to the podcast to discuss his forthcoming book Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt. We recorded this episode on August 21st the anniversary of the assassination of George Jackson, and we release it on September 9th, the 52nd anniversary of the Attica Rebellion. We spoke with Dr. Burton for over three hours and will release the conversation in segments. In this episode we talk about Dr. Burton's methodology and why this book is different from other historical renderings of Attica, something that will immediately be apparent as we get into the discussion.  We talk in this episode about the relationship between prisons, slavery, war and the law. Burton also shares reflections on the New York City Jail Rebellions of 1970, also known as the Tombs Rebellion or the Tombs Uprising. We talk about ways that Dr. Burton works with political Blackness and different notions of manhood through meditations from Queen Mother Moore and Kuwasi Balagoon. Burton reflects on how rebels gained leverage in zones of captivity and recalibrate our understanding of the Panther 21 by examining their impact and influence as political actors amid their repression. We also discuss different aspects of the lesser known November 1970 Auburn Prison Rebellion. In the remainder of our conversation with Orisanmi Burton we will discuss his work's treatment specifically on the Attica Revolt. This is our 4th conversation with Orisanmi Burton and we will link the others as even though they are on separate writings, they all relate to this book and interventions within it and fill in gaps we don't cover in this episode.  If you haven't already, go out and pre-order this book. I mean no disrespect to the other authors who've written great books this year, there are some other great contenders, but this is the best book that I've read this year. And if you like what we do, please become a patron of the show. As I mentioned last time, this podcast keeps me more than busy with full-time work. And I know it keeps Josh extremely busy as well. You can become a patron of the show for as little as $1 a month at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism. We have some special announcements coming soon there too that you won't want to miss.  Our previous episodes with Orisanmi Burton

We welcome Dr. Orisamni Burton to the show to talk through the history of American prisons as technologies of counterinsurgency, George Jackson, MKUltra, and his forthcoming book Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt (www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520396326/tip-of-the-spear). Targeting Revolutionaries: The Birth of the Carceral Warfare Project, 1970 – 1978: twitter.com/orisanmi/status/1661703964000133121 New Docs Link CIA to Medical Torture of Indigenous Children and Black Prisoners: truthout.org/articles/new-docs-link-cia-to-medical-torture-of-indigenous-children-and-black-prisoners/

A conversation with George Jackson, who has just begun his second year as music director of the Amarillo Symphony, guiding the organization during its 100th anniversary season. He's a resident of London, but travels all over Europe to work with symphony orchestras from Paris to Zurich, which has helped shape his perspective on the international reputation of both the Amarillo Symphony and its venue, the Globe-News Center for the Performing Arts. Jackson shares with host Jason Boyett about his garage-band background as a guitarist and drummer, how he found his way into conducting, and why Amarillo is such a special place for the arts. This episode is sponsored by SKP Creative and Shemen Dental.