Podcasts about Hahn

John Starks says the Knicks need to "cherish" the ball and limit the turnovers. Don, Hahn and Rosenberg join to talk about Game 5. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Dr. Hahn sits down with Fr. David Michael Moses to discuss Catholic media, parish life, and the concern young men and their families have when discerning the priesthood.

In this episode of Look Behind The Look, we jump into the world of the hit Apple TV show, The Studio, featuring a star-studded cast including Seth Rogen, Catherine O'Hara, Bryan Cranston and Kathryn Hahn. The cameos are unreal with Zoe Kravitz giving an unexpectedly hilarious performance, and Dave Franco giving... well... an expectedly hilarious performance.Hair department head, Vanessa Price, and makeup department head, Jorgee Douglass share their creative insights and experiences from behind the scenes. From the impeccable costumes to the wild hair and makeup designs for Hahn and Cranston, they explore how the show's unique visual style enhances its comedic brilliance. It's a collaborative process that shaped the show, revealing how the creative team worked closely with the actors to craft memorable looks that reflect their characters.Jorgee and Vanessa discuss the challenges of creating hair and makeup that not only fit the narrative but also resonate with the audience. Each episode is it's own beast- and they certainly rise to each challenge. As they share about their experiences on set, it becomes clear that the magic of The Studio lies not just in its writing and performances, but also in the meticulous attention to detail in every look. Join us and don't forget to share your favorite episodes in the comments! (I know it's a given that everyone's favorite was #2, but that finale!!!!! Wow!)But wait!There's more: https://linktr.ee/lookbehindthelook Get full access to Look Behind The Look at lookbehindthelook.substack.com/subscribe

This podcast features K Hahn or Kracker Moon. (her alter ego.) She explains her part of the Hahn team both with their music and art. Both K and James explain the music side of their creativity and their great work with world-class artists. Hubby James R. Hahn is the original muralist for the Cabbage Patch Kids phenomenon. For over 45 years he has created custom art, design & large-scale murals worldwide. James has been the featured artist for 3 years at the US Dali Museum and the international Le Man ...on the #1 rated cruise ship in the world: Crystal Symphony, the Grand Prix in Long Beach CA, Chateau de Jalesnes - France, the Boston World Trade Center FEI events, Station Casinos - Las Vegas, the Amalfi Coast & many more. Clients include Patrón Tequila, Perrier-Jouët, Champagne Taittinger, Boy Scouts of America, Trend Group Italy & more.  Recently the Hahn's redesign of Grove Isle in Miami won an international design award from Turkey, along with regional "Best of" awards in the Florida restaurant, bar & design market. The team is available to book for their Live Painting Exhibitions, which are 1 hour shows with custom energetic music, big screen projection, keynote-motivation speaking and feature James creating a unique work of art, which is completed & signed during an audience-participation digital countdown to ZERO. The Hahn's recently completed a 45 country WORLD TOUR, being invited as Artist-in-Residence by some of the most prestigious chateaux/castles and Royal families of Europe. 2-james-hahn.pixels.com/

Canty starts off the hour with his Upon Further Review from the previous weekend around the sports world. Dan Graziano, ESPN Senior NFL Reporter joins the show to discuss Brock Purdy's massive deal with the 49ers. Then, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg on 880 ESPN New York stops by to break down the current events of the NBA Playoffs. Is there more pressure on Thunder or Knicks to win it all? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Canty starts off the hour with his Upon Further Review from the previous weekend around the sports world. Dan Graziano, ESPN Senior NFL Reporter joins the show to discuss Brock Purdy's massive deal with the 49ers. Then, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg on 880 ESPN New York stops by to break down the current events of the NBA Playoffs. Is there more pressure on Thunder or Knicks to win it all? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Canty starts off the hour with his Upon Further Review from the previous weekend around the sports world. Dan Graziano, ESPN Senior NFL Reporter joins the show to discuss Brock Purdy's massive deal with the 49ers. Then, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg on 880 ESPN New York stops by to break down the current events of the NBA Playoffs. Is there more pressure on Thunder or Knicks to win it all? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Canty starts off the hour with his Upon Further Review from the previous weekend around the sports world. Dan Graziano, ESPN Senior NFL Reporter joins the show to discuss Brock Purdy's massive deal with the 49ers. Then, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg on 880 ESPN New York stops by to break down the current events of the NBA Playoffs. Is there more pressure on Thunder or Knicks to win it all? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Canty starts off the hour with his Upon Further Review from the previous weekend around the sports world. Dan Graziano, ESPN Senior NFL Reporter joins the show to discuss Brock Purdy's massive deal with the 49ers. Then, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg on 880 ESPN New York stops by to break down the current events of the NBA Playoffs. Is there more pressure on Thunder or Knicks to win it all? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Höchste Zeit, dass Esel, Hund, Katze und Hahn in Bremen ankommen! Im Märchen haben sie die Stadt nämlich nie erreicht. Aber in Annies und Mamas Märchen verlassen sie das Räuberhaus und machen sich auf den Weg. Ob das zu viert auf einem Fahrrad klappt? (Eine Geschichte von Anna Lott, erzählt von Sonja Hurani)

Inscrições para 22ª Convenção CDL Lajeado entram no segundo lote. Evento é considerado o maior de gestão e negócios do interior do RS.

Inscrições para 22ª Convenção CDL Lajeado entram no segundo lote. Evento é considerado o maior de gestão e negócios do interior do RS.

Hahn, Marten www.deutschlandfunk.de, Europa heute

Pour accéder à l'intégralité de ce podcast et écouter chaque semaine un nouvel épisode du Quart d'Heure Véto, c'est très simple, il vous suffit de vous abonner en cliquant sur ce lien : https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-yUNSBZSR Notes et référencesArticle : Wolf, N.; Hahn, J.A.; Walter, I.; Zablotski, Y.; Zerbe, H.; Witte, T.S. Pathohistological Findings after Bilateral Ovariectomy in Mares with Behavioral Problems. Animals 2024, 14, 2899. https://doi.org/10.3390/ani14192899Retrouvez toute la synthèse sur la fiche podcast juste ici : https://audmns.com/bonXJzZPour nous suivre :1. Abonnez-vous à notre chaine pour profiter de l'intégralité des épisodes : Le Quart d'Heure Véto : décrypte et résume en moins de 15 min un article de biblio véto - Sur abonnement uniquementLe Véto du Mois : Partagez le temps d'une interview l'expérience de vétérinaires emblématiques de notre milieu, des rencontres conviviales, comme si nous étions dans votre salon au coin du feu. Podcasts bonus au fil des inspirations... 2. Le ScopeNous partageons avec vous nos dernières découvertes, inspirations, pistes de réflexion, nouveautés… À découvrir et utiliser dès maintenant, TOUT DE SUITE, dans votre quotidien de vétérinaire, de manager, de vie personnelle, de chef d'entreprise… Et tout cela en moins de 5 minutes top chrono un à 2 mardis par mois ! Je souhaite recevoir mon Scope : https://vetmasterclass.com/lescope/ 3. Contactez-nous, suivez-nous et donnez nous votre avis ! Des sujets que vous souhaiteriez approfondir, des références à partager, ou nous faire part de vos feed-backs :Abonnez-vous à notre chaine, donnez nous des étoiles, un commentaire et partagez autour de vous !Sur notre site : https://vetmasterclass.com/Sur Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/VmHorseSur Instagram : https://www.instagram.com/vetmasterclass/Sur YouTube : https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC18ovcWk9e-mFiTL34OQ03gSur Linkedin : https://www.linkedin.com/company/vetmasterclass-horse/about/Belle journée à tous, Et continuez à vivre votre métier avec Passion ! Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Hahn, Marten www.deutschlandfunk.de, Europa heute

Hahn, Marten www.deutschlandfunk.de, Europa heute

Tausende Kinder wurden in den 70ern und 80ern aus dem Ausland adoptiert – oft mit gefälschten Papieren. Über Jahrzehnte wurde weggesehen, nun sind Länder wie Dänemark, Schweden und die Niederlande dabei, Fehler der Vergangenheit aufzuarbeiten. Hahn, Marten;Köhne, Gunnar www.deutschlandfunk.de, Gesichter Europas

Joe Fortenbaugh, host of Joe & Q, joins at the top of the hour to break down the best bets for the conference semi-finals. Brian Windhorst, ESPN NBA Insider stops by to make sense of the Celtics struggles and Draymond Green approaching suspension due to technical fouls. Ahead of the Knicks hosting the Celtics in the Garden, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg joins the show. Can the Knicks go up 3-0 on the defending champs? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Joe Fortenbaugh, host of Joe & Q, joins at the top of the hour to break down the best bets for the conference semi-finals. Brian Windhorst, ESPN NBA Insider stops by to make sense of the Celtics struggles and Draymond Green approaching suspension due to technical fouls. Ahead of the Knicks hosting the Celtics in the Garden, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg joins the show. Can the Knicks go up 3-0 on the defending champs? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Joe Fortenbaugh, host of Joe & Q, joins at the top of the hour to break down the best bets for the conference semi-finals. Brian Windhorst, ESPN NBA Insider stops by to make sense of the Celtics struggles and Draymond Green approaching suspension due to technical fouls. Ahead of the Knicks hosting the Celtics in the Garden, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg joins the show. Can the Knicks go up 3-0 on the defending champs? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Joe Fortenbaugh, host of Joe & Q, joins at the top of the hour to break down the best bets for the conference semi-finals. Brian Windhorst, ESPN NBA Insider stops by to make sense of the Celtics struggles and Draymond Green approaching suspension due to technical fouls. Ahead of the Knicks hosting the Celtics in the Garden, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg joins the show. Can the Knicks go up 3-0 on the defending champs? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Joe Fortenbaugh, host of Joe & Q, joins at the top of the hour to break down the best bets for the conference semi-finals. Brian Windhorst, ESPN NBA Insider stops by to make sense of the Celtics struggles and Draymond Green approaching suspension due to technical fouls. Ahead of the Knicks hosting the Celtics in the Garden, Alan Hahn, Host of Don, Hahn & Rosenberg joins the show. Can the Knicks go up 3-0 on the defending champs? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Das Münchner Rundfunkorchester widmet sich im Schostakowitsch-Jahr 2025 dem russisch-sowjetischen Komponisten mit einigen Konzerten! Faszinierend und schockierend am Leben, das Schostakowitsch zeitweise führen musste: Stalins Wächter und der Diktator höchstpersönlich haben mehr als ein Auge auf sein Leben geworfen - und hatten es ganz konkret auch in der Hand. Unter anderem darüber spricht Dirigent Patrick Hahn im Interview mit BR Klassik. Er leitet das Rundfunkorchester beim Konzert "Aus jiddischer Volkspoesie" im Prinzregententheater.

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Tá rolando votação do Prêmio iBest 2025 e o Modus tá concorrendo na categoria Top 20 Brasil! Bora votar?

Mike Hahn, Republican Strategist. Should the Right be concerned about Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez?

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

A year ago, the great American historian Adam Hochschild came on KEEN ON AMERICA to discuss American Midnight, his best selling account of the crisis of American democracy after World War One. A year later, is history really repeating itself in today's crisis of American democracy? For Hochschild, there are certainly parallels between the current political situation in the US and post WW1 America. Describing how wartime hysteria and fear of communism led to unprecedented government repression, including mass imprisonment for political speech, vigilante violence, and press censorship. Hochschild notes eery similarities to today's Trump's administration. He expresses concern about today's threats to democratic institutions while suggesting the importance of understanding Trump supporters' grievances and finding ways to bridge political divides. Five Key Takeaways* The period of 1917-1921 in America saw extreme government repression, including imprisoning people for speech, vigilante violence, and widespread censorship—what Hochschild calls America's "Trumpiest" era before Trump.* American history shows recurring patterns of nativism, anti-immigrant sentiment, and scapegoating that politicians exploit during times of economic or social stress.* The current political climate shows concerning parallels to this earlier period, including intimidation of opposition, attacks on institutions, and the widespread acceptance of authoritarian tendencies.* Hochschild emphasizes the importance of understanding the grievances and suffering that lead people to support authoritarian figures rather than dismissing their concerns.* Despite current divisions, Hochschild believes reconciliation is possible and necessary, pointing to historical examples like President Harding pardoning Eugene Debs after Wilson imprisoned him. Full Transcript Andrew Keen: Hello, everybody. We recently celebrated our 2500th edition of Keen On. Some people suggest I'm mad. I think I probably am to do so many shows. Just over a little more than a year ago, we celebrated our 2000th show featuring one of America's most distinguished historians, Adam Hochschild. I'm thrilled that Adam is joining us again a year later. He's the author of "American Midnight, The Great War, A Violent Peace, and Democracy's Forgotten Crisis." This was his last book. He's the author of many other books. He is now working on a book on the Great Depression. He's joining us from his home in Berkeley, California. Adam, to borrow a famous phrase or remix a famous phrase, a year is a long time in American history.Adam Hochschild: That's true, Andrew. I think this past year, or actually this past 100 days or so has been a very long and very difficult time in American history that we all saw coming to some degree, but I don't think we realized it would be as extreme and as rapid as it has been.Andrew Keen: Your book, Adam, "American Midnight, A Great War of Violent Peace and Democracy's Forgotten Crisis," is perhaps the most prescient warning. When you researched that you were saying before we went live that your books usually take you between four and five years, so you couldn't really have planned for this, although I guess you began writing and researching American Midnight during the Trump 1.0 regime. Did you write it as a warning to something like is happening today in America?Adam Hochschild: Well, I did start writing it and did most of the work on it during Trump's first term in office. So I was very struck by the parallels. And they're in plain sight for everybody to see. There are various dark currents that run through this country of ours. Nativism, threats to deport troublemakers. Politicians stirring up violent feelings against immigrants, vigilante violence, all those things have been with us for a long time. I've always been fascinated by that period, 1917 to 21, when they surged to the surface in a very nasty way. That was the subject of the book. Naturally, I hoped we wouldn't have to go through anything like that again, but here we are definitely going through it again.Andrew Keen: You wrote a lovely piece earlier this month for the Washington Post. "America was at its Trumpiest a hundred years ago. Here's how to prevent the worst." What did you mean by Trumpiest, Adam? I'm not sure if you came up with that title, but I know you like the term. You begin the essay. What was the Trumpiest period in American life before Donald Trump?Adam Hochschild: Well, I didn't invent the word, but I certainly did use it in the piece. What I meant by that is that when you look at this period just over 100 years ago, 1917 to 1921, Woodrow Wilson's second term in office, two things happened in 1917 that kicked off a kind of hysteria in this country. One was that Wilson asked the American Congress to declare war on Germany, which it promptly did, and when a country enters a major war, especially a world war, it sets off a kind of hysteria. And then that was redoubled some months later when the country received news of the Russian Revolution, and many people in the establishment in America were afraid the Russian Revolution might come to the United States.So, a number of things happened. One was that there was a total hysteria against all things German. There were bonfires of German books all around the country. People would take German books out of libraries, schools, college and university libraries and burn them in the street. 19 such bonfires in Ohio alone. You can see pictures of it on the internet. There was hysteria about the German language. I heard about this from my father as I was growing up because his father was a Jewish immigrant from Germany. They lived in New York City. They spoke German around the family dinner table, but they were terrified of doing so on the street because you could get beaten up for that. Several states passed laws against speaking German in public or speaking German on the telephone. Eminent professors declared that German was a barbaric language. So there was that kind of hysteria.Then as soon as the United States declared war, Wilson pushed the Espionage Act through Congress, this draconian law, which essentially gave the government the right to lock up anybody who said something that was taken to be against the war. And they used this law in a devastating way. During those four years, roughly a thousand Americans spent a year or more in jail and a much larger number, shorter periods in jail solely for things that they wrote or said. These were people who were political prisoners sent to jail simply for something they wrote or said, the most famous of them was Eugene Debs, many times the socialist candidate for president. He'd gotten 6% of the popular vote in 1912 and in 1918. For giving an anti-war speech from a park bandstand in Ohio, he was sent to prison for 10 years. And he was still in prison two years after the war ended in November, 1920, when he pulled more than 900,000 votes for president from his jail cell in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta.So that was one phase of the repression, political prisoners. Another was vigilante violence. The government itself, the Department of Justice, chartered a vigilante group, something called the American Protective League, which went around roughing up people that it thought were evading the draft, beating up people at anti-war rallies, arresting people with citizens arrest whom they didn't have their proper draft papers on them, holding them for hours or sometimes for days until they could produce the right paperwork.Andrew Keen: I remember, Adam, you have a very graphic description of some of this violence in American Midnight. There was a story, was it a union leader?Adam Hochschild: Well, there is so much violence that happened during that time. I begin the book with a graphic description of vigilantes raiding an office of the Wobblies, the Industrial Workers of the World, in Tulsa, Oklahoma, taking a bunch of wobblies out into the prairie at night, stripping them, whipping them, flogging them fiercely, and then tarring and feathering them, and firing shotguns over their heads so they would run off into the Prairie at Night. And they did. Those guys were lucky because they survive. Other people were killed by this vigilante violence.And the final thing about that period which I would mention is the press censorship. The Espionage Act gave the Postmaster General the power to declare any publication in the United States unmailable. And for a newspaper or a magazine that was trying to reach a national audience, the only way you could do so was through the US mail because there was no internet then. No radio, no TV, no other way of getting your publication to somebody. And this put some 75 newspapers and magazines that the government didn't like out of business. It in addition censored three or four hundred specific issues of other publications as well.So that's why I feel this is all a very dark period of American life. Ironically, that press censorship operation, because it was run by the postmaster general, who by the way loved being chief censor, it was ran out of the building that was then the post office headquarters in Washington, which a hundred years later became the Trump International Hotel. And for $4,000 a night, you could stay in the Postmaster General's suite.Andrew Keen: You, Adam, the First World War is a subject you're very familiar with. In addition to American Midnight, you wrote "To End All Wars, a story of loyalty and rebellion, 1914 to 18," which was another very successful of your historical recreations. Many countries around the world experience this turbulence, the violence. Of course, we had fascism in the 20s in Europe. And later in the 30s as well. America has a long history of violence. You talk about the violence after the First World War or after the declaration. But I was just in Montgomery, Alabama, went to the lynching museum there, which is considerably troubling. I'm sure you've been there. You're not necessarily a comparative political scientist, Adam. How does America, in its paranoia during the war and its clampdown on press freedom, on its violence, on its attempt to create an authoritarian political system, how does it compare to other democracies? Is some of this stuff uniquely American or is it a similar development around the world?Adam Hochschild: You see similar pressures almost any time that a major country is involved in a major war. Wars are never good for civil liberties. The First World War, to stick with that period of comparison, was a time that saw strong anti-war movements in all of the warring countries, in Germany and Britain and Russia. There were people who understood at the time that this war was going to remake the world for the worse in every way, which indeed it did, and who refused to fight. There were 800 conscientious objectors jailed in Russia, and Russia did not have much freedom of expression to begin with. In Germany, many distinguished people on the left, like Rosa Luxemburg, were sent to jail for most of the war.Britain was an interesting case because I think they had a much longer established tradition of free speech than did the countries on the continent. It goes way back and it's a distinguished and wonderful tradition. They were also worried for the first two and a half, three years of the war before the United States entered, that if they crack down too hard on their anti-war movement, it would upset people in the United States, which they were desperate to draw into the war on their side. Nonetheless, there were 6,000 conscientious objectors who were sent to jail in England. There was intermittent censorship of anti-war publications, although some were able to publish some of the time. There were many distinguished Britons, such as Bertrand Russell, the philosopher who later won a Nobel Prize, sent to jails for six months for his opposition to the war. So some of this happened all over.But I think in the United States, especially with these vigilante groups, it took a more violent form because remember the country at that time was only a few decades away from these frontier wars with the Indians. And the westward expansion of the United States during the 19th century, the western expansion of white settlement was an enormously bloody business that was almost genocidal for the Native Americans. Many people had participated in that. Many people saw that violence as integral to what the country was. So there was a pretty well-established tradition of settling differences violently.Andrew Keen: I'm sure you're familiar with Stephen Hahn's book, "A Liberal America." He teaches at NYU, a book which in some ways is very similar to yours, but covers all of American history. Hahn was recently on the Ezra Klein show, talking like you, like we're talking today, Adam, about the very American roots of Trumpism. Hahn, it's an interesting book, traces much of this back to Jackson and the wars of the frontier against Indians. Do you share his thesis on that front? Are there strong similarities between Jackson, Wilson, and perhaps even Trump?Adam Hochschild: Well, I regret to say I'm not familiar with Hahn's book, but I certainly do feel that that legacy of constant war for most of the 19th century against the Native Americans ran very deep in this country. And we must never forget how appealing it is to young men to take part in war. Unfortunately, all through history, there have been people very tempted by this. And I think when you have wars of conquest, such as happen in the American West, against people who are more poorly armed, or colonial wars such as Europe fought in Africa and Asia against much more poorly-armed opponents, these are especially appealing to young people. And in both the United States and in the European colonization of Africa, which I know something about. For young men joining in these colonizing or conquering adventures, there was a chance not just to get martial glory, but to also get rich in the process.Andrew Keen: You're all too familiar with colonial history, Adam. Another of your books was about King Leopold's Congo and the brutality there. Where was the most coherent opposition morally and politically to what was happening? My sense in Trump's America is perhaps the most persuasive and moral critique comes from the old Republican Center from people like David Brooks, Peter Wayno has been on the show many times, Jonathan Rausch. Where were people like Teddy Roosevelt in this narrative? Were there critics from the right as well as from the left?Adam Hochschild: Good question. I first of all would give a shout out to those Republican centrists who've spoken out against Trump, the McCain Republicans. There are some good people there - Romney, of course as well. They've been very forceful. There wasn't really an equivalent to that, a direct equivalent to that in the Wilson era. Teddy Roosevelt whom you mentioned was a far more ferocious drum beater than Wilson himself and was pushing Wilson to declare war long before Wilson did. Roosevelt really believed that war was good for the soul. He desperately tried to get Wilson to appoint him to lead a volunteer force, came up with an elaborate plan for this would be a volunteer army staffed by descendants of both Union and Confederate generals and by French officers as well and homage to the Marquis de Lafayette. Wilson refused to allow Roosevelt to do this, and plus Roosevelt was, I think, 58 years old at the time. But all four of Roosevelt's sons enlisted and joined in the war, and one of them was killed. And his father was absolutely devastated by this.So there was not really that equivalent to the McCain Republicans who are resisting Trump, so to speak. In fact, what resistance there was in the U.S. came mostly from the left, and it was mostly ruthlessly silenced, all these people who went to jail. It was silenced also because this is another important part of what happened, which is different from today. When the federal government passed the Espionage Act that gave it these draconian powers, state governments, many of them passed copycat laws. In fact, a federal justice department agent actually helped draft the law in New Hampshire. Montana locked up people serving more than 60 years cumulatively of hard labor for opposing the war. California had 70 people in prison. Even my hometown of Berkeley, California passed a copycat law. So, this martial spirit really spread throughout the country at that time.Andrew Keen: So you've mentioned that Debs was the great critic and was imprisoned and got a considerable number of votes in the election. You're writing a book now about the Great Depression and FDR's involvement in it. FDR, of course, was a distant cousin of Teddy Roosevelt. At this point, he was an aspiring Democratic politician. Where was the critique within the mainstream Democratic party? Were people like FDR, who had a position in the Wilson administration, wasn't he naval secretary?Adam Hochschild: He was assistant secretary of the Navy. And he went to Europe during the war. For an aspiring politician, it's always very important to say I've been at the front. And so he went to Europe and certainly made no sign of resistance. And then in 1920, he was the democratic candidate for vice president. That ticket lost of course.Andrew Keen: And just to remind ourselves, this was before he became disabled through polio, is that correct?Adam Hochschild: That's right. That happened in the early 20s and it completely changed his life and I think quite deepened him as a person. He was a very ambitious social climbing young politician before then but I think he became something deeper. Also the political parties at the time were divided each party between right and left wings or war mongering and pacifist wings. And when the Congress voted on the war, there were six senators who voted against going to war and 50 members of the House of Representatives. And those senators and representatives came from both parties. We think of the Republican Party as being more conservative, but it had some staunch liberals in it. The most outspoken voice against the war in the Senate was Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin, who was a Republican.Andrew Keen: I know you write about La Follette in American Midnight, but couldn't one, Adam, couldn't won before the war and against domestic repression. You wrote an interesting piece recently for the New York Review of Books about the Scopes trial. William Jennings Bryan, of course, was involved in that. He was the defeated Democratic candidate, what in about three or four presidential elections in the past. In the early 20th century. What was Bryan's position on this? He had been against the war, is that correct? But I'm guessing he would have been quite critical of some of the domestic repression.Adam Hochschild: You know, I should know the answer to that, Andrew, but I don't. He certainly was against going to war. He had started out in Wilson's first term as Wilson's secretary of state and then resigned in protest against the military buildup and what he saw as a drift to war, and I give him great credit for that. I don't recall his speaking out against the repression after it began, once the US entered the war, but I could be wrong on that. It was not something that I researched. There were just so few voices speaking out. I think I would remember if he had been one of them.Andrew Keen: Adam, again, I'm thinking out loud here, so please correct me if this is a dumb question. What would it be fair to say that one of the things that distinguished the United States from the European powers during the First World War in this period it remained an incredibly insular provincial place barely involved in international politics with a population many of them were migrants themselves would come from Europe but nonetheless cut off from the world. And much of that accounted for the anti-immigrant, anti-foreign hysteria. That exists in many countries, but perhaps it was a little bit more pronounced in the America of the early 20th century, and perhaps in some ways in the early 21st century.Adam Hochschild: Well, we remain a pretty insular place in many ways. A few years ago, I remember seeing the statistic in the New York Times, I have not checked to see whether it's still the case, but I suspect it is that half the members of the United States Congress do not have passports. And we are more cut off from the world than people living in most of the countries of Europe, for example. And I think that does account for some of the tremendous feeling against immigrants and refugees. Although, of course, this is something that is common, not just in Europe, but in many countries all over the world. And I fear it's going to get all the stronger as climate change generates more and more refugees from the center of the earth going to places farther north or farther south where they can get away from parts of the world that have become almost unlivable because of climate change.Andrew Keen: I wonder Democratic Congress people perhaps aren't leaving the country because they fear they won't be let back in. What were the concrete consequences of all this? You write in your book about a young lawyer, J. Edgar Hoover, of course, who made his name in this period. He was very much involved in the Palmer Raids. He worked, I think his first job was for Palmer. How do you see this structurally? Of course, many historians, biographers of Hoover have seen this as the beginning of some sort of American security state. Is that over-reading it, exaggerating what happened in this period?Adam Hochschild: Well, security state may be too dignified a word for the hysteria that reigned in the country at that time. One of the things we've long had in the United States is a hysteria, paranoia directed at immigrants who are coming from what seems to be a new and threatening part of the world. In the mid-19th century, for example, we had the Know-Nothing Party, as it was called, who were violently opposed to Catholic immigrants coming from Ireland. Now, they were people of Anglo-Saxon descent, pretty much, who felt that these Irish Catholics were a tremendous threat to the America that they knew. There was much violence. There were people killed in riots against Catholic immigrants. There were Catholic merchants who had their stores burned and so on.Then it began to shift. The Irish sort of became acceptable, but by the end of the 19th century, beginning of the 20th century the immigrants coming from Europe were now coming primarily from southern and eastern Europe. In other words, Italians, Sicilians, Poles, and Jews. And they became the target of the anti-immigrant crusaders with much hysteria directed against them. It was further inflamed at that time by the Eugenics movement, which was something very strong, where people believed that there was a Nordic race that was somehow superior to everybody else, that the Mediterraneans were inferior people, and that the Africans were so far down the scale, barely worth talking about. And this culminated in 1924 with the passage of the Johnson-Reed Immigration Act that year, which basically slammed the door completely on immigrants coming from Asia and slowed to an absolute trickle those coming from Europe for the next 40 years or so.Andrew Keen: It wasn't until the mid-60s that immigration changed, which is often overlooked. Some people, even on the left, suggest that it was a mistake to radically reform the Immigration Act because we would have inevitably found ourselves back in this situation. What do you think about that, Adam?Adam Hochschild: Well, I think a country has the right to regulate to some degree its immigration, but there always will be immigration in this world. I mean, my ancestors all came from other countries. The Jewish side of my family, I'm half Jewish, were lucky to get out of Europe in plenty of time. Some relatives who stayed there were not lucky and perished in the Holocaust. So who am I to say that somebody fleeing a repressive regime in El Salvador or somewhere else doesn't have the right to come here? I think we should be pretty tolerant, especially if people fleeing countries where they really risk death for one reason or another. But there is always gonna be this strong anti-immigrant feeling because unscrupulous politicians like Donald Trump, and he has many predecessors in this country, can point to immigrants and blame them for the economic misfortunes that many Americans are experiencing for reasons that don't have anything to do with immigration.Andrew Keen: Fast forward Adam to today. You were involved in an interesting conversation on the Nation about the role of universities in the resistance. What do you make of this first hundred days, I was going to say hundred years that would be a Freudian error, a hundred days of the Trump regime, the role, of big law, big universities, newspapers, media outlets? In this emerging opposition, are you chilled or encouraged?Adam Hochschild: Well, I hope it's a hundred days and not a hundred years. I am moderately encouraged. I was certainly deeply disappointed at the outset to see all of those tech titans go to Washington, kiss the ring, contribute to Trump's inauguration festivities, be there in the front row. Very depressing spectacle, which kind of reminds one of how all the big German industrialists fell into line so quickly behind Hitler. And I'm particularly depressed to see the changes in the media, both the Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post becoming much more tame when it came to endorsing.Andrew Keen: One of the reasons for that, Adam, of course, is that you're a long-time professor at the journalism school at UC Berkeley, so you've been on the front lines.Adam Hochschild: So I really care about a lively press that has free expression. And we also have a huge part of the media like Fox News and One American Network and other outlets that are just pouring forth a constant fire hose of lies and falsehood.Andrew Keen: And you're being kind of calling it a fire hose. I think we could come up with other terms for it. Anyway, a sewage pipe, but that's another issue.Adam Hochschild: But I'm encouraged when I see media organizations that take a stand. There are places like the New York Times, like CNN, like MSNBC, like the major TV networks, which you can read or watch and really find an honest picture of what's going on. And I think that's a tremendously important thing for a country to have. And that you look at the countries that Donald Trump admires, like Putin's Russia, for example, they don't have this. So I value that. I want to keep it. I think that's tremendously important.I was sorry, of course, that so many of those big law firms immediately cave to these ridiculous and unprecedented demands that he made, contributing pro bono work to his causes in return for not getting banned from government buildings. Nothing like that has happened in American history before, and the people in those firms that made those decisions should really be ashamed of themselves. I was glad to see Harvard University, which happens to be my alma mater, be defiant after caving in a little bit on a couple of issues. They finally put their foot down and said no. And I must say, feeling Harvard patriotism is a very rare emotion for me. But this is the first time in 50 years that I've felt some of it.Andrew Keen: You may even give a donation, Adam.Adam Hochschild: And I hope other universities are going to follow its lead, and it looks like they will. But this is pretty unprecedented, a president coming after universities with this determined of ferocity. And he's going after nonprofit organizations as well. There will be many fights there as well, I'm sure we're just waiting to hear about the next wave of attacks which will be on places like the Ford Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation and other big nonprofits. So hold on and wait for that and I hope they are as defiant as possible too.Andrew Keen: It's a little bit jarring to hear a wise historian like yourself use the word unprecedented. Is there much else of this given that we're talking historically and the similarities with the period after the first world war, is there anything else unprecedented about Trumpism?Adam Hochschild: I think in a way, we have often had, or not often, but certainly sometimes had presidents in this country who wanted to assume almost dictatorial powers. Richard Nixon certainly is the most recent case before Trump. And he was eventually stopped and forced to leave office. Had that not happened, I think he would have very happily turned himself into a dictator. So we know that there are temptations that come with the desire for absolute power everywhere. But Trump has gotten farther along on this process and has shown less willingness to do things like abide by court orders. The way that he puts pressure on Republican members of Congress.To me, one of the most startling, disappointing, remarkable, and shocking things about these first hundred days is how very few Republican members to the House or Senate have dared to defy Trump on anything. At most, these ridiculous set of appointees that he muscled through the Senate. At most, they got three Republican votes against them. They couldn't muster the fourth necessary vote. And in the House, only one or two Republicans have voted against Trump on anything. And of course, he has threatened to have Elon Musk fund primaries against any member of Congress who does defy him. And I can't help but think that these folks must also be afraid of physical violence because Trump has let all the January 6th people out of jail and the way vigilantes like that operate is they first go after the traitors on their own side then they come for the rest of us just as in the first real burst of violence in Hitler's Germany was the night of the long knives against another faction of the Nazi Party. Then they started coming for the Jews.Andrew Keen: Finally, Adam, your wife, Arlie, is another very distinguished writer.Adam Hochschild: I've got a better picture of her than that one though.Andrew Keen: Well, I got some very nice photos. This one is perhaps a little, well she's thinking Adam. Everyone knows Arlie from her hugely successful work, "Strangers in their Own Land." She has a new book out, "Stolen Pride, Lost Shame and the Rise of the Right." I don't want to put words into Arlie's mouth and she certainly wouldn't let me do that, Adam, but would it be fair to say that her reading, certainly of recent American history, is trying to bring people back together. She talks about the lessons she learned from her therapist brother. And in some ways, I see her as a kind of marriage counselor in America. Given what's happening today in America with Trump, is this still an opportunity? This thing is going to end and it will end in some ways rather badly and perhaps bloodily one way or the other. But is this still a way to bring people, to bring Americans back together? Can America be reunited? What can we learn from American Midnight? I mean, one of the more encouraging stories I remember, and please correct me if I'm wrong. Wasn't it Coolidge or Harding who invited Debs when he left prison to the White House? So American history might be in some ways violent, but it's also made up of chapters of forgiveness.Adam Hochschild: That's true. I mean, that Debs-Harding example is a wonderful one. Here is Debs sent to prison by Woodrow Wilson for a 10-year term. And Debs, by the way, had been in jail before for his leadership of a railway strike when he was a railway workers union organizer. Labor organizing was a very dangerous profession in those days. But Debs was a fairly gentle man, deeply committed to nonviolence. About a year into, a little less than a year into his term, Warren Harding, Woodrow Wilson's successor, pardoned Debs, let him out of prison, invited him to visit the White House on his way home. And they had a half hour's chat. And when he left the building, Debs told reporters, "I've run for the White house five times, but this is the first time I've actually gotten here." Harding privately told a friend. This was revealed only after his death, that he said, "Debs was right about that war. We never should have gotten involved in it."So yeah, there can be reconciliation. There can be talk across these great differences that we have, and I think there are a number of organizations that are working on that specific project, getting people—Andrew Keen: We've done many of those shows. I'm sure you're familiar with the organization Braver Angels, which seems to be a very good group.Adam Hochschild: So I think it can be done. I really think it could be done and it has to be done and it's important for those of us who are deeply worried about Trump, as you and I are, to understand the grievances and the losses and the suffering that has made Trump's backers feel that here is somebody who can get them out of the pickle that they're in. We have to understand that, and the Democratic Party has to come up with promising alternatives for them, which it really has not done. It didn't really offer one in this last election. And the party itself is in complete disarray right now, I fear.Andrew Keen: I think perhaps Arlie should run for president. She would certainly do a better job than Kamala Harris in explaining it. And of course they're both from Berkeley. Finally, Adam, you're very familiar with the history of Africa, Southern Africa, your family I think was originally from there. Might we need after all this, when hopefully the smoke clears, might we need a Mandela style truth and reconciliation committee to make sense of what's happening?Adam Hochschild: My family's actually not from there, but they were in business there.Andrew Keen: Right, they were in the mining business, weren't they?Adam Hochschild: That's right. Truth and Reconciliation Committee. Well, I don't think it would be on quite the same model as South Africa's. But I certainly think we need to find some way of talking across the differences that we have. Coming from the left side of that divide I just feel all too often when I'm talking to people who feel as I do about the world that there is a kind of contempt or disinterest in Trump's backers. These are people that I want to understand, that we need to understand. We need to understand them in order to hear what their real grievances are and to develop alternative policies that are going to give them a real alternative to vote for. Unless we can do that, we're going to have Trump and his like for a long time, I fear.Andrew Keen: Wise words, Adam. I hope in the next 500 episodes of this show, things will improve. We'll get you back on the show, keep doing your important work, and I'm very excited to learn more about your new project, which we'll come to in the next few months or certainly years. Thank you so much.Adam Hochschild: OK, thank you, Andrew. Good being with you. This is a public episode. 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If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That's not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals. A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That's not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology. Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis. Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word. Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter. 150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video. Learn how to make the most of our library. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

Ryan McGuffey joins the show to talk about his career at NBC Sports Chicago, doing a podcast with Chuck Garfien, REKAP his venture with David Kaplan, the Hahn rebuild vs the Getz rebuild and MUCH MUCH MORE. SPONSORED BY PUNKY'S PIZZA AND PASTA!! Follow Ryan McGuffey on Twitter https://x.com/RyanMcGuffey Subscribe to REKAP on YouTube https://www.youtube.com/@rekapdavidka... Order from Punky's https://punkyspizza.com/ Buy 108 Merch https://fromthe108.bigcartel.com/prod...

Außerdem: Katzen allein Zuhaus - Wie sehr vermissen sie uns? (10:27) // Habt Ihr Feedback, Anregungen oder Fragen, die wir wissenschaftlich einordnen sollen? Dann meldet Euch über Whatsapp oder Signal unter 0162 344 86 48 oder per Mail: quarksdaily@wdr.de. Von Yvonne Strüwing.

Werner, Ella www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Lesart

Werner, Ella www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Lesart

Alan Hahn says he does not see a scenario where the Knicks would part with Tom Thibodeau after this season. Mike Lupica says watching Rory McIlroy's journey to winning the Masters is why people love sports. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Dan & Ty react to Alan Hahn's comments yesterday on Don, Hahn, & Rosenberg about if the Yankees not signing Juan Soto was for the best. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Besides all of the life changes that occur in middle-age such as children leaving home, readjusting our marriage relationships, figuring out our next life steps, aging parents, etc., how about we add on a heaping serving of menopause where our hormones change and adjust and it affects us not only physically, but also mentally and emotionally as well. So much in such a small time space! On this podcast I'm speaking with Dr. Taylor Hahn, a menopause specialist, who answers many of your questions about what is going on and how can we manage our menopause in helpful and healthy ways. Thanks for listening!  Want to learn more about this concept?  Check out these podcasts: #89 Mid-Life Teenage Angst #281 Mid-Life Sexuality with Jennifer Finlayson-Fife #315 Mid-Life Crisis? Yes, Please! Are you curious about what it would be like to work with me? Here are three options: Group coaching classes are available at tanyahale.com/groupcoaching Talk with Tanya is a free monthly webinar where you can ask me anything and we can have a great discussion.  You can sign up for that at tanyahale.com/groupcoaching Interested in a free 90-minute coaching/consult with me?  Access my calendar at: https://tanyahalecalendar.as.me/

Emily Armstrong and Phoenix join Mike Jones to talk about the next era for Linkin Park, how Emily came into the band, the nerves going into the first shows and now the North American tour is starting soon, choosing what would go on the deluxe edition of 'From Zero' and wanting more music to come soon, Phoenix needs to play more golf, Emily's 12 year old Prius and the crazy green alien sunglasses!If you can, go see Linkin Park on their tour (with all of the dates and tickets at linkinpark.com) and listen to the deluxe edition of 'From Zero' on May 16th!Big thanks to Emily and Phoenix for the fun conversation!

Send us a textWhat happens when an Instagram critique leads to an unexpected friendship? In this captivating episode, we're joined by Sam Hahn, the innovative mind behind L.A.B. Golf, after a viral social media post sparked a genuine connection rather than conflict.Sam takes us through his remarkable journey from bar musician to golf equipment revolutionary, detailing how a chance encounter with a peculiar putter transformed his putting and ultimately his life. The conversation reveals fascinating insights about the golf equipment industry that few insiders are willing to share, including how Adam Scott missing a crucial putt at the Masters actually saved L.A.B. Golf from growing too quickly and potentially collapsing under overwhelming demand.The Revealer, L.A.B. Golf's famous demonstration device, takes center stage as Sam explains its surprising origins. Far from being a marketing gimmick, it was actually the experimental prototype that led to the development of their balanced putter technology. This revelation challenges common misconceptions about Lab's approach and highlights their commitment to solving fundamental problems in putter design.We dive deep into manufacturing challenges, tour player adoption, and the future of putter innovation. Sam shares candid stories about fitting pros like Phil Mickelson, the complex realities of scaling an American-made golf company, and how social media both helps and hurts small equipment manufacturers. His refreshing honesty about business struggles, customer feedback, and the occasional online criticism demonstrates why L.A.B. has built such a passionate following.Whether you're a putting enthusiast, equipment junkie, or simply appreciate authentic conversations about golf innovation, this episode offers remarkable insights into how challenging conventional wisdom can lead to breakthrough technologies. Subscribe now to hear this compelling discussion about the intersection of golf technology, social media, and entrepreneurship.We hope you enjoy this week's episode, and if you do, please consider leaving us a review on either Spotify or iTunes. Thank You!

Die Explosion der Nord-Stream-Pipeline 2022 war erst der Anfang. Seitdem kommt es immer wieder zu Beschädigungen von Strom- und Datenkabeln in der Ostsee. Sicherheitsexperten nennen das Kriegsführung am Meeresgrund. EU und NATO rüsten sich dagegen. Hahn, Marten www.deutschlandfunk.de, Hintergrund

Ep. 738: Don Hahn and Chris Merritt on Disneyland at 70, authors and historians on Snow White '25 This week, Imagineer Chris Merritt and Disney producer and director Don Hahn join Mousetalgia to talk about "The Happiest Place on Earth: The Incredible Story of Walt Disney's Disneyland," their upcoming book scheduled to be released to celebrate Disneyland's 70th birthday (8:55). They discuss Disneyland's origins, its place in popular culture, some of the people you might not know who were important to the park's beginnings, and the things that will set this book apart from your other shelf of other Disneyland books. Then, Jeff will share some public social media postings about Snow White (2025) which outline some of the historical controversies which have been brought into the spotlight about the creation of the animated classic (1937) (53:50). Contact us at comments@mousetalgia.com

How can we get to the true meaning of fulfillment in mental health? If we did, what would it look like? Why is embracing pain the key to true happiness in the art of healing? In this podcast episode in the Brighter Brains Series, Joe Sanok discusses “Are We Happy Yet?” with therapists and podcasters […] The post Brighter Brains: Are We Happy Yet? with Jane Thatcher Hahn and Hannah Buzzo | POP 1188 appeared first on How to Start, Grow, and Scale a Private Practice | Practice of the Practice.

The Near Death Experience of Ms. Daniela Hahn

Jane Hahn is a clinical social worker and co-host of the Are We Happy Yet podcast. She is the owner of GRIT Therapy where her team focuses on serving clients throughout the mountain towns of Colorado. Her speciality is women's mental health and trauma.  You can follow Jane's work on IG: @grittherapyco & @janethatcherhahn https://www.grittherapy.com/   Hannah Buzzo is a psychedelic therapist and co-host of the Are We Happy Yet podcast. She is the executive directory of Alchemy Therapy & Wellness. She currently focuses on couple and individual psychedelic assisted therapy, sex therapy, and trauma therapy for clients throughout the mountain towns of Colorado. You can follow Hannah's work on IG: @hannahbuzzo & @alchemy.therapy https://alchemytherapyandwellness.com/   Are We Happy Yet Podcast: https://www.arewehappyyetpodcast.com/   Mental Maps is brought to you by Arukah Well. Learn more at www.arukahwell.co OR on IG @arukahwelllife

The Freedom Dreamers welcome Temi F. Bennett, Esq. and Hanh Le, Co-CEOs of iF, A Foundation for Radical Possibility. They reflect on "blackness" and "ease," and how iF is staying true to its vision of a world where black people and people of the global majority can live abundant, self-determined lives, free of harm. In the conversation, Temi and Hahn illustrate for us the power of asking "what if? - demonstrating how we can imagine and build organizations that are unapologetically in service to racial justice, while centering beloved community, healing, and rest. They also get into strategies for advancing justice in these times, and reframe the changing political climate from one of a resurgence of white supremacy, to a sign of its impending extinction.

Janice Hahn was asked how she would grade LA Metro, and she didn't answer, so its your turn!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dr. Scott Hahn is a renowned biblical scholar, author, and speaker who has had a profound impact on both Protestant and Catholic communities. He is married to Kimberly, with whom he has six children and eighteen grandchildren. Dr. Hahn is the Chair of Biblical Theology and the New Evangelization at Franciscan University of Steubenville, where he has taught since 1990. He is also the founder of the Saint Paul Center for Biblical Theology. A bestselling author, his works include Rome Sweet Home (co-authored with Kimberly), The Lamb's Supper, and Angels and Saints. Dr. Hahn holds degrees from Grove City College, Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, and Marquette University. After serving in Protestant ministry for ten years, he converted to Catholicism in 1986. Get a copy of the Ignatius Catholic Study Bible: https://ignatius.com/ignatius-catholic-study-bible-2h/