Podcasts about army generals

Last time we spoke about the Changkufeng Incident. In a frost-bitten dawn along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, a border notched with memory becomes the stage for a quiet duel of will. On one side, Japanese officers led by Inada Masazum study maps, mud, and the hill known as Changkufeng, weighing ground it offers and the risk of war. They glimpse a prize, high ground that could shield lines to Korea—yet they sense peril in every ridge, every scent of winter wind. Across the line, Soviet forces tighten their grip on the crest, their eyes fixed on the same hill, their tents and vehicles creeping closer to the border. The air hums with cautious diplomacy: Moscow's orders pulse through Seoul and Harbin, urging restraint, probing, deterring, but never inviting full-scale conflict. Yet every patrol, every reconnaissance, seems to tilt the balance toward escalation.   #177 The point of no return for the USSR and Japan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Days passed and the local emissaries had not been released by the Russians. Domei reported from Seoul that the authorities were growing worried; the "brazen" actions of Soviet front-line forces infuriated the Manchurians and Japanese. From Seoul, too, came ominous news that villagers were preparing to evacuate because they feared fighting would soon begin in the Changkufeng area. While diplomatic activity continued in Moscow without effect, the Tokyo press continued to report intense military activity throughout the Soviet Far East—the greatest massing of troops in months, with planes, armored cars, and motorized equipment choking the Trans-Siberian railway. The press was dominated by commentary about the danger of war. One enterprising Tokyo publisher ran advertisements under the heading: "The Manchukuo-Soviet Border Situation Is Urgent—Ours Is the Only Detailed Map of the Soviet Far East: Newspaper-size, in seven clear colors, offset printed, only 50 sen." Although the Manchukuoan foreign office issued a statement on 20 July about the dire consequences the Soviets were inviting, it is probable that the next Russian actions, of a conciliatory nature, were reached independently. Either Moscow had taken almost a week to make the decision, or the diplomatic conversations there had had an effect. Local Japanese authorities reported inactivity on the Changkufeng front from the morning of 23 July. On the next day, word was received that the USSR proposed to return the two emissaries as "trespassers." At midday on 26 July, the Russians released the blindfolded agents at a border site along the Novokievsk road. After completing the formalities, the Japanese asked the Russians for a reply concerning local settlement of the incident. According to Japanese sources, the "flustered" Colonel Grebennik answered: "My assignment today was merely to turn over the envoys. As for any request about the Changkufeng Incident, our guard commander must have asked for instructions from the central government. I think this is the type of matter which must be answered by the authorities at Moscow through diplomatic channels." Grebennik's postwar recollection does not differ appreciably from the Japanese version. Soviet sources mention a second effort by the Japanese military to deliver a message under more forceful circumstances. On 23 July a Soviet border unit drove off a four-man party. Russian cavalry, sent to investigate, discovered that the Japanese had pulled down a telegraph pole, severed lines 100–150 meters inside Soviet territory, absconded with wire, and left behind a white flag and a letter. Undated, unsigned, and written in Korean, the message struck Grebennik as being substantively the same as the communication delivered formally by the emissaries on 18 July. Japanese materials make no reference to a second, informal effort by local forces, but there is little reason to doubt that such an attempt, perhaps unauthorized, was made. Although Japanese efforts at low-level negotiations came to naught, two observations emerged from the local authorities and the press. First, on-the-spot negotiations had broken down; it had been difficult even to reclaim the emissaries, and the Russians in the Posyet region were using various pretexts to refer matters to diplomatic echelons. Second, the Russians had released the men. Some interpreted this as the first evidence of Soviet sincerity; possibly, the USSR would even return Matsushima's body as a step toward settlement. Other Japanese observers on the scene warned the public that it was imperative to stay on guard: "All depends on how diplomacy proceeds and how the front-line troops behave." Yet the excitement in the Japanese press began to abate. It is difficult to ascertain the nature of the decision-making process on the Russian side after the Japanese attempted local negotiations. The Soviets contend that nothing special had been undertaken before the Japanese provoked matters at the end of July. Grebennik, however, admits that after receiving the two Japanese communications, "we started to prepare against an attack on us in the Lake Khasan area." He and a group of officers went to Changkufeng Hill and sent as many border guards there as possible. Although he personally observed Japanese troops and instructed his officers to do the same, he denied categorically that the Russians constructed trenches and fortifications. Only the observation of Manchurian territory was intensified while instructions were awaited from higher headquarters. For its part, the Korea Army was carrying out Imperial general headquarters first instructions while pursuing a wait-and-see policy. On 16 July, Korea Army Headquarters wired an important operations order to Suetaka. With a view toward a possible attack against intruders in the Khasan area, the army planned to make preparations. The division commander was to alert stipulated units for emergency dispatch and send key personnel to the Kyonghun sector to undertake preparations for an attack. Lt. Col. Senda Sadasue, BGU commander of the 76th Infantry Regiment, was to reconnoiter, reinforce nearby districts, and be ready for emergencies. Particular care was enjoined not to irritate the Soviet side. Maj. Gen. Yokoyama Shinpei, the Hunchun garrison commander, was to maintain close contact with the BGU and take every precaution in guarding the frontiers. Like Senda, Yokoyama was warned against irritating the Russians. Korea Army Headquarters also dispatched staff to the front and had them begin preparations, envisaging an offensive. Upon receipt of the army order, Suetaka issued implementing instructions from his Nanam headquarters at 4:30 A.M. on the 17th. The following units were to prepare for immediate alert: the 38th Infantry Brigade Headquarters, 75th Infantry Regiment, 27th Cavalry Regiment, 5th Antiaircraft Regiment, and 19th Engineer Regiment. The same instructions applied to the next units, except that elements organic to the division were designated: the 76th Infantry Regiment, 25th Mountain Artillery Regiment, and 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment. Another order enjoined utmost care not to irritate the Russians; Japanese actions were to be masked. Next came a directive to the forces of Senda and K. Sato. The former comprised mainly the 76th Infantry BGU and a cavalry platoon. The latter was built around the 75th Infantry Regiment, the Kucheng garrison unit, another cavalry platoon, two mountain artillery and one heavy field artillery battalion, and the 19th Engineers. Suetaka's idea about a solution to the border troubles had become concrete and aggressive. From the night of July 17, concentration would be accomplished gradually. The exact timing of the attack would be determined by subsequent orders; in Senda's area, there was no such restriction regarding "counteraction brought on by enemy attack." Division signal and intendant officers would conduct reconnaissance related to communications, billeting, food, and supplies. Sato and his subordinates were to reconnoiter personally. Having ordered the division to begin concentration and to stand by, Korea Army Headquarters was prepared the next morning, July 17, to direct the movement. Nevertheless, there was concern in Seoul that Suetaka's advance elements might cross the Tumen River into Manchurian territory, which could result in a clash with Soviet troops. Such an outcome might run counter to the principle established by Imperial general headquarters. Consequently, it was decided that "movement east of the river would therefore have to be forbidden in the Korea Army's implementing order." Nakamura transmitted his operational instructions to Suetaka at 6:00 on July 17: "No great change in latest situation around Lake Khasan. Soviet forces are still occupying Changkufeng area. Diplomaticlevel negotiations on part of central authorities and Manchukuoan government do not appear to have progressed. Considering various circumstances and with view to preparations, this army will concentrate elements of 19th Division between Shikai, Kyonghun, Agochi." Restrictions stipulated that the division commander would transport the units by rail and motor vehicle and concentrate them in the waiting zone in secret. Movement was to begin on the night of July 17 and to be completed the next day. Further orders, however, must govern unit advance east of the Tumen as well as use of force. The remainder of the division was to stay ready to move out. Troops were to carry rations for about two weeks.   Late that day, Suetaka received an order by phone for his subordinates in line with Seoul's instructions. Senda would handle the concentration of elements assembling at Kyonghun, and Sato would do the same for the main units arriving at Agochi. A communications net was to be set up quickly. Caution was to be exercised not to undertake provocative actions against the opposite bank of the Tumen, even for reconnaissance. The division would dispatch two trains from Hoeryong and four from Nanam. At 11:58 pm on 18 July, the first train left Hoeryong for Agochi. Concentration of units was completed by dawn. By that time, the Japanese had dispatched to the border 3,236 men and 743 horses. Past midnight on 20 July, Division Chief of Staff Nakamura wired headquarters that the division was ready to take any action required, having completed the alert process by 11 pm. Japanese scouting of the Changkufeng sector began in earnest after mid-July. Although the affair had seemed amenable to settlement, Sato took steps for an emergency from around the 14th. His thoughts centered on readiness for an attack against Changkufeng, which simultaneously required reconnaissance for the assault and preparation to pull the regiment back quickly to Hoeryong if a withdrawal was ordered. After arriving at Haigan on 18 July, Sato set out with several engineers. At Kucheng, the officers donned white Korean clothing, presumably the disguise directed by the division—and boarded native oxcarts for a leisurely journey southward along the Korean bank of the Tumen across from Changkufeng. The seemingly innocent "farmers" studied the river for crossing sites and Changkufeng Hill for the extent of enemy activity. On the hill's western slope, in Manchurian territory, three rows of Russian entanglements could be observed 300 feet below the crest. Only a handful of soldiers were visible, probably a platoon, certainly not more than a company. Infantry Captain Yamada Teizo conducted secret reconnaissance of the entire Changkufeng-Hill 52 sector for 314 hours in the afternoon of 18 July. Even after intense scanning through powerful binoculars, he could detect no more than 19 lookouts and six horsemen; camouflage work had been completed that day, and there were ten separate covered trench or base points. Barbed wire, under camouflage, extended about four meters in depth, yet even Yamada's trained eye could not determine whether there was one line of stakes or two. He jotted down what he could see and compared his information with that learned from local police. Artillery Colonel R. Tanaka shared the view that the Soviets had intruded. When he went reconnoitering along the Korean bank, he observed Russian soldiers entrenched around the hilltop, easily visible through binoculars at a range of two kilometers. Trenches had been dug 20 to 30 meters below the crest on the western slope. Eventually, there were three rows of barbed wire, the first just below the trenches and the lowest 100 meters under the summit. Tanaka estimated Soviet strength at two companies (about 200 men). Suetaka's intelligence officer, Sasai, recalls seeing barbed wire after Japanese units deployed to the front on 18–19 July; he had surmised then that the entanglements were being prepared out of fear of a Japanese assault.   To obtain first-hand information, the Gaimusho ordered a section chief, Miura Kazu'ichi, to the spot. Between 23 July and the cease-fire in August, Miura collected data at Kyonghun and transmitted reports from the consulate at Hunchun. On 28 July he visited Sozan on the Korean bank. He observed Soviet soldiers on the western slopes of Changkufeng, digging trenches and driving stakes. These actions were clearly on Manchukuoan territory even according to Soviet maps. Miura insisted that he saw no friendly troops on territory claimed by the Russians and observed no provocative actions by the Japanese. These statements are supported by a map drawn for him in early August by Division Staff Officer Saito Toshio, a sketch Miura retained as late as 1947. Miura's testimony is tempered by his assertion that he saw a red flag flying near the top of Changkufeng Hill. This contention conflicts with all evidence, as Russian lawyers at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East argued, it is improbable that a Soviet frontier post, highly interested in camouflage, would have hoisted a pennon so large that it could be seen from Sozan. Russian sources are unanimous in stating that no flag was put up until 6 August and that no trenches or entanglements were established by Soviet border guards in July, at least prior to the 29th. The two Army General staff consultants, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Seoul on 16 July, the day Korea Army Headquarters was ordering an alert for the 19th Division "with a view toward a possible attack against enemy intruders." Inada dispatched them mainly to inspect the frontline situation; but he had not fully decided on reconnaissance in force. At Shikai, Arisue and Kotani donned Korean garb and traveled by oxcart on the Korean side of the Tumen, reconnoitering opposite the Shachaofeng sector. Kotani was convinced that hostile possession of Changkufeng posed a serious threat to the Korean railway. He agreed with the division's estimate that, if the Japanese did decide to seize Changkufeng, it ought not to be too difficult. Arisue, as senior observer, dispatched messages from Kyonghun to Tokyo detailing their analysis and recommendations. Meanwhile, in Tokyo, on 17 July the central military authorities received a cable from the Japanese envoy in Moscow, Colonel Doi Akio, reporting that prospects for a diplomatic settlement were nil. The USSR was taking a hard line because Japan was deeply involved in China, though there were domestic considerations as well. The Russians, however, showed no intention of using the border incident to provoke war. It would be best for Japan to seize Changkufeng quickly and then press forward with parleys. Meanwhile, Japan should conduct an intensive domestic and external propaganda campaign. There was mounting pressure in the high command that negotiations, conducted "unaided," would miss an opportunity. Based on reports from Arisue and Kotani, that army seemed to be contemplating an unimaginative, ponderous plan: an infantry battalion would cross the Tumen west of Changkufeng and attack frontally, while two more battalions would cross south of Kyonghun to drive along the river and assault Changkufeng from the north. Inada sent a telegram on 17 July to Arisue for "reference." Prospects had diminished that Soviet troops would withdraw as a result of negotiation. As for the attack ideas Arisue mentioned, Inada believed it necessary to prepare to retake Changkufeng with a night attack using small forces. To avoid widening the crisis, the best plan was a limited, surprise attack using ground units. The notion of a surprise attack drew on the Kwantung Army's extensive combat experience in Manchuria since 1931.  The next morning, after the forward concentration of troops was completed, Suetaka went to the front. From Kucheng, he observed the Changkufeng district and decided on concrete plans for use of force. Meanwhile, Nakamura was curbing any hawkish courses at the front. As high-command sources privately conceded later, the younger officers in Tokyo sometimes seemed to think the commander was doing too good a job; there was covert sentiment that it might be preferable if someone in the chain of command acted independently before the opportunity slipped away. This is significant in light of the usual complaints by responsible central authorities about gekokujo—insubordination—by local commands. An important report influencing the high command's view arrived from Kwantung Army Intelligence on 19 July: according to agents in Khabarovsk, the USSR would not let the Changkufeng incident develop into war; Russians also believed there would be no large-scale Soviet intrusion into their territory. By 19 July, the Tokyo operations staff was considering the best method to restore control of the lost hill by force, since Seoul appeared to maintain its laissez-faire stance. On 18 July, Arisue and Kotani were instructed by Imperial General headquarters to assist the Korea Army and the 19th Division regarding the Changkufeng Incident. What the Army general staff operations officers sought was an Imperial General headquarters order, requiring Imperial sanction, that would instruct the Korea Army to evict the Russian troops from Changkufeng the way the Kwantung Army would, using units already under Nakamura's command. The sense was that the affair could be handled locally, but if the USSR sought to escalate the incident, it might be prudent for that to occur before the Hankow operation began. The IGHQ and War Ministry coordinated the drafting of an IGHQ order on 19–20 July: "We deem it advisable to eradicate Soviet challenges . . . by promptly delivering blow on this occasion against unit which crossed border at Changkufeng. That unit is in disadvantageous spot strategically and tactically; thus, probability is scant that dispute would enlarge, and we are investigating countermeasures in any case. Careless expansion of situation is definitely not desired. We would like you people also to conduct studies concerning mode of assault employing smallest strength possible for surprise attack against limited objective. Kindly learn general atmosphere here [Tokyo] from [Operations] Major Arao Okikatsu." The 20th of July proved to be a hectic day in Korea, and even more so in Tokyo. The division had informed the Korea Army that it was finally "ready to go," a message received in Seoul in the early hours. Then Arisue received a wire from Inada presenting limited-attack plans and noting that Arao was on the way. By that day, Japanese intelligence judged there were 400 Soviet troops and two or three mountain guns south of Paksikori. Russian positions at Changkufeng had been reinforced, but no aggressive intentions could be detected. Soviet ground elements, as well as materiel, appeared to be moving from Vladivostok and Slavyanka toward Posyet. Suetaka headed back to the front. Sato told him that it was absolutely necessary to occupy Chiangchunfeng Hill across the Tumen in Manchurian territory. Upon reaching the Wuchiatzu sector and inspecting the situation, Suetaka agreed to send a small unit to Chiangchunfeng on his own authority.  Colonel Sato Kotoku had ordered one company to move across the Tumen toward Chiangchunfeng on 21 July, a maneuver that did not escape the Russians' notice. On 24 July, the same day another Japanese unit occupied Shangchiaoshan Hill, Marshal Blyukher ordered the 40th Rifle Division, stationed in the Posyet area to be placed on combat readiness, with a force of regulars assigned to back the Soviet border guards; two reinforced rifle battalions were detached as a reserve. According to Japanese records, Russian border patrols began appearing around Huichungyuan, Yangkuanping, and Shachaofeng from 26 July, but no serious incidents were reported at that stage. At about 9:30 am on 29 July, Captain Kanda, the 2nd Company commander of Lieutenant Colonel Senda's 76th Border Garrison Unit, was observing the Shachaofeng area from his Kucheng cantonments. Through his glasses, Kanda observed four or five Soviet soldiers engaged in construction on high ground on the west side of Shachaofeng. Kanda notified Senda, who was at BGU Headquarters inspecting the forward areas. Senda transmitted the information to Suetaka. Deciding to cross the Tumen for a closer look, Senda set off with Kanda. A little after 11 am, they reached Chiangchunfeng Hill, where the men from Captain Noguchi's company were already located. Senda verified, to his own satisfaction, that as many as 10 enemy infantrymen had "violated the border" to a depth of 350 meters, "even by the Soviets' contention", and were starting construction 1,000 meters south of Shachaofeng. Senda decided to oust the Russian force "promptly and resolutely," in light of the basic mission assigned his unit. He telephoned Suetaka, who was in Kyonghun, and supplied the intelligence and the recommendation. Subordinates recalled Suetaka's initial reaction when the BGU reported a Soviet intrusion about a mile and a half north of Changkufeng. "The arrogant Russians were making fools of the Japanese, or were trying to. At stake was not a trifling hill and a few invaders, but the honor of the Imperial Army. In the face of this insult, the general became furious. He insisted upon smashing the enemy right away."  Kanda phoned 2nd Lieutenant Sakuma, who was still at Kucheng, and told him to bring his 25-man platoon across the river by 2 pm Sakuma crossed by boat and arrived at 1:30. Kanda set out from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20, took over Sakuma's unit, bore east, and approached within 700 meters of the enemy. He ordered the men not to fire unless fired upon, and to withdraw quickly after routing the Russians. It is said that the Japanese troops were fired upon as they advanced in deployed formation but did not respond at first. In a valley, casualties were incurred and the Japanese finally returned fire. Sakuma's 1st Squad leader took a light machine gun and pinned down the Russians facing him. Sakuma himself pressed forward with his other two squads, taking advantage of the slope to envelop the enemy from the right. At the same time, he sent a patrol to the high ground on the left to cover the platoon's flank. Thanks to the 1st Squad's frontal assault, the Russians had no chance to worry about their wings, and Sakuma moved forward to a point only 30 meters from the foe's rear. Kanda was now 50 meters from the Russians. When the enemy light machine gun let up, he ordered a charge and, in the lead, personally cut down one of the foe. Sakuma also rushed the Soviets, but when about to bring down his saber he was stabbed in the face while another Russian struck him in the shoulder. Grappling with this assailant, Sakuma felled him. Other Japanese attackers sabered two more Russians and shot the rest. By 3:10 pm the eight enemy "trespassers" had been annihilated. The covering patrol reported that five Soviet horsemen, with a light machine gun, were galloping up from Khasan. Sakuma had his platoon fire grenade dischargers, which smashed the enemy. Seventy more Russian soldiers now came, attacking from northwest of the lake and supported by fire from the east side. Using light machine guns and grenade dischargers, Sakuma checked them. Meanwhile, Miyashita's platoon, part of Noguchi's company, had departed from Chiangchunfeng at 2:20 pm and swung right until it reached the crestline between Changkufeng and Kanda's company. One squad faced 200 Russians on Changkufeng; the other faced the enemy south of Shachaofeng. Soviet forces opened intense machine-gun fire from Changkufeng and from the high ground east of the lake. After 20 minutes, Kanda's unit charged, two or three Russians fled, and Miyashita's platoon shot one down. Senda, who had gone with Miyashita, directed the platoon's movements and proceeded north, under fire, to Kanda's unit. Once the Russians had been cleared out, Senda forbade pursuit across the boundary and gradually withdrew his forces to the heights line 800 meters southwest. It was 4:30 then. By 5 pm Soviet reinforcements, apparently brought up from the Changkufeng and Paksikori sectors, advanced anew. With 80 men in the front lines, the enemy pushed across the border to a depth of at least 500 meters, according to the Japanese, and began to establish positions. Several tanks and many troops could be observed in the rear. Senda had Noguchi's company hold Chiangchunfeng. Kanda's unit, reinforced by 33 men from Kucheng, was to occupy the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, while Imagawa's company of the 76th Regiment was to occupy other high ground to the west. Senda then reported the situation to Suetaka in Kyonghun and asked for reinforcements. In Seoul, Army headquarters understood the developments reported by Suetaka as a response to the hostile border violation, and about 20 men of the Kucheng BGU under Lt. Sakuma drove the enemy out between 2:30 and 3 pm. Afterward, Sakuma pulled back to high ground two kilometers south of Yangkuanping to avoid trouble and was now observing the foe. Although Seoul had heard nothing about Japanese losses, Corp. Akaishizawa Kunihiko personally observed that Kanda had been wounded in the face by a grenade and bandaged, that Sakuma had been bayoneted twice and also bandaged, and that the dead lay on the grass, covered with raincoats. According to Suetaka "the enemy who had crossed the border south of Shachaofeng suffered losses and pulled back once as a result of our attack at about 2:30 pm". By about 4:30, Suetaka continued, the Russians had built up their strength and attacked the platoon on the heights southwest of Shachaofeng. Behind the Russian counterattack, there were now several tanks. Earlier, Suetaka noted ominously that several rounds of artillery had been fired from the Changkufeng area; "therefore, we reinforced our units too, between 5 and 6 pm., and both sides are confronting each other." Details as to the fate of Sakuma's platoon are not given, but it is now admitted that casualties were incurred on both sides. The Korea Army Headquarters consequently reported to Tokyo in the evening that, according to information from the division, 20 Japanese had driven out the Russians near Shachaofeng; 25 men from Senda's unit were occupying the heights 600 meters west of Changkufeng; and another 16 men were deployed in ambush at Yangkuanping. Such an enumeration would have tended to suggest that only a few dozen Japanese were across the Tumen on the 29th. But a review of the numbers of combat troops committed and the reinforcements sent by Senda reveals that Japanese strength across the river was in the hundreds by nightfall. In Moscow, Tass reported that on 29 July detachments of Japanese-Manchukuoan intruders had attempted to seize high ground apparently located 0.5 miles north of a Russian position. The assailants had been "completely repelled from Soviet territory, as a result of measures taken by Russian frontier guards," and instructions had been sent to the embassy in Tokyo to protest strongly. Walter Duranty, the veteran American correspondent in Moscow, heard that the Japanese press had published reports, likely intended for internal consumption, that hours of furious fighting had occurred at the points in question. Since the dispatches were unsubstantiated and "failed to gain credence anywhere outside Japan," Duranty claimed this may have forced the Japanese to translate into action their boast of "applying force" unless their demands were satisfied. "Now, it appears, they have applied force, unsuccessfully." The Soviet communiqué on the Shachaofeng affair, despite its firm tone, appeared unostentatiously in the following day's Pravda and Izvestiya under the headline, "Japanese Militarists Continue Their Provocation." The Japanese Embassy in Moscow heard nothing about the Shachaofeng affray until the morning of the 30th, when a wire was received from the Gaimusho that ten Russian soldiers had occupied a position northwest of Changkufeng and had begun trench work until ejected by frontier guards. Since the Russian communiqué spoke of afternoon fighting, American correspondents concluded that Soviet troops must have counterattacked and driven off the Japanese. No additional information was available to the public in Moscow on the 30th, perhaps because it was a holiday. Nevertheless, in the afternoon, Stalin's colleague Kaganovich addressed an immense crowd in Moscow on "Railroad Day" and at the conclusion of a long, vigorous speech said:  "The Soviet Union is prepared to meet all enemies, east or west." It certainly was not a fighting speech and there is no reason to suppose the Soviet will abandon its firm peace policy unless Japan deliberately forced the issue. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Diplomacy flickered as Moscow pressed restraint and Tokyo whispered calculated bravado. As July wore on, both sides massed troops, built trenches, and sent scouts across the river. A tense, hidden war unfolded, skirmishes, patrols, and small advances, until a fleeting moment when force collided with restraint, and the hill's future hung in the frost.

As many Americans gathered to celebrate Veterans Day, they did so at a time of political upheaval and division. From the nation's capital to cities like Chicago and Portland, soldiers police their own streets, their own people. Lieutenant General Russel L. Honoré, who served his country for more than 37 years, says, "never before have I been as concerned for our democracy -- we are being tested, and this is a test we cannot afford to fail." He joins the show from Baton Rouge, Louisiana.  Also on today's show: Ukrainian restaurateurs Eugene Korolev & Polina Sychova; acclaimed documentarian Ken Burns  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On this episode of Veteran On the Move, host Joe Crane interviews a powerful father-son duo, Steven, a retired Army General, and Adam, an Army veteran. Together, they've channeled their military discipline into successful entrepreneurship as multi-unit owners of a PuroClean franchise. They discuss their journey from the military into the restoration industry, sharing why they chose the proven, systematic path of franchising over an independent startup. Episode Resources: PuroClean   About Our Guests After serving almost four decades in the military, Steve and his son (also a Veteran) Adam joined the PuroClean family in November 2022. Located in Cedar Rapids with a second location in West Des Moines, Steve and Adam are taking the Restoration business by storm, thanks to the outstanding support from the PuroClean leadership team and their support staff.   About Our Sponsors Navy Federal Credit Union   Navy Federal Credit Union offers exclusive benefits to all of their members. All Veterans, Active Duty and their families can become members. Have you been saving up for the season of cheer and joy that is just around the corner? With Navy Federal Credit Union's cashRewards and cashRewards Plus cards, you could earn a $250 cash bonus when you spend $2,500 in the first 90 days. Offer ends 1/1/26. You could earn up to 2% unlimited cash back with the cashRewards and cashRewards Plus cards. With Navy Federal, members have access to financial advice and money management and 24/7 access to award-winning service. Whether you're a Veteran of the Army, Marine Corps, Navy, Air Force, Space Force or Coast Guard, you and your family can become members. Join now at Navy Federal Credit Union. At Navy Federal, our members are the mission.      Join the conversation on Facebook! Check out Veteran on the Move on Facebook to connect with our guests and other listeners. A place where you can network with other like-minded veterans who are transitioning to entrepreneurship and get updates on people, programs and resources to help you in YOUR transition to entrepreneurship.   Want to be our next guest? Send us an email at interview@veteranonthemove.com.  Did you love this episode? Leave us a 5-star rating and review!  Download Joe Crane's Top 7 Paths to Freedom or get it on your mobile device. Text VETERAN to 38470. Veteran On the Move podcast has published 500 episodes. Our listeners have the opportunity to hear in-depth interviews conducted by host Joe Crane. The podcast features people, programs, and resources to assist veterans in their transition to entrepreneurship.  As a result, Veteran On the Move has over 7,000,000 verified downloads through Stitcher Radio, SoundCloud, iTunes and RSS Feed Syndication making it one of the most popular Military Entrepreneur Shows on the Internet Today.

WMAL GUEST: GEN. JACK KEANE (Retired 4-Star U.S. Army General & Chairman of the Institute for the Study of War) on President Trump's Asia Trip WEBSITE: GeneralJackKeane.com SOCIAL MEDIA: X.com/Gen_JackKeane Where to find more about WMAL's morning show: Follow Podcasts on Apple, Audible and Spotify Follow WMAL's "O'Connor and Company" on X: @WMALDC, @LarryOConnor, @JGunlock, @PatricePinkfile, and @HeatherHunterDC Facebook: WMALDC and Larry O'Connor Instagram: WMALDC Website: WMAL.com/OConnor-Company Episode: Tuesday, October 28, 2025 / 8 AM HourSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In the 8 AM hour, Larry O’Connor and Julie Gunlock discussed: WMAL GUEST: GEN. JACK KEANE (Retired 4-Star U.S. Army General & Chairman of the Institute for the Study of War) on President Trump's Asia Trip VIDEO: Zohran Now Says It Was a Distant Cousin, Not an Aunt, Who Was Afraid to Wear Her Hijab in NYC Because of 9/11 VIDEO: Biden Calls on Supporters to 'Rise Up and Fight Like Hell' Where to find more about WMAL's morning show: Follow Podcasts on Apple, Audible and Spotify Follow WMAL's "O'Connor and Company" on X: @WMALDC, @LarryOConnor, @JGunlock, @PatricePinkfile, and @HeatherHunterDC Facebook: WMALDC and Larry O'Connor Instagram: WMALDC Website: WMAL.com/OConnor-Company Episode: Tuesday, October 28, 2025 / 8 AM HourSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Tune into the second episode of AJC's newest limited podcast series, Architects of Peace. Go behind the scenes of the decades-long diplomacy and quiet negotiations that made the Abraham Accords possible, bringing Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and later Morocco, together in historic peace agreements.  Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman, U.S. Army General Miguel Correa, and AJC Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson unpack the first Trump administration's Middle East strategy, share behind-the-scenes efforts to engage key regional players, and reveal what unfolded inside the White House in the crucial weeks before the Abraham Accords signing. Full transcript: https://www.ajc.org/news/podcast/behind-the-breakthrough-architects-of-peace-episode-2 Resources: AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace - Tune in weekly for new episodes. AJC.org/AbrahamAccords - The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC.org/CNME - Find more on AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: AJC.org/ForgottenExodus AJC.org/PeopleofthePod Follow Architects of Peace on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace You can reach us at: podcasts@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript: Donald Trump: I think we're going to make a deal. It might be a bigger and better deal than people in this room even understand. Manya Brachear Pashman: In September 2020, the world saw what had been years – decades – in the making: landmark peace agreements dubbed the Abraham Accords -- normalizing relations between Israel and two Arabian Gulf states, the United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Bahrain. Later, in December, they were joined by the Kingdom of Morocco. Five years later, AJC is pulling back the curtain to meet key individuals who built the trust that led to these breakthroughs. Introducing: the Architects of Peace. Shortly after he was elected in 2016 and before he took office, President Donald Trump nominated his company's former bankruptcy attorney David Friedman to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Israel. He gave Friedman two simple tasks.  Task No. 1? Build peace across the Middle East by normalizing relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Task No. 2? Solve the Israeli Palestinian conflict that a half dozen previous White House residents had failed to fix.  After all, according to conventional wisdom, the first task could not happen before the second. The future of cooperation between Israel and 20-plus other Arab countries hinged on peace between the Israelis and Palestinians.  Here's former Secretary of State John Kerry. John Kerry: There will be no advance and separate peace with the Arab world without the Palestinian process and Palestinian peace. Everybody needs to understand that. Manya Brachear Pashman: Ambassador Friedman disagreed with this conventional wisdom. David Friedman: We were told initially by most countries that the road to peace began with the Palestinians. This was a hypothesis that I rejected internally, but I thought: ‘OK, well, let's just play this out and see where this can go. And so, we spent a couple of years really working on what could be a plan that would work for Israel and the Palestinians. The Palestinians, you know, rejected discussions early on, but we had a lot of discussions with the Israelis. Manya Brachear Pashman: The son of a rabbi who grew up in Long Island, Ambassador Friedman had been active in pro-Israel organizations for decades, He had advised Trump on the importance of the U.S.-Israel bond during the 2016 presidential election and recommended nothing less than a radical overhaul of White House policy in the region. Not long after his Senate confirmation as ambassador, that overhaul commenced. In February 2017, President Trump invited Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the White House – his first invitation to a foreign leader —  and a symbolic one. After their meeting, they held a joint press conference. Donald Trump: With this visit, the United States again reaffirms our unbreakable bond with our cherished ally Israel. The partnership between our two countries, built on our shared values. I think we're going to make a deal. It might be a bigger and better deal than people in this room even understand. That's a possibility. So, let's see what we do.  He doesn't sound too optimistic. But he's a good negotiator. Benjamin Netanyahu: That's the art of the deal. Manya Brachear Pashman: Nine months later, President Trump made another symbolic gesture -- recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital city and moving the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Though such a move had been approved by Congress in 1995, no president had ever acted upon it. When Trump's son-in-law, businessman, and senior White House advisor Jared Kushner opened conversations about that ‘bigger and better deal,' Palestinians refused to participate, using the pretext of the Jerusalem decision to boycott the Trump administration. But that didn't stop Ambassador Friedman and others from engaging, not only with Israel, but with Arab countries about a new path forward. AJC's Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson, who has been building bridges in the region since the early ‘90s, recalls this strategy at the time. Jason Isaacson: It was very clear for many months, 2019 on into early 2020, that there was a team working under Jared Kushner in the White House that was going from country to country in the Gulf and North Africa, looking to make a deal, looking to make deals that would lead to normalization with Israel, would involve various benefits that the United States would be able to provide. But of course, the big benefit would be regional integration and a closer relationship with the United States. Manya Brachear Pashman: The pitch for a new path forward resonated in the United Arab Emirates, a Gulf country of 10 million residents, some 11% of whom are Emiratis — the rest expats and migrants from around the world. The UAE had designated 2019 the Year of Tolerance, an initiative aimed at promoting the country as a global capital for tolerance and respect between diverse cultures and nationalities. That year, the Emirates hosted a historic visit from Pope Francis, and 27 Israeli athletes competed in the 2019 Special Olympics World Games held in the capital city of Abu Dhabi.  The pitch also resonated in Bahrain. In June of that year, during a two-day workshop in Bahrain's capital city of Manama, the Trump administration began rolling out the results of its Middle East tour – the economic portion of its peace plan, titled "Peace to Prosperity." Jason Isaacson: The White House plan for Peace to Prosperity was a kind of an early set of ideas for Israeli Palestinian resolution that would result in a small, but functional Palestinian state, created in a way that would not require the displacement of Israelis in the West Bank, and that would involve large scale investment, mostly provided by other countries, mostly in the Gulf, but not only, also Europe, to advance the Palestinian economy, to integrate the Palestinian and Israelis' economies in a way that had never happened. And there was discussion that was taking place that all led up to the idea of a very fresh approach, a very new approach to the regional conflict. Manya Brachear Pashman: The 38-page prospectus set ambitious goals — turning the West Bank and Gaza into tourism destinations, doubling the amount of drinkable water there, tripling exports, earmarking $900 million to build hospitals and clinics. The Palestinians, angered by Trump's recognition of Jerusalem and viewing the Manama workshop as an attempt to normalize Arab-Israel ties while sidelining their national rights, boycotted the meeting and rejected the plan before ever seeing its details.  But the workshop's host Bahrain, as well as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the Emirates participated, to varying degrees. Trump's team rolled out the rest of the plan in January 2020, including a map of land carved out for Palestinians and for Israel. The plan enabled Palestinians and Arab countries to expand economic opportunities. It enabled Israel to demonstrate that it was open to cooperation. It enabled the Trump administration to illustrate the opportunities missed if countries in the region continued to let Palestinian leadership call the shots. David Friedman: The expectation was not that the Palestinians would jump all over it. We were realistic about the possibility, but we did think it was important to show that Israel itself, under some circumstances, was willing to engage with the Palestinians with regard to a formula for peace that, you know, had an economic component, a geographic component, a governance component.  Manya Brachear Pashman: The Palestine Liberation Organization accused the United States of trying to sell a "mirage of economic prosperity.” Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh criticized the Arab leaders attending the al-Manama conference, saying "The (Palestinian) people, who have been fighting for 100 years, did not commission anyone to concede or to bargain.” But that's the thing. Arab leaders weren't there solely on behalf of the Palestinians. They wanted to learn how their own countries' citizens could enjoy peace and prosperity too. David Friedman: The real point of all this that got the Abraham Accords jump started was not the fact that the Palestinians embraced this, but more so that they rejected it in such a way that enabled these other countries to say: ‘Look, guys, you know what? We can't be more pro-Palestinian than you.' Here you have, you know, the U.S. government putting on a table a proposal that gets you more than halfway there in terms of your stated goals and aspirations. Maybe you don't like all of it, that's fine, but you're never going to get everything you wanted anyway. And here's the first government in history that's willing to give you something tangible to talk about, and if you're not going to engage in something that they spent years working on, talking to everybody, trying to thread the needle as best they could. If you're not willing to talk to them about it, then don't ask us to fight your fight. There's only so far we can go. But we thought that putting this plan out on a table publicly would kind of smoke out a lot of positions that had historically been below the surface. And so, beginning right after the 28th of January of 2020 when we had that ceremony with the President's vision for peace, we began to really get serious engagement. Not from the Palestinians, who rejected it immediately, but from the countries in the region. And so that's how the Abraham Accords discussions really began in earnest. Manya Brachear Pashman: AJC had been saying for years that if Arab leaders truly wanted to foster stability in the region and help the Palestinians, engaging with Israel and opening channels of communication would give them the leverage to do so. Isolating Israel was not the answer. Nothing underscored that more than the COVID-19 pandemic, the worst global health crisis in a century. As everyone around the world donned N95 masks and went into self-imposed isolation, some governments in the Middle East concluded that isolating innovative countries like Israel was perhaps not the wisest or safest choice.  In May 2020, UAE Ambassador to the United Nations Lana Nusseibeh said as much during a virtual webinar hosted by AJC. Lana Nusseibeh: Of course, we've had Israeli medics participate in previous events in the UAE, that wouldn't be unusual. And I'm sure there's a lot of scope for collaboration. I don't think we would be opposed to it. Because I really think this public health space should be an unpoliticized space where we all try and pool our collective knowledge of this virus. Manya Brachear Pashman: A month later, UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Dr. Anwar Gargash echoed that sentiment, during AJC Global Forum. Anwar Gargash: I think we can come to a point where we come to a given Israeli government and we say we disagree with you on this, we don't think it's a good idea. But at the same time there are areas, such as COVID, technology, and other things that we can actually work on together. Manya Brachear Pashman: Not surprisingly, the UAE was the first Arab country to begin negotiating with the White House to normalize relations with Israel. However, talks that summer hit a stalemate. Israel was moving forward with a plan to annex a significant portion of the West Bank, including Israeli settlements and the Jordan Valley. Even though President Trump himself had cautioned Prime Minister Netanyahu to hold off, Ambassador Friedman was not about to stop them.  David Friedman: I thought that the idea of Israel walking away from its biblical heartland. Anything that required Israel to make that commitment was something I couldn't support. I was so dead set against it. Israel cannot, as a price for normalization, as great as it is, as important as it is, Israel cannot agree to cede its biblical heartland. Manya Brachear Pashman: Not only was this personal for Ambassador Friedman, it was also a major incentive for Israel, included in the Peace to Prosperity plan. The ambassador didn't want to go back on his word and lose Israel's trust.  But annexation was a dealbreaker for the Emirates. In June, UAE's Ambassador to the U.S. Yousef Al Otaiba wrote a column speaking directly to the Israeli public. He explained that the UAE wanted diplomatic relations with Israel – it really did – but unilateral annexation of land that it considered still in dispute would be viewed as a breach of trust and undermine any and all progress toward normalization.  David Friedman: It was a kind of a tumultuous period, both internally within our own team and with others, about what exactly was going to happen as a result of that Peace to Prosperity Plan. And even if there was an agreement by the United States to support Israeli annexation, was this something that was better, at least in the short term? Manya Brachear Pashman: Otaiba's message got through, and the team ultimately agreed to suspend the annexation plan — not halt, but suspend — an intentionally temporary verb.  In addition to writing the column, Otaiba also recommended that a friend join the negotiations to help repair the trust deficit: General Miguel Correa, a U.S. Army General who had spent part of his childhood in the Middle East, served in the Persian Gulf War and as a peacekeeper maintaining the treaty between Israel and Egypt. General Correa had joined the National Security Council in March 2020 after serving as a defense attaché in Abu Dhabi. He had earned the respect of Emiratis, not as a dealmaker so much as a lifesaver, once orchestrating a secret rescue mission of wounded Emirati troops from inside Yemen. Among those troops, the nephew and son-in-law of Crown Prince Mohamed bin Zayed, the then-de facto ruler and now the current president of the UAE. Kushner and Friedman had never met Correa.  Miguel Correa: I didn't know them, and they didn't know me. No one else had any military experience on the team. I had a unique perspective of the Arab side of the equation.  And had relationships. So, it was a match made in heaven.  Jared, David Friedman, these guys obviously understood Israeli politics and understood the Israeli side, and somewhat Jewish American side. I could provide a different dynamic or a different view from the Arab side, as someone who's kind of grown up with this. It really got serious when the team came together and, and we could start working on real, concrete things. Manya Brachear Pashman: Months of negotiations had already unfolded. It was already late July, first of August, when General Correa became the last person to join the tiny circle of a half dozen negotiators – kept intentionally small to keep a lid on the conversations. It's hard to keep a secret in Washington. David Friedman: The secrecy here was very, very important, because to be honest with you, I think anything bigger than that group of six or seven, we would have put it in jeopardy. Manya Brachear Pashman: In this situation, leaks not only threatened the deal, they could threaten lives. Though word trickled out that a deal was in the works, no one guessed just how transformational the result might be. In General Correa's opinion, the UAE had the most to lose. Miguel Correa: That was the concern that, frankly, guys like me had, that, I hurt a nation of good people that is incredibly tolerant, that builds synagogues and churches and Sikh temples, or Hindu temples, and tolerance 101, that everybody can pray to who they would like to pray to.  And I was worried that all these extremists were going to come out of the woodwork and hurt that trajectory in the UAE, that was going to be a great nation with or without the normalization. But this ruler said: ‘No, no, it's the right thing to do. Peace is the right thing to do.' Manya Brachear Pashman: General Correa actually had quite a few concerns. He didn't want the negotiations to be hijacked for political gain. He wanted leaders to have a security and public relations response in place before anything was announced. And the agreement? It lacked a name. Miguel Correa: A lot of it has to do with my military side. We love to name cool task forces, and things like that. And then I felt like: ‘Hey, it has to be something that rolls off the tongue, that makes sense and that will help it, you know, with staying power. Let's do something that ties the people together. There was going to be a shock, a tectonic shock that was going to occur. From 1948, we're going to do a complete 180, and wow. So what do we do to take the wind away from the extremists? As a guy who's fought extremism, militant extremism, for most of his military career, I figured, hey, we've got to do what we can to frame this in a super positive manner. Manya Brachear Pashman: To the general's dismay, no one else shared his concern about what to call their project. A lot was happening in those last few weeks. Landing on a name – not a priority. On the morning of August 13, once all the details were hammered out, the team sat in the Oval Office waiting to brief the President before it was announced to the world. David Friedman: It came about 10 minutes before the end, we were all sitting around the Oval Office, waiting for this announcement about the UAE. And somebody, not me, said: ‘Well, we need a name for this,' and I said, why? And they said, ‘Well, you know, you have the Oslo Accords, you have the Camp David Accords. You need a name.' And I said, you know, Who's got an idea? And General Miguel Correa, he said: ‘How about the Abraham Accords?' And I said: ‘That's a great name.' And then we had a rush to call the Israelis and the Emiratis to make sure they were OK with it.  Five minutes later we're broadcasting to a few hundred million people this groundbreaking announcement. And the President looks at me and says, ‘David, explain why you chose the Abraham Accords?' So that was when we explained what the name was, which I hadn't really thought of until that point. We just thought it was a good name.  So at that point I said, ‘Well, you know, Abraham was the father of three great religions. He's referred to as Abraham in English, and Ibrahim in Arabic, and Avraham in Hebrew. And no single individual better exemplifies the opportunity and the benefits of unity among all peoples than Abraham.' And that was sort of on the fly how we got to the Abraham Accords. Manya Brachear Pashman: General Correa said he chose a name that would remind people of all faiths that what they have in common far outweighs what separates them. It was also important that the name be plural. Not the Abraham Accord. The Abraham Accords.  Even if only one country – the UAE – was signing on at that moment, there would be more to come. Indeed, Bahrain came on board within a month. Morocco joined in December.  Miguel Correa: I felt in my heart that this has to be more than one. As a guy that's been affected by this extremism and it allowed this, this craziness and that people decide who can get to know who and and I felt like, No, we can't allow this to be a one-shot deal. We have to prove that this is an avalanche. This could be sustained, and this is the way it should be. Everyone has to come into this one way or another. And it's not, by the way, saying that, hey, we're all going to walk lockstep with Israel. That's not the point. The point is that you have a conversation, the leaders can pick up the phone and have that conversation. So it has to be, has to be plural. By the way, this is the way that it was. This isn't new. This isn't like a crazy new concept. This is the way it was. It's not an introduction of Jews in this region, in society. This is a reintroduction. This is the way it's supposed to be. This is what's happened for thousands of years. So why are we allowing people to take us back, you know, thousands of years? Let's go back to the way things should be, and develop these relationships. It makes us all better. Manya Brachear Pashman: Next episode, we step out from behind the scenes and on to the South Lawn of the White House where leaders from the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Israel and the U.S. signed the Abraham Accords, while the world watched in awe. Atara Lakritz is our producer. T.K. Broderick is our sound engineer. Special thanks to Jason Isaacson, Sean Savage, and the entire AJC team for making this series possible.  You can subscribe to Architects of Peace on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, and you can learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace.  The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC.  You can reach us at podcasts@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to spread the word, and hop onto Apple Podcasts or Spotify to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Music Credits: Middle East : ID: 279780040; Composer: Eric Sutherland Frontiers: ID: 183925100; Publisher: Pond5 Publishing Beta (BMI); Composer: Pete Checkley (BMI) Meditative: ID: 115666358; Composer: DANIELYAN ASHOT MAKICHEVICH (IPI NAME #00855552512), UNITED STATES BMI Arabian: Item ID: 214336423; Composer: MusicForVideos Arabian Strings: ID: 72249988; Publisher: EITAN EPSTEIN; Composer: EITAN EPSTEIN Desert: Item ID: 220137401; Publisher: BFCMUSIC PROD.; Composer: Andrei Marchanka Middle East Violin: ID: 277189507; Composer: Andy Warner Arabic Ambient: ID: 186923328; Publisher: Victor Romanov; Composer: Victor Romanov Oriental: Item ID: 190860465; Publisher: Victor Romanov; Composer: Victor Romanov Mystical Middle East: ID: 212471911; Composer: Vicher    

#226: General Stanley McChrystal, a retired four-star general, is best known for his leadership as commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan and as head of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), where he reshaped counterterrorism efforts and interagency collaboration. Over his decorated military career, he commanded elite units such as the 75th Ranger Regiment and spent more than six years deployed to combat following 9/11. In 2009, he was appointed Commander of U.S. Forces Afghanistan and NATO ISAF, leading over 150,000 troops from 45 allied nations until his retirement from the Army in 2010.After retiring from military service, McChrystal founded the McChrystal Group in 2011, a leadership advisory firm that works with global businesses to help them navigate complexity and build stronger, more adaptive teams. He has also served as a senior fellow at Yale University's Jackson Institute for Global Affairs, where he taught courses on leadership. In addition, he sits on the boards of several major companies, including JetBlue Airways, Siemens Government Technology, and Navistar International, and is a highly sought-after public speaker on leadership, organizational culture, and team dynamics.McChrystal is also a New York Times and Wall Street Journal bestselling author, with works including My Share of the Task, Team of Teams, and Leaders: Myth and Reality, Risk, & On Character. A strong advocate for service and veteran affairs, he chairs the Board of Service Year Alliance, promoting national service opportunities for young Americans. A graduate of West Point and the Naval War College, McChrystal has also completed fellowships at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and the Council on Foreign Relations, further shaping his perspective on leadership, strategy, and civic responsibility.His newest book On Character: Choices that Define a Life can be found in the link below as well as www.mcchrystalgroup.com, Amazon, and where all books are sold. For more on General McChrystal check out www.mcchrystalgroup.com Enjoy the show! 

General Marshall planned brilliantly for the US Army's rapid wartime growth and a 'Just Peace' for post-war Europe. Professor Bill Johnsen explains how. General George C Marshall's (1880-1959) career as a strategist and strategic leader was impressive. As the Chief of Staff for the US Army, he oversaw a forty-fold increase in the size of the Army. Quick to spot talent and advance it out of turn, his appointments included Generals Omar Bradley, Lesley J McNair, George S Patton, and perhaps most crucially, Dwight D Eisenhower. Winston Churchill described Marshall as 'the organiser of victory' After the War, he was appointed as Secretary of State, where he lobbied for the reconstruction of Europe that would build the capacity of nations exhausted by the War, and act as a bulwark against Soviet expansion. The European Reconstruction Plan, which would eventually become simply the 'Marshall Plan', earned him the unique distinction of being the only Army General to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Professor William (Bill) Johnsen is the former Director of Academics at the US Army War College, and a former Infantry Officer. He served in NATO working on the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty and the 1991 NATO Strategy. He is the author of numerous works, including Origins of the Grand Alliance: Anglo-American Military Collaboration from the Panay Incident to Pearl Harbor (University Press of Kentucky, 2016), and his latest manuscript, tentatively entitled War Councilors: The Combined Chiefs of Staff and the Winning of World War II, is under publication review.

What does it take to go from leading in war zones to completing the Ironman triathlon? In this powerful episode of the Find Your Ultra Podcast, host Vipin Sharma sits down with Major General Vikram Dev Dogra, the first serving Indian Army officer to complete an Ironman.

In this episode, Haley and Dustin are joined by Major General Bob Dees, retired U.S. Army General and President of the National Center for Healthy Veterans. General Dees shares his powerful hope story of walking through the heartbreaking loss of his child and how he and his wife found comfort and healing through the love and support of the body of Christ. Together, they explore the critical life skill of resilience—what it is, why it matters, and how we can develop it, especially in the face of life's trials. General Dees also shares stories about the meaningful work being done at the National Center for Healthy Veterans and why caring for our veterans is more vital than ever. This is a rich and heartfelt conversation on hope, resilience, and service. Whether you're facing a personal challenge or want to better support others, you'll be encouraged and inspired by this episode. Subscribe to the podcast and tune in each week as Haley and Dustin share with you what the Bible says about real-life issues with compassion, warmth, and wit.   So you have every reason for hope, for every challenge in life. Because hope means everything.   Hope Talks is a podcast of the ministry of Hope for the Heart.   Listen in to learn more  (02:31) Power of Resilience and Partnership  (09:58) The Importance of Resilience and Connection  (14:49) The Concept of Resilience (70 Seconds) (22:07) Teaching Resilience and Life Lessons  (27:28) The Impact of Trauma on Hope  (45:53) Supporting Veterans and Building Resilience  (53:20) Empowering Veterans for Future Success   -------------- Resources from General Dees & The National Center for Healthy Veterans   Learn more about the National Center for Healthy Veterans: https://healthyveterans.org/ Refer a veteran to the National Center for Healthy Veterans: https://healthyveterans.org/give-help/#refer Explore Gen. Dees' Resilience Coaching Courses here: https://iccicoaching.com/mentoring/gen-bob-dees/ -------------- Hope for the Heart resources:   Learn about our summer event on Mental Health and the Church: https://resource.hopefortheheart.org/mental-health-and-the-church   Connect with Hope for the Heart on social!    Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/hopefortheheart   Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/hopefortheheart    Learn more about the ministry and resources of Hope for the Heart: https://www.hopefortheheart.org/    Learn more about Hope Talks and catch up on past episodes: https://www.hopefortheheart.org/hopetalks/    Want to talk with June Hunt on Hope in the Night about a difficult life issue? Schedule a time here: https://resource.hopefortheheart.org/talk-with-june-hope-in-the-night   God's plan for you: https://www.hopefortheheart.org/gods-plan-for-you/   Give to the ministry of Hope for the Heart: https://raisedonors.com/hopefortheheart/givehope?sc=HTPDON    Sign up for our fall Hope Together conference: https://hopetogether.com/    ---------------------------- Bible verses mentioned in this episode   Proverbs 3:5-6 -- Trust in the LORD with all your heart and lean not on your own understanding; in all your ways submit to him, and he will make your paths straight. Proverbs 13:12 – “Hope deferred makes the heart sick, but a longing fulfilled is a tree of life.” John 16:33 -- “I have told you these things, so that in me you may have peace. In this world you will have trouble. But take heart! I have overcome the world.” Romans 5:3-5 -- “Not only so, but we also glory in our sufferings, because we know that suffering produces perseverance; perseverance, character; and character, hope. And hope does not put us to shame, because God's love has been poured out into our hearts through the Holy Spirit, who has been given to us.”

With today's dramatically shifting global landscape, we couldn't think of a better time to welcome back General David Petraeus, a retired four-star U.S. Army general who also served as the director of the CIA. He and Willy discussed a wide range of geopolitical topics, including the ongoing situation in Ukraine, developments in the Middle East, the trade war and U.S.-China relations, broad effects of tariffs and new administration policies, investments in national defense, and much more. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the Battle for the Great Wall of China. In 1933, the Kwantung Army faced logistical struggles and sought political deals with Chinese warlords to seize North China. Despite capturing key areas, chaos reigned as their unauthorized operations defied Tokyo's orders. When Emperor Hirohito demanded a withdrawal, the army reluctantly complied, derailing a coup attempt. Though peace talks followed, distrust persisted, and rogue Japanese commanders plotted fresh offensives. Amid international tensions and League of Nations' inaction, chaos loomed over China's battle-scarred plains. As tensions rose in North China, General Muto hesitated to advance without orders from Tokyo. With imperial approval, he launched a renewed offensive on May 3rd, leading the Japanese 6th and 8th Divisions to sweep through Chinese defenses. Despite Chinese concessions led by pro-Japanese Huang Fu, the Japanese pushed toward Peiping. Failed coups and desperate peace talks ensued. By May 25th, ceasefire talks began, but Japan's strengthened position left China scrambling to secure stability.   #148 The Tanggu Truce Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As we last left off the IJA 6th and 8th Divisions had just taken up new positions threatening the Peiping-Tientsin area. Meanwhile the Tientsin Special service Agency had tried every scheme they could think of to establish a coup against Peiping. All of these actions were done to increase Japan's poker hand at the negotiating table. On May 17th Huang Fu arrived at a very panicked Peiping. Two days prior, the Japanese had taken an even harsher stance, demanding the Chinese forces withdraw to a line running between Shunyi, Paoti and Lutai. This demand would send the Chines further west than the line agreed upon for the ceasefire. So the Chinese ignored the demand and this inturn brought the negotiations to a standstill. On the 18th the Army General staff in Tokyo drew up a new draft titled “essentials for the Guidance of North China”. Having been chasing around the Kwantung Army like a dog chasing a car, Tokyo HQ wanted to finally draft some real legislation to reign in their unruly pet. On the 19th the General staff submited an ultimatum instructed the Kwantung Army to withdraw to Manchukuo after it reached an agreement with the Chinese, specifically to obtain the right to garrison specified locations within the Great Wall. On the 21st the Kwantung Army drew up its version of a ceasefire proposal, submitted it to the General staff who approved it. Here is a complete breakdown of it: “1) The cease-fire agreement is of a purely military nature and excludes political factors. For by returning to Manchukuo in general as quickly as possible, the imperial Japanese army will demonstrate that it acts in the cause of justice and fairness and will manifest the essence of the Japanese spirit.  2) The withdrawal line of the Chinese army and the cessation line of the Japanese army should conform generally to that referred to in the "Basic Outline" of the General Staff; that is, it should conform to the policy of the Kwantung Army and to Nagatsu's proposal. However, the return of the Japanese army to Manchukuo will be voluntary, after observance of the cease-fire terms by the Chinese army has been confirmed, and will not be specifically prescribed in the text of the agreement.  3) In order to prevent any delay in the establishment of a ceasefire, the designs of the Tientsin Special Service Agency will be terminated.  4) The site of the cease-fire agreement must be selected with consideration for the issuing of commands to military units in accord with the plans of the Japanese army command with respect to any situation which may necessitate military action at any time during the course of negotiations for cease-fire. Furthermore, a location convenient to the gathering of foreign diplomatic officials and press correspondents and to meddling intervention by third powers must be carefully avoided.” On the 22nd, the Kwantung Army ordered the Tientsin agency to discontinue their activities as the Japanese were now willing to accept a ceasefire. The Japanese and Chinese then agreed on a date and place, that being located along the Peiping-Shanhaiguan railway to sign a ceasefire agreement. For the talks, the Japanese naval attache at Peiping, Lt Commander Fujiwara Kiyoma was chosen who visited Huang Fu's residence on the 22nd. Talks began and by 2am the next day, He Yingqin received a letter officially instructing him to abide by the ceasefire terms. Thus the first step had been taken. On the 25th Chinese officials Li Zuyi and Xu Yenmu rode with Fujiwara to Miyun, then a temporary HQ for the IJA 8th Division. There they passed mounds of dead chinese placed specifically along the roadside, obviously to intimidate them. They arrived to Miyun at 4am to officially show the ceasefire proposal letter to General Nish of the 8th division. Then they got a slap in the face, a new demand was tossed at them.  "As the first step, in order to verify the compliance of the Chinese army, the Japanese army may at any time use airplanes or other means to inspect the withdrawal of the Chinese army. The Chinese authorities shall afford them the necessary protection and facilities."This last minute new demand was imposed because Tokyo HQ believed it was necessary to have aerial observation to make sure both parties did not breach the agreement. The two Chinese officials did not want to devolve the talks so they signed it and returned to Peiping. The official negotiations began on May 30th at Tangu. The Kwantung delegation was led by Major General Okamura Yasuji, their vice chief of staff. He was assisted by Colonel Kita Seiichi, Lt colonel Nagatsu Sahishige, Majors Kono Etsujiro, Endo Saburo and Fujimoto Tetsukuma, Captain Okabe Eiichi and Secretary Hayashide Kenjiro of the Japanese embassy in Manchukuo. The Chinese delegation was led by Lt General Xing Pin and assisted by Chen Zungzu, Xu Yenmu, Chang Xukuang, Li Zeyu and Li Shuzheng. At the offset the Chinese Army declared Tangu under martial law as the Japanese navy dispatched the battleship Kamoi with the 14th destroyer squadron to cruise offshore. The first session of the talks began at 4pm, only lasted some 30 minutes as both sides exchanged formal credentials and such. During that night both sides proded each other trying to figure out what either would accept. Nagatsu decided to show some of the Chinese delegates a document titled “annex document concerning the Organization of Police”. This had been drafted by the Kwantung Army to try establish a demilitarized zone in northeastern Hubei, whose security would be maintained by Chinese police units. The specifics of the document said such a feat would require a force no larger than 20,000 men, with no single units exceeding 200 and they should be armed with nothing stronger than a rifle, pistol or bayont. Nagatsu personally believed this was way to much to ask of the Chinese and advised changing the wording to what the Chinese police could wield as  "shall not be constituted of armed units hostile to Japanese feelings." After seeing the faces of the Chinese upon reading the document, Nagatsu would remark "This evening the Chinese appear to have gained the impression that our proposal will be excessively harsh."  The second session of talks began at 9am the next day whereupon General Okamura presented their draft accord:  “1) The Chinese army shall immediately withdraw to the regions west and south of the line from Yench'ing to Ch'angp'ing, Kaoliying, Shunyi, T'ungchou, Hsiangho, Paoti, Lint'ingk'ou, Ningho, and Lut'ai, and undertakes not to advance beyond that line and to avoid any provocation of hostilities.  2) The Japanese authorities may at any time use airplanes or other means to verify carrying out of the above article. The Chinese authorities shall afford them protection and facilities for such purpose.  3) The Japanese army, after ascertaining the withdrawal of the Chinese army to the line stated in Article 1, undertakes not to cross the said line and not to continue to attack the Chinese troops, and shall voluntarily withdraw, in general, to the Great Wall.  4) In the regions to the south of the Great Wall and to the north and east of the line defined in Article 1, the maintenance of peace and order shall be undertaken by the Chinese police force. The said police force shall not be constituted of armed units hostile to Japanese feelings. feelings.  5) The present agreement shall come into effect upon its signature.” To these demands Xing Pin stated that since the Chinese army had alrady withdrawn to or even beyond what was asked of them, the Japanese forces should respond promptly by withdrawing from the battle zone and to the Great Wall. Xing Pin added that he hoped his Japanese colleagues understood the Chinese Army might be required to help quell bandits that might disturb the vacuum caused by the Japanese withdrawal. To this the Japanese neither agreed nor disagreed and the meeting ended by 9:20. During the interlude the Chinese frantically sought to push further concessions. But the Japanese took a hard stance and stated they would accept nothing until their demands were signed upon. Talks officially resumed at 10:57 and within only 15 minutes both teams signed a truce agreement. Not a single change had been made in the draft the Kwantung Arym had presented. By 2 pm Xing Pin began a request that the Chinese Army be permitted to deal with bandits in the evacuated zone, as police alone most likely would not be enough.  Once the Tangu truce had been signed, the Chinese began to fear rebellious warlord types, particularly Feng Yuxiang might try to exploit the demilitarized region now that the Chinese Central Army had been withdrawn. The Japanese took a solid stance opposing any exceptions to their truce and would never allow Chinese Army units within the demilitarized region. The Japanese in response to the Chinese demands stated "In case there shall be in the Demilitarized Zone armed units disturbing peace and order which the police force shall be unable to cope with, the situation will be dealt with by common accord between the two parties." The Chinese had no choice but to agree to this. The final session resumed at 3:45 pm, whereupon the Chinese tried to obtain agreement on two specific aspects of the truce:  The Japanese reconnaissance aircraft would not conduct inspection flights without giving prior warning The Japanese Army would not misconstrue a move by the Chinese Army which had already withdrawn behind the line established in the truce agreement to return to the authorized line. The Japanese simply refused to even discuss these issues and a 4:05 pm the Chinese simply signed. The Japanese then submitted 4 new demands: 1) Withdraw the two cavalry divisions [formerly of the Northeastern Army] from the area southwest of Fengning in Jehol province.  2) Move the forty divisions of the Chinese Central Army presently in the Peiping-Tientsin region to some other appropriate region for the restoration of peace and order in that region.  3) Remove the entrenchments and military establishments of the Chinese army [used by Yii Hsueh-chung's army] in the area around the mouth of the Pai River.  4) Exercise strict control over anti-Japanese activities, which are the basic cause of Sino-Japanese conflict. To this the Chinese agreed with the last 3 demands and promised to “investigate” the first. At 4:10 the truce talks officially ended. As a consequence of the Tangu Truce, the Japanese Army had gained a foothold in northeastern Hubei. They would press further in the coming years, thus this truce was basically their first step in conquering north China. As you can imagine the Japanese were not done milking every drop from the Chinese. During the entire Tangu treaty talks, the Japanese had intentionally kept everything limited to military matters. The Japanese also sought to deal with what was expected to be a collosal anti-japanese movement in north china. To this end Foreign Minister Uchida Yasuya was given a list of demands to press upon the Chinese:   1) The Peiping Political Affairs Council will unreservedly suppress all anti-Japanese movements and other related anti-Japanese activities of the Kuomintang in the area under its jurisdiction.  2) The said Council will unreservedly suppress all activities that disturb the peace in the area along the Great Wall by the use of militia units, or other means, from the area under its jurisdiction.  3) The said Council will unreservedly remove all obstacles to legal peaceful traffic across the Great Wall.  4) The said Council will, with the agreement of the Japanese, establish facilities for the maintenance of order in the cease-fire district.  The Japanese preferred this be met by a written agreement, rather than a formal treaty that would only hurt the face of China further, thus creating even more anti-japanese movements. Real talks began at Dairen on July 3rd, where the Kwantung Army suggested that responsibility for civil administration and maintenance of order in the demilitarized region be transferred from the Hubei provincial government to the Political Affairs Council at Peiping. The reason as to why, because the Japanese believed they could easily control said body. When the IJA 6th and 8th Divisions withdrew from the demilitarized zone, they had left behind small units at Miyun, Chenchangying, Xiachangcheng, Fengtai and Yutien who went to work exerted silent pressure upon the Chinese during these future negotiations happening at Dairen. The Chinese at Dairen were represented by Li Shuzheng, the director of the Peiping-Lioaning Railway; Yin Tung and Xue Qiyen of the Political affairs council and Li Qichen the head of the Mukden-Shanhaiguan Railway Bureau. General Okamura and Colonel Kita came to the meetings, but only in capacity for observation. Included in the agenda of conversation was the disposal of pro-manchukuo militia forces in the demilitarized region and railway service between China proper and Manchukuo. Now the idea to transfer administrative responsibility over the demilitarized region to the Political affairs council in Peiping offered numerous challenges. The council was essentially an organ of the Executive Yuan of the Nanjing government. Their purpose was to overlook negotiations for Nanjing. Moreover their membership lacked prestige and they commanded no military forces, thus had little influence over Northern China. If they tried to influence the demilitarized region, a single army, such as one led by Li Qichen would easily overpower their authority. Northern China was still very much warlord dominated by this period. Li Qichen was a particularly strong warlord in the region. By December of 1932 he had begun recruiting men in the Qinxi district of Liaoning where he was receiving aid from the Japanese. His men assisted the Kwantung Army at Xumenzhai and later fought under the guidance of Captain Okada Kikusaburo at Shanhaiguan. However by Japanese standards, Li Qichengs army was nothing more than a bandit force. Thus after the Tanggu Truce, the Kwantung Army chose to distance itself from Li Qicheng and instead focus all their efforts in cooperating with the Political affairs council.  Ironically one of the first things the Kwantung Army consulted with the council was a new policy to dispose of Li Qichens Army and others. Thus 4000 of Li Qichen's forces were reorganized into a peace preservation corps with the rest simply disbanded. The finer details on how this would occur were negotiated between Li Qichen and the council, meditated by Kwantung officers at Tangshan on July 16th. It was also decided the Kwantung Army would set up an office at Tangshan headed by Li Qichen who would overlook the dispersal of militia units in the demilitarized region. By August 12th, the peace preservation corps was fully established. Many pro-manchukuo militia units were reorganized via the first Dairen conference as it became known. Xu Yuan's army at Qinhuangdao was reorganized into a  reserve peace preservation corps under the direct guidance of Lt Colonel Nakano Hidemitsu. They would be stationed at Yutien. Another force station near Qinhuangdao which had been recruited by the Kwantung army during Operation Nekka was ordered to transfer 2000 of its troops to Manchukuo and have the rest disbanded. Additionally there existed some 15,000 bandits operating in the demilitarized region. The largest of these bands was the East Asia Federation Combined Forces led by Guo Yazhou. He was in league with Xu Yusan and equipped like a regular Chinese Army. Once the ceasefire had been in effect, his men were conscripted in Manchukuo and would be used unofficially by the Kwantung Army. Another large bandit army was led by Lao Haozu, known colloquially as the “old rat”. Many of these bandit groups were made up of discharged troops and deserters from pro-Manchukuo militia units. After much discussion the Political affairs council took over the civil administration for the demilitarized zone, excluding the area consisting of the Great Wall. Another large item of discussion at the first Dairen conference was the restoration of train services between China Proper and Manchukuo. During the conflict the Chinese Army had ripped up a ton of railway track between Peiping and Shanhaiguan. By April 21st trains from Peiping could only operate as far as Tanggu. Meanwhile Mancukuo's Mukden to Shanhaiguan railway was operating 3 trains a day between Shanhaiguan and Tangshan after numerous repair efforts by June 1st. Service between Tanggu and Tangshan was only restored by July 3rd when the Japanese garrison at Tientsin began guarding operations between the two cities. At Dairen both sides agreed to rapidly restore the railway service between Mukden and Peiping while making Tangshan the temporary connecting point.  The section between Shanhaiguan and Tangshan was to be administered by the Mukden- Shanhaiguan railway, thus by Manchukuo while from Peiping to Tangshan would be retained by the Chinese governed Peiping-Liaoning railway. The Chinese argued that once the railway lines were all restored, management over Tangshan to Shanhaiguan should be returned to the Chinese. However the Manchukuo representatives instead argued for joint control over the railway from Peiping to Shanhaiguan.  Despite all the agreements met at Dairen, so much remained unresolved with the demilitarized region. The area immediately adjacent to the Great Wall had not been turned over to the political affairs coucil, the demilitarized region was still infested with bandits, many council members were not keen on any of the ongoings and relations between them and the Kwantung Army were anything but cooperative. Given all of this, in October of 1933, Huang Fu and He Yingqin came to the Japanese asking if they could form more official dialogue to deal with the problems and this led to the Peiping conference of November 1933. The Chinese were led by Huang Fu, He Yingqin, Yin Zung, Yin Juken and Cao Shangming. The Japanese were led by General Okamura, Colonels Kita ad Kikuchi Monya, Lt Colonels Nemoto Hiroshi and Shibayama Kaneshiro and Secretaries Nakayama and Hanawa Yoshitaka of the Peiping Legation. Because the talks had been opened by the Chinese, they had hoped they would control the agenda and in that they were sorely mistaken. The Japanese immediately pounced upon them and brought forth such demands. “1) The Kwantung Army hopes the Political Affairs Council will, as it solidifies its ability to maintain law and order, quickly and 5 safely assume administration in the area south and west of the Great Wall, exclusive of the Great Wall.  2) For the time being, the Political Affairs Council recognizes, in the area under its jurisdiction, the various agencies designated by the Kwantung Army as necessary for the handling of transportation, economic matters, and other affairs. The council will provide assistance in the operation of these agencies.  3) For the time being, the council agrees to lease to the Japanese army the land and buildings in the area under its jurisdiction which are needed for the purpose of stationing Japanese troops.  4) To provide facilities for trade, transportation, and communications in the area south of the Great Wall, the Political Affairs Council will appoint a delegate who will immediately begin consultations with a delegate designated by the Kwantung Army.” The Chinese agreed to the second demand allowing for the establishment by the Kwantung Army at Shanhaiguan, Gubeikou, Xifengkou, Panqiaokou, Lengkou and Qielingkou that Japanese garrisons could be stationed at Shanhaiguan, Xumenzhai, Chenchangying, Taitouying, Lengkou, Xifengkou, Malankuan and Gubeikou. The Chinese also agreed to part 4 in regards to airline connections. Thus with that the Japanese had effectively taken away China's ability to defend the Great Wall. Furthermore on the pretex of guarding said Great Wall, the Kwantung Army had forced the Chinese to recognize its right to garrison troops along the area just inside the Great Wall. Fully satisfied, the Japanese delegation departed Peiping on November 10th. The Kwantung Army still sought to extend the Peiping-Liaoing railway services to Mukden, but this inevitably raised the issue of China Proper recognizing Manchukuo. In December Yin Zung, head of the Peiping-Liaoning Railway, traveled to Nanjing to discuss said issue, but would return to Peiping empty handed. Additionally Sun Fu who led a faction within the KMT, began persuading the Central Political Council to pass some legislation specifically withholding Huang Fu from holding authority in handling issues involving North China, because it was feared amongst many it would lead to a mistake that would see recognition of Manchukuo. On April 11th of 1934, Huang Fu attempted a discussion at Nanchang between himself, Chiang Kai-Shek and Wang Jingwei. The result of this discussion was him receiving greater authority over matters involving postal services, train services and tariffs. Despite this, the anti-Japanese part of the Nanjing government continued their efforts to hamper the efforts of Haung Fu and Yin Zung.  In May, Major General Ushiroku Jun of the Kwantung Army, Attache Shibayama and Usami Kanji the chief of the Manchukuo railways Bureau, began secret talks with Yin Zung over at Shanhaiguan. They all agreed to establish a new corporation, the Eastern Travel Bureau, who would receive a million yuan provided in equal shares by the Mukden-Shanhaiguan railway bureau in Manchukuo and the Peiping-Liaoning Railway Bureau. Profits and losses would be shared equally; the general manager would be chosen from one bureau with the assistant manager chosen from the other and trains would run daily from Mukden and Peiping performing a transfer at Shanhaiguan. This idea was bitterly fought over at Nanjing, but after specific amendments would be ratified by July 1st. The first train departed Peiping on July 1st and ironically it would be interrupted midway between Tanggu and Lutai by a bomb explosion on the track. Many Chinese civilians were hurt, but no incident broke out. And we all know that little bomb had to be part of some grand false flag scheme.  The establishment of air services between China Proper and Manchukuo would prove to be the most difficult one to settle. During the talks in Peiping, the Chinese agreed to provide transportation facilities that would include airline connections. But this did not materialize until February of 1935 when the Kwantung Army came up with a draft for a Sino-Japanese corporation. It would be funded equally by both sides, the Chinese would furnish the airfields and facilities, while the Kwantung Army would supply pilots and crews through the Manchukuo Aviation Corporation. The Kwantung Army also had a nefarious plot involved in this deal. By securing the civilian airline service they hoped to provide pilots and crews who at the flip of a coin could become covert military operators, providing direct flights into China Proper.  At first the Chinese showed no interest in such plans, so the Kwantung Army began military transport flights to Peiping from Jinzhou to twist their arm. By June the agreement extended to airfields at Paoting, Xuzhou and Qingdao. The Chinese fought these demands as best they could, but would continuously be outplayed. Still the Kwantung Army was impatient to implement the civilian airline change and presented a new deal in June of 1935 offering to provide 55 percent of the funding from their side. To this the Chinese counter proposed the airfields be located along the border, but the Japanese would not agree to this. By August China sent conditions to ratify the idea: “1) two-thirds of the capital investment would be provided by China and one-third by Japan 2) airport facilities would be restricted to the Peiping-Tientsin region; and  3) flight operations would be entrusted to the aviation department of the Eastern Travel Bureau.” The Japanese still made demands, now seeking flights to all 5 provinces of North China. To this the Chinese officials stated they would await instructions from Nanjing. The Kwantung Army broke off the talks and stated they would do whatever action they considered necessary to resolve the issue. By early September Fu Zuoyi, the governor of Suiyuan province authorized a military flight to Paotou, then on September 28th and October 10th, Japan conducted civilian test flights between Tiantsin, Tsinan and Qingdao.  Following the resolutions over the railway issues, on July 9th of 1934 Yin Zung went to Shanghai with Huang Fu and then to Dairen by July 23rd to meet with General Okumara, Colonel Kita and Attache Shibayama to make deals over other issues. One issue was Japanese control over the entrance of Korean and Japanese into the demilitarized region; the transfer to the Chinese of the Qing Dynasty's mausoleum in Malanyu; the disposition of the peace preservation units and the need for a postal service between China and Manchukuo. While this all sounds perhaps stupid to even mention, every single issue discussed was basically indanger of the Chinese accidentally recognizing Manchukuo, which was the crux of it all. In the end the Japanese made enormous inroads into North China through these negotiations. They forced the accommodation on rail and communication services between China Proper and Manchukuo, to normalize most trade between them and place their loyal proteges within the demilitarized region as so called police units. This was all accomplished through the Peiping Political Affairs Council who de facto had recognized Manchukuo. All of this severely weakened the position of Nanjing in North China and enhanced Japan. But it was not Japan proper, but the Kwantung Army really running the show. However there was absolute chaos going on in Japan during the times, known as “government by assassination”. Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi was assassinated on May 15th of 1932, leading to the collapse of his cabinet. On May 26th a unity cabinet was formed under Admiral Saito Makoto. Civilian politicians were being knocked out by the military, particularly right-wing military figures. Admiral Saito Makoto selected Uchida Yasuya for foreign minister. At the time he was a retired diplomat and president of the South Manchuria Railway Company. Saito was plunged into the wild times of Kwantung insubordination. To meet the chaos he advocated 3 general principals: “(a) its separation from policy toward Manchukuo and Mongolia (b) an emphasis on economic measures; and  (c) cooperation with the western powers” By reading not so between the lines, you can see the official Japanese policy was basically to let the Kwantung run amok and plan accordingly for what seemed to be an enormous annexation program targeting North China and Inner Mongolia. It was to be an extremely volatile balancing act of encroaching upon Nanjing, but not enough so to bring the wrath of the western great powers down upon Japan. Minister Uchia had served a foreign minister for 4 cabinets. In 1928 he signs the Kellogg-Briand Pact and during the Manchuria crisis he tried to fight the Kwantung Army, pushing them to stop their invasion. Yet it was also he who helped recognize Manchukuo in 1932 and he who withdrew from the League of Nations in 1933. He oversaw Operation Nekka and the resulting Tanggu Truce. All of this spat in the face of international cooperation and basically showcased Japan to be a bully. Thus he was really failing his initial goals and resigned in 1933 due to old age. He was succeeded by Hirota Koki who initially began his tenure advocating for establishing better relations with the US, USSR and China and specifically to normalize Sino-Japanese relations. Hirota was also confronted with a naval disarmament conference scheduled for 1935. There Japan would be asked to make conciliatory moves with the US. Alongside this a lot of problems were brewing with the USSR because of the establishment of Manchukuo. On the other side, Chiang Kai-Shek and Wang Jingwei continued their appeasement stance, only to see Japan seize more and more from China. Yet Chiang Kai-Shek was adament, they must finish off the internal communist threat before embarking on what seemed to be an existential threat in the form of Japan. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Kwantung Army was not only efficient at slicing up China with its dagger, but rather capable with the pen as well. Continuous negotiations were leading the Chinese to hand more and more over to Japan. How long could the Chinese people continue to support their seemingly incapable government during these times of crises?

Having killed five more generals sent by Ravana, Hanuman returns again to the archway of the Ashoka grove.Recitation: 00:00 - 07:03Translation: 07:04 - 16:06

James and Garrett Soldano, a 2022 Republican hopeful, unravel the enigma of Gretchen Whitmer's reelection triumph amidst Michigan's pandemic fury. Soldano shares his raw journey from chiropractor to political activist, sparked by Whitmer's pandemic restrictions, offering listeners an insider's take on grassroots resistance.Discover more at Enjoyer.com/PodcastFollow Garrett on X: @GrassrootArmyFollow James on X: @DownI75 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit michiganenjoyer.substack.com

Join us for a conversation with Army General and NASA Astronaut, Robert L. Stewart. In this unique episode Sean asks Robert about his life, career, and testimony of salvation. 

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3HL - 12-13-24 - Hour 3 - What an Army General Really DoesSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

3HL - 12-13-24 - Hour 3 - What an Army General Really DoesSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

#190: General Robert F. “Bob” Dees served for 31 years in the U.S. Army in a wide variety of command and staff positions culminating in his last three assignments as Assistant  Division Commander for Operations, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault); Commander,  Second Infantry Division, United States Forces Korea; and as Deputy Commanding General,  V (US/GE) Corps in Europe, concurrently serving as Commander, US-Israeli Combined Task  Force for Missile Defense. Bob is a graduate of numerous military schools including the  Command and General Staff College, the Naval Postgraduate School, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the Royal College of Defence Studies in London. He has authored and taught Management Science topics in the Department of Engineering at West Point, as well as multiple Resilience courses at Liberty University. Following military retirement in January 2003, Bob served as a Microsoft Corporation executive; followed by leadership of a non-profit outreach to the military. He authored the  Resilience Trilogy (Resilient Warriors, Resilient Leaders, and Resilient Nations) and pioneered resilience programs for the military as Vice President for Military Outreach at Liberty University.  In the 2016 Presidential cycle, Bob served as National Security Advisor and Campaign Chairman for Dr. Ben Carson. Bob now heads Resilience God Style, a national movement to restore resilience to every area of American life, including recent publication of the Resilience  God Style book, study guide, video series, and training game (www.ResilienceGodStyle.com). Bob is a senior advisor for the newly formed Faith-based Veterans Support Alliance (FBVSA). Bob is also President of the National  Center for Healthy Veterans (www.HealthyVeterans.org) with the mission of “Returning Healthy  Veterans to America.” This broad and comprehensive Healthy Veteran initiative ranges from trauma recovery using best practices, faith-based programs to veteran microbusinesses which afford dignified work, skills training, and economic opportunity. Community is a critical element of the initiative, including veteran tiny home villages for formerly homeless Veterans and others.  While the Healthy Veteran initiative will help Veterans, the real winner is America with Healthy  Veterans positively impacting culture as role models for our youth, as experienced leaders in business, and as standard bearers in every walk of life. Bob speaks at numerous seminars and conferences, as well as commentary on national security, leadership, and resilience in a wide array of media, military, business and church venues. He was featured as one of 30 “Master Leaders” in America by noted author George  Barna and was awarded the Council for National Policy George Washington Military  Leadership Award in 2018.  For more on General Dees check out www.ResilienceGodStyle.com as well as www.HealthyVeterans.org Enjoy the show 

For review:1.  IDF Strikes Hezbollah in S. Lebanon after Ceasefire Violation.IDF Fighter jets struck a Hezbollah facility, which was used to hold medium-range rockets, after identifying activity there.2. Israel warns Syria of allowing weapons transfers from Iran to Hezbollah in Lebanon.The Israel Defense Forces has said that amid the truce it would continue to act to prevent all weapon deliveries to the Lebanese terror group, including by striking shipments anywhere in Lebanon or Syria.3. President-elect Trump selects Retired Army General as Ukraine-Russia Envoy.President-elect Donald Trump has nominated Keith Kellogg, a former national security adviser and retired lieutenant general in the US military, to be special envoy to Ukraine and Russia in his second administration.4.  Russian SU-27 Warplanes Intercept B-52H Bombers near Baltic Sea.The B-52s were conducting a training flight when the Russian Su-27 fighters intercepted them near Kaliningrad. A US defense official said the interception was safe and professional, and the B-52s continued with their planned flight.5. President-elect Trump selects businessman John Phelan as Nominative Secretary of the Navy.If confirmed, Phelan would replace current Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro, who is expected to step down ahead of Trump's inauguration.

Willy was joined by General David Petraeus, retired four-star U.S. Army general who also served as the director of the CIA, for part two of their captivating conversation. One episode wasn't enough to cover David's invaluable insights and experiences.  He sat down with Willy once again to cover even more hard-hitting topics, from global power dynamics and geopolitical tensions to performing under pressure and how lessons from the military translate to the business world. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

To celebrate the 200th episode of the Walker Webcast, Willy was joined by General David Petraeus, retired four-star U.S. Army general who served as the director of the CIA, focusing on intelligence and counterterrorism. He and Willy discussed the evolving landscape of global security, how near-death experiences changed his perspective on life and leadership, physical fitness and his competitive drive, the strategy behind the raid of Bin Laden, and the threats and challenges we're facing in the world today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, Retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute about the time he spent with President Trump and Gold Star Families at Arlington Cemetery on Monday.      For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.   To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.      Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWords See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

8/28/24 Hour 2   JD Vance goes scorched Earth on Kamala Harris at a campaign event in Erie Pennsylvania. Politico is pushing a theory that Kamala Harris has nothing to do with the Biden administration. Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, Retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute about the time he spent with President Trump and Gold Star Families at Arlington Cemetery on Monday.        For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.   To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.      Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWords See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

8/8/24 Hour 2    Vince speaks with Geoff Ingersol, Editor in chief of The Daily Caller and United States Marine Corps combat correspondent who served 2 tours in Iraq, including in 2006 – the year JD Vance was there.  Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute to about Tim Walz's stolen valor         For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.   To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.      Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWordsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute to about Tim Walz's stolen valor.     For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.   To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.      Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWordsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This week on Breaking Battlegrounds, we're bringing you a powerhouse lineup of guests. First, we welcome Congresswoman Nancy Mace from South Carolina's 1st Congressional District, who will discuss current hot-button issues like women's rights, the global IT outage, and the recent resignation of US Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle. Next, Elizabeth Nolan Brown, senior editor at Reason, joins us to delve into topics ranging from Kamala Harris's performance to the media covering for Biden. Finally, independent journalist Peter Bernegger, President of Election Watch, Inc., reveals insights into ActBlue's ghost donors and 'smurfing.' During Kiley's Corner, she dissects what we know about the Trump almost-assassin, and as always, we end on a positive note with the Sunshine Moment. Don't miss this compelling discussion as we unpack critical issues impacting our political landscape.Connect with us:www.breakingbattlegrounds.voteTwitter: www.twitter.com/Breaking_BattleFacebook: www.facebook.com/breakingbattlegroundsInstagram: www.instagram.com/breakingbattlegroundsLinkedIn: www.linkedin.com/company/breakingbattlegrounds-Show sponsors:Invest YrefyYrefy offers a secure, collateralized portfolio with a strong, fixed rate of return - up to a 10.25%. There is no attack on your principal if you ever need your money back. You can let your investment compound daily, or take your income whenever you choose. Make sure you tell them Sam and Chuck sent you!Learn more at investyrefy.com4Freedom MobileExperience true freedom with 4Freedom Mobile, the exclusive provider offering nationwide coverage on all three major US networks (Verizon, AT&T, and T-Mobile) with just one SIM card. Our service not only connects you but also shields you from data collection by network operators, social media platforms, government agencies, and more.Use code ‘Battleground' to get your first month for $9 and save $10 a month every month after.Learn more at: 4FreedomMobile.comDot VoteWith a .VOTE website, you ensure your political campaign stands out among the competition while simplifying how you reach voters.Learn more at: dotvote.vote-About our guests:Congresswoman Nancy Mace, raised in the Lowcountry, hails from Goose Creek, South Carolina. Raised by a retired Army General and a retired school teacher, Mace learned the value of hard work early on. After leaving high school at 17, she began her journey in the workforce, starting as a waitress at the Waffle House on College Park Road in Ladson.Despite early setbacks, Mace's determination led her to achieve academic excellence. She earned her high school diploma by taking college classes at Trident Technical College in North Charleston. She then graduated magna cum laude from The Citadel, the military college of South Carolina, making history as the first female graduate from its Corps of Cadets in 1999. Continuing her education, she earned a master's degree from The University of Georgia in 2004.Mace transitioned into public service, gaining recognition as one of the most fiscally conservative members of the South Carolina General Assembly while also championing conservation efforts. An accomplished author, she penned “In The Company of Men: A Woman at The Citadel,” published by Simon & Schuster in 2001.In 2008, Mace founded her own company, specializing in technology and marketing, and commercial real estate. Her leadership embodies integrity, compassion, and a tireless pursuit of delivering results for the South Carolina. She has worked with colleagues on a nonpartisan basis, successfully getting several bills signed into law by the President, including the Quantum Computing Cybersecurity Preparedness Act and the Human Trafficking Prevention Act of 2022.Mace has been recognized with esteemed awards such as the 2021 Club for Growth Defender of Economic Freedom Award and the 2019 Taxpayer Hero Award from the South Carolina Club for Growth for her consistent efforts to lower taxes. She is also the recipient of the Champion Award from Palmetto Goodwill for her dedication to education and job training for the underprivileged, and she holds a 97% rating with Conservation Voters of South Carolina.A devoted single mother to two teenagers, a sweet little Havanese named Liberty, and a cat named Tyler, Mace continues to serve the Lowcountry with unwavering dedication and resilience.-Elizabeth Nolan Brown is a senior editor at Reason and the author of Reason's biweekly Sex & Tech newsletter, which covers issues surrounding sex, technology, bodily autonomy, law, and online culture. She is also co-founder of the libertarian feminist group Feminists for Liberty, and a professional affiliate of the journalism program at the University of Cincinnati.Brown has covered a broad range of political and cultural topics since starting at Reason in 2014, with special emphasis on the politics, policy, and legal issues surrounding sex, speech, tech, justice, reproductive freedom, and women's rights. She can be found frequently reporting and opining on topics such as sex work, social media, antitrust law, abortion, feminism, the First Amendment, policing, and Section 230. A few of her more memorable Reason features include a trio of cover stories on the federal government's war on sex ("The War on Sex Trafficking Is the New War on Drugs," "American Sex Police," and "Massage Parlor Panic"), a political profile of Kamala Harris ("Kamala Harris Is a Cop Who Wants to Be President"), a deep dive into the prosecution of the founders of Backpage.com, and a look at "The Bipartisan Antitrust Crusade Against Big Tech."Brown's work has also been published by The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, Buzzfeed, The Daily Beast, Politico, Playboy, Persuasion, Fox News, Newsweek, TIME, The Dish, The Week, Spectator World, Libertarianism.org (where she wrote the Encyclopedia of Libertarianism entry on sex work), and numerous other outlets.She is the winner of the Western Publishing Association's 2016 award for best feature article and has been a finalist for seven awards from the Los Angeles Press Club, taking one second place and three third place awards for articles including Hot Girls Wanted: Exploiting Sex Workers in the Name of Exposing Porn Exploitation?" and "The Truth About the Biggest U.S. Sex Trafficking Story of the Year".Brown is a frequent commenter on panels, podcasts, radio, and television. She has debated sex work decriminalization at New York University and the Soho Forum; spoken before audiences at SXSW, the First Amendment Lawyer's Association meeting, the Sexual Freedom Summit, the Knight Foundation, the Mont Pelerin Society, George Mason University's Law & Economics Center, the 2022 Libertarian Party convention, FreedomFest, and numerous other places; and appeared on programs on NPR, C-SPAN, the BBC, Fox News, ESPN, and North Carolina Public Radio, among others.Prior to coming to Reason, Brown covered legal issues for the Daily Reporter in Columbus, Ohio; wrote about health and nutrition for Bustle and other women's websites; and served as an editor for AARP publications. She is a graduate of American University, where she earned a master's degree in public communication, and Ohio University, where she studied playwriting, English, and film. She lives in Cincinnati, Ohio, with her husband, sons, and two cats.-Peter Bernegger is an independent journalist and President of Election Watch, Inc. You can follow him on X @PeterBernegger. Get full access to Breaking Battlegrounds at breakingbattlegrounds.substack.com/subscribe

Paul and Mike are back! After a two-week hiatus, the longest episode of The Artificial Intelligence Show has dropped! Paul Roetzer and Mike Kaput discuss changes at the big companies: Anthropic's Claude 3.5 is released, Perplexity, Suno, and Udio are in legal troubles, Ilya Sutskever, co-founder and former chief scientist at OpenAI, launches a new company, and speaking of OpenAI, learn more about their ex-NSA board member. 00:09:12 — Claude 3.5 00:17:28 — Record Labels Sue Suno and Udio 00:24:08 — OpenAI Updates and Revenue 00:29:08 — OpenAI Buys Rockset 00:30:59 — OpenAI Acquires Collaboration Startup Multi 00:32.40 — OpenAI appoints Retired U.S. Army General to Board of Directors 00:37:37 — OpenAI Voice Mode Update 00:40:29 — Elon Musk Drops Suit Accusing OpenAI of Breaching Founding Mission 00:43:00 — Ilya's New Venture 00:46:45 — Perplexity Updates 00:56:04 — Should Frontier AI Companies Fund Journalism? 01:01:45 — The AP Fund for Journalism launches 01:05:50 — Pope Francis addresses the G7 Summit 01:08:17 — Political deepfakes top list of malicious AI use, DeepMind finds 01:11:04 — NVIDIA Releases Open Synthetic Data Gen Pipeline for Training LLMs 01:13:33 — Toys R' Us Branded Sora Video 01:19:43 — WPP unveils AI-powered Production Studio 01:22:19 — Does EU AI Act Require AI Literacy? 01:26:40 — McDonald's to end AI drive-thru test with IBM 01:29:37 — Funding, starting with Mistral 01:31:40 — HeyGen Series A 01:34:29 — Stability AI Secures Significant New Investment and Appoints CEO 01:36:30 — EvolutionaryScale raises $142M for protein-generating AI 01:38:37 — Product Updates starting with Adept 01:42:39 — ElevenLabs Text Reader 01:44:50 — Runway Gen-3 Alpha 01:47:46 — Microsoft Delays Recall Feature 01:49:28 — Microsoft GPT Builder Retired Today's episode is also brought to you by Scaling AI, a groundbreaking original series designed for business leaders who want to thrive in the age of AI, and help drive AI transformation within their organizations. The Scaling AI course series includes 6 hours of content, complete with on-demand courses, video lessons, quizzes, downloadable resources, a final exam, and a professional certificate upon completion. Head to ScalingAI.com to order today! Want to receive our videos faster? SUBSCRIBE to our channel! Visit our website: https://www.marketingaiinstitute.com Receive our weekly newsletter: https://www.marketingaiinstitute.com/newsletter-subscription Looking for content and resources? Register for a free webinar: https://www.marketingaiinstitute.com/resources#filter=.webinar Come to our next Marketing AI Conference: www.MAICON.ai Enroll in AI Academy for Marketers: https://www.marketingaiinstitute.com/academy/home Join our community: Slack: https://www.marketingaiinstitute.com/slack-group-form LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/mktgai Twitter: https://twitter.com/MktgAi Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/marketing.ai/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/marketingAIinstitute

A round-up of the main headlines in Sweden on June 20th 2024. You can hear more reports on our homepage www.radiosweden.se, or in the app Sveriges Radio Play. Presenter: Alex MaxiaProducer: Michael Walsh

This Day in Maine for Wednesday, June 19th, 2024.

Welcome to The Nonlinear Library, where we use Text-to-Speech software to convert the best writing from the Rationalist and EA communities into audio. This is: OpenAI appoints Retired U.S. Army General Paul M. Nakasone to Board of Directors, published by Joel Burget on June 14, 2024 on LessWrong. Today, Retired U.S. Army General Paul M. Nakasone has joined our Board of Directors. A leading expert in cybersecurity, Nakasone's appointment reflects OpenAI's commitment to safety and security, and underscores the growing significance of cybersecurity as the impact of AI technology continues to grow. As a first priority, Nakasone will join the Board's Safety and Security Committee, which is responsible for making recommendations to the full Board on critical safety and security decisions for all OpenAI projects and operations. Whether this was influenced by Aschenbrenner's Situational Awareness or not, it's welcome to see OpenAI emphasizing the importance of security. It's unclear how much this is a gesture vs reflective of deeper changes. Thanks for listening. To help us out with The Nonlinear Library or to learn more, please visit nonlinear.org

Reddit rSlash Storytime r prorevenge where I locked my Aldi cart to another person's cart inside the store. **Unintentional petty revenge **Don't tell me I "should smile more" **Neighbouring street left me passive aggressive note implying damage to road surface & snapping my windscreen wiper linkage for parking for half a day. A local campsite has mysticly moved its address on Google maps across the railway a few metres to the end of their road... **The one time I was rude to a bartender **Co worker was pushing all his work load onto me for MONTHS. **My dog, the genius **You want petty? How's this? **Benchy SIL Tries To Break Us Up, Reveals Her Miserable Nature Instead **Creating school schedule headaches for a cheating ex **Freak with my job and I'll freak with your marriage Say Goodbye to Your House and Your Retirement Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

What is the president's most important job? What do you think it should be?He literally swears an oath to uphold the Constitution, which is designed in part to "provide for the common defense." Millions of Americans expect the president and his administration, first and foremost, to protect our nation and its people.According to retired U.S. Army Brig. General Anthony Tata, President Biden and top aides like Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, and Homeland Security Sec. Alejandro Mayorkas are simply "not serious" people and they are not serious about the duties they've been given.Gen. Tata, who served 28 years in uniform and at the Pentagon during the Trump administration, joins Sara and walks us through the manifold security failures under Biden's watch. They assess everything from the Afghanistan withdrawal debacle to U.S. intelligence completely whiffing on Hamas planning to attack Israel to the egregious failure to secure our southern border.He also denounces Biden's insistence on playing nice with Iran and explains why Sec. Austin is a "political windsock" for agreeing to promote woke ideologies in our Armed Forces.But they also examine solutions to some of the thorniest security issues and what policies might be implemented if President Trump wins in November.Thank you for being a part of the Sara Carter Show.Time Stamps:0:05 Are we still the leaders of the world?4:48 General Tata joins the Sara Carter Show5:52 The Phalanx Code11:27 We are in a scary time19:05Inside the Israel conflict27:50 Are we out of shells?32:17 The danger of an open border35:45 Who will serve?40:05 Hardball with Iran42:26 Our Job46:12 Show closePlease visit our great sponsors:Fast Growing Treeshttps://fastgrowingtrees.comUse code CARTER at checkout for an additional 15% off your order. Goldcohttp://saralikesgold.comGet your free gold kit today and learn how to get $10,000 in bonus silver.Get the book: https://a.co/d/7PbtbpJ

What is the president’s most important job? What do you think it should be? He literally swears an oath to uphold the Constitution, which is designed in part to “provide for the common defense.” Millions of Americans expect the president and his administration, first and foremost, to protect our nation and its people. According to […]

In 1948, the United States under President Truman became the first country to recognize the existence of Israel.  Since then, the two nations have been staunch allies.  This alliance is certainly being put to the test with the latest round of fighting between the state of Israel and Hamas, the Islamic group which controls Gaza. What is the legal process for the US to provide aid to Israel?  What is the dual role Congress and the President play in helping our ally?  To help us answer these questions and more, we are delighted to welcome Lt. General (Ret.) Keith Kellogg.  General Kellogg is a retired three-star Army General and was a national security advisor to the Vice President. We are grateful he is sharing his unique expertise with our student panel.

1/15/24  Hour 3    Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute about NBC's report that the US military may attempt a coup if Trump is elected President.  Scott Kirby, the CEO of United Airlines wants to emphasize that Diversity Equity and Inclusion (DEI) guided racial and gender quotas are the key considerations when determining who will be piloting your upcoming flight.  Sarah Haines thinks white kids should feel guilty about slavery.     For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.     To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.  Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWordsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute about NBC's report that the US military may attempt a coup if Trump is elected President.   For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.     To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese.  Executive Producer: Corey Inganamort @TheBirdWordsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

U.S. Army General Paul M. Nakasone, commander, U.S. Cyber Command and director, National Security Agency/chief, Central Security Service, talks about cyber threats from foreign adversaries facing the United States, how these threats play out in international conflicts, AI, election security and more.

This week Seth and Bill are again joined by good pal Jon Parshall to discuss the evolving invasion of Saipan. After the Marines pushed off of the beachhead, the advance inland progressed nicely until the 27th Infantry Division ran into incredibly difficult terrain and vicious Japanese defense at Naftan Point and Death Valley. In the resulting mess of Death Valley, Marine General Holland Smith relieved Army General ralph Smith, igniting a firestorm of controversy in what became known as Smith versus Smith. The team discusses the vicious fighting in the central portion of the island and the controversy surrounding Holland Smith's decision. Tune in and see what all the mess is about as the team takes its normal deep dive into what has been, thus far, the Pacific War's bloodiest campaign. #wwii #wwiihistory #ww2 #worldwar2 #usnavy #usnavyseals #usmc #usmarines #saipan #usa #usarmy #aircraft #aircraftcarrier #battleship #ussenterprise

The FBI seizes the phones and ipad of NYC Mayor Eric Adams as part of a federal investigation into fundraising, just days after raiding the home of his top fundraiser. Plus, the Alaska Airlines pilot accused of trying to shut down the engines of a plane mid-flight while off-duty, speaks out about the bad mushroom trip he says he experienced before and during the incident. And, ‘Overtime with Bill Maher' is back - Maher and guests answer topical questions from HBO's ‘Real Time with Bill Maher' viewers. Also, the first African American female Army General, Maj. Gen. Marcia Anderson (Ret.), joins to talk about Veterans Day. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The FBI seizes the phones and ipad of NYC Mayor Eric Adams as part of a federal investigation into fundraising, just days after raiding the home of his top fundraiser. Plus, the Alaska Airlines pilot accused of trying to shut down the engines of a plane mid-flight while off-duty, speaks out about the bad mushroom trip he says he experienced before and during the incident. And, ‘Overtime with Bill Maher' is back - Maher and guests answer topical questions from HBO's ‘Real Time with Bill Maher' viewers. Also, the first African American female Army General, Maj. Gen. Marcia Anderson (Ret.), joins to talk about Veterans Day. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this interview, retired US Army General Gregg Martin courageously shares his personal battle with bipolar disorder. General Martin opens up in great detail about the profound impact that this mental health condition had on his career and personal life. He sheds light on the stigmas surrounding mental health and the lack of understanding, which prevented him from seeking help for an extended period of time. Living in mania for several years contributed to his career progression until it became detrimental and caused his crash. Gregg shares in detail the ways he peaked and then spiralled out of control, and the ways it took a toll on him and his loved ones. Join us as we explore General Martin's journey of resilience, self-discovery, and advocacy. Through his experiences, he hopes to inspire and educate others about mental health, fostering a more understanding and supportive environment for those struggling with bipolar disorder and other mental health conditions.Support the showIf you would like to offer any feedback on our show or get in touch with us, you can contact us on the following platforms: Website: www.multispective.org Email: info@multispective.org Instagram: www.instagram.com/multispectiveorg Facebook: www.facebook.com/multispectiveorg Youtube: www.youtube.com/@multispectivepodcast Reddit: www.reddit.com/r/multispective Support the show: https://www.patreon.com/multispectiveProducer & Host: Jennica SadhwaniEditor and Engineer: Chris Trzcinski Marketing and Admin: Stephan Menzel

In this episode, I'm joined by Lieutenant General Keith Kellogg. General Kellogg is a highly decorated, retired three-star Army General who currently serves as co-Chair of the Center for American Security at the America First Policy Institute. Listen to our conversation on the value of discipline and tenacity in leadership.

In the second hour of The Vince Coglianese Show, Vince speaks with Keith Kellogg, Retired three-star Army General and co-Chair of the Center for American Security at America First Policy Institute about the US involvement in the middle East and Joe Biden's handling of the conflict. The FBI maintained more than 40 confidential human sources on various criminal matters related to the Biden family, but the FBI task force within the Washington Field Office sought to shut down reporting from those sources. Vince speaks with Ron Johnson, US Senator from the state of Wisconsin about Joe Biden's corruption and the need for whistleblowers to come forward.     For more coverage on the issues that matter to you visit www.WMAL.com, download the WMAL app or tune in live on WMAL-FM 105.9 from 3-6pm.     To join the conversation, check us out on social media: @WMAL @VinceCoglianese   See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

General Jack Keane joins Sid to break down the prisoner swap that took place between the United States and Iran yesterday. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Decision-Making In The Eye of The Storm  Jeffrey Buchanan, Retired US Army General: Decision Making in The Eye of The Storm Unveiling the True Essence of Leadership: Thriving in Chaos! Leadership during chaos reveals the true mettle of a leader.  In times of crisis, decision-making becomes the lifeblood of success for any organization. It demands quick thinking, astute assessment, and informed choices under immense pressure. Are you ready to rise to the challenge? Join us for an exhilarating two-part series on the Leadership and Loyalty #podcast as we delve into the art of "Leadership Decision-Making in the Eye of The Storm."  Our extraordinary guest is a retired 3-Star Lieutenant General Jeffrey Buchanan, with unparalleled expertise in navigating these turbulent situations. We all know how rare effective communication, strategic thinking, emotional intelligence, and adaptability are and how they are the cornerstones of crisis leadership. Discover how to harness these essential skills and guide your team through the storm. Don't miss this opportunity to gain invaluable insights from General Buchanan's 37-year career, leading troops worldwide and tackling major hurricanes. Are you ready to hear and understand the ware stories of The War Zone and The Eye of a Storm? Ready to unlock the secrets of leadership decision-making in the face of chaos? Tune in now!

Dr. John Newman is a retired U.S. Army intelligence officer who served as a strategic intelligence cryptologic analyst and Military Assistant to the Director at the National Security Agency. John has has spent decades analyzing all 6 million documents on the JFK case and has published 6 book on the topic. EPISODE LINKS https://amzn.to/456nIQC https://www.youtube.com/@ghostsofthespywars https://jfkjmn.com SPONSORS VERSO - Go to https://ver.so/danny to save 15% on your order. FOLLOW DANNY JONES https://www.instagram.com/jonesdanny https://twitter.com/jonesdanny JOIN OUR KULT: https://bit.ly/koncretepatreon OUTLINE 0:00 - What really happened on 11/22/63 5:40 - Working with Oliver Stone & being contacted by the NSA 18:03 - The biggest CIA mole hunt in history 27:13 - Suppression of John's books & implications of truth about JFK 43:06 - The CIA's assassination / psychological warfare operations in Europe: Operation Gladio 46:24 - How the Russian sleeper mole in the CIA was activated 1:09:29 - Pyotr Popov 1:14:04 - Tracking the high echelon CIA mole 1:30:07 - Lee Harvey Oswald 1:32:25 - The Army General who wanted Armageddon: Lyman Lemnitzer 1:38:44 - The ‘Trojan Horse' inside the Kennedy family: Maxwell Taylor 1:55:14 - JFK's plan to pull out of Vietnam 2:05:03 - The military coup leading up to JFK's @$$in@tion 2:17:22 - Lee Harvey Oswald's meetings in Mexico in 1963 2:36:10 - The KGB defector who claimed 2 former US presidents knew about the plan to take out JFK 2:42:40 - The missing letter Oswald wrote to CIA from Minsk 2:48:18 - The CIA mole inside Martin Luther King's group 3:01:31 - John's conclusion on JFK 3:04:52 - Kennedy's speech on secret societies 3:09:54 - John's involvement with Oliver Stone's latest documentary ‘JFK Revisited'

The Feds are coming for Kwame's money, BranDon has a baby & Lyla goes to the vet, Billy Joel plays Comerica, Biden's Burgundy moment, Boosie Badazz defends R Kelly, Elon returns Twitter, Markel's an elder abuser, Shawn Mendes' mental health break, and we go in search of Miss Mina.Brandon and Kristin welcome baby Emily Mae to their family. So, we have Jim Bentley with us.Drew took Lyla to the vet because she was thirsty. He also learns the lesson of begging forgiveness instead of asking permission.Billy Joel rocked Comerica Park Saturday night.Joe Biden pulls a Ron Burgundy.Stranger Things has made another 1980's song a hit. This time it's Metallica's turn.Shawn Mendes postpones his tour because he needs a mental health break.Macy Gray backtracks on what she told Piers Morgan about trans-women. At least the comments gave her a chance to promote her album on the Today show.The feds want Kwame Kilpatrick to pay back the money he owes them. The man that prosecuted him, Michael Bullotta, joins us. He explains to whom else Kilpatrick owes money.A retired Army General in trouble for mocking Dr. Jill Biden. Hunter Biden was even less kind to Dr. Jill Biden.Former Japan Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was assassinated. SIST: President Trump would not have liked that crowd size.Bill Richardson is going to Russia to bring Britney Griner back. The WNBA was all about #42 Britney Griner.President Biden finally called Paul Whelan's sister.We try to return Thomas Markle's phone call to us. Meanwhile, Harry is pulling his "make a deal and produce no content" scam on Penguin Random House.Elon Musk decides he really doesn't want to spend $44 billion to buy Twitter.Britney Spears doesn't understand how documentaries are made.Jim was once busted for downloading adult videos while living at home.Boosie Badazz is really upset that R Kelly got 30 years. He does a great job defending R Kelly's artistic achievements. Drew thinks The Thriller is overrated.The "2022 Football National Championship" was on ESPN 2 this afternoon. We try to call the Sports Bra in Portland to see what was on the main TV today.Thanks to a loose lipped vacationer, we learned that Kaitlin Armstrong once had a ridiculous meltdown at a Yoga retreat. There's another terrible 911 operator, but this time he's charged with a major crime.We go "in search of" one of our favorite video clips of all time- Miss Mina.Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh just wanted to eat a meal at Morton's. TikTok "star" Addison Rae's dad is quite the turd. His affair with a 25-year-old woman has blown up in his face.Social media is dumb, but we're on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter (Drew and Mike Show, Marc Fellhauer, Trudi Daniels and BranDon).

In this episode, Dinesh reviews the Wisconsin Supreme Court decision outlawing mail-in dropboxes and makes the case it is a vindication of "2000 Mules."  Dinesh argues that the Biden administration's decision to discipline an Army General for criticizing Jill Biden shows that we are dealing with a regime with an authoritarian streak.  A January 6 grandmother joins Dinesh to talk about her ordeal. Dinesh discusses the gods on Mount Olympus as they consider a petition from Achilles.   See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.