Podcasts about Yasukuni Shrine

China has urged all peace-loving countries to remain highly vigilant and firmly resist Japan's neo-militarist moves, after the latter took its latest step toward revising three key security-related documents as part of a broader push to accelerate its military buildup under the pretext of strengthening deterrence.Lin Jian, a spokesman for China's Foreign Ministry, made the remarks at a daily news briefing in Beijing on Tuesday, a day after Japan convened its first expert panel meeting to advance the revision of the documents, which are expected to be updated by the end of the year.According to reports, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi told the meeting that Japan should draw lessons from the Ukraine crisis and the conflict in the Middle East, adapt to "new forms of warfare", including the use of drones, and prepare for a "long-term conflict".Lin pointed out that Japan, which has launched wars and invaded other countries in the past, is now playing up so-called tensions. "Is Japan seeking to repeat the mistakes of history, race down the path of remilitarization and once again become a source of trouble in East Asia?"Japan's recent dangerous and provocative moves in the military and security fields — from its long-standing "exclusively defense-oriented policy" to its declaration to "prepare for a long war" — have dented its self-proclaimed image of being a peaceful country, Lin said.He noted that Japanese militarism pursued rampant aggression and expansion in the past, committing heinous crimes against China and other Asian neighbors, while also inflicting deep suffering on the Japanese people.He added that many insightful people have observed that recent remarks made by some Japanese politicians sound more like warmongering, closely resembling the rhetoric of Japanese militarists in the past.To prevent the resurgence of Japanese militarism, a series of documents with full legal effect under international law — including the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Proclamation and the Japanese Instrument of Surrender — required Japan to remain "completely disarmed" and to not maintain industries that could allow its rearmament for war.The Japanese Constitution also places strict limits on the country's military capabilities, its right of belligerency and its right to wage war.This year marks the 80th anniversary of the beginning of the Tokyo trials, which held Japanese leaders accountable for war crimes committed during World War II.And yet, Japan has not only failed to seriously reflect on its past wars of aggression, but is also attempting to pursue military expansion, Lin said, adding that the international community will never allow that.Also on Tuesday, China expressed its strong indignation and stern condemnation of visits made to the Yasukuni Shrine by 166 Japanese national and local lawmakers.Their visits follow Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi's recent ritual and cash offerings to the notorious shrine, which is a symbol of Japanese militarism and wartime aggression and honors Japanese militarists, including 14 convicted Class-A war criminals.Lin, the Foreign Ministry spokesman, denounced these moves, saying they blatantly trample on historical justice and human conscience, as well as challenge the outcomes of WWII and the postwar international order.Eighty years ago, the international community, with overwhelming iron-clad evidence, passed its judgment on Japan's crimes of aggression, tried and sentenced its Class-A war criminals, upheld the victory in the World Anti-Fascist War and safeguarded international justice, Lin said.However, some Japanese politicians and right-wing forces, instead of reflecting on history and correcting the wrongdoings, repeatedly visit the war shrine in an attempt to reverse the verdict on Japan's aggression, whitewash its war crimes and revive militarism, he said."The Chinese people and people elsewhere who suffered under Japanese aggression will never accept that, neither will anyone in the world who stands for peace," Lin added.

Japan's recent policy moves are drawing global concern and raising complex questions about security, history, and regional stability. Is Japan reshaping its strategic identity? What do these developments mean for the balance of power in East Asia and beyond? In this episode of The Hub, host Wang Guan and guests explore Japan's decision to allow the export of lethal weapons for the first time in decades. The discussion examines Japan's logic behind this shift and how it aligns with Tokyo's expanding security objectives. They also explores the political and historical symbolism of Japan's Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's offering to Yasukuni Shrine, and how these parallel moves may signal deeper ideological drift toward neo-militarism.

① We take a look at Mozambican President Daniel Chapo's China visit and the outlook of cooperation between the two sides. (00:55) ② Taiwan's Lai Ching-te has canceled a trip to Eswatini after some countries denied overflight permission for his aircraft. Why are those countries justified to do so? (15:53) ③ Japan's Sanae Takaichi has sent a ritual offering to the notorious Yasukuni Shrine. Why is this action a provocation against international justice? (24:40) ④ Canada's Mark Carney has announced a 24-people advisory committee on economic ties with the United States, as Ottawa braces for trade talks with Washington. How does the talks' prospect look? (33:00) ⑤ We explore how city-based amateur soccer games across China are translating into real economic activities? (40:35)

China has lodged a protest after Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's ritual offering to the notorious war-linked Yasukuni Shrine, calling it "a shrine for war criminals."

首相官邸に入る高市早苗首相、１７日午前、東京・永田町高市早苗首相は、東京・九段北の靖国神社が２１～２３日に行う春季例大祭に合わせた参拝を見送る方向で調整に入った。 Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi is considering skipping a visit to war-related Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo during its three-day spring festival that starts Tuesday, informed sources said Friday.

Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi is considering skipping a visit to war-related Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo during its three-day spring festival that starts Tuesday, informed sources said Friday.

The officer training provided by Japan's Self-Defense Forces deserves scrutiny and serious reflection, after a knife-wielding officer recently broke into the Chinese embassy in Japan, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman said in Beijing on Tuesday.针对日本自卫队官员近日持刀闯入中国驻日本使馆一事，中国外交部发言人毛宁3月31日在例行记者会上表示，日本自卫队向后备干部提供何种培训，这一问题值得关注、调查和深思。At a daily news conference in Beijing, a reporter mentioned media reports saying that Kodai Murata, the SDF officer, had been handed over to prosecutors by the Japanese police recently.在当天举行的外交部例行记者会上，有记者提到，据报道，持刀闯入中国驻日本大使馆的自卫队官员已被日本警方送检。In response, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said that the incident reveals "the deep-rooted influence and grave hazards of Japan's right-wing ideology and distorted views of history".对此，毛宁回应称，此次事件暴露出日本右翼思想和扭曲历史观流毒之深、为害之大。On March 24, Murata broke into the Chinese embassy in Tokyo and threatened to kill Chinese diplomats in "the name of god".3月24日，村田晃大持刀闯入中国驻日本大使馆，并扬言"以神之名"杀害中国外交官。Mao noted that the officer's parents said he showed no radical tendencies when growing up and receiving education in his hometown, and that they had no idea at all why he had acted in this way in the incident at the embassy.毛宁指出，非法闯入中国使馆的自卫队官员的父母称他在家乡成长学习期间并没有极端表现，完全不知道他为什么要这么做。"But at the SDF, he received nine months of training for reserve officers. So the question is, during those nine months, what kind of views was he indoctrinated by the SDF and what kind of training did he receive? These questions deserve more attention, probe and deep pondering," Mao said.毛宁表示："此人在自卫队接受9个月的后备干部培训课程，在这一过程中，自卫队到底向他灌输了什么思想，进行了什么教育？值得关注、调查和深思。"According to media reports, the National Defense Academy of Japan has an annual "tradition" of paying group visits to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, which enshrines 14 Class-A war criminals.据报道，日本防卫大学每年有集体参拜靖国神社的“惯例”。而靖国神社供奉着14名甲级战犯。Umio Otsuka, a retired senior officer of Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force, was appointed chief priest of the Yasukuni Shrine in 2024.2024年，日本前海上自卫队高官大塚海夫就任靖国神社宫司。"This marks the first time a retired SDF admiral has assumed the highest position at the Yasukuni Shrine," Mao said.毛宁指出，这是首次由退役自卫队将领出任靖国神社最高职位。"The SDF has, over the years, invited radical far-rightist personnel who harbor hatred toward China to participate in teaching, and their textbooks are filled with content distorting and whitewashing Japan's history of aggression during World War II," she added.她表示，自卫队长期邀请极端仇华的极右翼分子参与教学，培训教材中充斥着歪曲美化二战侵略历史的内容。The spokeswoman said, "The international community needs to stay on high alert against the rightward turn of the SDF and the trend of remilitarization in Japan."毛宁强调："日本自卫队右倾化、日本“再军事化”值得国际社会高度警惕。""China once again urges Japan to thoroughly investigate the incident and take effective measures to address the root causes and prevent such incidents from happening again," she added."中方再次敦促日方彻查事件，从根本上杜绝此类事件再次发生。"knife-wielding /ˈnaɪfˌwiːldɪŋ/持刀的be handed over to prosecutors /biːˈhændɪd ˈəʊvər tuː ˈprɒsɪkjuːtəz/被移交检方grave hazards /ɡreɪv ˈhæzədz/严重危害indoctrinate /ɪnˈdɒktrɪneɪt/灌输（思想）deep pondering /diːpˈpɒndərɪŋ/深思enshrine /ɪnˈʃraɪn/供奉；铭记admiral /ˈædmərəl/海军上将；将官far-rightist personnel /ˌfɑːˈraɪtɪst ˌpɜːsəˈnel/极右翼人员

気象庁により開花が確認された靖国神社の桜、１９日午後、東京都千代田区気象庁は１９日、東京都千代田区の靖国神社にある桜の標本木が開花したと発表した。 The Japan Meteorological Agency said Thursday that its sample cherry tree at Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo has begun blooming this season.

The Japan Meteorological Agency said Thursday that its sample cherry tree at Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo has begun blooming this season.

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THE CHINESE JUDGE AND THE MODERN LEGACY OF THE TRIAL Colleague Professor Gary J. Bass. Judge Mei Ju-ao represented China, striving to center the suffering of Asian peoples in the judgment before returning to a China engulfed by revolution. The trial's legacy remains volatile in modern Asia, exemplified by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, whose grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, was a suspected Class A war criminal released without trial. Abe and other conservatives scrutinized the tribunal as "victor's justice," symbolized by visits to the Yasukuni Shrine where war criminals are enshrined. This historical grievance continues to strain Japan's relations with China and Korea, keeping the war's memory alive in 21st-century politics. NUMBER 81934 TOKYO

Legacies in Modern Asia: China's Judge and Japan's Shrine Controversy Professor Gary Bass Chinese Judge May Ruo centered the suffering of Asian peoples but chose to return to Mainland China, making him vulnerable as a "bourgeois" intellectual. Modern tensions persist regarding the Yasukuni Shrine, which has enshrined 14 Class A war criminals. Former PM Shinzo Abe's visits were fueled by resentment inherited from his grandfather, who was held as a suspected Class A criminal but was never indicted.

Speaking at the United Nations General Assembly's plenary meeting on Security Council reform on Tuesday, China's permanent representative to the UN Fu Cong said that Japan is "totally unqualified" to seek a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.在联合国大会周二举行的安理会改革全体会议上，中国常驻联合国代表傅聪指出，日本“完全不具备”谋求联合国安理会常任理事国席位的资格。This is a justified position. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's provocative remarks on Taiwan in the Diet on Nov 7 were not only gross interference in China's internal affairs, they were also an affront to international justice.这一立场完全正当。日本首相高市早苗11月7日在国会发表的涉台挑衅言论，不仅是对中国内政的粗暴干涉，也是对国际公义的严重冒犯。As Fu correctly pointed out, her remarks were "extremely erroneous and dangerous", as they deny the postwar international order, trample on the basic norms of international relations and represent a blatant departure from Japan's commitment to peaceful development.正如傅聪所指出，高市的言论“极其错误且危险”，因为它否定了二战后国际秩序，践踏国际关系基本准则，并公然背离了日本对和平发展的承诺。Her remarks, which run counter to Japan's commitments enshrined in the four political documents between China and Japan, have done grave damage to bilateral relations and sparked concern both within and outside Japan.她的言论违背了中日四个政治文件中日本所作的承诺，严重损害双边关系，并在日本国内外引发广泛担忧。Should Takaichi continue to challenge the one-China principle as a cornerstone of the postwar order, Stephane Dujarric, spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, has left her no room to plead ignorance. When answering a question concerning Takaichi's recent remarks on Taiwan, Dujarric said that the official position of the UN on Taiwan is based on the relevant General Assembly Resolution 2758. And in addressing a follow-up question for confirmation that the official language in documents is still Taiwan, a province of China, he said "I'm not aware of any change in General Assembly texts", adding that every member state should support and respect the UN Charter.如果高市继续挑战作为战后秩序基石的一个中国原则，联合国秘书长发言人斯特凡纳·迪雅里克的表态已让她无可推诿。在回答有关高市涉台言论的问题时，迪雅里克表示，联合国对台湾问题的官方立场基于联大第2758号决议。面对记者追问联合国文件中仍将台湾表述为“中国的一个省”是否仍然适用，他回应称：“我没有听说联大文本有任何变化。”并强调所有会员国都应支持和尊重《联合国宪章》。As Fu pointed out, given Takaichi's egregious remarks, how can Japan's professed commitment to peaceful development be trusted? How can it be trusted to uphold fairness and justice? How can it be trusted to shoulder the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security?正如傅聪指出，在高市发表如此恶劣言论的情况下，日本所谓“坚持和平发展”如何令人信任？它又如何能被信任去维护公平与正义？如何能承担维护国际和平与安全的责任？On Sunday, citing the growing number of crimes against Chinese citizens in Japan, the Ministry of Education released an overseas study alert, advising Chinese students to plan their studies prudently. On the same day, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism also issued a cautionary travel notice for Chinese tourists.上周日，鉴于在日中国公民遭遇侵害案件增多，中国教育部发布海外留学预警，提醒中国学生谨慎规划赴日留学。同日，文化和旅游部也向中国游客发布赴日旅行风险提示。Needless to say, these warnings are making Chinese people think twice about studying in Japan or visiting the country. Already, tens of thousands of Chinese tourists have reportedly canceled trips to Japan.不言而喻，这些警示正让中国民众重新考虑赴日留学或旅行。据报道，目前已有数以万计的中国游客取消赴日行程。And Japan's self-made troubles do not end there. On Wednesday, Mao Ning, a spokeswoman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, said that under the current circumstances, even if Japanese seafood were exported to China, there would be no market for it. She also stressed that if Japan continues on its erroneous course, China will have no choice but to take severe and resolute countermeasures.日本自造的麻烦还不止这些。周三，中国外交部发言人毛宁表示，在当前情况下，即便日本水产品出口至中国，也不会有市场。她强调，如果日方继续在错误道路上滑行，中方将不得不采取严厉而坚决的反制措施。Japan should bear all the consequences of Takaichi's irresponsible remarks. Her attempts to distort, deny and glorify Japan's history of aggression and colonial rule and the ascendancy of ultrarightist sentiment in Japan have produced an international wave of concern at the possible consequences of militarism raising its ugly head in Japan again.日本应承担高市不负责任言论造成的全部后果。她试图歪曲、否认并美化日本侵略与殖民统治历史，加之日本国内极右势力抬头，引发了国际社会对日本军国主义可能再次抬头的强烈担忧。Japan's history of aggression has left lasting scars on neighboring countries, and its stubborn unwillingness to reflect on its wrongdoings has led to them festering. Takaichi's whitewashing of Japan's historical aggression and her accelerated remilitarization agenda have only served to rub more salt in the wounds.日本的侵略历史给周边国家留下深重伤痕，而其长期拒绝反省的态度让这些伤痕不断恶化。高市对白洗日本侵略历史的行为，以及她推动的加速军事化议程，无异于在伤口上撒盐。Takaichi's rhetoric in the Japanese parliament that the Dokdo islands, or Takeshima islets as the Japanese call them, are Japan's "inherent territory" has sparked anger in the Republic of Korea. The ROK's Foreign Ministry responded quickly by summoning the Japanese ambassador to Seoul to lodge a protest, strongly urging Japan to correct its erroneous stance.高市在日本国会声称独岛（日本称竹岛）是日本“固有领土”的言论，引发韩国强烈不满。韩国外交部迅速召见日本驻韩大使提出严正抗议，强烈敦促日方纠正错误立场。Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova also said that Japanese militarism brought profound disasters to Asia and the world, and caused Japan to pay a heavy price. She urged Takaichi and her like-minded Japanese politicians to deeply reflect on history and be wary of the serious consequences that their erroneous words and actions may cause.俄罗斯外交部发言人扎哈罗娃也表示，日本军国主义曾给亚洲和世界带来深重灾难，并让日本付出惨重代价。她敦促高市及其同类政客深刻反省历史，警惕其错误言行可能造成的严重后果。Despite the regional alarm, it seems Takaichi is determined to continue down the wrong path: According to Japanese media reports, under growing pressure from nationalist conservatives, she is considering paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine, which honors convicted war criminals among others, next month. Something most previous Japanese leaders have refrained from doing in their official capacity as prime minister.尽管区域国家已纷纷示警，但高市似乎仍执意走在错误道路上：据日本媒体报道，在民族主义保守派的压力下，她正考虑下月以首相身份参拜供奉有甲级战犯的靖国神社——这是大多数历任日本首相都避免在任内进行的行为。The Japanese leader should know that such a visit will drag Japan into an abyss of mistrust. "Normalization" will be an even more elusive aspiration for Japan if Takaichi continues on her current trajectory.日本领导人应当明白，此类行为将把日本拖入不信任的深渊。如果高市继续沿着当前路线前行，日本所谓“正常化”的愿望将更加遥不可及。an affront to 冒犯...run counter to 与……背道而驰；违反……rub salt in the wounds在伤口上撒盐drag ... into an abyss of mistrust将……拖入不信任的深渊（常用于评论类文章形容外交或关系迅速恶化）

CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR 1900 KYIV THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS THAT CONGRESS IS CAPABLE OF CUTTING SPENDING..... 10-8-25 FIRST HOUR 9-915 HEADLINE: Arab Intellectuals Fail Palestinians by Prioritizing Populism and Victimhood Narrative in Gaza ConflictGUEST NAME: Hussain Abdul-Hussain SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Hussain Abdul-Hussain about Hamas utilizing the power of victimhood to justify atrocities and vilify opponents. Arab and Muslim intellectuals have failed Palestinians by prioritizing populism over introspection and self-critique. Regional actors like Egypt prioritize populist narratives over national interests, exemplified by refusing to open the Sinai border despite humanitarian suffering. The key recommendation is challenging the narrative and fostering a reliable, mature Palestinian government. 915-930 HEADLINE: Arab Intellectuals Fail Palestinians by Prioritizing Populism and Victimhood Narrative in Gaza ConflictGUEST NAME: Hussain Abdul-Hussain SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Hussain Abdul-Hussain about Hamas utilizing the power of victimhood to justify atrocities and vilify opponents. Arab and Muslim intellectuals have failed Palestinians by prioritizing populism over introspection and self-critique. Regional actors like Egypt prioritize populist narratives over national interests, exemplified by refusing to open the Sinai border despite humanitarian suffering. The key recommendation is challenging the narrative and fostering a reliable, mature Palestinian government. 930-945 HEADLINE: Russian Oil and Gas Revenue Squeezed as Prices Drop, Turkey Shifts to US LNG, and China Delays Pipeline GUEST NAME: Michael Bernstam SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Michael Bernstam about Russia facing severe budget pressure due to declining oil prices projected to reach $40 per barrel for Russian oil and global oil surplus. Turkey, a major buyer, is abandoning Russian natural gas after signing a 20-year LNG contract with the US. Russia refuses Indian rupee payments, demanding Chinese renminbi, which India lacks. China has stalled the major Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline project indefinitely. Russia utilizes stablecoin and Bitcoin via Central Asian banks to circumvent payment sanctions. 945-1000 HEADLINE: UN Snapback Sanctions Imposed on Iran; Debate Over Nuclear Dismantlement and Enrichment GUEST NAME: Andrea Stricker SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Andrea Stricker about the US and Europe securing the snapback of UN sanctions against Iran after 2015 JCPOA restrictions expired. Iran's non-compliance with inspection demands triggered these severe sanctions. The discussion covers the need for full dismantlement of Iran's nuclear program, including both enrichment and weaponization capabilities, to avoid future conflict. Concerns persist about Iran potentially retaining enrichment capabilities through low-level enrichment proposals and its continued non-cooperation with IAEA inspections. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 HEADLINE: Commodities Rise and UK Flag Controversy: French Weather, Market Trends, and British Politics GUEST NAME: Simon Constable SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Simon Constable about key commodities like copper up 16% and steel up 15% signaling strong economic demand. Coffee prices remain very high at 52% increase. The conversation addresses French political turmoil, though non-citizens cannot vote. In the UK, the St. George's flag has become highly controversial, viewed by some as associated with racism, unlike the Union Jack. This flag controversy reflects a desire among segments like the white working class to assert English identity. 1015-1030 HEADLINE: Commodities Rise and UK Flag Controversy: French Weather, Market Trends, and British Politics GUEST NAME: Simon Constable SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Simon Constable about key commodities like copper up 16% and steel up 15% signaling strong economic demand. Coffee prices remain very high at 52% increase. The conversation addresses French political turmoil, though non-citizens cannot vote. In the UK, the St. George's flag has become highly controversial, viewed by some as associated with racism, unlike the Union Jack. This flag controversy reflects a desire among segments like the white working class to assert English identity. 1030-1045 HEADLINE: China's Economic Contradictions: Deflation and Consumer Wariness Undermine GDP Growth ClaimsGUEST NAME: Fraser Howie SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Fraser Howie about China facing severe economic contradictions despite high World Bank forecasts. Deflation remains rampant with frequently negative CPI and PPI figures. Consumer wariness and high youth unemployment at one in seven persist throughout the economy. The GDP growth figure is viewed as untrustworthy, manufactured through debt in a command economy. Decreased container ship arrivals point to limited actual growth, exacerbated by higher US tariffs. Economic reforms appear unlikely as centralization under Xi Jinping continues. 1045-1100 HEADLINE: Takaichi Sanae Elected LDP Head, Faces Coalition Challenge to Become Japan's First Female Prime Minister GUEST NAME: Lance Gatling SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Lance Gatling about Takaichi Sanae being elected head of Japan's LDP, positioning her to potentially become the first female Prime Minister. A conservative figure, she supports visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. Her immediate challenge is forming a majority coalition, as the junior partner Komeito disagrees with her conservative positions and social policies. President Trump praised her election, signaling potential for strong bilateral relations. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 VHEADLINE: DeepSeek AI: Chinese LLM Performance and Security Flaws Revealed Amid Semiconductor Export Circumvention GUEST NAME: Jack Burnham SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Jack Burnham about competition in Large Language Models between the US and China's DeepSeek. A NIST study found US models superior in software engineering, though DeepSeek showed parity in scientific questions. Critically, DeepSeek models exhibited significant security flaws. China attempts to circumvent US export controls on GPUs by smuggling and using cloud computing centers in Southeast Asia. Additionally, China aims to dominate global telecommunications through control of supply chains and legal mechanisms granting the CCP access to firm data.E V 1115-1130 HEADLINE: DeepSeek AI: Chinese LLM Performance and Security Flaws Revealed Amid Semiconductor Export Circumvention GUEST NAME: Jack Burnham SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Jack Burnham about competition in Large Language Models between the US and China's DeepSeek. A NIST study found US models superior in software engineering, though DeepSeek showed parity in scientific questions. Critically, DeepSeek models exhibited significant security flaws. China attempts to circumvent US export controls on GPUs by smuggling and using cloud computing centers in Southeast Asia. Additionally, China aims to dominate global telecommunications through control of supply chains and legal mechanisms granting the CCP access to firm data. 1130-1145 HEADLINE: Taiwanese Influencer Charged for Threatening President; Mainland Chinese Influence Tactics ExposedGUEST NAME: Mark Simon SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Mark Simon about internet personality Holger Chen under investigation in Taiwan for calling for President William Lai's decapitation. This highlights mainland Chinese influence operations utilizing influencers who push themes of military threat and Chinese greatness. Chen is suspected of having a mainland-affiliated paymaster due to lack of local commercial support. Taiwan's population primarily identifies as Taiwanese and is unnerved by constant military threats. A key propaganda goal is convincing Taiwan that the US will not intervene. 1145-1200 HEADLINE: Sentinel ICBM Modernization is Critical and Cost-Effective Deterrent Against Great Power CompetitionGUEST NAME: Peter Huessy SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Peter Huessy about the Sentinel program replacing aging 55-year-old Minuteman ICBMs, aiming for lower operating costs and improved capabilities. Cost overruns stem from necessary infrastructure upgrades, including replacing thousands of miles of digital command and control cabling and building new silos. Maintaining the ICBM deterrent is financially and strategically crucial, saving hundreds of billions compared to relying solely on submarines. The need for modernization reflects the end of the post-Cold War "holiday from history," requiring rebuilding against threats from China and Russia. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 HEADLINE: Supreme Court Battles Over Presidential Impoundment Authority and the Separation of Powers GUEST NAME: Josh Blackman SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Josh Blackman about Supreme Court eras focusing on the separation of powers. Currently, the court is addressing presidential impoundment—the executive's authority to withhold appropriated funds. Earlier rulings, particularly 1975's Train v. City of New York, constrained this power. The Roberts Court appears sympathetic to reclaiming presidential authority lost during the Nixon era. The outcome of this ongoing litigation will determine the proper balance between executive and legislative branches. 1215-1230 HEADLINE: Supreme Court Battles Over Presidential Impoundment Authority and the Separation of Powers GUEST NAME: Josh Blackman SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Josh Blackman about Supreme Court eras focusing on the separation of powers. Currently, the court is addressing presidential impoundment—the executive's authority to withhold appropriated funds. Earlier rulings, particularly 1975's Train v. City of New York, constrained this power. The Roberts Court appears sympathetic to reclaiming presidential authority lost during the Nixon era. The outcome of this ongoing litigation will determine the proper balance between executive and legislative branches. 1230-1245 HEADLINE: Space Force Awards Contracts to SpaceX and ULA; Juno Mission Ending, Launch Competition Heats UpGUEST NAME: Bob Zimmerman SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Bob Zimmerman about Space Force awarding over $1 billion in launch contracts to SpaceX for five launches and ULA for two launches, highlighting growing demand for launch services. ULA's non-reusable rockets contrast with SpaceX's cheaper, reusable approach, while Blue Origin continues to lag behind. Other developments include Firefly entering defense contracting through its Scitec acquisition, Rocket Lab securing additional commercial launches, and the likely end of the long-running Juno Jupiter mission due to budget constraints. 1245-100 AM HEADLINE: Space Force Awards Contracts to SpaceX and ULA; Juno Mission Ending, Launch Competition Heats UpGUEST NAME: Bob Zimmerman SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Bob Zimmerman about Space Force awarding over $1 billion in launch contracts to SpaceX for five launches and ULA for two launches, highlighting growing demand for launch services. ULA's non-reusable rockets contrast with SpaceX's cheaper, reusable approach, while Blue Origin continues to lag behind. Other developments include Firefly entering defense contracting through its Scitec acquisition, Rocket Lab securing additional commercial launches, and the likely end of the long-running Juno Jupiter mission due to budget constraints.

HEADLINE: Takaichi Sanae Elected LDP Head, Faces Coalition Challenge to Become Japan's First Female Prime Minister GUEST NAME: Lance Gatling SUMMARY: John Batchelor speaks with Lance Gatling about Takaichi Sanae being elected head of Japan's LDP, positioning her to potentially become the first female Prime Minister. A conservative figure, she supports visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. Her immediate challenge is forming a majority coalition, as the junior partner Komeito disagrees with her conservative positions and social policies. President Trump praised her election, signaling potential for strong bilateral relations.

Last time we spoke about the surrender of Japan. Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender on August 15, prompting mixed public reactions: grief, shock, and sympathy for the Emperor, tempered by fear of hardship and occupation. The government's response included resignations and suicide as new leadership was brought in under Prime Minister Higashikuni, with Mamoru Shigemitsu as Foreign Minister and Kawabe Torashiro heading a delegation to Manila. General MacArthur directed the occupation plan, “Blacklist,” prioritizing rapid, phased entry into key Japanese areas and Korea, while demobilizing enemy forces. The surrender ceremony occurred aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, with Wainwright, Percival, Nimitz, and UN representatives in attendance. Civilians and soldiers across Asia began surrendering, and postwar rehabilitation, Indochina and Vietnam's independence movements, and Southeast Asian transitions rapidly unfolded as Allied forces established control. This episode is the Aftermath of the Pacific War Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  The Pacific War has ended. Peace has been restored by the Allies and most of the places conquered by the Japanese Empire have been liberated. In this post-war period, new challenges would be faced for those who won the war; and from the ashes of an empire, a defeated nation was also seeking to rebuild. As the Japanese demobilized their armed forces, many young boys were set to return to their homeland, even if they had previously thought that they wouldn't survive the ordeal. And yet, there were some cases of isolated men that would continue to fight for decades even, unaware that the war had already ended.  As we last saw, after the Japanese surrender, General MacArthur's forces began the occupation of the Japanese home islands, while their overseas empire was being dismantled by the Allies. To handle civil administration, MacArthur established the Military Government Section, commanded by Brigadier-General William Crist, staffed by hundreds of US experts trained in civil governance who were reassigned from Okinawa and the Philippines. As the occupation began, Americans dispatched tactical units and Military Government Teams to each prefecture to ensure that policies were faithfully carried out. By mid-September, General Eichelberger's 8th Army had taken over the Tokyo Bay region and began deploying to occupy Hokkaido and the northern half of Honshu. Then General Krueger's 6th Army arrived in late September, taking southern Honshu and Shikoku, with its base in Kyoto. In December, 6th Army was relieved of its occupation duties; in January 1946, it was deactivated, leaving the 8th Army as the main garrison force. By late 1945, about 430,000 American soldiers were garrisoned across Japan. President Truman approved inviting Allied involvement on American terms, with occupation armies integrated into a US command structure. Yet with the Chinese civil war and Russia's reluctance to place its forces under MacArthur's control, only Australia, Britain, India, and New Zealand sent brigades, more than 40,000 troops in southwestern Japan. Japanese troops were gradually disarmed by order of their own commanders, so the stigma of surrender would be less keenly felt by the individual soldier. In the homeland, about 1.5 million men were discharged and returned home by the end of August. Demobilization overseas, however, proceeded, not quickly, but as a long, difficult process of repatriation. In compliance with General Order No. 1, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters disbanded on September 13 and was superseded by the Japanese War Department to manage demobilization. By November 1, the homeland had demobilized 2,228,761 personnel, roughly 97% of the Homeland Army. Yet some 6,413,215 men remained to be repatriated from overseas. On December 1, the Japanese War Ministry dissolved, and the First Demobilization Ministry took its place. The Second Demobilization Ministry was established to handle IJN demobilization, with 1,299,868 sailors, 81% of the Navy, demobilized by December 17. Japanese warships and merchant ships had their weapons rendered inoperative, and suicide craft were destroyed. Forty percent of naval vessels were allocated to evacuations in the Philippines, and 60% to evacuations of other Pacific islands. This effort eventually repatriated about 823,984 men to Japan by February 15, 1946. As repatriation accelerated, by October 15 only 1,909,401 men remained to be repatriated, most of them in the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Higashikuni Cabinet and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru managed to persuade MacArthur not to impose direct military rule or martial law over all of Japan. Instead, the occupation would be indirect, guided by the Japanese government under the Emperor's direction. An early decision to feed occupation forces from American supplies, and to allow the Japanese to use their own limited food stores, helped ease a core fear: that Imperial forces would impose forced deliveries on the people they conquered. On September 17, MacArthur transferred his headquarters from Yokohama to Tokyo, setting up primary offices on the sixth floor of the Dai-Ichi Mutual Life Insurance Building, an imposing edifice overlooking the moat and the Imperial palace grounds in Hibiya, a symbolic heart of the nation.  While the average soldier did not fit the rapacious image of wartime Japanese propagandists, occupation personnel often behaved like neo-colonial overlords. The conquerors claimed privileges unimaginable to most Japanese. Entire trains and train compartments, fitted with dining cars, were set aside for the exclusive use of occupation forces. These silenced, half-empty trains sped past crowded platforms, provoking ire as Japanese passengers were forced to enter and exit packed cars through punched-out windows, or perch on carriage roofs, couplings, and running boards, often with tragic consequences. The luxury express coaches became irresistible targets for anonymous stone-throwers. During the war, retrenchment measures had closed restaurants, cabarets, beer halls, geisha houses, and theatres in Tokyo and other large cities. Now, a vast leisure industry sprang up to cater to the needs of the foreign occupants. Reopened restaurants and theatres, along with train stations, buses, and streetcars, were sometimes kept off limits to Allied personnel, partly for security, partly to avoid burdening Japanese resources, but a costly service infrastructure was built to the occupiers' specifications. Facilities reserved for occupation troops bore large signs reading “Japanese Keep Out” or “For Allied Personnel Only.” In downtown Tokyo, important public buildings requisitioned for occupation use had separate entrances for Americans and Japanese. The effect? A subtle but clear colour bar between the predominantly white conquerors and the conquered “Asiatic” Japanese. Although MacArthur was ready to work through the Japanese government, he lacked the organizational infrastructure to administer a nation of 74 million. Consequently, on October 2, MacArthur dissolved the Military Government Section and inaugurated General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, a separate headquarters focused on civil affairs and operating in tandem with the Army high command. SCAP immediately assumed responsibility for administering the Japanese home islands. It commandeered every large building not burned down to house thousands of civilians and requisitioned vast tracts of prime real estate to quarter several hundred thousand troops in the Tokyo–Yokohama area alone. Amidst the rise of American privilege, entire buildings were refurbished as officers' clubs, replete with slot machines and gambling parlours installed at occupation expense. The Stars and Stripes were hoisted over Tokyo, while the display of the Rising Sun was banned; and the downtown area, known as “Little America,” was transformed into a US enclave. The enclave mentality of this cocooned existence was reinforced by the arrival within the first six months of roughly 700 American families. At the peak of the occupation, about 14,800 families employed some 25,000 Japanese servants to ease the “rigours” of overseas duty. Even enlisted men in the sparse quonset-hut towns around the city lived like kings compared with ordinary Japanese. Japanese workers cleaned barracks, did kitchen chores, and handled other base duties. The lowest private earned a 25% hardship bonus until these special allotments were discontinued in 1949. Most military families quickly adjusted to a pampered lifestyle that went beyond maids and “boys,” including cooks, laundresses, babysitters, gardeners, and masseuses. Perks included spacious quarters with swimming pools, central heating, hot running water, and modern plumbing. Two observers compared GHQ to the British Raj at its height. George F. Kennan, head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, warned during his 1948 mission to Japan that Americans had monopolized “everything that smacks of comfort or elegance or luxury,” criticizing what he called the “American brand of philistinism” and the “monumental imperviousness” of MacArthur's staff to the Japanese suffering. This conqueror's mentality also showed in the bullying attitudes many top occupation officials displayed toward the Japanese with whom they dealt. Major Faubion Bowers, MacArthur's military secretary, later said, “I and nearly all the occupation people I knew were extremely conceited and extremely arrogant and used our power every inch of the way.” Initially, there were spasms of defiance against the occupation forces, such as anonymous stone-throwing, while armed robbery and minor assaults against occupation personnel were rife in the weeks and months after capitulation. Yet active resistance was neither widespread nor organized. The Americans successfully completed their initial deployment without violence, an astonishing feat given a heavily armed and vastly superior enemy operating on home terrain. The average citizen regarded the occupation as akin to force majeure, the unfortunate but inevitable aftermath of a natural calamity. Japan lay prostrate. Industrial output had fallen to about 10% of pre-war levels, and as late as 1946, more than 13 million remained unemployed. Nearly 40% of Japan's urban areas had been turned to rubble, and some 9 million people were homeless. The war-displaced, many of them orphans, slept in doorways and hallways, in bombed-out ruins, dugouts and packing crates, under bridges or on pavements, and crowded the hallways of train and subway stations. As winter 1945 descended, with food, fuel, and clothing scarce, people froze to death. Bonfires lit the streets to ward off the chill. "The only warm hands I have shaken thus far in Japan belonged to Americans," Mark Gayn noted in December 1945. "The Japanese do not have much of a chance to thaw out, and their hands are cold and red." Unable to afford shoes, many wore straw sandals; those with geta felt themselves privileged. The sight of a man wearing a woman's high-buttoned shoes in winter epitomized the daily struggle to stay dry and warm. Shantytowns built of scrap wood, rusted metal, and scavenged odds and ends sprang up everywhere, resembling vast junk yards. The poorest searched smouldering refuse heaps for castoffs that might be bartered for a scrap to eat or wear. Black markets (yami'ichi) run by Japanese, Koreans, and For-mosans mushroomed to replace collapsed distribution channels and cash in on inflated prices. Tokyo became "a world of scarcity in which every nail, every rag, and even a tangerine peel [had a] market value." Psychologically numbed, disoriented, and disillusioned with their leaders, demobilized veterans and civilians alike struggled to get their bearings, shed militaristic ideologies, and begin to embrace new values. In the vacuum of defeat, the Japanese people appeared ready to reject the past and grasp at the straw held out by the former enemy. Relations between occupier and occupied were not smooth, however. American troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Much of the violence was directed against women, with the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advance units. When US paratroopers landed in Sapporo, an orgy of looting, sexual violence, and drunken brawling ensued. Newspaper accounts reported 931 serious offences by GIs in the Yokohama area during the first week of occupation, including 487 armed robberies, 411 thefts of currency or goods, 9 rapes, 5 break-ins, 3 cases of assault and battery, and 16 other acts of lawlessness. In the first 10 days of occupation, there were 1,336 reported rapes by US soldiers in Kanagawa Prefecture alone. Americans were not the only perpetrators. A former prostitute recalled that when Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they “dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.” Such behaviour was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by occupation forces was quickly suppressed. On September 10, 1945, SCAP issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of reports and statistics "inimical to the objectives of the occupation." In the sole instance of self-help General Eichelberger records in his memoirs, when locals formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, 8th Army ordered armored vehicles into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms. Misbehavior ranged from black-market activity, petty theft, reckless driving, and disorderly conduct to vandalism, arson, murder, and rape. Soldiers and sailors often broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape, and even murder were widely reported. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent; victims, shunned as outcasts, sometimes turned to prostitution in desperation, while others took their own lives to avoid bringing shame to their families. Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for these offenses and convicted even fewer; Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely, and restitution for victims was rare. Fearing the worst, Japanese authorities had already prepared countermeasures against the supposed rapacity of foreign soldiers. Imperial troops in East Asia and the Pacific had behaved brutally toward women, so the government established “sexual comfort-stations” manned by geisha, bar hostesses, and prostitutes to “satisfy the lust of the Occupation forces,” as the Higashikuni Cabinet put it. A budget of 100 million yen was set aside for these Recreation and Amusement Associations, financed initially with public funds but run as private enterprises under police supervision. Through these, the government hoped to protect the daughters of the well-born and middle class by turning to lower-class women to satisfy the soldiers' sexual appetites. By the end of 1945, brothel operators had rounded up an estimated 20,000 young women and herded them into RAA establishments nationwide. Eventually, as many as 70,000 are said to have ended up in the state-run sex industry. Thankfully, as military discipline took hold and fresh troops replaced the Allied veterans responsible for the early crime wave, violence subsided and the occupier's patronising behavior and the ugly misdeeds of a lawless few were gradually overlooked. However, fraternisation was frowned upon by both sides, and segregation was practiced in principle, with the Japanese excluded from areas reserved for Allied personnel until September 1949, when MacArthur lifted virtually all restrictions on friendly association, stating that he was “establishing the same relations between occupation personnel and the Japanese population as exists between troops stationed in the United States and the American people.” In principle, the Occupation's administrative structure was highly complex. The Far Eastern Commission, based in Washington, included representatives from all 13 countries that had fought against Japan and was established in 1946 to formulate basic principles. The Allied Council for Japan was created in the same year to assist in developing and implementing surrender terms and in administering the country. It consisted of representatives from the USA, the USSR, Nationalist China, and the British Commonwealth. Although both bodies were active at first, they were largely ineffectual due to unwieldy decision-making, disagreements between the national delegations (especially the USA and USSR), and the obstructionism of General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, SCAP, the executive authority of the occupation, effectively ruled Japan from 1945 to 1952. And since it took orders only from the US government, the Occupation became primarily an American affair. The US occupation program, effectively carried out by SCAP, was revolutionary and rested on a two-pronged approach. To ensure Japan would never again become a menace to the United States or to world peace, SCAP pursued disarmament and demilitarization, with continuing control over Japan's capacity to make war. This involved destroying military supplies and installations, demobilizing more than five million Japanese soldiers, and thoroughly discrediting the military establishment. Accordingly, SCAP ordered the purge of tens of thousands of designated persons from public service positions, including accused war criminals, military officers, leaders of ultranationalist societies, leaders in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, business leaders tied to overseas expansion, governors of former Japanese colonies, and national leaders who had steered Japan into war. In addition, MacArthur's International Military Tribunal for the Far East established a military court in Tokyo. It had jurisdiction over those charged with Class A crimes, top leaders who had planned and directed the war. Also considered were Class B charges, covering conventional war crimes, and Class C charges, covering crimes against humanity. Yet the military court in Tokyo wouldn't be the only one. More than 5,700 lower-ranking personnel were charged with conventional war crimes in separate trials convened by Australia, China, France, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Of the 5,700 Japanese individuals indicted for Class B war crimes, 984 were sentenced to death; 475 received life sentences; 2,944 were given more limited prison terms; 1,018 were acquitted; and 279 were never brought to trial or not sentenced. Among these, many, like General Ando Rikichi and Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, chose to commit suicide before facing prosecution. Notable cases include Lieutenant-General Tani Hisao, who was sentenced to death by the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal for his role in the Nanjing Massacre; Lieutenant-General Sakai Takashi, who was executed in Nanjing for the murder of British and Chinese civilians during the occupation of Hong Kong. General Okamura Yasuji was convicted of war crimes by the Tribunal, yet he was immediately protected by the personal order of Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek, who kept him as a military adviser for the Kuomintang. In the Manila trials, General Yamashita Tomoyuki was sentenced to death as he was in overall command during the Sook Ching massacre, the Rape of Manila, and other atrocities. Lieutenant-General Homma Masaharu was likewise executed in Manila for atrocities committed by troops under his command during the Bataan Death March. General Imamura Hitoshi was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he considered the punishment too light and even had a replica of the prison built in his garden, remaining there until his death in 1968. Lieutenant-General Kanda Masatane received a 14-year sentence for war crimes on Bougainville, though he served only four years. Lieutenant-General Adachi Hatazo was sentenced to life imprisonment for war crimes in New Guinea and subsequently committed suicide on September 10, 1947. Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro received three years of forced labour for using a hospital ship to transport troops. Lieutenant-General Baba Masao was sentenced to death for ordering the Sandakan Death Marches, during which over 2,200 Australian and British prisoners of war perished. Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake was sentenced to death by a Dutch military tribunal for unspecified war crimes. Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu was executed in Guam for ordering the Wake Island massacre, in which 98 American civilians were murdered. Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae was condemned to death in Guam for permitting subordinates to execute three downed American airmen captured in Palau, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1951 and he was released in 1953. Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio was sentenced to death in Guam for his role in the Chichijima Incident, in which eight American airmen were cannibalized. By mid-1945, due to the Allied naval blockade, the 25,000 Japanese troops on Chichijima had run low on supplies. However, although the daily rice ration had been reduced from 400 grams per person per day to 240 grams, the troops were not at risk of starvation. In February and March 1945, in what would later be called the Chichijima incident, Tachibana Yoshio's senior staff turned to cannibalism. Nine American airmen had escaped from their planes after being shot down during bombing raids on Chichijima, eight of whom were captured. The ninth, the only one to evade capture, was future US President George H. W. Bush, then a 20-year-old pilot. Over several months, the prisoners were executed, and reportedly by the order of Major Matoba Sueyo, their bodies were butchered by the division's medical orderlies, with the livers and other organs consumed by the senior staff, including Matoba's superior Tachibana. In the Yokohama War Crimes Trials, Lieutenant-Generals Inada Masazumi and Yokoyama Isamu were convicted for their complicity in vivisection and other human medical experiments performed at Kyushu Imperial University on downed Allied airmen. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, which began in May 1946 and lasted two and a half years, resulted in the execution by hanging of Generals Doihara Kenji and Itagaki Seishiro, and former Prime Ministers Hirota Koki and Tojo Hideki, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace, specifically for the escalation of the Pacific War and for permitting the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war. Also sentenced to death were Lieutenant-General Muto Akira for his role in the Nanjing and Manila massacres; General Kimura Heitaro for planning the war strategy in China and Southeast Asia and for laxity in preventing atrocities against prisoners of war in Burma; and General Matsui Iwane for his involvement in the Rape of Nanjing. The seven defendants who were sentenced to death were executed at Sugamo Prison in Ikebukuro on December 23, 1948. Sixteen others were sentenced to life imprisonment, including the last Field Marshal Hata Shunroku, Generals Araki Sadao, Minami Hiro, and Umezu Shojiro, Admiral Shimada Shigetaro, former Prime Ministers Hiranuma Kiichiro and Koiso Kuniaki, Marquis Kido Koichi, and Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro, a major instigator of the second Sino-Japanese War. Additionally, former Foreign Ministers Togo Shigenori and Shigemitsu Mamoru received seven- and twenty-year sentences, respectively. The Soviet Union and Chinese Communist forces also held trials of Japanese war criminals, including the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials, which tried and found guilty some members of Japan's bacteriological and chemical warfare unit known as Unit 731. However, those who surrendered to the Americans were never brought to trial, as MacArthur granted immunity to Lieutenant-General Ishii Shiro and all members of the bacteriological research units in exchange for germ-w warfare data derived from human experimentation. If you would like to learn more about what I like to call Japan's Operation Paper clip, whereupon the US grabbed many scientists from Unit 731, check out my exclusive podcast. The SCAP-turn to democratization began with the drafting of a new constitution in 1947, addressing Japan's enduring feudal social structure. In the charter, sovereignty was vested in the people, and the emperor was designated a “symbol of the state and the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power.” Because the emperor now possessed fewer powers than European constitutional monarchs, some have gone so far as to say that Japan became “a republic in fact if not in name.” Yet the retention of the emperor was, in fact, a compromise that suited both those who wanted to preserve the essence of the nation for stability and those who demanded that the emperor system, though not necessarily the emperor, should be expunged. In line with the democratic spirit of the new constitution, the peerage was abolished and the two-chamber Diet, to which the cabinet was now responsible, became the highest organ of state. The judiciary was made independent and local autonomy was granted in vital areas of jurisdiction such as education and the police. Moreover, the constitution stipulated that “the people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human rights,” that they “shall be respected as individuals,” and that “their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall … be the supreme consideration in legislation.” Its 29 articles guaranteed basic human rights: equality, freedom from discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status or family origin, freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Finally, in its most controversial section, Article 9, the “peace clause,” Japan “renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation” and vowed not to maintain any military forces and “other war potential.” To instill a thoroughly democratic ethos, reforms touched every facet of society. The dissolution of the zaibatsu decentralised economic power; the 1945 Labour Union Law and the 1946 Labour Relations Act guaranteed workers the right to collective action; the 1947 Labour Standards Law established basic working standards for men and women; and the revised Civil Code of 1948 abolished the patriarchal household and enshrined sexual equality. Reflecting core American principles, SCAP introduced a 6-3-3 schooling system, six years of compulsory elementary education, three years of junior high, and an optional three years of senior high, along with the aim of secular, locally controlled education. More crucially, ideological reform followed: censorship of feudal material in media, revision of textbooks, and prohibition of ideas glorifying war, dying for the emperor, or venerating war heroes. With women enfranchised and young people shaped to counter militarism and ultranationalism, rural Japan was transformed to undermine lingering class divisions. The land reform program provided for the purchase of all land held by absentee landlords, allowed resident landlords and owner-farmers to retain a set amount of land, and required that the remaining land be sold to the government so it could be offered to existing tenants. In 1948, amid the intensifying tensions of the Cold War that would soon culminate in the Korean War, the occupation's focus shifted from demilitarization and democratization toward economic rehabilitation and, ultimately, the remilitarization of Japan, an shift now known as the “Reverse Course.” The country was thus rebuilt as the Pacific region's primary bulwark against the spread of Communism. An Economic Stabilisation Programme was introduced, including a five-year plan to coordinate production and target capital through the Reconstruction Finance Bank. In 1949, the anti-inflationary Dodge Plan was adopted, advocating balanced budgets, fixing the exchange rate at 360 yen to the dollar, and ending broad government intervention. Additionally, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry was formed and supported the formation of conglomerates centered around banks, which encouraged the reemergence of a somewhat weakened set of zaibatsu, including Mitsui and Mitsubishi. By the end of the Occupation era, Japan was on the verge of surpassing its 1934–1936 levels of economic growth. Equally important was Japan's rearmament in alignment with American foreign policy: a National Police Reserve of about 75,000 was created with the outbreak of the Korean War; by 1952 it had expanded to 110,000 and was renamed the Self-Defense Force after the inclusion of an air force. However, the Reverse Course also facilitated the reestablishment of conservative politics and the rollback of gains made by women and the reforms of local autonomy and education. As the Occupation progressed, the Americans permitted greater Japanese initiative, and power gradually shifted from the reformers to the moderates. By 1949, the purge of the right came under review, and many who had been condemned began returning to influence, if not to the Diet, then to behind-the-scenes power. At the same time, Japanese authorities, with MacArthur's support, began purging left-wing activists. In June 1950, for example, the central office of the Japan Communist Party and the editorial board of The Red Flag were purged. The gains made by women also seemed to be reversed. Women were elected to 8% of available seats in the first lower-house election in 1946, but to only 2% in 1952, a trend not reversed until the so-called Madonna Boom of the 1980s. Although the number of women voting continued to rise, female politicisation remained more superficial than might be imagined. Women's employment also appeared little affected by labour legislation: though women formed nearly 40% of the labor force in 1952, they earned only 45% as much as men. Indeed, women's attitudes toward labor were influenced less by the new ethos of fulfilling individual potential than by traditional views of family and workplace responsibilities. In the areas of local autonomy and education, substantial modifications were made to the reforms. Because local authorities lacked sufficient power to tax, they were unable to realise their extensive powers, and, as a result, key responsibilities were transferred back to national jurisdiction. In 1951, for example, 90% of villages and towns placed their police forces under the control of the newly formed National Police Agency. Central control over education was also gradually reasserted; in 1951, the Yoshida government attempted to reintroduce ethics classes, proposed tighter central oversight of textbooks, and recommended abolishing local school board elections. By the end of the decade, all these changes had been implemented. The Soviet occupation of the Kurile Islands and the Habomai Islets was completed with Russian troops fully deployed by September 5. Immediately after the onset of the occupation, amid a climate of insecurity and fear marked by reports of sporadic rape and physical assault and widespread looting by occupying troops, an estimated 4,000 islanders fled to Hokkaido rather than face an uncertain repatriation. As Soviet forces moved in, they seized or destroyed telephone and telegraph installations and halted ship movements into and out of the islands, leaving residents without adequate food and other winter provisions. Yet, unlike Manchuria, where Japanese civilians faced widespread sexual violence and pillage, systematic violence against the civilian population on the Kuriles appears to have been exceptional. A series of military government proclamations assured islanders of safety so long as they did not resist Soviet rule and carried on normally; however, these orders also prohibited activities not explicitly authorized by the Red Army, which imposed many hardships on civilians. Residents endured harsh conditions under Soviet rule until late 1948, when Japanese repatriation out of the Kurils was completed. The Kuriles posed a special diplomatic problem, as the occupation of the southernmost islands—the Northern Territories—ignited a long-standing dispute between Tokyo and Moscow that continues to impede the normalisation of relations today. Although the Kuriles were promised to the Soviet Union in the Yalta agreement, Japan and the United States argued that this did not apply to the Northern Territories, since they were not part of the Kurile Islands. A substantial dispute regarding the status of the Kurile Islands arose between the United States and the Soviet Union during the preparation of the Treaty of San Francisco, which was intended as a permanent peace treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers of World War II. The treaty was ultimately signed by 49 nations in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, and came into force on April 28, 1952. It ended Japan's role as an imperial power, allocated compensation to Allied nations and former prisoners of war who had suffered Japanese war crimes, ended the Allied post-war occupation of Japan, and returned full sovereignty to Japan. Effectively, the document officially renounced Japan's treaty rights derived from the Boxer Protocol of 1901 and its rights to Korea, Formosa and the Pescadores, the Kurile Islands, the Spratly Islands, Antarctica, and South Sakhalin. Japan's South Seas Mandate, namely the Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, and Caroline Islands, had already been formally revoked by the United Nations on July 18, 1947, making the United States responsible for administration of those islands under a UN trusteeship agreement that established the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In turn, the Bonin, Volcano, and Ryukyu Islands were progressively restored to Japan between 1953 and 1972, along with the Senkaku Islands, which were disputed by both Communist and Nationalist China. In addition, alongside the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan and the United States signed a Security Treaty that established a long-lasting military alliance between them. Although Japan renounced its rights to the Kuriles, the U.S. State Department later clarified that “the Habomai Islands and Shikotan ... are properly part of Hokkaido and that Japan is entitled to sovereignty over them,” hence why the Soviets refused to sign the treaty. Britain and the United States agreed that territorial rights would not be granted to nations that did not sign the Treaty of San Francisco, and as a result the Kurile Islands were not formally recognized as Soviet territory. A separate peace treaty, the Treaty of Taipei (formally the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty), was signed in Taipei on April 28, 1952 between Japan and the Kuomintang, and on June 9 of that year the Treaty of Peace Between Japan and India followed. Finally, Japan and the Soviet Union ended their formal state of war with the Soviet–Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, though this did not settle the Kurile Islands dispute. Even after these formal steps, Japan as a nation was not in a formal state of war, and many Japanese continued to believe the war was ongoing; those who held out after the surrender came to be known as Japanese holdouts.  Captain Oba Sakae and his medical company participated in the Saipan campaign beginning on July 7, 1944, and took part in what would become the largest banzai charge of the Pacific War. After 15 hours of intense hand-to-hand combat, almost 4,300 Japanese soldiers were dead, and Oba and his men were presumed among them. In reality, however, he survived the battle and gradually assumed command of over a hundred additional soldiers. Only five men from his original unit survived the battle, two of whom died in the following months. Oba then led over 200 Japanese civilians deeper into the jungles to evade capture, organizing them into mountain caves and hidden jungle villages. When the soldiers were not assisting the civilians with survival tasks, Oba and his men continued their battle against the garrison of US Marines. He used the 1,552‑ft Mount Tapochau as their primary base, which offered an unobstructed 360-degree view of the island. From their base camp on the western slope of the mountain, Oba and his men occasionally conducted guerrilla-style raids on American positions. Due to the speed and stealth of these operations, and the Marines' frustrated attempts to find him, the Saipan Marines eventually referred to Oba as “The Fox.” Oba and his men held out on the island for 512 days, or about 16 months. On November 27, 1945, former Major-General Amo Umahachi was able to draw out some of the Japanese in hiding by singing the anthem of the Japanese infantry branch. Amo was then able to present documents from the defunct IGHQ to Oba ordering him and his 46 remaining men to surrender themselves to the Americans. On December 1, the Japanese soldiers gathered on Tapochau and sang a song of departure to the spirits of the war dead; Oba led his people out of the jungle and they presented themselves to the Marines of the 18th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company. With great formality and commensurate dignity, Oba surrendered his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Howard G. Kirgis, and his men surrendered their arms and colors. On January 2, 1946, 20 Japanese soldiers hiding in a tunnel at Corregidor Island surrendered after learning the war had ended from a newspaper found while collecting water. In that same month, 120 Japanese were routed after a battle in the mountains 150 miles south of Manila. In April, during a seven-week campaign to clear Lubang Island, 41 more Japanese emerged from the jungle, unaware that the war had ended; however, a group of four Japanese continued to resist. In early 1947, Lieutenant Yamaguchi Ei and his band of 33 soldiers renewed fighting with the small Marine garrison on Peleliu, prompting reinforcements under Rear-Admiral Charles Pownall to be brought to the island to hunt down the guerrilla group. Along with them came former Rear-Admiral Sumikawa Michio, who ultimately convinced Yamaguchi to surrender in April after almost three years of guerrilla warfare. Also in April, seven Japanese emerged from Palawan Island and fifteen armed stragglers emerged from Luzon. In January 1948, 200 troops surrendered on Mindanao; and on May 12, the Associated Press reported that two unnamed Japanese soldiers had surrendered to civilian policemen in Guam the day before. On January 6, 1949, two former IJN soldiers, machine gunners Matsudo Rikio and Yamakage Kufuku, were discovered on Iwo Jima and surrendered peacefully. In March 1950, Private Akatsu Yūichi surrendered in the village of Looc, leaving only three Japanese still resisting on Lubang. By 1951 a group of Japanese on Anatahan Island refused to believe that the war was over and resisted every attempt by the Navy to remove them. This group was first discovered in February 1945, when several Chamorros from Saipan were sent to the island to recover the bodies of a Saipan-based B-29. The Chamorros reported that there were about thirty Japanese survivors from three ships sunk in June 1944, one of which was an Okinawan woman. Personal aggravations developed from the close confines of a small group on a small island and from tuba drinking; among the holdouts, 6 of 11 deaths were the result of violence, and one man displayed 13 knife wounds. The presence of only one woman, Higa Kazuko, caused considerable difficulty as she would transfer her affections among at least four men after each of them mysteriously disappeared, purportedly “swallowed by the waves while fishing.” According to the more sensational versions of the Anatahan tale, 11 of the 30 navy sailors stranded on the island died due to violent struggles over her affections. In July 1950, Higa went to the beach when an American vessel appeared offshore and finally asked to be removed from the island. She was taken to Saipan aboard the Miss Susie and, upon arrival, told authorities that the men on the island did not believe the war was over. As the Japanese government showed interest in the situation on Anatahan, the families of the holdouts were contacted in Japan and urged by the Navy to write letters stating that the war was over and that the holdouts should surrender. The letters were dropped by air on June 26 and ultimately convinced the holdouts to give themselves up. Thus, six years after the end of World War II, “Operation Removal” commenced from Saipan under the command of Lt. Commander James B. Johnson, USNR, aboard the Navy Tug USS Cocopa. Johnson and an interpreter went ashore by rubber boat and formally accepted the surrender on the morning of June 30, 1951. The Anatahan femme fatale story later inspired the 1953 Japanese film Anatahan and the 1998 novel Cage on the Sea. In 1953, Murata Susumu, the last holdout on Tinian, was finally captured. The next year, on May 7, Corporal Sumada Shoichi was killed in a clash with Filipino soldiers, leaving only two Japanese still resisting on Lubang. In November 1955, Seaman Kinoshita Noboru was captured in the Luzon jungle but soon after committed suicide rather than “return to Japan in defeat.” That same year, four Japanese airmen surrendered at Hollandia in Dutch New Guinea; and in 1956, nine soldiers were located and sent home from Morotai, while four men surrendered on Mindoro. In May 1960, Sergeant Ito Masashi became one of the last Japanese to surrender at Guam after the capture of his comrade Private Minagawa Bunzo, but the final surrender at Guam would come later with Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi. Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi survived in the jungles of Guam by living for years in an elaborately dug hole, subsisting on snails and lizards, a fate that, while undignified, showcased his ingenuity and resilience and earned him a warm welcome on his return to Japan. His capture was not heroic in the traditional sense: he was found half-starving by a group of villagers while foraging for shrimp in a stream, and the broader context included his awareness as early as 1952 that the war had ended. He explained that the wartime bushido code, emphasizing self-sacrifice or suicide rather than self-preservation, had left him fearing that repatriation would label him a deserter and likely lead to execution. Emerging from the jungle, Yokoi also became a vocal critic of Japan's wartime leadership, including Emperor Hirohito, which fits a view of him as a product of, and a prisoner within, his own education, military training, and the censorship and propaganda of the era. When asked by a young nephew how he survived so long on an island just a short distance from a major American airbase, he replied simply, “I was really good at hide and seek.”  That same year, Private Kozuka Kinshichi was killed in a shootout with Philippine police in October, leaving Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo still resisting on Lubang. Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo had been on Lubang since 1944, a few months before the Americans retook the Philippines. The last instructions he had received from his immediate superior ordered him to retreat to the interior of the island and harass the Allied occupying forces until the IJA eventually returned. Despite efforts by the Philippine Army, letters and newspapers left for him, radio broadcasts, and even a plea from Onoda's brother, he did not believe the war was over. On February 20, 1974, Onoda encountered a young Japanese university dropout named Suzuki Norio, who was traveling the world and had told friends that he planned to “look for Lieutenant Onoda, a panda, and the abominable snowman, in that order.” The two became friends, but Onoda stated that he was waiting for orders from one of his commanders. On March 9, 1974, Onoda went to an agreed-upon place and found a note left by Suzuki. Suzuki had brought along Onoda's former commander, Major Taniguchi, who delivered the oral orders for Onoda to surrender. Intelligence Officer 2nd Lt. Onoda Hiroo thus emerged from Lubang's jungle with his .25 caliber rifle, 500 rounds of ammunition, and several hand grenades. He surrendered 29 years after Japan's formal surrender, and 15 years after being declared legally dead in Japan. When he accepted that the war was over, he wept openly. He received a hero's welcome upon his return to Japan in 1974. The Japanese government offered him a large sum of money in back pay, which he refused. When money was pressed on him by well-wishers, he donated it to Yasukuni Shrine. Onoda was reportedly unhappy with the attention and what he saw as the withering of traditional Japanese values. He wrote No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War, a best-selling autobiography published in 1974. Yet the last Japanese to surrender would be Private Nakamura Teruo, an Amis aborigine from Formosa and a member of the Takasago Volunteers. Private Nakamura Teruo spent the tail end of World War II with a dwindling band on Morotai, repeatedly dispersing and reassembling in the jungle as they hunted for food. The group suffered continuous losses to starvation and disease, and survivors described Nakamura as highly self-sufficient. He left to live alone somewhere in the Morotai highlands between 1946 and 1947, rejoined the main group in 1950, and then disappeared again a few years later. Nakamura hinted in print that he fled into the jungle because he feared the other holdouts might murder him. He survives for decades beyond the war, eventually being found by 11 Indonesian soldiers. The emergence of an indigenous Taiwanese soldier among the search party embarrassed Japan as it sought to move past its imperial past. Many Japanese felt Nakamura deserved compensation for decades of loyalty, only to learn that his back pay for three decades of service amounted to 68,000 yen.   Nakamura's experience of peace was complex. When a journalist asked how he felt about “wasting” three decades of his life on Morotai, he replied that the years had not been wasted; he had been serving his country. Yet the country he returned to was Taiwan, and upon disembarking in Taipei in early January 1975, he learned that his wife had a son he had never met and that she had remarried a decade after his official death. Nakamura eventually lived with a daughter, and his story concluded with a bittersweet note when his wife reconsidered and reconciled with him. Several Japanese soldiers joined local Communist and insurgent groups after the war to avoid surrender. Notably, in 1956 and 1958, two soldiers returned to Japan after service in China's People's Liberation Army. Two others who defected with a larger group to the Malayan Communist Party around 1945 laid down their arms in 1989 and repatriated the next year, becoming among the last to return home. That is all for today, but fear not I will provide a few more goodies over the next few weeks. I will be releasing some of my exclusive podcast episodes from my youtube membership and patreon that are about pacific war subjects. Like I promised the first one will be on why Emperor Hirohito surrendered. Until then if you need your fix you know where to find me: eastern front week by week, fall and rise of china, echoes of war or on my Youtube membership of patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.

This episode looks at the courtroom drama that helped to shape Asia after World War II with Princeton University's Gary Bass. Far more than a simple account of justice served, the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal represents a fascinating intersection of international law, power politics, and competing visions of history that continues to reverberate through East Asian relations today.The tribunal tried 28 Japanese leaders for crimes that began long before Pearl Harbor. Imperial Japan's expansionist wars stretched back decades, leaving a trail of atrocities including the Nanjing Massacre where approximately 200,000 civilians were killed. Yet political calculations ensured Emperor Hirohito remained untouched, creating an enduring contradiction where his closest advisor received a life sentence while the monarch himself watched from his palace.Three defendants embody the trial's moral complexities: defiant Prime Minister Tojo Hideki who used his testimony to justify the war; the Emperor's advisor Kido Koichi who claimed to restrain militarists yet enabled their actions; and perhaps most poignantly, Foreign Minister Togo Shigenori who actively opposed the war, confronted military leadership, and later pushed for surrender—only to die in prison after conviction.What truly distinguishes this tribunal from Nuremberg is its contested legacy. While Germany embraced denazification, some Japanese war criminals later returned triumphantly to politics—including Kishi Nobusuke who became Prime Minister in 1957. His grandson, former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, continued questioning the tribunal's legitimacy decades later. Meanwhile, at the controversial Yasukuni Shrine, war criminals are venerated alongside fallen soldiers, revealing Japan's unresolved relationship with its imperial past.How do nations reconcile with dark chapters in their past? Can justice truly be served when political considerations shape legal proceedings? You can send a message to the show/feedback by clicking here. The system doesn't let me reply so if you need one please include your email.

AP correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports dozens of Japanese lawmakers have been praying at the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on Friday, as the country pays tribute to more than 3 million war dead, and marks its surrender 80 years ago, ending World War II.

As part of the events commemorating the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggressionfrom1931 to 1945 and the World Anti-Fascist War, many war-themed movies have or are going to hit cinema screens both at home and overseas.作为纪念1931年至1945年中国人民抗日战争和世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年活动的一部分，许多以战争为主题的电影已经或将要在国内外上映。Dead to Rights is one of them. Centered on the Nanjing Massacre, in just eight days since its July 25 release, the movie has become the top-grossing film of the country's summer box office, with revenues surpassing 1 billion yuan.南京照相馆就是其中之一。这部电影以南京大屠杀为中心，自7月25日上映以来仅八天，就成为中国夏季票房收入最高的电影，收入超过10亿元。Based on true events, the film follows a group of civilians in a Japanese-controlled photo studio in Nanjing, where, as they are forced to develop images for the occupiers, they secretly document the atrocities being carried out by the Japanese troops, risking their lives to preserve the evidence of Japanese war crimes.这部电影以真实事件为基础，讲述了一群平民在南京一家日本控制的摄影棚里，在那里，当他们被迫为占领者拍摄图像时，他们冒着生命危险，秘密记录了日本军队正在实施的暴行，以保存日本战争罪行的证据。Many moviegoers have attributed the film's success to its powerful storytelling and compelling performances, describing it as a vivid "history lesson" for the younger generation.许多影迷将这部电影的成功归功于其强大的故事讲述和引人注目的表演，称其为年轻一代生动的“历史课”。Another film, 731, which revisits the horrific World War II-era human experiments conducted by Japan's notorious biological and chemical warfare unit, the eponymous 731, is set to premiere on Sept 18, to coincide with the 94th anniversary of the Sept 18 Incident in 1931, which marked the start of Japan's invasion of China.另一部电影《731》重温了日本臭名昭著的生物和化学战部队731在第二次世界大战期间进行的可怕的人体实验，该电影将于9月18日首映，以纪念1931年九一八事变94周年，九一八事变标志着日本入侵中国的开始。During the 14-year-long war, China suffered more than 35 million casualties, both military and civilian, and Japanese troops committed countless heinous crimes that deserved universal condemnation.在长达14年的战争中，中国遭受了3500多万军事和平民伤亡，日本军队犯下了无数令人发指的罪行，值得普遍谴责。Yet due to various reasons, many people in the West are still not fully aware of the horrific acts committed by Japanese invaders in China eight decades ago. While the Holocaust is taught in all history textbooks in the West, the Nanjing Massacre remains not fully understood despite its scale and significance. In 2022, when Evan Kail, a US pawnshop owner, decided to donate a photo album documenting Japanese wartime atrocities in China to the Chinese consulate in Chicago, he even faced death threats. "I want more people to know the truth," he explained about his courageous act.然而，由于种种原因，西方许多人仍然没有充分意识到80年前日本侵略者在中国犯下的可怕行径。虽然西方所有历史教科书都教授大屠杀，但南京大屠杀的规模和意义仍然没有得到充分理解。2022年，当美国当铺老板Evan Kail决定向中国驻芝加哥领事馆捐赠一本记录日本战时暴行的相册时，他甚至面临死亡威胁。“我希望更多的人知道真相，”他解释了自己的勇敢行为。Now after watching Dead to Rights, Kail has urged all people, especially those in the West, to see the film, so that "the story of what was in (that) photo album could continue to be shared".现在，在看完《南京照相馆》后，凯尔敦促所有人，尤其是西方人，去看这部电影，这样“相册里的故事就可以继续被分享”。Indeed, the war-related films are not intended to foster animosity but to help shape our collective memory so that these war crimes will never be forgotten. This is the right way to honor those who gave their lives to uphold freedom, justice and peace, and mourn the loss of innocent lives brutally taken during the war. Only by remembering the horrors of the past can people today truly cherish peace.事实上，与战争有关的电影不是为了培养敌意，而是为了帮助塑造我们的集体记忆，使这些战争罪行永远不会被遗忘。这是向那些为维护自由、正义与和平而献出生命的人致敬的正确方式，也是对战争中惨遭杀害的无辜生命的哀悼。只有记住过去的恐怖，今天的人们才能真正珍惜和平。It is outrageous that Japanese rightists still try to deny Japan's wartime atrocities and successive postwar Japanese governments still try to whitewash the country's past crimes. This makes people in countries victimized by Japanese aggressors doubt whether the country has really severed itself from its militaristic past. They rightly question whether Japan is ready to join hands with its Asian neighbors to build a peaceful and prosperous future.令人愤慨的是，日本右翼分子仍然试图否认日本的战争暴行，战后历届日本政府仍然试图粉饰该国过去的罪行。这使得日本侵略者受害国的人民怀疑这个国家是否真的与军国主义的过去断绝了关系。他们正确地质疑日本是否准备与亚洲邻国携手建设一个和平繁荣的未来。That some politicians in Japan are still regularly paying homage to the Yasukuni Shrine, where convicted war criminals who committed atrocities against humanity are enshrined, makes the sporadic apologies and remorse Japan has previously expressed for that war of aggression sound hollow and perfunctory.日本的一些政客仍然经常参拜靖国神社，那里供奉着犯下危害人类暴行的被定罪的战犯，这使得日本此前对那场侵略战争表示的零星道歉和悔恨听起来空洞而敷衍了事。But it should be noted that Japanese people were also the victims of Japan's wartime militarism. It is wrong to foster hatred against a people just because a small minority of Japanese militarists set off the war of aggression. Rather, the people of China and Japan should pass on friendship from generation to generation through improved communication, bearing in mind that forgetting history is tantamount to the betrayal of truth.但应该指出的是，日本人民也是日本战时军国主义的受害者。仅仅因为一小部分日本军国主义者发动了侵略战争，就煽动对一个民族的仇恨是错误的。相反，中日两国人民应该通过加强沟通将友谊代代相传，铭记忘记历史等于背叛真理。universal condemnationn.普遍谴责/ˌjuːnɪˈvɜːsəl ˌkɒndəmˈneɪʃən/wartime militarismn.战时军国主义/ˈwɔːtaɪm ˈmɪlɪtəˌrɪzəm/

What makes a nation launch an attack it cannot hope to win? Admiral Yamamoto, who planned the Pearl Harbor attack, warned Japan's leadership they would have only six months before America would mobilize its entire continent to destroy them. He was right, but his warning went unheeded.The episode starts with a discussion about the controversial Yasukuni Shrine and museum, where we gain insight into how Japan's military establishment viewed their expansionist ambitions. This museum is not just a collection of artifacts, but a repository of the attitudes that drove a nation to catastrophe.From the initial stunning successes across Asia to the turning point at Midway, we trace how Japan's military philosophy of "better to be a shattered jewel than an intact roof tile" led to extraordinary casualties. The Japanese leadership's desperate hope that inflicting maximum casualties would force America and its allies to accept a negotiated peace collapsed under the weight of industrial warfare and, ultimately, atomic devastation.We asked when the bitter feelings resulting from the conflicts that made up Japan's wars in the Pacific might fade. Jonathan suggest the following might help in trying to answer this.  "Everyone periodizes history in their mind into three different categories: everything from Adam and Eve to my grandfather, what happened from my grandfather to me, and what happened in my own lifetime." Join us for this conversation about the decisions that led to war, the mindsets that prolonged it, and the complex legacy that continues to influence international relations in East Asia today.You can send a message to the show/feedback by clicking here. The system doesn't let me reply so if you need one please include your email.

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In the turbulent year of 1935, tensions surged in North China as the Kwantung Army defied Tokyo's orders, encroaching deeper into Chahar province. This period was marked by widespread anti-Japanese sentiments, fueled by local revolts and the assassination of pro-Japanese figures, which infuriated Japanese authorities. On May 20, the Kwantung Army launched an offensive against a bandit group led by Sun Yungqin, seeking to exert control over the demilitarized regions established by earlier agreements. Their swift victory forced the resignation of local officials opposing Japanese interests. As chaos escalated, the Chinese government, under pressure to appease Japan, dismantled anti-Japanese factions and dismissed key leaders. The climax in this saga came with the signing of the He-Umezu Agreement, stripping China of authority in Hubei and Chahar, signaling Japan's increasing dominance and setting the stage for further exploitation of the region.   #150 The February 26 Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While this podcast is supposed to be given through the Chinese perspective, I apologize but yet again I need to jump over to the Japanese side. You see, a very pivotal moment during the Showa era would occur in the year of 1936. I think it's crucial to understand it, and the underlying issues of it, to better understand what we will be stuck in for the unforeseeable future, the Second Sino-Japanese War. I've briefly mentioned the two factions within the Japanese military at this time, but now I'd really like to jump into them, and a major incident that made them collide. In the aftermath of WW1, 2 prominent factions emerged during this tumultuous period: the Kodoha, or Imperial Way Faction, and the Toseiha, or Control Faction. Each faction represented distinct visions for Japan's future, deeply influencing the nation's course leading up to World War II. The Kodoha rose to prominence in the 1920s, driven by a fervent belief in Japan's divine destiny and its right to expand its imperial reach across Asia. This faction was characterized by its adherence to traditional Japanese values, rooted in the samurai ethos. They viewed the Emperor as the embodiment of Japan's spirit and sought to return to the moral foundations they believed had been eroded by “Western influence”. The Kodoha was often critical of the West, perceiving the encroachment of Western thought and culture as a threat to Japan's unique identity. Their ideology emphasized a robust military force, advocating for aggressive campaigns in regions like Manchuria and China to assert Japan's dominance. Contrasting sharply with the Kodoha, the Toseiha began to emerge as a more dominant political force in the late 1930s. The Toseiha embraced a pragmatic approach, advocating for a disciplined military that could engage effectively with the complexities of modern warfare. They recognized the importance of retaining some traditional values while also integrating Western military techniques. Rather than rejecting Western influence entirely, the Toseiha believed in adapting to global shifts to ensure Japan's strength and security. The Toseiha's moderation extended to their governance strategies, as they prioritized political stability and control over radical ideology. They saw this approach as crucial for creating a robust state capable of managing Japan's expansionist ambitions without provoking the backlash that Kodoha tactics elicited. Their more calculated approach to military expansion included securing partnerships and pursuing diplomatic solutions alongside military action, thereby presenting a less confrontational image to the world. Now after Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in, many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. Both factions aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What really separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to make ends meet, whereas the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up mostly of junior and youthful officers, typically country boys as we would call them. These were young men whose families were not the blue bloods, farmer types. They viewed the dramatic changes of Japan in light of their own family experiences, many were impoverished by the dramatic changes. A very specific thing these Kodoha boys hated were the Zaibatsu. The Zaibatsu were large Japanese business conglomerates, primarily active from the Meiji period until WW2. They combined various industries, including banking, manufacturing, and trading. Prominent examples included Mitsubishi and Sumitomo. The reason they hated the Zaibatsu was because they believed they were influenced by western thought and that they super succeeded the authority of the emperor. More or less you can think of it as “we hate the fat cats who are really running things”.   Now the Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Basically they believed them to just be a necessary evil, you had to play ball to get things rolling. Random note, Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Now I cant go through the entire history of it, but this time period is known as the “government by assassination” period for Japan. Military leaders in the IJA, IJN and from within the Kodoha and Toseiha factions kept assassinating politicians and senior officers to push envelopes forward. Stating all of that, I now want to talk about the February 26th incident and I will add I am using a specific source, simply because it's my favorite. That is Herbert P Bix's Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. In late 1934, several officers from the Imperial Way faction at the Army Cadet School were arrested for plotting a coup. Although there were no immediate repercussions, the following year, two of the same Kodoha officers, named Isobe Asaichi and Muranaka Takaji were arrested again for distributing a document accusing Toseiha faction officers, like Major General Nagata Tetsuzan, of previously drafting coup plans against the government. This time, the army's upper echelons responded firmly, condemning Isobe and Muranaka's accusations as acts of disloyalty, resulting in both officers losing their commissions. Meanwhile, other Imperial Way officers sought retaliation against Nagata, who was rumored to be planning a major purge to eliminate factionalism within the army. Tatsukichi Minobe was a Japanese statesman and scholar of constitutional law and in the 1930s he began a movement bringing up the very real issue with the Meiji constitution in relation to the role of the emperor. In August 1935, amid a populist movement denouncing Minobe's interpretation of the constitution, Lt colonel Aizawa Saburo from Kodoha faction entered Nagata's office and fatally attacked him with his katana. This marked a significant escalation in the military struggle over state reform and the push for increased military funding, which was intertwined with the movement against Minobe. Meanwhile anti- Prime Minister Okada factions within the army, continuing to use slogans like “kokutai clarification” and “denounce the organ theory,” intensified their attacks on the emperor's advisers and hereditary peers. Senior generals from the Kodoha faction arranged a public court-martial for Aizawa, held by the 1st Division, a group heavily populated by Kodoha officers based in Tokyo. When Aizawa's trial commenced on January 12, 1936, his defense team transformed it into an emotional condemnation of the Okada cabinet, the court entourage, and Minobe's constitutional theories. This strategy garnered support across the nation, even reaching unexpected places like the imperial palace, where Dowager Empress Teimei Kogo, a staunch rightist, expressed sympathy for Aizawa. However, before the trial could progress, a military mutiny disrupted proceedings in the capital. Shockwaves rippled through the army after Army Minister Hayashi dismissed Kodoha member General Mazaki from his position overseeing military education and ordered the transfer of the 1st Division to Manchuria, which ignited the largest army uprising in modern Japanese history. The uprising was orchestrated through a series of meetings held from February 18 to 22 by key individuals including Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka, and Asaichi Isobe. Their plan was relatively straightforward: the officers would assassinate the most prominent adversaries of the kokutai, seize control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, and present their demands, which included the dismissal of certain officials and the establishment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki. They did not establish long-term goals, believing that those should be determined by the Emperor. However, it is suspected that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary. The young Kodoha officers felt they had at least implicit support from several influential Imperial Japanese Army officers after making informal inquiries. This group included figures such as Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Mazaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō, as well as their immediate superiors, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Later, Kawashima's successor as Minister of War remarked that if all the officers who had endorsed the rebellion were forced to resign, there would not have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them. To articulate their intentions and grievances, the young officers prepared a document titled "Manifesto of the Uprising" “Kekki Shuisho”, which they intended to present to the Emperor. Although the document was authored by Muranaka, it was written under the name of Shirō Nonaka, the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document aligned with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, criticizing the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats, and political parties for jeopardizing the kokutai with their selfishness and disregard for the Emperor, and emphasized the need for direct action: “Now, as we face immense foreign and domestic challenges, if we do not eliminate the disloyal and unjust who threaten the kokutai, if we do not remove the villains obstructing the Emperor's authority and hindering the Restoration, the Imperial vision for our nation will come to naught [...] Our duty is to purge the malevolent ministers and military factions surrounding the Emperor and eradicate their influence; we shall fulfill this mission.” Seven targets were selected for assassination for "threatening the kokutai". Keisuke Okada served as Prime Minister, where he notably advocated for the London Naval Treaty and supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai. His actions reflect a commitment to international agreements and specific ideological principles at the time. Saionji Kinmochi, a Genrō and former Prime Minister, also supported the London Naval Treaty. However, his influence extended further, as he played a role in prompting the Emperor to establish inappropriate cabinets, impacting political stability. Makino Nobuaki, the former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and Foreign Minister, was another key figure who supported the London Naval Treaty. He notably prevented Prince Fushimi from voicing protests to the Emperor during this period, and he established a court faction in collaboration with Saitō, further entrenching political alliances. In his capacity as Grand Chamberlain, Kantarō Suzuki supported the London Naval Treaty but faced criticism for "obstructing the Imperial virtue," suggesting tensions between political decisions and traditional values. Saitō Makoto, who served as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and former Prime Minister, was involved in advocating for the London Naval Treaty and played a significant role in Mazaki's dismissal. He, too, formed a court faction with Makino, indicating the intricacies of court politics. Takahashi Korekiyo, as Finance Minister and former Prime Minister, engaged in party politics with the aim of diminishing military influence. His approach was focused on maintaining the existing economic structure amid the shifting political landscape. Finally, Jōtarō Watanabe, who replaced Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education, supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai yet faced criticism for refusing to resign, despite being considered unsuitable for his position. On the night of February 25, Tokyo experienced a heavy snowfall, which uplifted the rebel officers as it evoked memories of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident. During this event, political activists known as shishi assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief advisor to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel forces, organized into six groups, began mobilizing their troops and departing from their barracks between 3:30 and 4:00 AM. At 5:00 AM, they launched simultaneous attacks on key targets, including Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War, and the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police. At around five o'clock on the morning of February 26, 1936, a rebellion erupted, fueled by the long-standing tensions surrounding the kokutai issues that had plagued 1935. Twenty-two junior officers led over 1,400 armed soldiers and non-commissioned officers from three regiments of the 1st Division and an infantry unit of the Imperial Guards in a mutiny in snow-covered Tokyo. The attack on Okada involved a contingent of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara. The troops encircled the Prime Minister's Residence and compelled its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound, they attempted to locate Prime Minister Okada but were met with gunfire from four policemen stationed there. All four policemen were killed, wounding six rebel soldiers in the process. However, the shots served as a warning for Okada, prompting his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo, to help him find refuge. Matsuo, who closely resembled Okada, was eventually discovered by the soldiers and killed. After comparing Matsuo's wounded face to a photograph of the prime minister, the attackers mistakenly believed they had accomplished their mission. Okada managed to escape the following day, but this information was kept confidential, and he did not play any further role in the events. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men took up guard positions around the compound, reinforced by sixty soldiers from the 3rd Imperial Guard. In another key operation, Captain Kiyosada Kōda led a group of 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War, and the General Staff Office. Upon entering the Minister's residence at 6:30 AM, they demanded to see Minister Kawashima. Once admitted, they read their manifesto aloud and presented a document detailing several demands, including: A prompt resolution to the situation that would further "advance the cause of the Restoration." A call to prevent the use of force against the Righteous Army. The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for their roles in undermining military command. The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism." The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army. Ugaki, who served as Minister of War during two separate terms, had overseen significant reductions and modernization efforts within the army. He had also failed to support the March Incident plotters, who had hoped to install him as Prime Minister. Minami, Mutō, Nemoto, and Katakura were all influential members of the Tōsei-ha faction; Katakura had been partly responsible for reporting on the Military Academy Incident. Later that morning, Isobe encountered Katakura outside the Ministry of War and shot him non-fatally in the head. During this tumultuous period, several officers sympathetic to the rebels, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, and General Ryū Saitō, joined the uprising. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and encouraged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 9:00 am, Kawashima indicated he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Meanwhile, Captain Hisashi Kōno led a team of seven, comprised mostly of civilians, to attack Makino Nobuaki, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 5:45 am, they stationed two men outside while entering the inn with weapons drawn. Inside, policemen opened fire, leading to a lengthy exchange of gunfire. A policeman managed to alert Makino and his party of the danger, guiding them to a rear exit. Although the assassins fired at the escaping group, Makino successfully evaded capture. Kōno sustained a gunshot wound to the chest, and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was evacuated from the scene, the assailants set fire to the building. Hearing a gunshot, Kōno assumed that Makino had shot himself inside. After his recovery at a nearby military hospital, Kōno and his team were arrested by military police. Around 10:00 am, Kurihara and Nakahashi loaded a fleet of three trucks with sixty men and drove from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a significant liberal newspaper. They stormed the building, ordering the evacuation of employees and declaring their actions as "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper." The rebels then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays, containing 4,000 different characters, temporarily halting its publication. Following this attack, the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers before returning to the Prime Minister's Residence. On another front, 1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard gathered 135 men and, under the pretext of paying respects at Yasukuni Shrine, marched to Takahashi Korekiyo's residence. There, he divided his forces, sending one group to attack while the other remained to guard the entrance. After breaking into the compound, Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima found Takahashi in bed, where Nakahashi shot him while Nakajima delivered a fatal sword strike. Takahashi died without waking. Once his target was eliminated, Nakahashi regrouped with the soldiers and proceeded to the Imperial Palace, aiming to secure it. Entering through the western Hanzō Gate at 6:00 am, Nakahashi informed Major Kentarō Honma, the palace guard commander, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates due to earlier attacks. Honma, already aware of the uprisings, accepted Nakahashi's arrival. He was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the primary entrance to the Emperor's residence. Nakahashi planned to signal nearby rebel troops at police headquarters once he controlled access to the Emperor. However, he struggled to contact his allies, and by 8:00 am, Honma learned of his involvement in the uprising and ordered him, at gunpoint, to vacate the palace grounds. Nakahashi complied and returned to join Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence, while his soldiers remained at the gate until relieved later that day, preventing their inclusion in the government's official count of rebel forces. Elsewhere, 1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led a detachment of 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō Makoto's home in Yotsuya. After surrounding the policemen on guard, five soldiers entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife, Haruko, in their bedroom. They shot Saitō dead, prompting Haruko to plead for her life, saying, "Please kill me instead!" While they pulled her away, she was unwittingly wounded by stray gunfire. Following Saitō's assassination, two officers directed another group to target General Watanabe, while the remaining men moved to strategically position themselves northeast of the Ministry of War. In Kōjimachi, Captain Teruzō Andō commanded 200 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to assault Suzuki's residence across from the Imperial Palace. After disarming the police on duty, they located Suzuki in his bedroom and shot him twice. When Andō moved to deliver the coup de grâce with his sword, Suzuki's wife implored to be allowed to do it herself, believing her husband to be fatally wounded. Andō obliged and, apologizing for the act, explained it was for the nation's sake. After saluting Suzuki, the soldiers left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Following the assault on Saitō, a party of twenty men, led by 2nd Lieutenants Tarō Takahashi and Yutaka Yasuda, headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo after 7:00 AM. Despite the two-hour delay since previous attacks, no measures had been taken to alert Watanabe. As they attempted to storm the front entrance, military police inside opened fire, wounding Yasuda and another soldier. The troops then gained entry through the rear, confronting Watanabe's wife outside their bedroom. After shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon as cover. He opened fire, prompting one soldier to retaliate with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed in and fatally stabbed Watanabe, witnessed by his nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, who hid nearby. The soldiers departed, taking their wounded to a hospital before positioning themselves in northern Nagatachō. In a significant move, Captain Shirō Nonaka led nearly a third of the rebel forces, comprising 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to assault the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters. Their objective was to secure communication equipment and prevent dispatch of the police's Emergency Service Unit. Meeting no resistance, they quickly occupied the building, possibly due to a strategic decision to leave the situation in the military's hands. After securing the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack Fumio Gotō's residence, the Home Minister's, but found that Gotō was not home, thus allowing him to escape. This attack appeared to result from Suzuki's independent decision, rather than a coordinated effort among the officers. Despite all of these actions, the Kodoha boys had failed to secure the Sakashita Gate to the palace, which allowed the palace to maintain communication with the outside world, and they neglected to address potential naval interventions. At the Yokosuka naval base, Rear Adm. Yonai Mitsumasa and his chief of staff, Inoue Shigeyoshi, positioned marines to defend the Navy Ministry and prepared warships in Tokyo Bay to suppress the rebellion. By the morning of February 28, after unsuccessful negotiations through sympathetic officers at army headquarters, the commander under martial law transmitted an imperial order to disperse. Most troops returned to their barracks, one officer committed suicide, and the remaining leaders surrendered, resulting in the uprising ending with minimal further violence. Nevertheless, martial law in Tokyo continued for nearly five months. The rebel officers had initially planned for General Kawashima, a staunch ally of the Kodoha, to relay their intentions to the emperor, who they assumed would issue a decree for a “Showa restoration.” Despite their radical objectives of overthrowing the political order, the mutineers, like other military and civilian extremists of the 1930s, sought to operate within the imperial framework and maintain the kokutai. They believed the emperor was under the control of his advisers and lacked a genuine will of his own. Once the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the Grand Chamberlain were removed, they expected the emperor to appoint General Mazaki as prime minister, a leader they believed would reinforce the military and effectively address the China issue. At the onset of the insurrection, they had a real chance of success. The Tokyo military police commander, General Kashii Kohei, sympathized with their cause, and the emperor's chief aide, General Honjo, was related to rebel officer Capain Yamaguchi Ichitaro. Support for the mutineers was present at military bases nationwide. Historian Hata Ikuhiko notes that the rebels contacted General Honjo by both phone and written message before attacking the Okada cabinet. As the first in the imperial entourage to learn of the mutiny, Honjo could have warned the intended targets but chose not to do so. By the time he arrived at court at 6:00 am. on the 26th, key advisors like Chief Secretary Kido, Imperial Household Minister Yuasa Kurahei, and Vice Grand Chamberlain Hirohata Tadakata were already aware of the potential danger. Suzuki was murdered, and the emperor was deeply affected, awakening to the news at 5:40 am from the chamberlain on night duty, Kanroji Osanaga. He learned that his old ministers had been attacked and a coup was underway. Upon receiving this information, Hirohito resolved to suppress the uprising. He was outraged by the killing of his ministers and feared that the rebels might use his brother, Prince Chichibu, to force him to abdicate. He donned his army uniform and summoned Honjo, ordering him to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing.” Hirohito adopted a strategy proposed by Kido, who had acted swiftly earlier that morning, instructing Honjo to assess the Imperial Guard Division's potential actions if the mutineers advanced on the Palace. Kido aimed to prevent the establishment of a new provisional cabinet until the mutiny was fully quelled. At 9:30 am Army Minister Kawashima, who had previously met with one of the rebel officers, arrived at court. He urged the emperor to form a cabinet that would “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense.” Surprised by Kawashima's tone, Hirohito reprimanded him for not prioritizing the suppression of the mutiny. He also expressed his frustration to Chief of the Navy General Staff Prince Fushimi, dismissing him when he inquired about forming a new cabinet. Later that day, Kawashima met with the Supreme Military Council, consisting mainly of army officers sympathetic to the rebels. The council decided to attempt persuasion before relaying the emperor's orders a move contrary to Hirohito's directive. According to historian Otabe Yuji, an “instruction” was issued to the rebel officers at 10:50 am, acknowledging their motives and suggesting the emperor might show them leniency. This message was communicated to the ringleaders by martial law commander General Kashii. That evening, when members of the Okada cabinet came to submit their resignations, Hirohito insisted they remain in power until the mutiny was resolved. On February 27, the second day of the uprising, Hirohito announced “administrative martial law” based on Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution. This invoked his sovereign powers to address the crisis while freeing him from needing cabinet approval for his actions. Hirohito displayed remarkable energy throughout the subsequent days, sending chamberlains to summon Honjo for updates and threatening to lead the Imperial Guard Division himself when dissatisfied with the reports. Honjo, however, resisted the emperor's demands and exhibited sympathy for the rebels. During the uprising, Hirohito met with Prince Chichibu, who had recently returned from Hirosaki. Their discussions reportedly led Chichibu to distance himself from the rebels. However, rumors of his sympathy for them persisted, leading to concerns about potential conflicts within the imperial family. On the second day, Rear Admiral Yonai and his chief of staff demonstrated their loyalty to Hirohito. By February 29, the fourth day of the uprising, Hirohito had reasserted his authority, troops were returning to their barracks, and most rebel leaders were captured. Seventeen of these leaders were court-martialed and executed in July without legal representation. Shortly after, during the obon festival, Hirohito allegedly instructed a military aide to secure seventeen obon lanterns for the palace. This action, though secret, may have provided him some personal comfort amidst the turmoil. An investigation following the mutiny revealed that the rebels' sense of crisis was amplified by the recent general elections, which had shown an anti-military sentiment among voters. Despite their populist rhetoric, most ringleaders were not motivated by the agricultural depression; their goal was to support the kokutai by advocating for increased military rearmament. During this period, military spending steadily rose from 3.47% of GNP in 1931 to 5.63% in 1936. Intriguingly, the ringleaders and their senior commanders shared a desire for state control over production to mobilize resources fully for total war. While united in this goal, their ideas about how to achieve a “Showa restoration” varied greatly, with some leaders, like Isobe, calling for complete economic consolidation and a return to strong state power. The February mutiny reinforced Hirohito's belief in the constitutional framework that underpinned his military authority. He became increasingly cautious about decisions that could compromise his command and developed closer ties to the army's Control faction, justifying military spending increases. Yet, the memory of the mutiny left him feeling uncertain about the throne's stability. Now you know me, whenever I can bring up Hirohito's involvement in the war related times I gotta do. After WW2, in an apparent effort to downplay his role as supreme commander, Hirohito provided a deliberately distorted account of the February events. “I issued an order at that time for the rebel force to be suppressed. This brings to mind Machida Chuji, the finance minister. He was very worried about the rebellion's adverse effect on the money market and warned me that a panic could occur unless I took firm measures. Therefore I issued a strong command to have [the uprising] put down. As a rule, because a suppression order also involves martial law, military circles, who cannot issue such an order on their own, need the mutual consent of the government. However, at the time, Okada's whereabouts were unknown. As the attitude of the Army Ministry seemed too lenient, I issued a strict order. Following my bitter experiences with the Tanaka cabinet, I had decided always to wait for the opinions of my advisers before making any decision, and not to go against their counsel. Only twice, on this occasion and at the time of the ending of the war, did I positively implement my own ideas. Ishiwara Kanji of the Army General Staff Office also asked me, through military aide Chojiri [Kazumoto], to issue a suppression order. I don't know what sort of a person Ishiwara is, but on this occasion he was correct, even though he had been the instigator of the Manchurian Incident. Further, my chief military aide, Honjo, brought me the plan drafted by Yamashita Hobun, in which Yamashita asked me to please send an examiner because the three leaders of the rebel army were likely to commit suicide. However, I thought that sending an examiner would imply that they had acted according to their moral convictions and were deserving of respect. . . . So I rejected Honjo's proposal, and [instead] issued the order to suppress them. I received no report that generals in charge of military affairs had gone and urged the rebels to surrender.”  On February 26, when Hirohito ordered the immediate suppression of the rebels, his anger was directed not only at the insurgents who had assassinated his closest advisors but also at senior army officers who were indecisive in executing the crackdown. The following day, in addition to his role as Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida took on the responsibilities of finance minister. Concerns over economic panic and confusion contributed to the emperor's sense of urgency, despite not being the primary motivation for his actions. Hirohito believed that every hour of delay tarnished Japan's international reputation. Since the Manchurian Incident, the emperor had frequently clashed with the military regarding encroachments on his authority, though never about fundamental policy issues. At times, he had managed to assert his political views during policy discussions, similar to his earlier influence under the Hamaguchi cabinet. The February 26 mutiny highlighted to Hirohito and Yuasa his privy seal from March 1936 to June 1940, and the first lord keeper of the privy seal to attend court regularly the necessity of fully exercising the emperor's supreme command whenever the situation demanded it. Even when faced with opposition from Honjo, Hirohito managed to gain support and assert his authority through a decisive approach. His resolution marked the end of a period during which alienated “young officers” attempted to leverage his influence as a reformist figure to challenge a power structure they could not manipulate effectively. However, Hirohito learned how to adeptly manage that establishment in most situations. The decision-making process within the government was characterized by secrecy, indirect communication, vague policy drafting, and information manipulation, creating a landscape of confusion, misunderstanding, and constant intrigue aimed at achieving consensus among elites. This was the modus operandi in Tokyo and a reflection of how the emperor operated. Once again, Hirohito reminded the tightly-knit elite that he was essential to the functioning of the system. On May 4, 1936, during his address at the opening ceremony of the Sixty-ninth Imperial Diet, while Tokyo remained under martial law, Hirohito closed the chapter on the February mutiny. Initially, he contemplated sending a strong message of censure to the military, but after considerable deliberation over three months, he ultimately chose to issue a brief, innocuous statement: “We regret the recent incident that occurred in Tokyo.” The response from his audience of Diet members and military officials was one of startled awe, with some privately expressing disappointment. Once again, at a critical juncture, Hirohito avoided an opportunity to publicly rein in the military through his constitutional role. Nonetheless, due to his behind-the-scenes actions, the drift in domestic policy that had characterized Japan since the Manchurian Incident came to an end. In the following fourteen months, the emperor and his advisors largely aligned with the army and navy's demands for increased military expansion and state-driven industrial development. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. So some very unruly young Japanese officers got the bright idea of forcing a showa restoration by killing all the culprits they believed held their emperor hostage. Little did they know, this event spelt the end of the Kodoha faction and rise of the Toseiha faction. Henceforth the military was even more in charge and would get even more insane.   

靖国神社に集団参拝する「みんなで靖国神社に参拝する国会議員の会」のメンバー、２２日午前、東京都千代田区超党派の「みんなで靖国神社に参拝する国会議員の会」は２２日、東京・九段北の靖国神社を春季例大祭に合わせて集団で参拝した。 Some 70 lawmakers of both chambers of Japan's parliament on Tuesday visited together war-related Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo during its spring festival.

靖国神社の春季例大祭に合わせて石破茂首相が奉納した真榊、２１日午前、東京都千代田区石破茂首相は２１日、東京・九段北の靖国神社に祭具の真榊を奉納した。 Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba made a "masakaki" ritual tree offering to Yasukuni Shrine at the start of the war-related Tokyo shrine's spring festival on Monday.

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba made a "masakaki" ritual tree offering to Yasukuni Shrine at the start of the war-related Tokyo shrine's spring festival on Monday.

首相官邸に入る石破茂首相、１８日午前、東京・永田町石破茂首相は、東京・九段北の靖国神社で２１～２３日に開催予定の春季例大祭に合わせた参拝を行わない方針だ。 Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has no plans to visit Yasukuni Shrine during the war-related Tokyo shrine's spring festival next week, people close to him said Friday.

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has no plans to visit Yasukuni Shrine during the war-related Tokyo shrine's spring festival next week, people close to him said Friday.

最高裁、東京都千代田区旧日本軍の軍人・軍属として戦死した父親の情報を無断で靖国神社に提供され、合祀されたとして、韓国籍の原告らが国に損害賠償などを求めた訴訟の上告審判決が１７日、最高裁第２小法廷であった。 Japan's Supreme Court dismissed on Friday an appeal filed by South Korean plaintiffs in a lawsuit to seek damages from the Japanese government over the enshrinement of their fathers at war-related Yasukuni Shrine, finalizing a high court ruling against them.

Japan's Supreme Court dismissed on Friday an appeal filed by South Korean plaintiffs in a lawsuit to seek damages from the Japanese government over the enshrinement of their fathers at war-related Yasukuni Shrine, finalizing a high court ruling against them.

東京地裁、東京都千代田区靖国神社で５月、石柱に英語で「Ｔｏｉｌｅｔ」と落書きしたとして、器物損壊と礼拝所不敬の罪に問われた中国籍の姜卓君被告の判決が２５日、東京地裁であった。 Tokyo District Court on Wednesday sentenced a Chinese man to eight months in jail for vandalizing Tokyo's war-related Yasukuni Shrine.

落書きを目隠しされた靖国神社の名を記した石柱、８月１９日、東京都千代田区靖国神社で８月、石柱に「厠所」などの落書きがあった事件で、警視庁は２１日、器物損壊と礼拝所不敬の疑いで、中国籍の１０代少年の逮捕状を取得した。 The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department has obtained an arrest warrant for a Chinese youth in his 10s over graffiti at the Japanese capital's war-related Yasukuni Shrine, investigative sources said Thursday.

靖国神社の秋季例大祭が１９日、終了した。 No Japanese cabinet ministers, including Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, were seen to have visited war-linked Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo during its three-day autumn festival that ended on Saturday.

In this episode of The Korea Pro Podcast, John is joined by Joon Ha, Korea Pro's junior news reporter, to discuss recent developments in South Korean literature, diplomacy and international relations. The duo begin by celebrating Han Kang's Nobel Prize in Literature, making her the second Korean to receive a Nobel Prize. Joon Ha highlights the international acclaim for Han's work and the role of translators in bringing Korean literature to a global audience. They also touch on the controversial blacklisting of cultural figures, including Han, during the Park Geun-hye administration. The conversation then shifts to last week's meeting between South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol and Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba in Laos. John and Joon Ha analyze the leaders' efforts to continue the rapprochement process while navigating domestic political sensitivities, particularly in light of Ishiba's ceremonial offering to the Yasukuni Shrine. The duo then discusses former U.S. President Donald Trump's claims about South Korea's financial contributions for U.S. troop presence. They examine the potential implications for U.S.-ROK relations if Trump were to win the upcoming U.S. presidential election, considering the recent negotiations of the 12th Special Measures Agreement. Looking ahead, John notes the anticipated meeting between Yoon and ruling People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon, discussing the potential impact of recent by-election victories on their relationship and party dynamics. About the podcast: The Korea Pro Podcast is a weekly 15-minute conversation hosted by Editorial Director Jeongmin Kim (@jeongminnkim) and Editor John Lee (@koreanforeigner), diving deep into the most pressing stories shaping South Korea — and dissecting the most complicated ones for professionals monitoring ROK politics, diplomacy, culture, society and technology. Uploaded every Friday. This episode was recorded on Oct. 17, 2024 Audio edited by Gaby Magnuson

靖国神社を参拝に訪れた木原稔防衛相、１５日午前、東京都千代田区自民党の木原稔防衛相、新藤義孝経済再生担当相、高市早苗経済安全保障担当相は終戦記念日の１５日午前、東京・九段北の靖国神社を参拝した。 Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida made a "tamagushi" ritual offering at Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo on Thursday, the 79th anniversary of the country's surrender in World War II.

靖国神社の石柱と鳥居など、東京都千代田区靖国神社の石柱が落書きされた事件で、警視庁公安部は９日、器物損壊と礼拝所不敬の疑いで、中国籍の職業不詳、姜卓君容疑者、埼玉県朝霞市宮戸、を逮捕した。 Tokyo's Metropolitan Police Department on Tuesday arrested a 29-year-old Chinese national for alleged vandalism at Yasukuni Shrine in the Japanese capital earlier this year.

In this episode, we welcome back anti-woke/anti-anti-woke scholar, Mike Burke, to discuss the recent incident at Yasaka Shrine; an unrelated issue involving a Chinese man urinating on and defacing Yasukuni Shrine; and the most controversial game in Ubisoft's library, Assassin's Creed Shadows, featuring Yasuke, the so-called first black samurai.LINKS! Japanese hospitality wears thin as overtourism takes toll ”八坂神社騒動” に新展開！

靖国神社を参拝に訪れた高市早苗経済安全保障担当相、２３日午後、東京都千代田区高市早苗経済安全保障担当相は２３日昼、春季例大祭が行われている東京・九段北の靖国神社を参拝した。 Some 90 Japanese lawmakers Tuesday visited together war-related Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo during its three-day spring festival from Sunday.

With Godzilla Minus One tearing up the American and global box office, it's time for another EMERGENCY PODCAST. This week we are joined by two amazing scholars of Japanese social and cultural history in Bill Tsutsui and Akiki Takenaka. We talk about our first impressions of the film, where it fits into Godzilla and WWII lore, and the history of Godzilla himself. This is such a cool conversation and I'm so excited to bring it to you.About our guests:Bill Tsutsui is an award-winning scholar and teacher, an experienced academic leader,and an outspoken supporter of the public humanities, international education,and more inclusive, accessible colleges and universities.  He researches, writes, and speaks widely on Japanese economic and environmental history, Japanese popular culture (especially the Godzilla movies), Japanese-American identity, and issues in higher education.  He is highly opinionated about BBQ, proud to have once driven the Zamboni at an NHL game, and slightly embarrassed to be Level 40 in Pokemon Go. Find him at https://www.billtsutsui.com/ Akiko Takenaka specializes in social and cultural history of modern Japan. Her research involves memory and historiography of the Asia-Pacific War, gender and peace activism, and history museums. Her teaching interests include gender, war and society, nationalism, memory studies, and visual culture. Prior to coming to UK, she has taught as a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Chicago and the University of Michigan.Professor Takenaka's first book, entitled Yasukuni Shrine: History, Memory, and Japan's Unending Postwar (University of Hawai'i Press, Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University), explores Yasukuni Shrine as a physical space, object of visual and spatial representation, and site of spatial practice in order to highlight the complexity of Yasukuni's past and critique the official narratives that postwar debates have responded to. Her second book project Mothers Against War: Gender, Motherhood, and Peace Activism in Postwar Japan is under advance contract with the University of Hawai'i Press. Her research has been funded by long-term research fellowships by Fulbright and the Japan Foundation. Find her on twitter at @ata225

------------------------------- 通勤學英語VIP加值內容與線上課程 ------------------------------- 通勤學英語VIP訂閱方案：https://open.firstory.me/join/15minstoday 社會人核心英語有聲書課程連結：https://15minsengcafe.pse.is/554esm ------------------------------- 15Mins.Today 相關連結 ------------------------------- 歡迎針對這一集留言你的想法： 留言連結 主題投稿/意見回覆 : ask15mins@gmail.com 官方網站：www.15mins.today 加入Clubhouse直播室：https://15minsengcafe.pse.is/46hm8k 訂閱YouTube頻道：https://15minsengcafe.pse.is/3rhuuy 商業合作/贊助來信：15minstoday@gmail.com ------------------------------- 以下是此單集逐字稿 (播放器有不同字數限制，完整文稿可到官網) ------------------------------- Topic: Covid-Inspired ‘Silent Cut Haircutting Service Gains Popularity in Japan Devised by a Tokyo hair salon during the Covid-19 pandemic to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, the ‘Silent Cut' service is becoming increasingly popular in Japan. 在武漢肺炎（Covid-19）疫情期間，日本東京一家髮廊為防止病毒傳播而推出「無聲剪髮」服務，在日本愈來愈受歡迎。 As a way of curbing the spread of the coronavirus during the Covid-19 pandemic, authorities in Japan started promoting “no conversation” or “less conversation” policies in schools, shops and supermarkets. One Tokyo salon decided to implement the ‘silent cut' service and it proved so popular that others quickly followed suit. 做為在Covid-19大流行期間遏制冠狀病毒傳播的一種方式，日本當局開始提倡在學校、商店和超市「不交談」或「少交談」。東京一家髮廊決定實施「無聲剪髮」服務。事實證明，這項服務非常受歡迎，其他髮廊也紛紛跟進。 As it turns out, hairstylists prefer the silent cut as well, with many claiming that they were taught to chat up clients in their apprenticeship. 事實證明，髮型師也更喜歡無聲剪髮，許多髮型師表示，他們在學徒期間需要學習如何與客人搭訕。 Next Article Topic: We're hiring: Babies wanted for Japan nursing home 我們正在招聘：日本療養院需要嬰兒 A nursing home in southern Japan is “hiring” babies for a very important job — to keep its elderly residents company and make them smile. 日本南部一間療養院正在招聘嬰兒，擔任非常重要的職位──陪伴年長居民、讓他們開心。 A job advert pinned to the wall informs would-be workers they will be compensated for their services in diapers and powdered milk. 一個釘在牆上的工作廣告告知未來的員工，他們將會收到尿布和配方奶做為服務報酬。 New recruits at the facility in Kitakyushu must be under four years old, and their guardians have to sign a contract stipulating that the babies and toddlers can show up for work “whenever they feel like it.” 這間北九州機構的新成員必須小於4歲，而且他們的監護人必須簽署一份合約，明文規定嬰兒和學步幼童可以依照他們的意願，想上班的時候再出現。 More than 30 babies have been signed up so far, tasked with lifting the spirits of more than 100 residents who are mostly in their 80s. 至今已有超過30名嬰兒報名，他們被賦予提升逾百名居民興致的任務，這些居民大多超過80歲。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1555385 Next Article Topic: What's behind strained China-Japan relations Japan and China on Thursday last week marked the 50th anniversary of the 1972 normalization of their ties, but there isn't much of a celebratory mood. Improved ties between Asia's two biggest economies are considered vital to the region's stability and prosperity, but they remain at odds over disputed East China Sea islands and China's growing military and economic assertiveness in the region. Here are the key issues in the often strained relations between these powerhouse neighbors: 日本和中國上週四慶祝一九七二年兩國關係正常化五十週年，但並沒有太多慶祝的氣氛。亞洲最大的兩個經濟體間關係之改善，咸認攸關亞洲的穩定與繁榮，但對於有領土爭端的東海島嶼，以及中國軍事和經濟上在該區域愈趨強勢，兩國的立場仍然分歧。這兩個鄰近的強國經常處於緊張的關係，以下是其中幾個關鍵問題： TERRITORIAL DISPUTES A huge source of contention is an uninhabited group of Tokyo-controlled, Beijing-claimed East China Sea islands called Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China. Japan insists that the islands, which once hosted a Japanese seafood factory, are part of its territory, both historically and by international law. China says they were stolen by Japan in 1895 and should have been returned at the end of World War II. The disputed islands are surrounded by rich fishing grounds and undersea oil deposits, and Japan accuses China of suddenly making its territorial claims after the undersea resources were found in a 1969 United Nations report. The 1972 normalization communique did not deal with the issue, but the dispute intensified after Japan's government in 2012 nationalized the Senkaku islands, leading to violent protests across China. Chinese coast guard and fishing boats are regularly found in the area, routinely intruding on Japanese waters. 領土爭端 一個主要的爭論是東京所控制、北京聲稱擁有主權的東海無人島群，在日本稱為尖閣諸島，在中國稱為釣魚島。日本堅稱，日本曾在這些島嶼設有海產工廠，無論就歷史或國際法而言，這些島都是日本領土的一部分。中國說這些島是在一八九五年被日本偷走，日本應該在二戰結束時將其歸還。這些有爭端的島嶼，周圍環繞著富饒的漁場，海底石油儲量豐沛，日本指責中國是在一九六九年聯合國報告發現海底資源後才忽然提出領土主張。一九七二年的兩國關係正常化公報並未處理此問題，但日本政府二○一二年將尖閣諸島國有化後，爭端愈演愈烈，在中國各地引發了暴力抗議。中國海岸警衛隊及漁船常在此區域出現，經常侵犯日本水域。 FEAR OF TAIWAN EMERGENCY Japan, along with its security ally the US, has openly criticized increased Chinese activities in the South China Sea. Tokyo has also pushed for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. China claims Taiwan, a self-governing democracy, and has threatened to annex it by force if necessary. With a US-China trade war and naval tensions on the rise in the area, Japan is increasingly worried about Taiwan emergencies. China's increased joint military drills with Russia near Japanese coasts have also irked Japan. Tokyo is shifting its military posture toward southwestern Japan, including Okinawa and remote islands just east of Taiwan. China staged major military drills in areas surrounding Taiwan in August in an angry response to US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's Taipei visit, and fired five ballistic missiles into waters near Okinawa. Fear of conflict over Taiwan adds to Japan's urgent efforts to reinforce its military capabilities and boost its budget. Japan is currently revising its national security strategy, which is expected to call for the possession of preemptive strike capabilities that opponents say would violate the country's pacifist constitution. With Japan's westernmost island just east of Taiwan, “It is increasingly difficult to see how a Taiwan military contingency would not affect at a minimum the waters and airspace around Japanese territory,” said Amanda Hsiao, senior analyst for China at the Crisis Group. 對台灣緊急狀況的恐懼 日本及其安全盟友美國公開批評中國在南海的活動增加。東京也推動了台灣海峽的和平及穩定。中國聲稱擁有台灣──一個自治的民主國家──的主權，並威脅在必要時以武力吞併台灣。隨著中美貿易戰及該地區海軍緊張局勢的加劇，日本越來越擔憂台灣出現緊急狀況。中國在日本沿海附近增加與俄國的聯合軍演也激怒了日本。東京正將其軍事布局轉向日本西南部，包括沖繩及台灣以東的偏遠島嶼。八月，中國在台灣周邊舉行大規模軍事演習，做為美國眾議院議長南希．裴洛西訪問台北的憤怒回應，並向沖繩附近海域發射了五枚彈道飛彈。對台灣衝突的恐懼讓日本更急迫地加強其軍事能力及增加預算。日本目前正在修訂國家安全戰略，預計將要求擁有先發制人的攻擊能力，反對者稱這將違反日本的和平憲法。日本最西端的島嶼就在台灣以東，因此「越來越難看出台灣的軍事意外事件如何不會對日本領土周遭的水域及空域造成一丁點影響」，國際危機組織中國問題高級分析師蕭嫣然表示。 WARTIME HISTORY The two countries were at war, starting with clashes in the 1930s, until Japan's defeat in 1945. Japanese atrocities during the Sino-Japanese war include the Rape of Nanking, the use of chemical and biological weapons and grisly human medical experiments in Manchuria, where Japan's imperial army had a secret biological weapons unit. Japan also took nearly 40,000 Chinese laborers to Japanese mines and factories, where many died of malnutrition and abuse. In the 1972 communique, China waived the right to war compensation, which some experts say was in exchange for Japan's apology and recognition of China as the only legal government. Japan, however, has provided official development aid totaling 3.6 trillion yen ($US25 billion) to China over the past four decades. 戰時歷史 從一九三○年代的衝突開始，直到一九四五年日本戰敗，中日兩國是處於戰爭狀態。中日戰爭期間日本的暴行包括南京大屠殺、使用化學及生物武器，以及在滿洲進行駭人的人體醫學實驗。日本帝國陸軍在滿洲有一個秘密的生物武器部隊。日本還將近四萬名中國勞工帶到日本的礦山及工廠，其中許多人死於營養不良和受虐。在一九七二年的公報中，中國放棄了獲得戰爭賠償的權利，一些專家稱這是為了換取日本的道歉及承認中共是唯一合法中國政府。然而，在過去四十年中，日本官方向中國提供了總計三點六兆日元（兩百五十億美元）的發展援助。 YASUKUNI SHRINE China considers Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine — which honors 2.5 million war dead, including convicted war criminals — as a symbol of Japan's wartime militarism. Beijing views visits by Japanese ministers and lawmakers to the Tokyo shrine as indicative of a lack of remorse over Japan's wartime aggression. China, along with South Korea, which Japan colonized from 1910 to 1945, routinely protests against such visits. 靖國神社 中國將東京的靖國神社——它供奉兩百五十萬名戰爭死難者，包括被定罪的戰犯——視為日本戰時軍國主義的象徵。北京認為，日本部長和議員參拜東京靖國神社表示對日本的戰時侵略缺乏悔意。中國以及日本在一九一○年至一九四五年期間所殖民的韓國經常抗議此類參訪。 ECONOMIC SECURITY As a top US ally and a major trade partner with China, Japan is in a delicate situation and must balance its position between the two superpowers. China has been more assertive about pressing other governments to embrace Chinese-led initiatives, including a trade group called the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Japan, along with the US, is seeking ways to stand up to increasing Chinese economic influence in the region. Tokyo also wants to reinforce economic security with other democracies in areas such as supply chains and the protection of sensitive technologies, apparently as a counter to China. Yasuo Fukuda, a former Japanese prime minister who is an active proponent of better ties with China, says friction between Japan and China largely stems from US-China trade issues. “The question is whether global trade works better by excluding China,” he said. 經濟安全 作為美國的頂尖盟友和中國的主要貿易夥伴，日本處境微妙，必須平衡其在兩個超級大國之間的地位。中國在敦促其他政府接受中國主導的倡議方面更加自信，其中包括一個名為「區域全面經濟夥伴關係」的貿易組織。日本與美國一道，正想方設法抵禦中國在該地區日益增加的經濟影響力。東京還希望與其他民主國家在供應鍊和敏感技術保護等領域加強經濟安全，這顯然是為了對抗中國。 日本前首相福田康夫積極支持改善與中國的關係，他表示，日中之間的摩擦主要源於美中貿易問題。「問題是排除中國後全球貿易是否會更好」，他表示。Source article: https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/lang/archives/2022/10/04/2003786373 Next Article Topic: Japan's cats and dogs get wearable fans to beat scorching heat A Tokyo clothing maker has teamed up with veterinarians to create a wearable fan for pets, hoping to attract the anxious owners of dogs - or cats - that can't shed their fur coats in Japan's blistering summer weather. 一間東京製衣廠與獸醫組隊為寵物製造一款穿戴式風扇，希望能吸引焦慮不安的狗狗或貓咪飼主，因 為牠們無法在日本炎熱的夏季脫下毛皮大衣。 The device consists of a battery-operated, 80-gramme fan that is attached to a mesh outfit and blows air around an animal's body. 這款裝置由電池供電運作，80公克重的風扇附著在網格服裝上，在動物的身體周圍吹風。 Rei Uzawa, president of maternity clothing maker Sweet Mommy, was motivated to create it after seeing her own pet exhausted every time it was taken out for a walk in the scorching summer heat. 成衣製造商Sweet Mommy負責人鵜澤璃看見她自己的寵物每次在炎熱夏天高溫下的戶外散步之後筋疲力盡，因而有了製作這款衣服的動機。 After the rainy season in Tokyo ended in late June, the Japanese capital suffered the longest heatwave on record with temperatures up to 35 degrees Celsius for nine days. 東京雨季在6月底結束之後，日本首都迎來史上最久的熱浪，連續9天氣溫高達攝氏35度。 "I usually use dry ice packs. But I think it's easier to walk my dog if we have this fan," said Mami Kumamoto, 48, owner of a miniature poodle and a terrier. 飼養一隻迷你貴賓和一隻梗犬的48歲熊本麻美（譯音）說「我通常使用冰袋。但是我認為有了這款風扇，遛狗會比較輕鬆。」 Next Article Topic: World's oldest person dies in Japan aged 119 全球最年長人士在日本過世 享年119歲 A Japanese woman believed to have been the world's oldest person has died aged 119, public broadcaster NHK said on Monday, reporting the death of Kane Tanaka. 公共廣播機構「日本放送協會」週一報導田中加子的死訊說，據信是全球最年長者的一位日本女性以119歲過世。 Born on Jan. 2, 1903 - the year of the Wright Brothers' first controlled flight of their motor-driven airplane - Tanaka was confirmed by Guinness World Records in 2019 as the oldest living person. 田中生於1903年1月2日──萊特兄弟以他們的引擎驅動的飛機進行首次受控飛行的那年──在2019年獲金氏世界紀錄證實為還活著的最年老人士。 She died of old age at a hospital in Fukuoka city, western Japan, on April 19, NHK said. During her life, she had been partial to chocolate and fizzy drinks, NHK said. 日本放送協會說，她於4月19日在日本西部福岡市一家醫院因年邁過世。她這輩子特別喜歡巧克力和氣泡飲料。 Japan has a dwindling and rapidly ageing population. As of last September, the country had 86,510 centenarians, and nine out of every 10 were women. （Reuters） 日本人口不斷減少並快速老化。截至去年9月，該國有8萬6510名人瑞，而且每10人中有9人是女性。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1538125 ; https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1514547

In Japan, Yasukuni Shrine is home to many WWII soldiers considered war criminals by many people in the world. You could say they have found peace in death. But what about the living soldiers who fought alongside those interred at Yasukuni? How do they forget the horrors of war? Are they allowed to forget?C.S. Fuqua's books include Fatherhood ~ Poems of Parenthood, Walking After Midnight ~ Collected Stories, Big Daddy's Fast-Past Gadget, Native American Flute ~ A Comprehensive Guide, and White Trash & Southern ~ Collected Poems. His work has appeared in publications such as Year's Best Horror Stories XIX, XX and XXI, Pudding, The Horror Show, Pearl, Chiron Review, Christian Science Monitor, The Old Farmer's Almanac, The Writer, and Honolulu Magazine.You can read "Contrition" at https://www.kaidankaistories.com.Website: kaidankaistories.comFollow us on: Twitter/XInstagramFacebook

Japanese activists are calling for the return of Chinese cultural relics looted by Japan during the country's wars in China, as a civil group advocating the restoration underlines that returning these relics is the responsible thing to do.日本相关人士要求日本政府主动归还在侵华战争期间掠夺的中国文物，倡导归还文物的日本民间团体强调，归还这些文物才是负责任的做法。Kazuo Morimoto, representative of the association for promoting the return of Chinese cultural properties, said that recent years have witnessed France and other European countries returning looted cultural relics to their former colonial countries in Africa and Asia.“中国文物返还运动推进会”的代表森本和男表示，近年来，法国和其他欧洲国家正向非洲、亚洲前殖民地国家归还掠夺文物。"There has been a wave of returning looted cultural relics around the world, but this momentum is still weak in Japan," Morimoto told the Global Times on Sunday, stressing that Japan has barely mentioned its wartime looting and destruction of cultural relics.4月23日，森本和男向《环球时报》表示：“世界上出现归还掠夺文物的风潮，但这股势头在日本仍然很弱。”森本还强调，日本几乎没有提及其战时掠夺、破坏文物的行为。"The Japanese government concealed this disgraceful history from the people after World War II so many people in Japanese society do not know about it. As a Japanese, I'm ashamed of that."“在二战后，日本政府向日本人民隐瞒了这段不光彩的历史，以至于日本社会很多人对此一无所知。作为一个日本人，我对此感到很羞愧。”The association held a rally on Saturday in Tokyo, urging the Japanese government to return Chinese cultural relics plundered during the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05) and the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931-45).4月22日，“中国文物返还运动推进会”在东京组织集会，要求日本政府主动归还甲午战争、日俄战争、日本全面侵华战争期间掠夺至日本的中国文物。The civil group was founded to encourage Japan to return Chinese cultural relics, achieve "historical reconciliation" between the two countries, and further promote the development of bilateral relations.“中国文物返还运动推进会”的成立是为了促进日本归还中国文物，实现中日“历史和解”，并进一步促进中日双边关系的发展。The civil group initially called for the return of three Chinese stone lions that were looted from the Sanxue Temple in Haicheng, Northeast China's Liaoning province. Two of these lions are now located outside the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo and the other is in the Yamagata Aritomo Memorial Museum in the Tochigi prefecture.“中国文物返还运动推进会”最初要求归还从中国辽宁省海城市三学寺掠夺的三尊中国石狮子。其中两尊石狮子现在位于东京的靖国神社外，另一尊位于栃木县的山县有朋纪念馆。Atsushi Koketsu, emeritus professor at Yamaguchi University of Japan and also co-representative of the association, told the Global Times that it had held talks with the Yasukuni Shrine, which stated: "It is necessary to re-investigate what happened at that time."“中国文物返还运动推进会”联合代表、日本山口大学名誉教授纐缬厚在集会上表示，推进会已与靖国神社举行会谈，对方表示：“有必要重新调查当时发生的事。”The civil groups also sent two petitions to the museum, but they were unanswered, Koketsu told the Global Times.纐缬厚向《环球时报》表示，“中国文物返还运动推进会”曾两次向山县有朋纪念馆送去有关返还文物的请愿书，但均未收到回复。The organization has also called for the return of the Tang Dynasty (618-907) Honglujing Stele, which was looted from Lüshun in Liaoning and is now located in the Imperial Palace in Tokyo.“中国文物返还运动推进会”还呼吁归还从辽宁旅顺掠夺的唐鸿胪井刻石，该碑现在位于东京的日本皇宫。However, the Imperial Household Agency of Japan which oversees matters concerning the Japanese imperial family was not forthcoming when reached by the association concerning the return of the stele.然而，当“中国文物返还运动推进会”就归还鸿胪井刻石一事与负责管理日本皇室事务的日本宫内厅交涉时，对方并没有主动提供帮助。There is good news as well. Koketsu said that some members of the Japanese Parliament have expressed their support and are willing to help mediate the issue.还有一个好消息。纐缬厚表示，日本国会部分议员已表示支持，愿意帮忙沟通斡旋。"We will continue to hold rallies and seminars this year to raise awareness among more Japanese people and urge the Japanese government to return Chinese cultural relics looted by Japan as soon as possible," he said. "We have this determination."纐缬厚说：“我们今年将继续举行集会和研讨会，唤起更多日本人的关注，敦促日本政府尽早归还被日本掠夺的中国文物。我们有这样的决心。”Morimoto told the Global Times that these issues should have been resolved in the last century and not have been left to the next generation, adding that Japanese society needs to face history.森本和男向《环球时报》表示，这些问题原本应该在上个世纪被解决，但却被拖到了现在，绝不能再留给下一代，他还补充道，日本社会需要正视历史。He also said that calling for the Japanese government to return looted Chinese cultural relics is not just a responsibility but something that must be done.森本和男还表示，敦促政府早日归还中国文物是日本人的责任，这是必须要做的事情。Relic英/ˈrelɪk/ 美/ˈrelɪk/n.遗物，遗迹Loot英/luːt/ 美/luːt/v.（尤指在战争或暴乱中）抢劫，掠夺

歡迎留言告訴我們你對這一集的想法： https://open.firstory.me/user/cl81kivnk00dn01wffhwxdg2s/comments Topic: Covid-Inspired ‘Silent Cut Haircutting Service Gains Popularity in Japan Devised by a Tokyo hair salon during the Covid-19 pandemic to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, the ‘Silent Cut' service is becoming increasingly popular in Japan. 在武漢肺炎（Covid-19）疫情期間，日本東京一家髮廊為防止病毒傳播而推出「無聲剪髮」服務，在日本愈來愈受歡迎。 As a way of curbing the spread of the coronavirus during the Covid-19 pandemic, authorities in Japan started promoting “no conversation” or “less conversation” policies in schools, shops and supermarkets. One Tokyo salon decided to implement the ‘silent cut' service and it proved so popular that others quickly followed suit. 做為在Covid-19大流行期間遏制冠狀病毒傳播的一種方式，日本當局開始提倡在學校、商店和超市「不交談」或「少交談」。東京一家髮廊決定實施「無聲剪髮」服務。事實證明，這項服務非常受歡迎，其他髮廊也紛紛跟進。 As it turns out, hairstylists prefer the silent cut as well, with many claiming that they were taught to chat up clients in their apprenticeship. 事實證明，髮型師也更喜歡無聲剪髮，許多髮型師表示，他們在學徒期間需要學習如何與客人搭訕。 Next Article Topic: We're hiring: Babies wanted for Japan nursing home 我們正在招聘：日本療養院需要嬰兒 A nursing home in southern Japan is “hiring” babies for a very important job — to keep its elderly residents company and make them smile. 日本南部一間療養院正在招聘嬰兒，擔任非常重要的職位──陪伴年長居民、讓他們開心。 A job advert pinned to the wall informs would-be workers they will be compensated for their services in diapers and powdered milk. 一個釘在牆上的工作廣告告知未來的員工，他們將會收到尿布和配方奶做為服務報酬。 New recruits at the facility in Kitakyushu must be under four years old, and their guardians have to sign a contract stipulating that the babies and toddlers can show up for work “whenever they feel like it.” 這間北九州機構的新成員必須小於4歲，而且他們的監護人必須簽署一份合約，明文規定嬰兒和學步幼童可以依照他們的意願，想上班的時候再出現。 More than 30 babies have been signed up so far, tasked with lifting the spirits of more than 100 residents who are mostly in their 80s. 至今已有超過30名嬰兒報名，他們被賦予提升逾百名居民興致的任務，這些居民大多超過80歲。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1555385 Next Article Topic: What's behind strained China-Japan relations Japan and China on Thursday last week marked the 50th anniversary of the 1972 normalization of their ties, but there isn't much of a celebratory mood. Improved ties between Asia's two biggest economies are considered vital to the region's stability and prosperity, but they remain at odds over disputed East China Sea islands and China's growing military and economic assertiveness in the region. Here are the key issues in the often strained relations between these powerhouse neighbors: 日本和中國上週四慶祝一九七二年兩國關係正常化五十週年，但並沒有太多慶祝的氣氛。亞洲最大的兩個經濟體間關係之改善，咸認攸關亞洲的穩定與繁榮，但對於有領土爭端的東海島嶼，以及中國軍事和經濟上在該區域愈趨強勢，兩國的立場仍然分歧。這兩個鄰近的強國經常處於緊張的關係，以下是其中幾個關鍵問題： TERRITORIAL DISPUTES A huge source of contention is an uninhabited group of Tokyo-controlled, Beijing-claimed East China Sea islands called Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China. Japan insists that the islands, which once hosted a Japanese seafood factory, are part of its territory, both historically and by international law. China says they were stolen by Japan in 1895 and should have been returned at the end of World War II. The disputed islands are surrounded by rich fishing grounds and undersea oil deposits, and Japan accuses China of suddenly making its territorial claims after the undersea resources were found in a 1969 United Nations report. The 1972 normalization communique did not deal with the issue, but the dispute intensified after Japan's government in 2012 nationalized the Senkaku islands, leading to violent protests across China. Chinese coast guard and fishing boats are regularly found in the area, routinely intruding on Japanese waters. 領土爭端 一個主要的爭論是東京所控制、北京聲稱擁有主權的東海無人島群，在日本稱為尖閣諸島，在中國稱為釣魚島。日本堅稱，日本曾在這些島嶼設有海產工廠，無論就歷史或國際法而言，這些島都是日本領土的一部分。中國說這些島是在一八九五年被日本偷走，日本應該在二戰結束時將其歸還。這些有爭端的島嶼，周圍環繞著富饒的漁場，海底石油儲量豐沛，日本指責中國是在一九六九年聯合國報告發現海底資源後才忽然提出領土主張。一九七二年的兩國關係正常化公報並未處理此問題，但日本政府二○一二年將尖閣諸島國有化後，爭端愈演愈烈，在中國各地引發了暴力抗議。中國海岸警衛隊及漁船常在此區域出現，經常侵犯日本水域。 FEAR OF TAIWAN EMERGENCY Japan, along with its security ally the US, has openly criticized increased Chinese activities in the South China Sea. Tokyo has also pushed for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. China claims Taiwan, a self-governing democracy, and has threatened to annex it by force if necessary. With a US-China trade war and naval tensions on the rise in the area, Japan is increasingly worried about Taiwan emergencies. China's increased joint military drills with Russia near Japanese coasts have also irked Japan. Tokyo is shifting its military posture toward southwestern Japan, including Okinawa and remote islands just east of Taiwan. China staged major military drills in areas surrounding Taiwan in August in an angry response to US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's Taipei visit, and fired five ballistic missiles into waters near Okinawa. Fear of conflict over Taiwan adds to Japan's urgent efforts to reinforce its military capabilities and boost its budget. Japan is currently revising its national security strategy, which is expected to call for the possession of preemptive strike capabilities that opponents say would violate the country's pacifist constitution. With Japan's westernmost island just east of Taiwan, “It is increasingly difficult to see how a Taiwan military contingency would not affect at a minimum the waters and airspace around Japanese territory,” said Amanda Hsiao, senior analyst for China at the Crisis Group. 對台灣緊急狀況的恐懼 日本及其安全盟友美國公開批評中國在南海的活動增加。東京也推動了台灣海峽的和平及穩定。中國聲稱擁有台灣──一個自治的民主國家──的主權，並威脅在必要時以武力吞併台灣。隨著中美貿易戰及該地區海軍緊張局勢的加劇，日本越來越擔憂台灣出現緊急狀況。中國在日本沿海附近增加與俄國的聯合軍演也激怒了日本。東京正將其軍事布局轉向日本西南部，包括沖繩及台灣以東的偏遠島嶼。八月，中國在台灣周邊舉行大規模軍事演習，做為美國眾議院議長南希．裴洛西訪問台北的憤怒回應，並向沖繩附近海域發射了五枚彈道飛彈。對台灣衝突的恐懼讓日本更急迫地加強其軍事能力及增加預算。日本目前正在修訂國家安全戰略，預計將要求擁有先發制人的攻擊能力，反對者稱這將違反日本的和平憲法。日本最西端的島嶼就在台灣以東，因此「越來越難看出台灣的軍事意外事件如何不會對日本領土周遭的水域及空域造成一丁點影響」，國際危機組織中國問題高級分析師蕭嫣然表示。 WARTIME HISTORY The two countries were at war, starting with clashes in the 1930s, until Japan's defeat in 1945. Japanese atrocities during the Sino-Japanese war include the Rape of Nanking, the use of chemical and biological weapons and grisly human medical experiments in Manchuria, where Japan's imperial army had a secret biological weapons unit. Japan also took nearly 40,000 Chinese laborers to Japanese mines and factories, where many died of malnutrition and abuse. In the 1972 communique, China waived the right to war compensation, which some experts say was in exchange for Japan's apology and recognition of China as the only legal government. Japan, however, has provided official development aid totaling 3.6 trillion yen ($US25 billion) to China over the past four decades. 戰時歷史 從一九三○年代的衝突開始，直到一九四五年日本戰敗，中日兩國是處於戰爭狀態。中日戰爭期間日本的暴行包括南京大屠殺、使用化學及生物武器，以及在滿洲進行駭人的人體醫學實驗。日本帝國陸軍在滿洲有一個秘密的生物武器部隊。日本還將近四萬名中國勞工帶到日本的礦山及工廠，其中許多人死於營養不良和受虐。在一九七二年的公報中，中國放棄了獲得戰爭賠償的權利，一些專家稱這是為了換取日本的道歉及承認中共是唯一合法中國政府。然而，在過去四十年中，日本官方向中國提供了總計三點六兆日元（兩百五十億美元）的發展援助。 YASUKUNI SHRINE China considers Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine — which honors 2.5 million war dead, including convicted war criminals — as a symbol of Japan's wartime militarism. Beijing views visits by Japanese ministers and lawmakers to the Tokyo shrine as indicative of a lack of remorse over Japan's wartime aggression. China, along with South Korea, which Japan colonized from 1910 to 1945, routinely protests against such visits. 靖國神社 中國將東京的靖國神社——它供奉兩百五十萬名戰爭死難者，包括被定罪的戰犯——視為日本戰時軍國主義的象徵。北京認為，日本部長和議員參拜東京靖國神社表示對日本的戰時侵略缺乏悔意。中國以及日本在一九一○年至一九四五年期間所殖民的韓國經常抗議此類參訪。 ECONOMIC SECURITY As a top US ally and a major trade partner with China, Japan is in a delicate situation and must balance its position between the two superpowers. China has been more assertive about pressing other governments to embrace Chinese-led initiatives, including a trade group called the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Japan, along with the US, is seeking ways to stand up to increasing Chinese economic influence in the region. Tokyo also wants to reinforce economic security with other democracies in areas such as supply chains and the protection of sensitive technologies, apparently as a counter to China. Yasuo Fukuda, a former Japanese prime minister who is an active proponent of better ties with China, says friction between Japan and China largely stems from US-China trade issues. “The question is whether global trade works better by excluding China,” he said. 經濟安全 作為美國的頂尖盟友和中國的主要貿易夥伴，日本處境微妙，必須平衡其在兩個超級大國之間的地位。中國在敦促其他政府接受中國主導的倡議方面更加自信，其中包括一個名為「區域全面經濟夥伴關係」的貿易組織。日本與美國一道，正想方設法抵禦中國在該地區日益增加的經濟影響力。東京還希望與其他民主國家在供應鍊和敏感技術保護等領域加強經濟安全，這顯然是為了對抗中國。 日本前首相福田康夫積極支持改善與中國的關係，他表示，日中之間的摩擦主要源於美中貿易問題。「問題是排除中國後全球貿易是否會更好」，他表示。Source article: https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/lang/archives/2022/10/04/2003786373 Next Article Topic: Japan's cats and dogs get wearable fans to beat scorching heat A Tokyo clothing maker has teamed up with veterinarians to create a wearable fan for pets, hoping to attract the anxious owners of dogs - or cats - that can't shed their fur coats in Japan's blistering summer weather. 一間東京製衣廠與獸醫組隊為寵物製造一款穿戴式風扇，希望能吸引焦慮不安的狗狗或貓咪飼主，因 為牠們無法在日本炎熱的夏季脫下毛皮大衣。 The device consists of a battery-operated, 80-gramme fan that is attached to a mesh outfit and blows air around an animal's body. 這款裝置由電池供電運作，80公克重的風扇附著在網格服裝上，在動物的身體周圍吹風。 Rei Uzawa, president of maternity clothing maker Sweet Mommy, was motivated to create it after seeing her own pet exhausted every time it was taken out for a walk in the scorching summer heat. 成衣製造商Sweet Mommy負責人鵜澤璃看見她自己的寵物每次在炎熱夏天高溫下的戶外散步之後筋疲力盡，因而有了製作這款衣服的動機。 After the rainy season in Tokyo ended in late June, the Japanese capital suffered the longest heatwave on record with temperatures up to 35 degrees Celsius for nine days. 東京雨季在6月底結束之後，日本首都迎來史上最久的熱浪，連續9天氣溫高達攝氏35度。 "I usually use dry ice packs. But I think it's easier to walk my dog if we have this fan," said Mami Kumamoto, 48, owner of a miniature poodle and a terrier. 飼養一隻迷你貴賓和一隻梗犬的48歲熊本麻美（譯音）說「我通常使用冰袋。但是我認為有了這款風扇，遛狗會比較輕鬆。」 Next Article Topic: World's oldest person dies in Japan aged 119 全球最年長人士在日本過世 享年119歲 A Japanese woman believed to have been the world's oldest person has died aged 119, public broadcaster NHK said on Monday, reporting the death of Kane Tanaka. 公共廣播機構「日本放送協會」週一報導田中加子的死訊說，據信是全球最年長者的一位日本女性以119歲過世。 Born on Jan. 2, 1903 - the year of the Wright Brothers' first controlled flight of their motor-driven airplane - Tanaka was confirmed by Guinness World Records in 2019 as the oldest living person. 田中生於1903年1月2日──萊特兄弟以他們的引擎驅動的飛機進行首次受控飛行的那年──在2019年獲金氏世界紀錄證實為還活著的最年老人士。 She died of old age at a hospital in Fukuoka city, western Japan, on April 19, NHK said. During her life, she had been partial to chocolate and fizzy drinks, NHK said. 日本放送協會說，她於4月19日在日本西部福岡市一家醫院因年邁過世。她這輩子特別喜歡巧克力和氣泡飲料。 Japan has a dwindling and rapidly ageing population. As of last September, the country had 86,510 centenarians, and nine out of every 10 were women. （Reuters） 日本人口不斷減少並快速老化。截至去年9月，該國有8萬6510名人瑞，而且每10人中有9人是女性。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1538125 ; https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1514547 Powered by Firstory Hosting

歡迎留言告訴我們你對這一集的想法： https://open.firstory.me/user/cl81kivnk00dn01wffhwxdg2s/comments 每日英語跟讀 Ep.K457: What's behind strained China-Japan relations Japan and China on Thursday last week marked the 50th anniversary of the 1972 normalization of their ties, but there isn't much of a celebratory mood. Improved ties between Asia's two biggest economies are considered vital to the region's stability and prosperity, but they remain at odds over disputed East China Sea islands and China's growing military and economic assertiveness in the region. Here are the key issues in the often strained relations between these powerhouse neighbors: 日本和中國上週四慶祝一九七二年兩國關係正常化五十週年，但並沒有太多慶祝的氣氛。亞洲最大的兩個經濟體間關係之改善，咸認攸關亞洲的穩定與繁榮，但對於有領土爭端的東海島嶼，以及中國軍事和經濟上在該區域愈趨強勢，兩國的立場仍然分歧。這兩個鄰近的強國經常處於緊張的關係，以下是其中幾個關鍵問題： TERRITORIAL DISPUTES A huge source of contention is an uninhabited group of Tokyo-controlled, Beijing-claimed East China Sea islands called Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in China. Japan insists that the islands, which once hosted a Japanese seafood factory, are part of its territory, both historically and by international law. China says they were stolen by Japan in 1895 and should have been returned at the end of World War II. The disputed islands are surrounded by rich fishing grounds and undersea oil deposits, and Japan accuses China of suddenly making its territorial claims after the undersea resources were found in a 1969 United Nations report. The 1972 normalization communique did not deal with the issue, but the dispute intensified after Japan's government in 2012 nationalized the Senkaku islands, leading to violent protests across China. Chinese coast guard and fishing boats are regularly found in the area, routinely intruding on Japanese waters. 領土爭端 一個主要的爭論是東京所控制、北京聲稱擁有主權的東海無人島群，在日本稱為尖閣諸島，在中國稱為釣魚島。日本堅稱，日本曾在這些島嶼設有海產工廠，無論就歷史或國際法而言，這些島都是日本領土的一部分。中國說這些島是在一八九五年被日本偷走，日本應該在二戰結束時將其歸還。這些有爭端的島嶼，周圍環繞著富饒的漁場，海底石油儲量豐沛，日本指責中國是在一九六九年聯合國報告發現海底資源後才忽然提出領土主張。一九七二年的兩國關係正常化公報並未處理此問題，但日本政府二○一二年將尖閣諸島國有化後，爭端愈演愈烈，在中國各地引發了暴力抗議。中國海岸警衛隊及漁船常在此區域出現，經常侵犯日本水域。 FEAR OF TAIWAN EMERGENCY Japan, along with its security ally the US, has openly criticized increased Chinese activities in the South China Sea. Tokyo has also pushed for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. China claims Taiwan, a self-governing democracy, and has threatened to annex it by force if necessary. With a US-China trade war and naval tensions on the rise in the area, Japan is increasingly worried about Taiwan emergencies. China's increased joint military drills with Russia near Japanese coasts have also irked Japan. Tokyo is shifting its military posture toward southwestern Japan, including Okinawa and remote islands just east of Taiwan. China staged major military drills in areas surrounding Taiwan in August in an angry response to US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's Taipei visit, and fired five ballistic missiles into waters near Okinawa. Fear of conflict over Taiwan adds to Japan's urgent efforts to reinforce its military capabilities and boost its budget. Japan is currently revising its national security strategy, which is expected to call for the possession of preemptive strike capabilities that opponents say would violate the country's pacifist constitution. With Japan's westernmost island just east of Taiwan, “It is increasingly difficult to see how a Taiwan military contingency would not affect at a minimum the waters and airspace around Japanese territory,” said Amanda Hsiao, senior analyst for China at the Crisis Group. 對台灣緊急狀況的恐懼 日本及其安全盟友美國公開批評中國在南海的活動增加。東京也推動了台灣海峽的和平及穩定。中國聲稱擁有台灣──一個自治的民主國家──的主權，並威脅在必要時以武力吞併台灣。隨著中美貿易戰及該地區海軍緊張局勢的加劇，日本越來越擔憂台灣出現緊急狀況。中國在日本沿海附近增加與俄國的聯合軍演也激怒了日本。東京正將其軍事布局轉向日本西南部，包括沖繩及台灣以東的偏遠島嶼。八月，中國在台灣周邊舉行大規模軍事演習，做為美國眾議院議長南希．裴洛西訪問台北的憤怒回應，並向沖繩附近海域發射了五枚彈道飛彈。對台灣衝突的恐懼讓日本更急迫地加強其軍事能力及增加預算。日本目前正在修訂國家安全戰略，預計將要求擁有先發制人的攻擊能力，反對者稱這將違反日本的和平憲法。日本最西端的島嶼就在台灣以東，因此「越來越難看出台灣的軍事意外事件如何不會對日本領土周遭的水域及空域造成一丁點影響」，國際危機組織中國問題高級分析師蕭嫣然表示。 WARTIME HISTORY The two countries were at war, starting with clashes in the 1930s, until Japan's defeat in 1945. Japanese atrocities during the Sino-Japanese war include the Rape of Nanking, the use of chemical and biological weapons and grisly human medical experiments in Manchuria, where Japan's imperial army had a secret biological weapons unit. Japan also took nearly 40,000 Chinese laborers to Japanese mines and factories, where many died of malnutrition and abuse. In the 1972 communique, China waived the right to war compensation, which some experts say was in exchange for Japan's apology and recognition of China as the only legal government. Japan, however, has provided official development aid totaling 3.6 trillion yen ($US25 billion) to China over the past four decades. 戰時歷史 從一九三○年代的衝突開始，直到一九四五年日本戰敗，中日兩國是處於戰爭狀態。中日戰爭期間日本的暴行包括南京大屠殺、使用化學及生物武器，以及在滿洲進行駭人的人體醫學實驗。日本帝國陸軍在滿洲有一個秘密的生物武器部隊。日本還將近四萬名中國勞工帶到日本的礦山及工廠，其中許多人死於營養不良和受虐。在一九七二年的公報中，中國放棄了獲得戰爭賠償的權利，一些專家稱這是為了換取日本的道歉及承認中共是唯一合法中國政府。然而，在過去四十年中，日本官方向中國提供了總計三點六兆日元（兩百五十億美元）的發展援助。 YASUKUNI SHRINE China considers Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine — which honors 2.5 million war dead, including convicted war criminals — as a symbol of Japan's wartime militarism. Beijing views visits by Japanese ministers and lawmakers to the Tokyo shrine as indicative of a lack of remorse over Japan's wartime aggression. China, along with South Korea, which Japan colonized from 1910 to 1945, routinely protests against such visits. 靖國神社 中國將東京的靖國神社——它供奉兩百五十萬名戰爭死難者，包括被定罪的戰犯——視為日本戰時軍國主義的象徵。北京認為，日本部長和議員參拜東京靖國神社表示對日本的戰時侵略缺乏悔意。中國以及日本在一九一○年至一九四五年期間所殖民的韓國經常抗議此類參訪。 ECONOMIC SECURITY As a top US ally and a major trade partner with China, Japan is in a delicate situation and must balance its position between the two superpowers. China has been more assertive about pressing other governments to embrace Chinese-led initiatives, including a trade group called the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Japan, along with the US, is seeking ways to stand up to increasing Chinese economic influence in the region. Tokyo also wants to reinforce economic security with other democracies in areas such as supply chains and the protection of sensitive technologies, apparently as a counter to China. Yasuo Fukuda, a former Japanese prime minister who is an active proponent of better ties with China, says friction between Japan and China largely stems from US-China trade issues. “The question is whether global trade works better by excluding China,” he said. 經濟安全 作為美國的頂尖盟友和中國的主要貿易夥伴，日本處境微妙，必須平衡其在兩個超級大國之間的地位。中國在敦促其他政府接受中國主導的倡議方面更加自信，其中包括一個名為「區域全面經濟夥伴關係」的貿易組織。日本與美國一道，正想方設法抵禦中國在該地區日益增加的經濟影響力。東京還希望與其他民主國家在供應鍊和敏感技術保護等領域加強經濟安全，這顯然是為了對抗中國。 日本前首相福田康夫積極支持改善與中國的關係，他表示，日中之間的摩擦主要源於美中貿易問題。「問題是排除中國後全球貿易是否會更好」，他表示。Source article: https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/lang/archives/2022/10/04/2003786373 Powered by Firstory Hosting

Chinese envoy Yue Xiaoyong says Afghanistan is in urgent need of its foreign reserves to rebuild the country (1:03). The Chinese Embassy in Japan says it has lodged serious representation after Japanese officials sent offerings to the Yasukuni Shrine (10:30). Quanzhou's cuisine embodies strong Chinese traditions with influences from other cultures (22:55).

China has expressed opposition to a Japanese official's visit to the Yasukuni shrine for war dead in Tokyo.

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This week, join the Krewe as they explore the summertime festival scene in Japan. What are some essentials to enjoy at any given summer festival? What is the Japanese government doing to help support the preservation of these cultural traditions? Find out this, along with a month-by-month breakdown of some of the top festivals to check out while in Japan. Who knows what's in store for international tourists in 2022, but it never hurts to be prepared for festival season, even if it's for summer 2023... BUT LET'S HOPE FOR SOONER!! ------ About the Krewe ------The Krewe of Japan Podcast is a weekly episodic podcast sponsored by the Japan Society of New Orleans. Check them out every Friday afternoon around noon CST on Apple, Google, Spotify, Amazon, Stitcher, or wherever you get your podcasts.  Want to share your experiences with the Krewe? Or perhaps you have ideas for episodes, feedback, comments, or questions? Let the Krewe know by e-mail at kreweofjapanpodcast@gmail.com or on social media (Twitter: @kreweofjapan, Instagram: @kreweofjapanpodcast, Facebook: Krewe of Japan Podcast Page, & the Krewe of Japan Youtube Channel). Until next time, enjoy!------ Festivals ------June: Yosakoi Soran Festival (Sapporo, early June), Atsuta Festival (Nagoya, June 5), Sanno Matsuri (Tokyo, mid-June)July: Gion Matsuri (Kyoto, all throughout July), Tenjin Festival (Osaka, July 24-25), Shirakata Tenmangu Festival (Matsue, July 24-25), Sumidagawa Fireworks Festival (Tokyo, last Saturday in July), Soma Nomaoi (Soma, last week of July)August: Nebuta Matsuri (Aomori, August 2-7), Awa Odori (primarily Tokushima, mid-August), Bon Odori (nationwide, mid-August), Tanabata (Sendai, August 7; elsewhere, July 7)

Why has Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine become such a lightning rod for the memory wars in Japan about the Asia-Pacific War?  Akiko Takenaka, author of Yasukuni Shrine: History, Memory, and Japan's Unending Postwar, helps us understand how the meaning of Yasukuni has changed over time and why it has become the nation's most controversial memory site.  

For this episode, we are going to the island nation of Japan. It is one of my favorite countries. I am fortunate to have lived there for several years, I still try to keep with the language as best I can, and I still keep in touch with many Japanese friends. So, I am well aware of the controversial nature of this topic. This episode will not take a side in the controversy. It will just give an historical presentation on Yasukuni Shrine (靖國神社) and attempt to answer the following question, why is it so controversial? Please visit my YouTube channel:https://www.youtube.com/c/ThreeMinutesofHistory/videosPlease visit the YouTube channel of the talented Marielle Mimes:https://www.youtube.com/c/MarielleMimes/videos

Starbucks Korea promises to improve working conditions for baristas-Supreme court rules on child custody rights of divorced multicultural family-Japanese PM Fumio Kishida visits Yasukuni Shrine-트럭시위 이후 처우 개선 약속한 스타벅스 코리아-한국어 서툴러서 양육권 박탈한다는 법원 결정 뒤집은 대법-일본 기시다 총리의 야스쿠니 신사 방문Guest: Steven Borowiec, Journalist based in SeoulSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Transgression: who is she? Is she real? Is she dead? OK and Lucia are back to their roots, being ON ONE. Covering a range of topics that all make sense together I swear. We start with the Laura Kipnis essay “Transgression, an Elegy” which is difficult to separate from Kipnis herself, the fucking harper’s letter … Continue reading "135 – Zombie Transgression"