Podcasts about Alexis de Tocqueville

En este episodio analizamos cómo se está construyendo una infraestructura de vigilancia sin precedentes en Europa, utilizando excusas como la seguridad de los menores, la seguridad vial y la modernización financiera. Exploramos mecanismos como el chat control, la identidad digital y el euro digital, herramientas que, bajo una apariencia de protección, erosionan nuestra privacidad y libertad individual. •Ricardo Silva reflexiona sobre la autocensura crónica y la monitorización constante a la que estamos sometidos a través de nuestros dispositivos. Acompáñanos en este análisis sobre cómo la servidumbre voluntaria y la burocracia digital están transformando nuestra sociedad, recordándonos la advertencia de Alexis de Tocqueville sobre el poder tutelar que debilita a las naciones.

Welcome to Impact Theory. In today's episode, we dive into the rising power of the Democratic Socialists of America and the candidate who has become the movement's most polarizing new face. As DSA-aligned nominees sweep primaries across New York State, we unpack what these wins actually mean and why the gap between what these candidates say and what they plan to do should concern every American.At the center of the conversation is Darializa Avila Chevalier, the Democratic nominee for Congress in New York's 13th district. We examine her deleted social media history, including past calls to fully abolish the police, opposition to all deportations even for criminals, and posts advocating the seizure of private property, the nationalization of hospitals and pharmaceutical companies, and the freezing of rents. We break down how a clearly intelligent and disciplined politician has learned to dodge the hard questions, deliver eloquent non-answers, and avoid handing anyone a usable soundbite.From the philosophy of socialism and the historical record of where these ideologies lead, to the de Tocqueville concept of the overproduction of elites, to the real economic forces driving young voters left, this conversation pulls no punches. We also dig into identity politics, the difference between diagnosing a problem and prescribing the wrong cure, and why getting the solution wrong can be even more dangerous than ignoring the problem entirely.Whether you are here to understand the future of the American left or to see how today's choices will define tomorrow, this episode offers a sharp and unflinching look at the ideas now competing for power.Quince: Free shipping and 365-day returns at https://quince.com/impactpodWhatnot: Download the Whatnot app today and get free shipping on your first order.ATT Business: Switch to AT&T Business at business.att.comKetone IQ: Visit https://ketone.com/IMPACT for 30% OFF your subscription orderShopify: Sign up for your one-dollar-per-month trial period at https://shopify.com/impactTruemed: Check your eligibility and start saving at https://truemed.com/impactEthos: Get a free quote at https://ethos.com/impactIncogni: Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code IMPACT at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/impact What's up, everybody? It's Tom Bilyeu here:If you want my help...STARTING a business: join me here at ZERO TO FOUNDER: https://tombilyeu.com/zero-to-founder?utm_campaign=Podcast%20Offer&utm_source=podca[%E2%80%A6]d%20end%20of%20show&utm_content=podcast%20ad%20end%20of%20showSCALING a business: see if you qualify here.: https://tombilyeu.com/callGet my battle-tested strategies and insights delivered weekly to your inbox: sign up here.:https://tombilyeu.com/**********************************************************************If you're serious about leveling up your life, I urge you to check out my new podcast, Tom Bilyeu's Mindset Playbook —a goldmine of my most impactful episodes on mindset, business, and health. Trust me, your future self will thank you.**********************************************************************FOLLOW TOM:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tombilyeu/Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@tombilyeu?lang=enTwitter: https://twitter.com/tombilyeuYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TomBilyeuSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Hour 1 for 7/10/26 Drew begins the hour with a news roundup and then discusses trade between the USA, Canada and Mexico with E.J. Antoni (13:54). Later on Sarah Gustafson shares the significance and influence of Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville in American History (32:06) Links: The Man Who Understood Democracy: The Life of Alexis de Tocqueville: https://www.amazon.com/Man-Who-Understood-Democracy-Tocqueville/dp/0691173974 C-Span Series on Alexis de Tocqueville: https://www.c-span.org/program/c-span-specials/tocqueville-in-france/137531

FAN MAIL--We would love YOUR feedback--Send us a Text MessageWhere do your rights come from, and what happens to a country when it gets that answer wrong? We tackle the most radical political claim baked into the American founding: unalienable rights don't come from the state, they come from God, and government exists to protect what you already have. That single idea flips the usual power equation and draws a hard line around conscience, belief, and the limits of political authority.We lean on Michael Medved's book The American Miracle to explore why the founders talked about Providence and why Medved insists key moments in the Revolutionary era feel like more than coincidence. From fog and storms to the timing of alliances, we weigh “luck” against “Providence” and land on a surprising takeaway: taking American exceptionalism seriously should produce humility and gratitude, not swagger or xenophobia.Then we connect the dots to religious liberty and why it functions as the engine of every other freedom. We talk through the First Amendment tradition, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom, and the core principle that God created the mind free, so no ruler has rightful authority to coerce belief or punish dissent. We also look at how free conscience fuels reform movements, from abolition to civil rights, and why Tocqueville thought America's blend of Christianity and liberty helped explain why the system worked.Key Points from the Episode:• the core question of rights and their source  • the founders' radical claim that government protects rights rather than grants them  • Michael Medved's The American Miracle and the case for Providence over luck  • why acknowledging providence points to humility and gratitude rather than arrogance  • religious liberty as the driver of abolition and civil rights reform  • Tocqueville on Christianity and liberty in the American mind  • the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom and the First Amendment limits on government coercion  • why state power over conscience corrupts faith and breeds hypocrisy  Be sure to check out our show page at teammojoacademy.com, where we have everything we discussed in this podcast as well as other great resources.  if you like books

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

-250 years of God-given liberty — and why, for the believer, our greatest chapter is still ahead.NOTE: The audio might not sound too good because this was a pop-up live I did at around 11:00pm on July 3rd. Kind of sounds like an old radio show! Blessings!Two hundred and fifty years ago, fifty-six men pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor on a firm reliance on divine Providence. This nation was built on the conviction that our rights come from God — not from kings, not from congresses, not from majorities. That foundation is worth honoring, and on this Fourth of July, we do. But honoring the past is not the same as living in it. In this broadcast, we trace the Judeo-Christian bedrock of the American founding, hear what Adams and Tocqueville understood about liberty that we've grown soft on, and name a quiet danger that has crept into the believing church: nostalgia.Because here's the truth — as much as I love this country, America was never our hope. Nations rise and nations fall, but the Kingdom that has no end belongs to Jesus Christ. When we spend all our energy staring into the rearview mirror, longing for a golden age, we do the very thing Scripture warns against. Lot's wife looked back. Israel looked back. We are called to look forward — to the blessed hope, the return of our King, and a future so glorious that our best chapter hasn't even been written yet. So light the fireworks. Thank God for 250 years. But don't you dare get stuck looking back. Stand firm, and stay salty.Grateful you're here.— Pablo------------------------------------------Subscribe to receive future broadcasts and articles at:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.serpentsndoves.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠-------------------------------------------Share.Forward this post, repost it, or pass it along to someone who might need it.Support.This broadcast is listener-supported. If you're in a position to help sustain it, you can do so here:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Buy Me a Coffee⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ (one-time or monthly)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠PayPal⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ (direct donation)

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

A imprensa, historicamente cunhada como o Quarto Poder pelo filósofo político Edmund Burke no final do século XVIII, consolidou-se como uma força capaz de rivalizar com governos e parlamentos. Este documentário da Brasil Paralelo explora as origens e a evolução da comunicação de massa, demonstrando como a capacidade de relatar fatos com independência tornou-se vital para a manutenção das democracias ocidentais. Acompanhe a análise das observações de Alexis de Tocqueville, que identificou os jornais locais como o elo estrutural da sociedade civil americana no século XIX, garantindo a resistência contra o autoritarismo. Em contrapartida, o século XX revelou a dupla finalidade da comunicação com a ascensão do rádio: enquanto líderes como Franklin Roosevelt uniam sua nação durante crises econômicas, regimes totalitários na Europa manipulavam as transmissões para fins de propaganda ideológica e coerção em massa.

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

The remarkable political ascent of Donald J. Trump and his sustained grip on a certain segment of American society have given fresh life to a question as old as Tocqueville's visit to Jacksonian America a century ago: How do foreigners regard America, Americans and the American experiment? I explore this question in a conversation with Madeline Schwartz, founder and editor in chief of The Dial, an online publication. She wrote the Introduction to a collection of essays featuring work commissioned by The Dial, the new book titled How We See It: The World Looks at America in the Age of Trump (The New Press, 2026). We discuss perspectives from Italy, Argentina and South Africa, among other places Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/journalism

Welcome to Day Two of American Ground Radio's 10th Annual Fourth of July Special — What Makes America Great — with Stephen Parr and Louis R. Avallone. We're continuing our celebration of America's 250th birthday with some of the most compelling voices in the country. We open with Kirk Cameron, who escaped California for Tennessee and is spending the Fourth leading See You at the Library events in all 50 states — reading books of virtue to children as an answer to the drag queen storytime movement that swept public libraries during COVID. Kirk shares the Alexis de Tocqueville quote that he says captures everything: I searched America's harbors and rivers and farmlands and halls of Congress for the secret to her genius and power, and it wasn't until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness that I found it. America is great because she is good. And if she ever ceases to be good, she will cease to be great. He also tells us about the National Monument to the Forefathers in Plymouth, Massachusetts — hidden in a residential neighborhood, unknown to most Americans — and the documentary he made about it called Monumental. House Majority Leader Steve Scalise joins us from Louisiana — and when we ask him when he first realized this country was exceptional, he tells us about lying in a hospital bed for three and a half months after being shot on a baseball field by a man who came to kill every Republican present. He talks about receiving calls from Benjamin Netanyahu and the King of Jordan — not because he was the president, but because they understood that an assassination attempt on a member of Congress was a threat to democracy itself. And he talks about returning to the House floor to a standing ovation from both sides of the aisle — and what that moment told him about what this country still is. Navy SEAL and New York Times number one bestselling author Jack Carr — creator of The Terminal List, now in its seventh book with Red Sky Morning — talks about winning the lottery the moment you're born in this country, about taking his daughter to Normandy to sit across the table from D-Day veterans before it's too late, and about why the main difference between his generation and today's is a small device in a pocket that creates addiction with very few benefits. His prescription: read books, get outside, talk to people, and do exactly what he did in fifth grade when his parents took him to Revolutionary War battlefields. Tommy Lahren of Fox News and OutKick tells us she was in fourth grade in South Dakota on September 11th — New York City felt like another world — and it was watching the country come together in the aftermath that first showed her there was something genuinely exceptional about being an American. She says September 12th, as horrible as its predecessor was, was one of the most beautiful days in American history. She also makes the case she's dedicated her career to — free speech absolutism — arguing that if you need to cancel someone else's voice to win the argument, your argument probably isn't very good. Eric Metaxas joins us with his brand new book Revolution: The Birth of the Greatest Nation in the History of the World — and delivers what may be the most historically grounded answer we've ever gotten on this show. He takes us back to Samuel Adams addressing Congress on August 1st, 1776 — the day before they signed the official copy of the Declaration — saying, we have this day restored the Sovereign. Capital S. Not King George III. The actual King. God. Metaxas explains that what the founders were doing was unprecedented in all of world history — reaching back to the Sinai covenant where the Israelites said they could govern themselves without a king — and that this is why America succeeded where the French Revolution collapsed into terror and dictatorship. His mother grew up in Nazi Germany. His father grew up in Greece. He was raised knowing this country is not normal. Senator Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee — now running for governor — shares the lesson that stuck with her from selling books door to door for 80 hours a week on straight commission in college: the harder and smarter you work, the more successful you will be. She connects faith directly to the founding documents — the Declaration's reference to a Creator as the source of unalienable rights is not incidental, she says. It is the whole point. And for the first time in the history of this special, we welcome a former member of the British Parliament — Douglas Carswell, now president of the Mississippi Center for Public Policy — who moved from Britain to Mississippi in his late 40s and felt, in his words, like he was coming home for the first time in his life. He describes attending his first Friday Night Lights game in a small Mississippi town and watching every kid in school — athletes and non-athletes alike — playing some role in the evening, and seeing in that moment exactly what de Tocqueville saw: a society of many parts coming together to solve problems without direction from government. His answer to what makes America great — you look to each other to fix your problems. Not to government. That's why Elon Musk could only have happened here. We close by reflecting on the two days of conversations, the idea of America as a nation founded not just on laws but on self-evident truths, and the core principle that runs through every interview in this special — America doesn't promise equal outcomes. It promises equal dignity, the freedom to pursue your own dreams, and the chance for ordinary people to discover the extraordinary greatness that God placed inside them. The greatness of America comes from the greatness within you. May your pursuit of happiness bring you joy. Listen now wherever you get your podcasts, visit AmericanGroundRadio.com, and join the conversation at 866-AGR-1776!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, it's worth asking: What was the American Revolution actually about? We all remember the broad strokes we learned in school: Independence from the British crown. Taxes on tea. Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. But on a deeper level, the American Revolution was—and is—a revolution in political theory, reimagining what a legitimate government is and what its relationship to its citizens should be. Washington's troops won the ground war 245 years ago at Yorktown, but the ideological battle continues against forces on both the left and the right who are pursuing a ruthless assault on America's core values. The American Revolution isn't over. Inscribed inside the dome of the Jefferson Memorial are the words: "I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." Thomas Jefferson wrote that in an 1800 letter, but that feeling of hostility toward the tyranny of a distant monarch is what drove him and his fellow revolutionaries in 1776. Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch summarized the Declaration's core ideas in an interview with Reason: "The Declaration of Independence had three great ideas in it. That all of us are equal. That each of us has inalienable rights given to us by God, not government. And that we have the right to rule ourselves." That's why Jefferson declared that a legitimate government requires the "consent of the governed." Thomas Paine put it more scathingly in his 1776 pamphlet Common Sense, writing that "government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens." Monarchy was the Devil's most effective and enduring form of "idolatry." We don't fret over tyrannical kings in today's America. Only ceremonial vestiges of hereditary monarchy remain in the modern world. The Revolution achieved a complete victory in that sense. Yet a counterrevolution is underway, one that views the American Revolution and the republic it birthed as a failed liberal regime that has outlived its usefulness. And these counterrevolutionaries sit remarkably close to the levers of power. Self-Rule Under Threat Three years before he became vice president, J.D. Vance told podcaster Jack Murphy that America had reached a point of no return. "We are in the late republican period," he said. "If we're going to push back against it we have to get pretty wild and pretty far out there and go in directions that a lot of conservatives right now are uncomfortable with. Indeed, among some of my circle the phrase 'extra-constitutional' has come up quite a bit." Vance regularly cites and associates with a group of so-called "postliberals." He appeared on a panel with one of this movement's leading intellectuals, Patrick Deneen, a Notre Dame political science professor and the author of Regime Change: Toward a Postliberal Future, in 2023. Deneen believes there is an unbridgeable divide between the "elite" and "ordinary" people. "What is needed," he writes in the book, "in short, is regime change—the peaceful but vigorous overthrow of a corrupt and corrupting liberal ruling class," which will be replaced by a more virtuous one. He envisions the kind of aristocratic government favored by the ancients like Plato and Aristotle, endorsing "aristopopulism," where an elite class works to further the interests of the masses. "The replacement of the current elites in our society ought to be more closely aligned to the interests of ordinary people," Deneen said at the panel. He invokes a "premodern conception of liberty—expressed in the pages of Plato, Aristotle, the Bible," where institutions like the family, the church, and the state worked together to impose "guardrails" protecting individuals from becoming "slaves" to their own desires. My colleague Stephanie Slade writes about the postliberal right for Reason magazine. "He says people like [himself] should just be in charge of our government. That's what he means by regime change," Slade says. "[That] we should replace the current elites." She notes that postliberals are willing to frame the entire American Founding as a mistake: "They might say, yeah, America did have a liberal founding and that's why it was a mistake. Actually, this whole experiment was a mistake, and it maybe took a couple hundred years for that mistake to play out….We now can see that it doesn't lead to good conservative outcomes." In his book Common Good Constitutionalism, Adrian Vermeule, a postliberal Harvard Law professor and appointee to President Donald Trump's Council of the Administrative Conference of the United States, wrote that "the central aim of the constitutional order is to promote good rule, not to 'protect liberty' as an end in itself." That's a rejection of the spirit of 1776. Paine saw the existence of government as a necessary evil because of "the inability of moral virtue to govern the world." A minimal state, in his view, should be restricted to supplying "freedom and security." As Gorsuch put it in the same Reason interview: "If you think of the Declaration as kind of our mission statement, our ideals, and the Constitution is the how-to manual—well, the Constitution is all about dividing power. Madison realized men are not angels and that their aspirations for power need to be checked and checked and checked again." The "regime change" Deneen and Vermeule call for isn't explicitly violent. Deneen describes "Machiavellian means to achieve Aristotelian ends." The strategy manifests as a steady expansion of presidential authority, as we've seen under Donald Trump's second term: the 143 executive orders he signed in just his first 100 days, more than any other president in history; his decision to send troops to American cities without permission from local authorities; his declaring of 21 national emergencies while in office; and his decision to send illegal immigrants to overseas prisons in defiance of the judicial branch. Incidentally, one of the grievances listed in the Declaration of Independence was King George III's penchant for shipping the accused "beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses." Before he became vice president, Vance encouraged Trump to emulate Andrew Jackson and dare the Supreme Court to try enforcing its rulings against him. "If I was giving him one piece of advice," Vance said, "fire every single mid-level bureaucrat, every civil servant in the administrative state, replace them with our people, and when the courts—because you will get taken to court—and when the courts stop you, stand before the country like Andrew Jackson did and say, 'The chief justice has made his ruling, now let him enforce it.'" "That's a really dangerous idea to be even casually trotting out there, let alone for somebody who is now the sitting vice president to be on the record," Slade says. "He said it a number of years ago when he was just a candidate for office, but I've never seen anything from him since he's been in office that makes me think that he doesn't ultimately believe in that sort of approach to politics." Some postliberals call for measures far more dramatic than the steady erosion of constitutional restraints currently underway. Michael Anton, who worked in Trump's State Department over two terms, wrote in his book The Stakes about the prospect of a "Red Caesar"—a right-wing dictator who would rise from the ashes of the fallen republic. "Caesar's word replaces constitutionalism and even, in the final analysis, law," he wrote. In a podcast conversation with pro-monarchist blogger Curtis Yarvin, Anton discussed what that might look like. "Caesarism is a form of monarchy, but that follows a nonfunctioning republic, a republic that doesn't work anymore," Anton said. Yarvin proposed that the path to power would begin with declaring a state of emergency in an inaugural address, "taking direct control over all law enforcement authorities….Basically like Caesar, you're using all of the force available to you."  "There is just clearly much more of a sense that government power is meant to be used to advance our side in the face of our enemies," Slade says. "And the enemies are the left, the political left, and anyone on the right who isn't going to line up with [them]. [They believe] political power should be used to reward our friends and punish our enemies, and that to me is a clear violation of one of the core principles of rule of law, which is equal treatment for everyone under law." In the COVID era, President Joe Biden imposed national mandates by executive fiat, and his administration tried to suppress dissent by pressuring tech companies to censor critics. The Democratic Party has also flirted with the idea of packing the Supreme Court to get its way, which is not a new impulse for the party. When President Franklin Delano Roosevelt tried to pack the Court in 1937, it cost him the support of progressives who had previously backed the New Deal. FDR is revered by progressives and cited by Yarvin as a prototype for an American Caesar. "Was FDR a dictator? What does it mean to be a dictator? What does this pejorative word mean?" Yarvin asks. "A dictator is somebody who rules alone. And that, I think, is a beautiful thing." The Revolution was, first and foremost, about self-rule: We would no longer abide by a diktat from an overseas king. From the very beginning of the republic, power-seeking men have tried to undermine that vision. In its earliest days, there was a plot to install a Prussian prince as king of a new American monarchy. Jefferson accused John Adams and Alexander Hamilton of being monarchists, recounting in horror a dinner conversation in which Hamilton told him "the greatest man…that ever lived was Julius Caesar." But monarchy is seductive because strongmen promise order in chaotic times. In the wake of Shays' Rebellion, a post-Revolution farmer's uprising, Jefferson worried the Constitution's drafters were overreacting by creating a powerful presidency that would devolve into a monarchy. "What country can preserve its liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance?" he wrote. And then, famously: "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure." Hopefully, patriots won't be shedding blood anytime soon. But Jefferson's point stands: Preserving the promises of the Revolution will always be an ongoing battle. Self-rule was one of those promises. Another was self-ownership, which includes the right to do what you want with your own property. The Rise of 'Right-Wing Progressivism' The Declaration accused the king of "cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world." The American colonies experienced unprecedented economic growth, a topic of keen interest to the laissez faire economist Adam Smith, whose book The Wealth of Nations also turns 250 this year. Smith was fascinated by the American colonies, observing that their "progress has been more rapid than that of the English in North America. Plenty of good land, and liberty to manage their own affairs their own way, seem to be the two great causes of the prosperity." Other imperial powers, such as the Spanish and Portuguese, mandated that their colonists trade only through state-created monopolies. Smith pointed out that because American colonists could export lumber to the wider European market, they were incentivized to clear and improve land. Low taxes enabled them to reinvest their profits. Smith criticized England's Navigation Acts for prohibiting colonists from buying from other countries and for discouraging manufacturing to protect domestic competitors. Although England's "mercantile spirit" hampered the economy, Smith believed that in virtually every other respect the liberty of the English colonists "to manage their own affairs their own way is complete," concluding that both England and the colonies would be better off with an independent America that traded freely with England. Like the American revolutionaries, Smith described economic freedom as not just smart policy, but as a natural right. "To prohibit a great people…from making all that they can of every part of their own produce," he wrote, "is a manifest violation of the most sacred rights of mankind." That revolutionary understanding is still under attack today from both the left and the right. Socialists like Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani talk about individual profits as if they are the property of the collective. And Trump has the same mercantilist instincts toward trade that Smith argued against 250 years ago. "I love tariffs. Most beautiful word," Trump said in September 2025. "I said my favorite word in the English dictionary is the word tariff."  The postliberal right argues that laissez faire economics has undermined the working class. "Conservatives have outsourced our economic and domestic policy thinking to libertarians," Vance said at a 2019 National Conservatism Conference. "Do we serve pure unfettered commercial freedom, do we serve commerce at the expense of the public good, or do we serve something higher? And are we willing to use political power to actually accomplish those things?" "It is really important to recognize that what the postliberal right is pushing in terms of economics is progressivism," Slade says. "It's not conservatism." Tucker Carlson made the point in 2019 when he praised Elizabeth Warren's "economic patriotism" platform, noting it "sounds like Donald Trump at his best." What the so-called "economic patriots" of the left and right are converging on is a rejection of the spirit of 1776 and an embrace of monarchy. In the 18th century, many colonists could trade only through state-licensed monopolies. Warren has proposed remarrying corporations and the state through "stakeholder capitalism," in which political appointees sit on corporate boards to steer them in the right direction. Trump took a major step toward the corporatist approach in 2025 when directing the federal government to take a 10 percent stake in Intel. Before him, President Barack Obama took stakes in GM and Chrysler as part of a bailout package. "I don't think it's really a sustainable political equilibrium to have two parties that are both economically leftist," Slade says. "The American people are not on board with that. That is the horseshoe in action. And it's part of why I think there is an opportunity for old-school Reagan-style free-market conservatism to make a comeback." The slow abandonment of the revolutionary ideas of self-rule and private property that American patriots fought for in the late 18th century is downstream of a third, fundamental aspect of the American Revolution that is also under attack: freedom of conscience. Remarrying Church and State The postliberal right wants to tear down the wall between church and state. "They want to integrate church and state instead of separating them," Slade says. In some cases, it's Catholic integralists like Harvard's Vermeule, who has described a strategy of turning the government Catholic by "strategically locat[ing]" integralists "within liberal institutions…to undo the liberalism of the state from within." Deneen has suggested passing "blue laws" that would ban pornography, online gambling, and operating businesses on Sundays. A Protestant variety of Christian nationalism is embodied by pastor Doug Wilson—a spiritual mentor to Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, who invited Wilson to lead a prayer at the Pentagon. In a recent interview, Wilson said the "governing authorities should recognize formally that Jesus rose from the dead" and that "the basis of law would have to be Christian, and I would want it to be Protestant." Most of the revolutionaries were Christian Protestants, but they insisted on separating church and state to avoid the horrific religious wars that had ravaged Europe. "Torrents of blood have been spilt in the old world" to end religious discord by establishing state churches, wrote James Madison in opposition to taxes that would have funded an official church of Virginia. An even deeper problem for these devout believers in divine providence was that marrying religion to the state removed the very freedom to choose faith that God desires. In his opposition to the Virginia law, Jefferson wrote that "Almighty God hath created the mind free" and that "all attempts" to force religious belief "are a departure from the plan of the holy author of our religion." Madison argued historically that Christianity reached its "greatest lustre" in the times before it incorporated with the state, and that religious laws would counterproductively discourage nonbelievers from entering a region he hoped would become a beacon of Christianity. "Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man." Slade draws on her own Catholic faith in making the case. "I am a libertarian because I'm a Catholic, because I believe that every person was created in the image of God," she says. "I just think it's morally wrong from a Catholic or Christian perspective to try to use the coercive, violent power of the state to make people live a certain way. Even if the way that these guys would like to make people live—going to church on Sunday, praying, investing in your community and your family, self-sacrifice—all these good Christian values. They're good Christian values, but they can't be coerced or imposed from the top down. It's wrong and morally offensive from a Christian perspective." Slade says she understands the despair postliberals feel about the collapse of faith and virtue in contemporary America and that they have a point about the progressive capture of institutions. "What they're channeling is a really influential belief, which isn't totally wrong, that the left made a very concerted effort to make what is often referred to as a 'long march through the institutions' and to capture so many of our elite institutions—both at the governmental level but also at the cultural level: higher education, Hollywood, the mainstream media." Critics of the progressive agenda—or "wokeness"—often describe it as its own kind of religion. Linguist and social critic John McWhorter has argued that it has "slowly transmogrified into a kind of replacement for Protestant Christianity" among its adherents. Whether religious or not, progressives have imposed their social values on Americans through public school curricula, federal policy, and civil rights law. They have violated the freedom of conscience that Jefferson and Madison wrote about in a way very similar to how mandating religion would. Postliberalism is part of the political backlash. A poll conducted in early 2021 of people who voted for Trump in 2020 didn't find agreement on nationalist economic policies—tariffs, industrial policy, any of that—but found near-universal agreement on a sense of cultural siege. About 90 percent agreed with statements like "the mainstream media has become just an arm of the Democratic Party" or "Christianity is under attack today." "This sense that the culture has been captured by people who are hostile to people like me and who hate me and want to drive me out of the public square has created so much resentment and so much of a backlash that's driving this postliberal right-wing politics," Slade says. "I don't think it's possible to understand what's going on on the right without looking at what's been going on on the left, definitely ramping up during the period referred to as the great awakening." Slade's new book argues that the remedy to this postliberal moment is a rediscovery of "fusionism"—the reintegration of liberty and virtue. "A good society needs to be both free and virtuous. And the Founders certainly believed this," she says. John Adams wrote just 13 days before the signing of the Declaration that "the only foundation of a free Constitution is pure Virtue, and if this cannot be inspired into our People…they will not obtain a lasting Liberty." "What he's saying is, we can have a limited government in a free society, but if the people aren't naturally virtuous, if they don't trust each other, if they aren't good to each other—that [the Republic] is going to end up succumbing to tyranny and to a strongman government," Slade says. His fellow revolutionary and intellectual adversary Jefferson flipped the equation by writing that liberty "is the great parent…of virtue." Balancing liberty and virtue means reconstructing some of the civic "guardrails" that Deneen laments having lost in modernity—but not handing the power to regulate our conscience to the government. "What we're seeing a lot is people who are focused either on liberty but don't spend a lot of time thinking about how do we cultivate virtue, or who say, forget your liberty, we want virtue at the point of a gun," Slade says. "Government's job is to protect our basic rights and liberties. It should be prioritizing the protection of liberty." "That doesn't mean that virtue isn't important. In fact, it's the highest, most important thing in life—to pursue a virtuous life," Slade continues. "But it's not OK to expect government to do that for us. Government protects our freedom and we use that freedom to pursue virtue." The solution, Slade argues, has to be ground-up. She invokes Alexis de Tocqueville, who observed when he came to America in the 1830s that Americans excel at coming together and creating voluntary community solutions to social problems. "We should have some muscle memory here. We should be able to get back to that idea of thinking of ourselves as being on the front lines of solving problems, building new civil society institutions, nongovernmental institutions that can try to solve the problems we see in our society," Slade says. "Good policy can make this easier. And bad policy can crowd it out and make it a lot harder." The Declaration of Independence is 250 years old, but the Revolution it started is as vital as ever. During the final days of the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin was famously asked what kind of government they were in the process of designing. "A Republic," he said, "if you can keep it." Photo Credits: Horst Galuschka/dpa/picture-alliance/Newscom/ Dennis Flaherty / Jaynes Gallery / DanitaDelimont.com / Danita Delimont/ Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Newscom/ TIA DUFOUR/UPI/Newscom/Antonio Perez/TNS/Newscom/ Aaron Schwartz - Pool via CNP/picture alliance / Consolidated News Photos/Newscom/ Ron Adar / SOPA/ Images/Sipa USA/Newscom/ JT Vintage/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom/ AdMedia/SIPA/Newscom/ Hugh Rooney / Eye Ubiquitous/Newscom/ Bonnie Cash - Pool via CNP/CNP / Polaris/Newscom/AdMedia/Newscom/ Graeme Sloan/Sipa USA/Newscom/ Polaris/Newscom; Eric Lee - Pool via CNP/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom; Department of Defense The post The American Revolution Isn't Over appeared first on Reason.com.

„Nie je tu ľahké obmedziť niekoho na jednoduchú materiálnu starosť o živobytie; i ten najobyčajnejší remeselník tu občas vrhá chtivé a kradmé pohľady do vyššieho sveta inteligencie. Nečíta sa tu v rovnakom duchu a rovnakým spôsobom ako v aristokratických spoločnostiach, ale okruh čitateľov sa neustále rozširuje a nakoniec zahŕňa všetkých občanov. (...) Počet tých, ktorí pestujú vedu, literatúru a umenie, nadobúda obrovský rozsah. Vo svete inteligencie vzniká zázračná aktivita; každý sa usiluje preraziť si sem cestu a snaží sa tiež upútať pozornosť publika. (...) diela sú tu často nedokonalé, ale nespočetné. A hoci je výsledok individuálneho úsilia často veľmi malý, celkový výsledok je vždy mimoriadne veľký.“ Takto francúzsky politický filozof Alexis de Tocqueville pred takmer dvoma storočiami charakterizoval americký postoj ku kultúre a umeniu. Postoj, ktorý by sme mohli azda aj hyperbolizovať do onej okrídlenej vety, ktorú všetci dobre poznáme: „No, i skladník ve šroubárně si může přečíst Vergilia v originále“. Skrátka, právo na svoj hoc i nepatrný podiel a prístup ku kultúre ma každý, bez rozdielu pôvodu a postavenia. Inými slovami, demokratizmus dorazil aj sem. Aktuálne sa blížiace 250. výročie vzniku Spojených štátov amerických je aj príležitosťou na bilancovanie – bilancovanie príbehu superveľmoci. Okrem ekonomického potenciálu, vojenskej sily a politického vplyvu je tu ešte niečo iné, možno menej do očí bijúce, ale o to prítomnejšie po celom svete. Politológovia by azda vytiahli termín „soft power“, ale my sa držme známeho slovného spojenia – americká popkultúra. A priraďme k nej hneď niekoľko otázok. V čom je výnimočná? Prečo sa niektorí Európania stále na ňu dívajú s istou dávkou dešpektu, hoci jej podiel na celkovej kultúrnej spotrebe je globálny a výrazne dominantný? A aké boli vlastne míľniky na ceste k jej úspechu? Jaro Valent sa v podcaste Dejiny rozpráva s Jurajom Malíčkom. Tento podcast vzniká vďaka podpore JUDr. Daga Vaškora, zberateľa, fanúšika histórie, fanúšika nášho podcastu. Ďakujeme za podporu. Na výrobe tejto relácie spolupracovali Tomáš Rybár a Michal Jurík. – Ak máte pre nás spätnú väzbu, odkaz alebo nápad, napíšte nám na ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠jaroslav.valent@petitpress.sk⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ – Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠sme.sk/podcasty⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Em 1831, um jovem aristocrata francês desembarcou nos Estados Unidos com uma missão oficial do governo, mas acabou descobrindo algo muito mais profundo. Alexis de Tocqueville observou de perto o nascimento e a consolidação do sistema democrático americano, prevendo com assustadora precisão os dilemas políticos e psicológicos que a sociedade ocidental enfrentaria quase dois séculos depois. Neste vídeo, analisamos a genialidade por trás de "A Democracia na América", considerada uma das obras de ciência política mais importantes de todos os tempos. Descubra como a paixão cega pela igualdade pode gerar crises estruturais, entenda o perigo do "Despotismo Suave" e saiba como a chamada cultura do cancelamento moderno e o pensamento de manada já haviam sido desenhados no século XIX através da "Tirania da Maioria".

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here: https://econ.st/4esGGXw Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show on The Economist app | On Spotify | On other appsOn Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/be/podcast/tocqueville-road-trip-from-the-economist/id1896918330 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On this episode of the Hayek Program Podcast, Bobbi Herzberg delivers a keynote lecture at the 2025 Markets & Society conference on Vincent Ostrom's understanding of democracy and self-governance. Reflecting on Ostrom's life, scholarship, and enduring influence, Herzberg explores four central themes in his work: the emergence of social order through shared beliefs and norms, the capacity of individuals to govern themselves, the importance of polycentric systems of governance, and the fragility of democratic institutions. Drawing on Ostrom's collaborations with his wife, Elinor Ostrom, and his engagement with the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville, Herzberg argues that democracy is not a mechanism imposed from above but an ongoing practice of cooperation, deliberation, and mutual responsibility. She concludes by emphasizing Ostrom's vision of democracy as a living experiment in self-government that must be renewed and sustained by each generation. Dr. Roberta Herzberg is a Distinguished Senior Fellow and a Senior Research Fellow with the F.A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University and a Senior Fellow at the Fraser Institute.**This episode was recorded on October 17, 2025**If you like the show, please subscribe, leave a 5-star review, and tell others about the show! We're available on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, and wherever you get your podcasts.Check out our other podcast from the Hayek Program! Virtual Sentiments is a podcast in which political theorist Kristen Collins interviews scholars and practitioners grappling with pressing problems in political economy with an eye to the past. Subscribe today!Follow the Hayek Program on Twitter: @HayekProgramFollow the Mercatus Center on Twitter: @mercatusCC Music: Twisterium

Tulsa Area United Way's Tocqueville Society turns 40 this year. In the first episode of our anniversary series, Alison Anthony sits down with two members. Monica Basu, executive director of the Maxine and Jack Zarrow Family Foundation, started giving to United Way at 22 on a meager paycheck and has given every year since. Paul E. Johnson, Senior Vice President for Corporate Banking at Bank of Oklahoma Financial, grew up watching his parents lead through Tocqueville and recently stepped into membership himself. They talk about why they give through United Way. Learn more about the Tocqueville Society at tauw.org/tocqueville

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here: https://econ.st/4esGGXw Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In the opening episode of The Declaration at 250, Michael McConnell introduces former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and historian David Kennedy to ask a deceptively simple question: what does it actually take for democracy to work? Rice argues that the Declaration of Independence marks not the birth of democracy, but the end of tyranny—and that the real work begins afterward. Democracies flourish only when citizens build durable institutions: a workable balance of power among branches, an independent judiciary, and (often most crucially) a vibrant civil society that channels protest into law, governance, and everyday problem-solving. Drawing on her experiences—from segregated Birmingham to global transitions—Rice highlights how democracies fail when executives become unchecked (Russia) or when states are too weak to govern (Afghanistan), and how they can succeed when institutions gain legitimacy over time (Poland, Kenya, and examples shaped by external constraints like the EU). Kennedy responds by tracing the Declaration's promise of equality as principle, observed condition, aspiration, and enforceable law—while emphasizing the tension between democratic equality and a pluralistic society. He closes with a warning about declining trust in institutions and one another, urging renewed attention to civil society—the practical, local, often unglamorous work that turns founding ideals into lived reality. Connect: Episode Transcripts >>> Stanford Legal Podcast Website Stanford Legal Podcast >>> LinkedIn Page Stanford Constitutional Law Center >> Website Stanford Law School >>> Twitter/X Stanford Lawyer Magazine >>> Twitter/X Chapters:[00:00:00] Welcome & series launch (Karlan + McConnell) Pam Karlan introduces the special episode; Michael McConnell launches The Declaration at 250 and the project's guiding question. [00:00:54] Framing the episode: What does democracy need to flourish? McConnell previews the episode's focus on democratic flourishing, featuring Condoleezza Rice with response from historian David Kennedy. [00:02:04] Rice: The Declaration ends tyranny; democracy is the harder next step Rice argues the Declaration is fundamentally revolutionary—overthrowing the old—raising the problem of how revolutions become democracies. [00:06:05] Rice: America's conditions, near-failures, and why separation of powers matters Rice describes the U.S. “luck,” the near-collapse under the Articles and the Civil War, and the Constitution's durability through distributed power. [00:11:37] Rice: Civil rights, law, and a “second founding” (1964–65) Drawing on personal experience and movement strategy, Rice emphasizes institutional change—litigation, amendments, and landmark legislation—as democracy's engine. [00:20:00] Rice: Institutions vs. culture—lessons from Russia, Afghanistan, Tunisia, Poland, Kenya, Hungary Rice rejects “DNA for democracy” explanations and shows how executive strength, civil society, and institutional legitimacy shape success or failure. [00:32:33] Kennedy: Equality's evolving meaning—and the civil society trust crisis Kennedy traces equality from Jefferson to the 14th Amendment and warns that declining trust and civic know-how signal weakening civil society. [00:42:52] Kennedy's question: “Spirit of constitutionalism,” plus depersonalization (social media/suburbanization) Rice defines constitutionalism as lived civic practice beyond paper rights; both discuss forces eroding community and shared institutions before closing. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

No slides, no homework, just a party. Host Matt Trump declares his Juneteenth independence from slide preparation and delivers a warm, wide-ranging World Cup Friday night hangout. The big story? Europeans arriving for the FIFA World Cup and discovering that America is nothing like what their media told them. Buc-ee's, Waffle House, giant grocery stores, air conditioning, window screens, and the sheer size of the country are blowing Western Europeans' minds on YouTube, and Matt has the receipts. He connects this wave of foreign appreciation to Alexis de Tocqueville, the Frenchman who came to America in 1831 and never got over it, and then throws in a wild counterexample: Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood founder who visited Greeley, Colorado in the late 1940s and had the exact opposite reaction. Meanwhile, the US team is winning, Scotland drank Boston dry, and America is having its 250th birthday whether the media likes it or not.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here: https://econ.st/4esGGXw Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

When Alexis de Tocqueville visited America from France in 1831 he saw a new kind of society. Not just a country, but an idea that would change the world. His book “Democracy in America” was a big influence on later generations of writers and thinkers, including The Economist's US Editor John Prideaux. Now, 250 years after its birth, the vitality of that democracy is under question. In this series, John retraces the route Tocqueville took to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville about America remains—and how worried we should be about what's changed.Out nowFind the show here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

More information about Brain Lenses at brainlenses.com.Paid BL supporters receive an additional episode of the show each week.Read the written version of this episode: This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit brainlenses.substack.com/subscribe

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, embarks on a roadtrip to see how America's democracy is faring in the era of Trump. His companion is a long-dead French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville, author of arguably the best book ever written about America. When Tocqueville arrived in New York in 1831, it was a small, low-slung city where pigs roamed the streets. But he was able to see past that—to a vision of the future.Arriving in Manhattan today, John finds cause for concern, even among the island's wealthiest residents. Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorBabara Tober, Philanthropist and former Editor of Brides magazineJohn Catsimatidis, CEO of Red Apple GroupTopics Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America‘Equality of conditions' at 250The election of Zohran MamdaniDeclining faith in American democracyTo listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+.If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Tocqueville saw America's faith in its own democracy as a vital force. But these days the majority of Americans think the country is headed in the wrong direction. Can a group of maximum security prisoners in Sing Sing offer a vision of how to get back on track?Guests and HostsJohn Prideaux, The Economist's US EditorSean Pica, executive director of Hudson Link for Higher Education in Prison Jean Frantz, prisoner at Sing Sing Correctional Facility Topics Alexis de Tocqueville's views on voluntary associationsSing Sing prison education programmePrisoners' views on the American dream To listen to the full series, subscribe to Economist Podcasts+. If you're already a subscriber to The Economist, you have full access to all our shows as part of your subscription. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nearly two centuries ago, a French aristocrat called Alexis De Tocqueville went on a trip around America and wrote up his findings in a book called Democracy in America. Many people still think it's the most insightful thing ever written about the country. John Prideaux, The Economist's US Editor, is one of them. Tocqueville found Americans' faith in freedom and self-improvement exhilariting—he was the first foreigner to foresee how this new society would change the world. On America's 250th birthday, John Prideaux sets out on a road trip of his own, following Tocqueville's footsteps from New York to Michigan to Washington, to find out how much of what inspired Tocqueville endures in Trump's America.Launching in June Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In a culture shaped by distraction, anxiety, and constant noise, how do we focus on what matters most?In this special episode, we're sharing a conversation from a recent Trinity Forum event featuring Ben Sasse—former U.S. Senator, university president, husband, and father. Following a terminal cancer diagnosis, Ben has embraced a new vocation: helping us think more clearly about the questions that matter most, and the things that endure. In this conversation with Cherie Harder, our Trinity Forum president who's known him since their undergrad days at Harvard, Ben joins a room full of family, friends, and colleagues to reflect on mortality, friendship, family, faith, and the kind of attention required for a flourishing life.What follows is a lightly edited version of that conversation. If you'd like to watch the full video of the interview, you can find a link to the YouTube livestream here.Recommended Trinity Forum ReadingsDemocracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville (with an introduction by Ben Sasse)Brave New World by Aldous Huxley The Federalist PapersThe Origins of Totalitarianism by Hannah ArendtHere are Cherie and Ben from the live recording at National Community Church in Washington, DC: 

Cormac McCarthy is often caricatured as a conservative writer, and maybe there's something to that, but that claim gets reductionistic fast. In this episode, I explore Chapter 7 of Patrick O'Connor's Cormac McCarthy, Philosophy and the Physics of the Damned, “A Maelstrom of Doing and Undoing: McCarthy's Political Imaginary,” and think through McCarthy as a political writer whose work can't be easily mapped onto our usual categories.Rather than giving us a clean ideology, McCarthy forces us to sit with the tension between order and chaos, law and lawlessness, community and exclusion, freedom and violence. I reflect on Blood Meridian, The Orchard Keeper, The Stonemason, Tocqueville, technocracy, fragile dwellings, and the strange dignity of making a world even as it comes undone.This is McCarthy's politics: not a platform, not nostalgia, not utopia, but tragic attention to the people and places buried beneath the official story of progress.

#Nightlight #RTTBROS The Fire in the Pulpits"Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people." — Proverbs 14:34 (KJV)Back in the 1830s, a sharp French philosopher named Alexis de Tocqueville made the long voyage across the Atlantic to figure out what made this young American experiment tick. He was genuinely curious, not cynical, and he looked everywhere you'd expect a philosopher to look. He examined the harbors, the rivers, the rich farmland stretching to the horizon, and that remarkable Constitution. None of it fully answered his question.Then he walked into the churches.He wrote what he found, and his words still stop me cold: "I sought for the greatness and genius of America in her commodious harbors and her ample rivers, and it was not there... in her fertile fields and boundless forests, and it was not there... in her democratic Congress and her matchless Constitution, and it was not there. Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the secret of her genius and power. America is great because she is good, and if America ever ceases to be good, she will cease to be great."Friend, history is just HIS story, and that observation from an outside observer says something we desperately need to hear today.Now here's where I have to be careful, because I've made this mistake myself more times than I care to admit. A pulpit aflame with righteousness is not the same thing as a pulpit that beats people over the head with their failures. I spent some of my early ministry years thinking my job was to make people feel the full weight of their sin and then stand back and watch them straighten up. Too soon old and too late smart on that one.The truth is, we're called to speak the truth in love, as Paul puts it in Ephesians 4:15. Not truth without love, which becomes a hammer. And not love without truth, which becomes mush. When we're talking to a friend caught in something that's destroying them, the goal isn't to look down from some pedestal. It's to get level with them, eye to eye, one beggar showing another beggar where to find bread.That's the fire Tocqueville saw. Not rage. Not condemnation. Righteousness that loved people enough to tell them the truth.Lord, relight that fire in us today. Not just in pulpits, but in living rooms and workplaces and coffee shops, wherever Your people open their mouths. Give us the courage to speak truth and the grace to speak it with love. In Jesus' name, Amen.#Faith #Revival #ChristianLiving #RTTBROS #Nightlight #BiblicalWisdom #DailyDevotion #PracticalBiblicalWisdomBe sure to like, share, follow, and subscribe. It helps get the word out.https://linktr.ee/rttbros

Did Russell Kirk accurately predict the revival of conservatism in late 20th-century America and England? Not really, but his discussion of the goals of conservatism remain lovely. Join us as we discuss the need for conservative leaders to encourage spiritual revival, encourage leadership, reshape education, provide a purpose to the common man, and stabilize the economy. Follow us on X!Give us your opinions here!

Carmen opens the Monday Mailbag to answer a question from a listener who is tired and confused from all the technological and cultural changes around her.  How do you keep from being overwhelmed?  She also comments on the yesterdays Rededicate 250 event in Washington.  Political scientist Daniel Bennett looks at our nation's fatigue and meloncholy even though we have such abundance.  He reflects on what Alexis de Tocqueville observed when he visited the US back in the 1800's.   The Reconnect with Carmen and all Faith Radio are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here

Camille Peugny est sociologue et auteur du livre Le triomphe des égoïsmes. Il y a des chercheurs qui vous donnent des concepts nouveaux pour regarder ce que vous voyez déjà tous les jours, et Camille est clairement de ceux-là.Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de la différence entre individualisme et égoïsme, et pourquoi cette distinction change tout. L'individualisme, ça fait un siècle que les sciences sociales le documentent. L'égoïsme, c'est autre chose : c'est la croyance que les individus sont seuls responsables de leur parcours, de leur succès comme de leur échec. Et quand cette croyance se diffuse à grande échelle parmi les classes moyennes supérieures, elle devient une contrainte sociale qui nuit à la cohésion de tout le pays.J'ai questionné Camille sur comment on en est arrivé là, sur le rôle du capitalisme de plateforme dans la marchandisation du lien social, sur la conscience sociale triangulaire qui pousse les classes populaires à voter contre leurs propres intérêts, sur les femmes de ménage contraintes de devenir les auto-entrepreneuses de leur propre précarité, et sur la bombe à retardement des héritages qui va creuser un fossé béant entre ceux qui maîtrisent l'avenir et les autres.Ce qui m'a frappé dans cet épisode, c'est que Camille ne fait pas de la sociologie pour accabler les gens. Il fait de la sociologie pour rappeler une évidence qu'on a collectivement perdu de vue : on est membre d'un tout, et nos actes ont des conséquences sur les autres.Citations marquantes"Quand l'État social se retire, ce qui reste des relations sociales, c'est l'égoïsme comme contrainte sociale généralisée.""Ces classes populaires sont contraintes de devenir les auto-entrepreneuses de leur propre précarité.""Je suis égoïste lorsque j'agis en pensant uniquement à mon intérêt, en sachant pertinemment que cela détériore la situation d'autres personnes, et je l'assume au nom d'une croyance en mon mérite individuel.""On veut tous un village autour de soi, mais pas grand monde veut être un villageois.""Il manque un discours politique crédible qui parvient à articuler les différentes demandes qui s'expriment dans la société française vers un autre horizon que celui de cette compétition acharnée, permanente."Idées centrales discutées L'égoïsme n'est pas moral, il est sociologique L'égoïsme n'est pas une question de mauvaises personnes. C'est une contrainte que la société fabrique à travers la concurrence généralisée. On est tous tour à tour altruistes et égoïstes selon les circonstances. Ce qui a changé, c'est le système qui pousse structurellement vers l'un des deux. Pourquoi ça compte : ça déplace la responsabilité de l'individu vers le système, ce qui change radicalement la façon dont on peut agir. Timestamp approximatif : 00:05:20 à 00:06:30La marchandisation du lien social On a financiarisé des gestes qui créaient du ciment social : aller chercher quelqu'un à l'aéroport, déménager ensemble, garder les enfants d'un voisin. En monétisant ces moments, on a supprimé les occasions de se sentir interdépendants. L'État-providence a joué le même rôle paradoxal : en nous protégeant, il nous a permis de nous émanciper des solidarités traditionnelles. Pourquoi ça compte : on ne voit pas que ce qu'on appelle "liberté" est parfois la destruction silencieuse du tissu social. Timestamp approximatif : 00:10:20 à 00:14:00Le virage à droite des classes moyennes supérieures Il y a 40 ans, les cadres votaient plutôt à gauche parce qu'ils venaient des classes populaires. Aujourd'hui, ils sont de plus en plus issus de classes moyennes supérieures et ont intégré le logiciel néolibéral : mérite individuel, responsabilité personnelle, concurrence. 60 % des cadres expliquent désormais les inégalités par le mérite individuel, contre une majorité qui les attribuait aux hasards de la naissance il y a quinze ans. Pourquoi ça compte : ce glissement idéologique a des conséquences électorales directes et durables. Timestamp approximatif : 00:30:00 à 00:34:00La conscience sociale triangulaire Avant, les classes populaires voyaient le monde en deux blocs : "nous les petits" contre "eux les riches". Aujourd'hui la vision est devenue ternaire : il y a un troisième pôle, "eux les assistés", qui polarise la colère vers le bas plutôt que vers le haut. C'est ce qui explique en partie le vote RN parmi des gens qui ne sont pas les premiers bénéficiaires du programme. Pourquoi ça compte : comprendre ce mécanisme est indispensable pour comprendre la politique française actuelle. Timestamp approximatif : 00:35:00 à 00:37:00La bombe des héritages D'ici 2035, 9000 milliards d'euros vont être transmis en France par les premières générations du baby-boom. Couplé à une polarisation du marché du travail entre emplois très qualifiés et emplois précaires, et à un marché immobilier inaccessible sans apport familial, cela va creuser une fracture massive entre héritiers et non-héritiers. Ce n'est pas seulement une question d'argent : c'est une question de qui peut se projeter dans l'avenir et qui vit dans l'angoisse du lendemain. Pourquoi ça compte : la prochaine grande ligne de fracture sociale ne sera pas le diplôme, ce sera l'héritage. Timestamp approximatif : 00:57:37 à 01:01:00Questions posées dans l'interviewParmi tous les sujets possibles en sociologie, pourquoi avoir choisi l'égoïsme ?Est-ce que tu te considères toi-même comme un égoïste ?Comment définir concrètement l'égoïsme pour quelqu'un qui se dit très généreux ?Est-ce qu'on peut être égoïste sans le savoir ? Commander sur Uber Eats sans penser au livreur sous la pluie, c'est de l'égoïsme ?On veut tous un village, mais personne ne veut être villageois : est-ce qu'on n'a pas simplement marchandisé le lien social ?Quelle est la vraie différence entre individualisme et égoïsme ?Pourquoi te concentres-tu sur les classes moyennes supérieures plutôt que sur les 1 % les plus riches ?Est-ce que tu as observé des différences selon le genre ou selon l'âge dans les comportements égoïstes ?Pour les classes populaires, cet égoïsme est-il une résignation ou une rationalité de survie ?Comment fait-on machine arrière, individuellement et collectivement ?Références citées dans l'épisodeOuvrages et auteursLe triomphe des égoïsmes de Camille Peugny (l'invité) — livre au cœur de l'épisodeÉmile Durkheim — cité pour sa théorisation sociologique de l'altruisme et du suicide altruiste (00:03:30)Alexis de Tocqueville — cité pour son concept d'individualisme lié à la démocratie (00:04:10)Robert Castel, Les Métamorphoses de la question sociale (1995) — cité pour sa réflexion sur le retrait de l'État social et le "struggle for life" (00:13:30)Olivier Schwartz — cité pour le concept de "conscience sociale triangulaire" (00:35:50)Zeeman (sociologue allemand du tournant du XXe siècle) — cité pour son analyse des classes moyennes comme vecteur de diffusion des valeurs (00:28:30)Scarlett Saldmann — citée pour le concept de "tournant personnel du capitalisme" (00:39:20)Pierre Bourdieu — cité pour son analyse des élites entre grand patron et intellectuel (00:48:40)Nicolas Dubout — cité pour son livre sur la différence entre classes populaires (angoisse du lendemain) et héritiers (maîtrise de l'avenir) (01:06:40)Mélanie Prouvée (nom cité avec doute) — citée pour un livre récent sur la fiscalité des héritages (01:02:20)Entrez rêveurs, sortez managez — livre sur les écoles de commerce, auteur journaliste (00:37:50)Zoé Boucherie — doctorante citée pour ses travaux sur le rapport au risque climatique des classes supérieures (00:16:30)Luc Ruban — politiste cité pour une enquête montrant que 20 % des enseignants votent RN (00:48:50)Références politiques et économiquesFondation Jean Jaurès — source du chiffre de 9000 milliards d'euros d'héritages d'ici 2035 (00:57:50)INSEE, enquête emploi — source des données sur l'origine sociale des classes moyennes supérieures (00:32:50)Législatives françaises de 2024 / dissolution — cité pour illustrer le glissement idéologique des élites économiques (00:50:40)Antoine Fouché — invité précédent du podcast, cité pour ses analyses sur l'immobilier et la fiscalité (00:34:20) Timestamps clés (optimisés YouTube)00:00:00 - Introduction Présentation de l'épisode et de Camille Peugny, sociologue auteur du Triomphe des égoïsmes.00:01:45 - Pourquoi l'égoïsme plutôt que l'individualisme ? Camille explique pourquoi le concept d'individualisme ne suffisait plus pour décrire ce qu'il observait dans la société française. L'égoïsme est un mot moralement chargé, mais Durkheim l'a déjà fait avec l'altruisme. Ce qui change ici, c'est l'idée que les comportements égoïstes ne font pas que se replier sur soi : ils agissent activement sur la société.00:05:20 - "Est-ce que tu es toi-même un égoïste ?" Réponse désarmante : on est tous tour à tour altruistes ou égoïstes. Ce qui compte, c'est que la société fabrique de l'égoïsme via la concurrence généralisée. Le sous-titre du livre "une nouvelle contrainte sociale" est là pour ça.00:08:00 - La définition précise de l'égoïsme Une phrase courte et tranchante : agir en pensant uniquement à son intérêt en sachant que ça détériore le sort d'autrui, et l'assumer au nom d'une croyance en son mérite individuel.00:10:20 - On a marchandisé le lien social L'exemple de l'aéroport, du déménagement, de la nounou : on a financiarisé des gestes qui créaient de l'interdépendance. Réponse de Camille via Robert Castel : l'État-providence lui-même a été un vecteur d'individualisation paradoxal.00:16:00 - Le déni climatique des classes supérieures Elles ne nient pas le problème. Elles le lisent à travers le logiciel néolibéral : tri des déchets, vélo, "le progrès technique va nous sauver". Pas de remise en cause systémique.00:27:10 - Pourquoi les classes moyennes supérieures sont au cœur du livre Elles diffusent les valeurs, elles votent plus que les autres, et leurs attitudes ont radicalement changé en 40 ans. De gauche héritée à droite assumée.00:33:55 - Le virage à droite des cadres : 4 raisons Première raison : leur origine sociale s'est élevée, elles ont perdu le souvenir des valeurs populaires. Deuxième raison : les écoles de commerce diffusent un logiciel individualisant. Troisième raison : le monde du travail s'est individualisé (compétences, coaching, entrepreneuriat de soi).00:35:00 - La conscience sociale triangulaire Le concept d'Olivier Schwartz : avant "nous" contre "eux les riches", aujourd'hui "nous", "eux les riches" ET "eux les assistés". Ce troisième pôle capte la colère et oriente le vote vers le bas plutôt que vers le haut. C'est redoutable.00:41:30 - Les classes populaires, auto-entrepreneuses de leur précarité L'exemple des femmes de ménage : carrières entières faites de petits jobs précaires, travail non déclaré, calculs de court terme qui se retournent contre elles à la retraite. Ce n'est pas de la paresse, c'est de la survie.00:46:20 - Les jeunes sont-ils vraiment plus individualistes ? Non. Les données ne montrent pas de clivage entre jeunes et vieux, mais entre diplômés et non-diplômés. Un jeune cadre de 23 ans ressemble plus à un cadre de 50 ans qu'à un jeune décrocheur de son âge.00:53:50 - L'enquête sur les femmes de ménage Une commande syndicale de la CFDT pour comprendre pourquoi l'action collective est si difficile dans ce secteur. Surprise : ces femmes ne veulent pas de plannings complets 35h. Elles préfèrent gérer elles-mêmes, à court terme. Elles se vivent comme leur propre patronne. Et elles finissent au minimum vieillesse.00:58:45 - 9000 milliards d'euros d'héritages d'ici 2035 Le chiffre qui fait froid dans le dos. Couplé à la polarisation de l'emploi et au marché immobilier inaccessible, c'est une fracture béante entre ceux qui héritent et les autres. Une "usine à frustrations, à ressentiments et à colère profonde."01:07:00 - Ce qui donne envie du futur Réponse sincère et un peu hésitante de Camille : les générations futures sont plus éduquées, plus exigeantes. La matière sociale est malléable. Le Covid a prouvé qu'on peut applaudir des éboueurs. Rien n'est jamais écrit. Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #377 Pourquoi l'avenir appartient aux sociétés solidaires? Avec Pablo Servigne (partie 1) (https://audmns.com/WMxgIMf) Vlan #28 Créer un mouvement communautaire mondial à partir d'un hashtag avec Youmna ChamCham (https://audmns.com/OZTndPj) L'individualisme nous tue-t-il a petit feu? partie 1 avec Hugo Paul (https://audmns.com/ntXDwdf)Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Georgetown Professor Joshua Mitchell explains why America remains a deeply Hebraic, covenantal nation — and why the current culture war is best understood as a distorted continuation of the Reformation.From the Plato-Aristotle divide to Luther's turn to history, from Tocqueville's warnings to the spiritual economy of stain and redemption, Mitchell offers a profound diagnosis of where American Christianity stands today. Watch until the end for a hopeful (yet challenging) path forward.CHAPTERS(00:00 Introduction & The Article That Sparked a National Conversation)(04:20 The Great Schism: Plato vs Aristotle & East vs West)(11:45 Why the Catholic Church Chose Aristotle — And Its Consequences)(18:50 The Reformation: Luther's Historical Dialectic vs Calvin's Covenantal Path)(27:15 America as a New Israel — The Hebraic Soul of the Nation)(35:40 Identity Politics as Deformed Puritanism)(44:10 Evangelicals, Conservatives & the Path Forward for Reformation Christians)  JOSHUA MITCHELL LINKS:

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

A landmark biography of Charles Sumner, the unsung hero of the American Civil War and ReconstructionCharles Sumner is mainly known as the abolitionist statesman who suffered a brutal caning on the Senate floor by the proslavery congressman Preston Brooks in 1856. This violent episode has obscured Sumner's status as the most passionate champion of equal rights and multiracial democracy of his time. A friend of Alexis de Tocqueville, an ally of Frederick Douglass, and an adviser to Abraham Lincoln, Sumner helped the Union win the Civil War and ordain the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth Amendment, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act of 1875.In a comprehensive but fast-paced narrative, Zaakir Tameez presents Sumner as one of America's forgotten founding fathers, a constitutional visionary who helped to rewrite the post–Civil War Constitution and give birth to modern civil rights law. He argues that Sumner was a gay man who battled with love and heartbreak at a time when homosexuality wasn't well understood or accepted. And he explores Sumner's critical partnerships with the nation's first generation of Black lawyers and civil rights leaders, whose legal contributions to Reconstruction have been overlooked for far too long.An extraordinary achievement of historical and constitutional scholarship, Charles Sumner brings back to life one of America's most inspiring statesmen, whose formidable ideas remain relevant to a nation still divided over questions of race, democracy, and constitutional law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Notre Dame's Tocqueville professor of political science, Vincent Phillip Munoz (Phil to his freinds and colleagues), joins this special episode which finds all three of your regular bartenders in the same room for once while on the road in Austin, Texas. Phil is one of the leading scholars of religious liberty in the U.S., and […]

Notre Dame's Tocqueville professor of political science, Vincent Phillip Munoz (Phil to his freinds and colleagues), joins this special episode which finds all three of your regular bartenders in the same room for once while on the road in Austin, Texas. Phil is one of the leading scholars of religious liberty in the U.S., and after a progress report on the Iran War (we're still winning), and a prolonged look at the Supreme Court oral arguments in Trump v. Barbara, the birthright citizenship case heard this week, we pick Phil's brain about the status of school prayer, and whether a restoration of organized prayer in public schools has a prayer of happening, taking as our cue Gerry Bradley's recent and provocative First Things article, "How To Bring Back School Prayer."From there we briefly (but alas because we were out of sufficient time) but inadequately treat Phil's terrifically concise CRB essay "Ancient and Modern: How Straussians Interpret the Founding," mostly to annoy John Yoo—and we succeeded!