Podcasts about Sandu

The fifth of seven director interviews Wilson conducted at this year's Hong Kong International Film Festival is with the thoughtfully impassioned Vladlena Sandu, director of the autobiographical drama Memory. Sandu shares her influences from Tarkovsky to Pajaranov, praises her collaborators on this film, how hypnotherapy helped her make this film, and her strong anti-war convictions.Remember our FREE patreon, discord server, and our socials @ www.deepcutpod.com Timestamps:00:00 Intro02:15 Interview starts04:03 Making Sandu happen07:47 Childhood trauma through film10:25 Personal truth17:34 Motifs and repetition23:48 Child actors30:14 Production design35:54 Influences: Tarkovsky, Parajanov, Pasolini40:19 Ending of the film

„Putem adera la UE și alături de România. Acum lucrăm din greu ca Republica Moldova să devină parte a UE și sperăm că acest lucru va funcționa. Dacă nu, vom lua în calcul și alte opțiuni. Obiectivul este să menținem Moldova în siguranță și parte a lumii libere. Nu vom permite Rusiei să ne amenința politica internă și externă, inclusiv prin intermediul Transnistriei. Aderarea la UE este esențială pentru ca Republica Moldova să poată supraviețui ca democrație”, declară președinta Maia Sandu într-un interviu acordat RFI și DW, în Parlamentul European de la Strasbourg. Temele ediției: - Criză de imagine pentru primarul Chișinăului, Ion Ceban, cel interzis în UE de către România pentru legături cu Rusia: o fostă subalternă face publice acte de corupție și de politizare a Primăriei Chișinău. Primăria Chișinău respinge acuzațiile și le califică drept nefondate. Miza nu mai ține doar de un conflict personal, ci de impactul asupra imaginii politice a lui Ion Ceban. Liliana Barbăroșie aduce detalii. - Documente confidențiale arată felul în care Kremlinul coordonează campaniile de influență ale unor actori ruși în țări europene. Printre numele amintite în investigație se află și cel al fostului deputat PSD și șef al Comisiei SRI, Sebastian Ghiță, patron al postului RomâniaTV. Detalii, în Eurocronica, semnată de Ovidiu Nahoi. - Așadar, numelui omului de afaceri român Sebastian Ghiță apare în contextul unor campanii coordonate de influențare politică și dezinformare, desfășurate de Kremlin în țările europene. Valeriu Pașa, directorul comunității Watchdog Moldova, care a consultat documentele scurse, a explicat la RFI cum a apărut numele lui Sebastian Ghiță în planurile de dezinformare. Un interviu realizat de Mădălina Șerban. „Resping toate aceste afirmații false despre legăturile mele cu Putin și Kremlinul făcute de agenții sorosiști”, a scris Sebastian Ghiță pe rețelele de socializare. - Șeful așa-zisului minister pentru securitate de la Tiraspol iese la atac și acuză Ucraina că stă în spatele așa-numitor atacuri teroriste din regiunea separatistă de acum 3 ani. De asemenea, acuză și Republica Moldova. Ce acuzații aduce Tiraspolul Chișinăului? Aflați în „Cronica lui Vitalie”, semnată de Vitalie Cojocari. - Guvernul Republicii Moldova și Fondul Monetar Internațional (FMI) au ajuns la un acord privind un nou program de cooperare pentru următorii 3 ani. - Cancelarul german a propus acordarea unui statut de „membru asociat” al Uniunii Europene pentru Ucraina. În ceea ce privește alte state candidate, inclusiv Republica Moldova, Friedrich Merz propune „soluții inovatoare” pentru accelerarea integrării europene. - Două alerte false cu bombă au fost înregistrate în noaptea de 21 mai la Aeroportul Internațional Chișinău. Știrile zilei: Guvernul Republicii Moldova și Fondul Monetar Internațional (FMI) au ajuns la un acord privind un nou program de cooperare pentru următorii 3 ani. Anunțul a fost făcut de prim-ministrul Alexandru Munteanu la ședința Guvernului. „Republica Moldova și FMI sunt pe aceeași lungime de undă în ceea ce privește direcția economică a țării”, a declarat Munteanu. „Un semnal clar că partenerii internaționali consideră că Republica Moldova are o echipă profesionistă, se mișcă într-o direcție corectă, într-un ritm bun, chiar și atunci când circumstanțele externe rămân foarte complicate”, a menționat premierul moldovean. „Noul program PCI, care este un program fără finanțare, conceput pentru a susține politici economice solide, confirmă angajamentul continuu al autorităților față de asigurarea stabilității macroeconomice și financiare și a creșterii economice durabile”, a declarat șefa misiunii FMI, Alina Iancu, la finalul vizitei. FMI arată că economia Republicii Moldova și-a revenit în 2025, însă rămâne vulnerabilă la șocuri externe, în special în sectorul energetic. PIB-ul a crescut anul trecut cu 2,4%, susținut de cererea internă și de redresarea sectorului agricol, iar inflația medie a fost de 7,8%. Pentru acest an, arată FMI, inflația în Republica Moldova ar putea depăși 8%, iar ritmul de creștere al economiei va încetini până la 1,5%. Instituția precizează că perspectivele economice ale țării depind în mare măsură de durata și intensitatea războiului din Orientul Mijlociu și a conflictului din Ucraina. *** După ce a deblocat suportul financiar de 90 de miliarde pentru Ucraina, noul premier al Ungariei pune condiții pentru aderarea țării vecine la UE și îl invită pe Volodimir Zelenski la dialog. Vorbind la o conferință de presă comună, la Varșovia, cu omologul său polonez Donald Tusk, Peter Magyar a spus tranșant că protejarea drepturilor minorității maghiare din Transcarpatia este o condiție prealabilă pentru acceptarea negocierilor cu Ucraina, scrie TV8. „Au început negocierile tehnice privind drepturile lingvistice, culturale și de altă natură ale minorității maghiare care trăiește în Carpați, astfel încât acestea să primească ceea ce se cuvine tuturor minorităților din Uniunea Europeană. Și sper și am încredere că această serie de negocieri va avea loc rapid și eficient și ne vom putea întâlni cu președintele Zelenski cândva la începutul lunii iunie”, a subliniat noul prim-ministru al Ungariei, Peter Magyar. Republica Moldova urmărește cu atenție poziția Ungariei privind deblocarea negocierilor cu Kievul, pentru că în acest moment este tratată la pachet cu Ucraina, iar în iunie mizează pe deschiderea negocierilor politice de aderare la UE. *** Cancelarul german Friedrich Merz a propus acordarea unui statut de „membru asociat” al Uniunii Europene pentru Ucraina, ca alternativă temporară la aderarea deplină, considerată nerealistă pe termen scurt din cauza procedurilor complexe și a obstacolelor politice existente în interiorul blocului comunitar. Potrivit agenției dpa, inițiativa a fost inclusă într-o scrisoare adresată conducerii Uniunii Europene, transmite Moldpres. Potrivit propunerii, Ucraina ar putea participa la reuniunile Consiliului European și ale Consiliului UE, însă fără drept de vot. Totodată, Kievul ar putea avea reprezentanți asociați în cadrul Comisiei Europene, Parlamentului European și Curții de Justiție a UE, dar fără competențe decizionale. În ceea ce privește alte state candidate, inclusiv Republica Moldova, Albania și Muntenegru, Friedrich Merz propune „soluții inovatoare” pentru accelerarea integrării europene. Printre acestea se numără acces preferențial la piața unică europeană, implicare mai strânsă în activitatea instituțiilor UE și statut de observator în anumite structuri comunitare. *** Nu există motive pentru a amâna deschiderea negocierilor de aderare a Republicii Moldova la UE pe toate clusterele, iar Consiliul European din iunie ar trebui să adopte o decizie favorabilă pentru Chișinău în acest sens. Declarația a fost făcută pentru NewsMaker de vicepreședintele Parlamentului European, Victor Negrescu. Acesta a mai spus că Transnistria nu reprezintă un impediment pentru aderarea Moldovei la UE, invocând precedentul Ciprului, stat membru cu un conflict teritorial nerezolvat, care deține în prezent președinția Consiliului Uniunii Europene. *** Și europarlamentarul Dan Barna cere instituțiilor UE să-și onoreze promisiunile față de Chișinău, în condițiile în care cinci rânduri de alegeri, Moldova a rezistat interferențelor Rusiei. Dan Barna a declarat corespondentului NewsMaker că blocajul instituit de Budapesta în procesul de extindere ar putea fi depășit în săptămânile următoare. *** Două alerte false cu bombă au fost înregistrate în noaptea de 21 mai la Aeroportul Internațional Chișinău. Pasagerii și personalul au fost evacuați conform procedurilor de securitate. Potrivit unui comunicat emis de Poliția de Frontieră, în urma verificărilor efectuate de serviciile specializate, nu au fost descoperite obiecte suspecte sau explozive. Zeci de alerge false cu bombă au fost înregistrate la aeroportul Chișinău în ultimii ani. Experții în securitate spun că acestea sunt elemente ale războiului hibrid purtat de forțele pro-ruse în contextul războiului din Ucraina, dar și a evoluțiilor politice interne din Republica Moldova, ca tentativă de a crea tensiuni și a scădea încrederea în instituții. „Situația a fost gestionată operativ și în condiții de siguranță, cu respectarea normelor de securitate”, anunță în comunicat Aeroportul Chișinău, în contextul incidentelor de noaptea trecută.

Vreau ca țara mea să fie în siguranță și vreau ca Moldova să facă parte din lumea liberă. Este ceea ce spune președinta Republicii Moldova într-un interviu acordat RFI/Deutsche Welle. În acest interviu exclusiv, Maia Sandu vorbește despre determinarea Moldovei de a face parte din familia europeană. Devine din ce în ce mai dificil pentru țările mici din regiunea noastră să se apere și să-și urmeze obiectivele din cauza agresiunii pe care o vedem din partea Rusiei, mai spune Maia Sandu. Numele lui Sebastian Ghiță, legat de agenții și propagandiștii Rusiei  Numele controversatului omul de afaceri român Sebastian Ghiță, aflat cu azil la Belgrad, apare intr-o scurgere de informații la Moscova. O investigație realizată de publicația armeană „Fact Investigation Platform” (FIP). Ghiță este invocat de un agent al Kremlinului într-o corespondență cu un superior al său, dar nu apar informații referitoare la implicarea efectivă a lui Ghiță. Cannes: Cristian Mungiu vorbește despre Fjord  La Festivalul de film de la Cannes, filmul Fjord » al lui Cristian Mungiu concurează pentru La Palme d'or. Vasile Damian ne aduce un interviu cu regizorul roman, ceva mai tarziu in 40 de minute.Cristian Mungiu revine asupra genezei acestui proiect inspirat din fapte reale.

„Republica Moldova, Uniunea Europeană, România - aderare, integrare, unire”. Este titlul dezbaterii pe care RFI România a organizat-o la Iași, cu participarea unor membri ai Parlamentului European, a unui mare număr de lideri locali din diverse domenii și invitați din Republica Moldova. Iată un fragment din această dezbatere, moderată de colegul nostru Ovidiu Nahoi, cu participarea europarlamentarului Dan Barna din grupul Renew Europe, a consulului general al Republicii Moldova la Iași, Ion Coșer, și a expertului în comunicare și diplomatului Daniel Vodă. Temele ediției: - Președinta Maia Sandu condiționează finanțarea reintegrării de plecarea trupelor ruse, în timp ce liderul autoproclamat de la Tiraspol, Vadim Krasnoselski, se plânge la OSCE de noile taxe impuse de Chișinău. Cine va plăti, până la urmă, factura reunificării? Ne explică Vitalie Cojocari în ”Cronica lui Vitalie”. - Vernisajul Vinului ”Mândria noastră” reunește vineri seara, la Chișinău, 65 de vinării și peste 500 de vinuri oferite publicului pentru prezentare și degustare. „Este un punct de consum și de comunicare directă cu consumatorii. Este important acest eveniment, mai ales în contextul crizelor care nu se mai termină și care au lovit și industria vinului”, spune în interviul Moldova Zoom, somelierul Andrei Cibotaru, jurat la competiții internaționale, autorul ghidului celor mai bune vinuri, Fine Wine Guide. La sfârșitul acestei luni, somelierul de la Chișinău va participa la București, la Vinarium, cel mai important concurs internațional de vin din Europa Centrală și de Sud-Est. Un interviu realizat de Valeria Vițu. - Peste 50 de delegații, inclusiv 20 de miniștri de Externe, s-au reunit la Chișinău la sesiunea ministerială a Comitetului de Miniștri al Consiliului Europei. - Republica Moldova ar putea obține în următoarele săptămâni decizia formală privind deschiderea negocierilor de aderare la Uniunea Europeană, anunță Maia Sandu. - Ministrul de Externe al Ucrainei declară că Ucraina este gata să ajute Republica Moldova la consolidarea apărării și securității aeriene. Știrile zilei: Peste 50 de delegații, inclusiv 20 de miniștri ai afacerilor externe, participă la Chișinău la sesiunea ministerială a Comitetului de Miniștri al Consiliului Europei. Evenimentul este găzduit de Republica Moldova cu ocazia încheierii președinției prin rotație a Consiliului Europei. Pe agenda reuniunii de la Chișinău – sprijinul pentru Ucraina, combaterea dezinformării și a ingerințelor străine, consolidarea securității și întărirea rezilienței democratice în țările membre. Miniștrii de Externe prezenți la Chișinău au venit cu mesaje de susținere pentru deschiderea negocierilor politice de aderare la UE. Ministrul Afacerilor Externe al Belgiei, Maxime Prévot, spune, citat de IPN, că „Moldova a livrat numeroase reforme în circumstanțe dificile și acum este timpul și pentru UE să livreze. Aveți suport complet din partea Belgiei”. Ministrul de Stat pentru Afaceri Europene al Germaniei Günther Krichbaum, a subliniat că „Germania susține Moldova la nivel bilateral, dar și la nivel european. Vrem să vedem Moldova în Uniunea Europeană cât mai curând posibil. Germania este alături de Moldova, inclusiv pentru că stabilitatea poate fi construită în regiune prin includerea țărilor în UE, ceea ce va constituit și un impuls pentru dezvoltarea economică. Moldova nu va fi singură”, Ministra de Externe a României, Oana Țoiu, a vorbit despre susținerea din partea Bucureștiului în deschiderea negocieirlor politice de aderare a Republicii Moldova. Peste 35 de state sunt pregătite să susțină crearea Tribunalului Special pentru agresiunea Rusiei împotriva Ucrainei, a declarat secretarul general al Consiliul Europei, Alain Berset. La finalul evenimentului, Chișinăul transmite președinția prin rotație a CE către Principatul Monaco. *** Președinta Maia Sandu a folosit reuniunea ministerială a Consiliul Europei de la Chișinău pentru a transmite unul dintre cele mai directe mesaje de până acum privind legătura dintre securitatea regională, amenințarea rusă și accelerarea integrării europene a Republicii Moldova. Maia Sandu a declarat că „pentru Republica Moldova, aderarea la Uniunea Europeană este un proiect existențial”, adăugând că pentru Europa extinderea reprezintă „o investiție în propria securitate”. Sandu a avertizat că Rusia continuă să reprezinte „o amenințare majoră pentru securitatea europeană”, reluând tema centrală a discursurilor sale externe privind atacurile asupra instituțiilor democratice, dezinformarea și ingerințele străine. *** Republica Moldova ar putea obține în următoarele săptămâni decizia formală privind deschiderea negocierilor de aderare la Uniunea Europeană. În același timp, autoritățile de la Chișinău trebuie să îndeplinească până în septembrie toate obiectivele intermediare asumate în procesul de aderare, înaintea unei noi evaluări a Comisiei Europene, afirmă președinta Maia Sandu, într-o emisiune la postul Realitatea din Republica Moldova. Unele dintre cele mai dificile capitole de negociere vor fi cele legate de agricultură și mediu, domenii în care Republica Moldova va solicita perioade mai lungi de tranziție pentru adaptarea la standardele europene, spune președinta. *** Ministrul de Externe al Ucrainei, la Bălți: „Ucraina e gata să ajute R. Moldova la consolidarea apărării și securității aeriene” Ministrul Afacerilor Externe al Ucrinei, Andrii Sîbiha, a reiterat disponibilitatea Kievului de a coopera cu Chișinăul în domeniul apărării și securității aeriene, subliniind experiența acumulată de Ucraina în contextul războiului. Declarația a fost făcută în cadrul vizitei sale la Bălți, unde șeful diplomației ucrainene a discutat cu autorități locale, reprezentanți ai mediului academic și membri ai comunității ucrainene din nordul Republicii Moldova. Vizita are loc și pe fondul incidentelor recente din spațiul aerian al Republicii Moldova. Ministrul ucrainean a vorbit despre necesitatea consolidării securității regionale și despre disponibilitatea Kievului de a coopera cu Chișinăul, transmite Moldpres. „Ucraina dispune în prezent de o experiență unică, o experiență de luptă, inclusiv în ceea ce privește închiderea spațiului aerian. Am devenit lider mondial în producția de drone și suntem, fără îndoială, pregătiți să colaborăm cu vecinul nostru, Moldova, pentru consolidarea capacităților voastre, a capacităților de apărare și a securității voastre”, a declarat Andrii Sîbiha, ministru al Afacerilor Externe al Ucrainei. *** Biroul Național de Statistică din Republica Moldova anunță că prețurile de consum au crescut cu 1,8% în aprilie 2026 față de martie, cu 4,5% de la începutul anului și cu 6,8% anual. Creșterea a fost determinată de majorarea prețurilor la produsele alimentare și bunurile nealimentare cu câte 2,0%, respectiv serviciile cu 1,1%.

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the first battle of Changsha. From Chongqing, Chiang debated defensive strategies for Hunan, ultimately adopting Plan B after Xue Yue's pleas, focusing on successive resistance north of Changsha to thwart Japanese advances. Japanese forces, under Okamura Yasuji, launched assaults in Jiangxi and Hunan. In Jiangxi, the 106th and 101st Divisions attacked Huibu and Gao'an, where Chinese troops under Luo Zhuoying and Song Kentang fiercely resisted. Gao'an fell briefly but was recaptured by the 32nd Army and the elite 74th Army, with heavy casualties on both sides, as recounted by soldier Liu Qihuai. In Hunan, Japanese units crossed the Xin Qiang River and landed at Yingtian, facing brutal opposition. At Bijia Mountain, Qin Yizhi's 195th Division held for four days; Battalion Commander Shi Enhua's reinforced unit perished entirely, their fragmented remains mourned by locals. Along the Miluo River, Chen Pei's 37th Army fortified positions, repelling waves of Japanese attacks, including suicide squads disguised as civilians. Recruit Yang Peyao's unit endured bombardments, inflicting significant enemy losses before withdrawing at dusk.   #197 The First Battle of Changsha Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Major Luo Wenlang, battalion commander of the 3rd Battalion, 55th Regiment, 19th Division of the 28th Army, harbored a peculiar quirk: he couldn't sleep soundly without unwrapping his leg bindings, a small ritual that anchored him in the chaos of war. Since the war's eruption, such luxuries were rare, and unwrapping his bindings every night became an impossibility, leaving him to endure restless slumbers. Tonight, however, sleep eluded him entirely; he tossed and turned on his makeshift bed, his mind a whirlwind of unrest. Two days after the northern Hunan battle ignited like a powder keg, the 55th Regiment received urgent orders from Division Commander Tang Boyin to race to Wukou in Pingjiang County. Their path wound through Luo Wenlang's hometown of Fulinpu, a twist of fate that stirred conflicting emotions. Entering the village under the cover of night, the entire battalion encamped in the commander's modest family village, with battalion headquarters naturally established in his ancestral home.   Luo yearned to step across that familiar threshold but dreaded it, for his parents remained oblivious to a devastating truth. They slaughtered chickens and prepared meat, hosting the battalion staff with drinks and hospitality, after all, this was their son's unit gracing their home. Luo orchestrated door planks and straw for bedding, posted sentries, and deftly evaded his parents until they retired. Before dawn broke, he mustered the troops, ensured they were fed, and led them onward, slipping away like a shadow. By noon on the 22nd, they reached Wukou, only to receive fresh directives: rush to Yingtian to bolster the 95th Division against the enemy's audacious landings. The 3rd Battalion spearheaded the division's reinforcements, marching relentlessly through day and night, arriving at Dongtang, over 30 kilometers southeast of Yingtian—on the 23rd, hearts sinking upon learning Yingtian had already fallen into enemy clutches.   Luo Wenlang sought out the retreating 95th Division Commander Luo Qi to beg for a mission, his resolve unyielding. Luo Qi, anticipating his arrival, relayed Commander Guan Linzheng's ironclad instructions: The 19th Division's reinforcements would assume Dongtang's defenses. With the main force still en route, Luo Qi tasked Luo's battalion with relieving a segment held by a replacement regiment. He handed over a map, sketching a line with a pencil, a simple stroke that thrust Luo Wenlang and his men onto the front lines of fate. An operations staff was dispatched to guide them to the position and oversee the handover.   As the troops advanced, they encountered scattered soldiers fleeing like startled rabbits; seizing a platoon leader revealed they were indeed from the replacement regiment. Mere minutes from division HQ, the enemy was already closing in, a predator's breath hot on their necks. Luo Wenlang and Deputy Battalion Commander Wu Yacui split the battalion, launching a counterattack on Dongtang from dual routes. Fortune favored them; the Japanese held only an exhausted company, crumbling under a single, ferocious charge. They swiftly deployed two companies to the positions, reserving one as a bulwark. By dusk, the full 55th Regiment arrived, accompanied by the rest of the 19th Division's reinforcements, allowing the battered 95th Division, ravaged at Yingtian, to withdraw for desperate reorganization. The regimental commander positioned Luo's 3rd Battalion on the regiment's vulnerable left wing. In the blink of an eye, it was the 27th, aligning with the 15th of the eighth lunar month. Amid the relentless great battle, few noted the calendar, and the skies hung heavy with clouds. Luo Wenlang twisted on his straw bed, his thoughts a snarled knot of anxiety and memory.   At 11 p.m., gunfire shattered the night; a barrage of machine gun bullets riddled the battalion HQ house, raining thatch and dust upon Luo like fallout from a storm. Catastrophe had struck! Luo surged toward the positions with the bugler—his battalion signal chief—and the reserve force, ascending the hilltop in a frenzy. Halfway up, he spotted 8th Company's Lieutenant Platoon Leader Rong Fayu leading over 20 soldiers in retreat. Bellowing "Why unauthorized retreat?" while brandishing his pistol, he compelled Rong to rally and turn back. The Japanese had launched a nocturnal assault; 8th Company Commander Yi Zuitao lay slain by a fatal shot, over a dozen comrades felled in brutal close combat, the survivors scattered like leaves in the wind; the high ground now belonged to the enemy.   Upon learning of Dongtang's loss, the regimental commander personally led the regimental reserve, his face etched with urgency. Under flickering lantern light, poring over the map with Luo, Division Commander Tang Boyin telephoned, his voice a whipcrack of command: Recapture it before dawn, or both would face the merciless hand of military justice. After seizing the high ground, the enemy hesitated to press further; Luo surmised the darkness concealed paths, and their numbers were not overwhelming. Forgoing the regimental reserve, he led 7th Company's 4 squads and remnants of the routed 8th Company in a stealthy ascent. Near the position, a ravine concealed over 20 8th Company soldiers, rallied by Sergeant Squad Leader Tan Tianrong, who had lurked in wait for reinforcements, dreading exposure at dawn under the enemy's gaze.   Spotting the battalion commander personally spearheading the counterattack, Tan Tianrong's face lit with fierce joy; his men, armed with grenades, surged as the vanguard. Intimate with the terrain even in blindness, they hurled explosives into bunkers, trenches, and works. The commander orchestrated the charge; the Japanese force of 40-50 men crumbled, over half slain or maimed, the remnants fleeing northward to their village stronghold. It was past 4 a.m.; the moon pierced the clouds, bathing the earth in a silvery glow. With positions reclaimed, the night revealed its secret: tonight was Mid-Autumn. Moonlight unraveled the tangled threads of his past; Luo draped his clothes over his shoulders, sat beneath the luminous orb, and wept in solitary anguish.   Before the war, devastating news had arrived: his brother Luo Yinong had been killed in Jiangxi. Luo had three brothers; the eldest shouldered half the family's burdens, their bond unbreakable. The brother had enlisted first in the 50th Army, climbing to battalion commander through sheer valor. He and his younger brother had followed suit, inspired by that call to arms.   Wartime conscription demanded only one per family, but battling the devils was a duty for the nation and its people. His brother had risen to deputy regimental commander before his end. The 50th Army notified him first. Engulfed in battle, there had been no time to console his grieving parents or tend to the funeral; it weighed on his heart like an unyielding stone. His sister-in-law, diligent and unassuming, cared for a young boy and carried another child; the long, arduous days ahead loomed like an endless shadow. The night dew brought a biting chill, the moon an icy sentinel; Luo shivered uncontrollably, his tears mingling with the frost.   The sky hung heavy with overcast gloom, yet the moon lurked beyond the clouds, casting a faint, ethereal light that warded off utter darkness. Along the road, a unit's elongated black shadow snaked southward in hurried silence, a serpent of weary resolve pressing through the night. Qin Yizhi reined in his horse, pausing to gaze back: the queue stretched onward, silent and impeccably orderly, belying the exhaustion of a force scarred by days of ferocious combat, their spirits unbroken amid the shadows. After the Japanese seized the 195th Division's defiant outpost at Bijia Mountain, they surged across the Xin Qiang River in a merciless onslaught. The river, shallow enough to wade knee-deep, offered no true impediment; the real barrier was forged from the defenders' scorching blood, a crimson testament to their unyielding stand. The 195th Division clashed in a maelstrom of cruelty; positions were heaped with corpses time and again, the Xin Qiang's waters churning blood-red in relentless cycles of carnage. From the night of the 23rd to the dawn of the 25th, respite was a forgotten dream; Okamura Yasuji, in a gesture of grim respect, inscribed Qin's name in elegant calligraphy and hung it within his command tent, a haunting trophy of the foe's tenacity.   Following their triumphant landing at Yingtian, the Japanese entangled the Ninth War Zone's left-wing defenders in a protracted snare, their advances grinding slowly like a predator toying with prey, menacing the flanks of the frontal troops with insidious intent. On the evening of the 27th, Xue Yue issued the fateful order for the 15th Army Group to withdraw to the precarious ground between the Miluo River and Shangshan City, ushering this blood-soaked force into an all-night march toward the next defensive crucible. Late into the night, a brief halt was called. Soldiers slumped to the ground, adjusting leg wraps and gear with mechanical precision; logistics teams darted through the ranks, distributing rations like lifelines; cooks, having forged ahead, arrived with steaming pots of rice soup, infusing the air with a rare warmth. Though no clamor broke the hush, a quiet camaraderie enveloped the queue, a fleeting balm against the war's chill.   The division staff claimed a flat expanse beside a farmhouse yard for their respite. Qin settled onto a stone roller used for grinding grain, nibbling at his meager ration and sipping the hot soup that steamed in the cool air. Suddenly, moonlight pierced the clouds, cascading down in silvery streams; the familiar contours of the farmhouse stirred a flood of warmth in his heart, evoking memories of home.   Chongqing, Huangshan Villa. Every window was shrouded in double layers of thick curtains, sealing out any sliver of betraying light, as if the very walls conspired to guard secrets from the encroaching night. Tonight's ethereal protagonist rose languidly from the eastern valley, its orange-red moonlight casting an aura of drowsy reluctance, as though it had not fully shaken off the slumber of the day. The feeble glow dappled the building's roof, balcony, and the surrounding hillsides, intersections, and thickets, where armed shadows lurked, capturing every rustle in the oppressive silence. Only upon close inspection could one discern the faint specks of moonlight glinting off steel helmets. Yet, beyond those fortified walls, another realm pulsed with life, a vibrant contrast to the shadowed vigilance outside. The front hall, living room, and dining room blazed with brilliant light. Vibrant flowers, dominated by chrysanthemums in full, defiant bloom, infused the air with color and fragrance; a phonograph murmured a cheerful Guangdong melody, weaving an atmosphere thick with festive joy, a deliberate illusion amid the storm of war.   Chiang Kai-shek, clad in a flowing black silk gown, strode ahead with poised grace, escorting his guests into the dining room alongside the elegantly attired Soong May-ling, their conversation laced with laughter and warmth. At the table, Soong May-ling's smile was a beacon of diplomacy, as she artfully arranged the seating to suit hierarchies and alliances, while servers in crisp white uniforms moved with nimble precision. This was Chiang Kai-shek's intimate Mid-Autumn family banquet; beyond a handful of pivotal military and political figures, the gathering brimmed with relatives. Guests and kin alike noted Chiang's buoyant spirits tonight; his smiles were wide and genuine, his discourse light and expansive, delving into casual topics with uncharacteristic ease.   In September 1939, China's War of Resistance Against Japan had entered its grueling third year. After the initial cataclysm of turmoil and disarray, the government and military had clawed their way to stability, adapting to this unprecedented historical crucible, with operations finally aligning into a semblance of order. According to figures proclaimed by Minister of Military Affairs He Yingqin to Chinese and foreign reporters on the 13th of this month, Japanese invaders had seized 521 counties across 12 provinces, a vast swath of conquest. Yet, the Japanese imperialists had exacted this toll at a staggering cost. Just prior, on August 30, the Hirannuma Cabinet, installed a mere eight months earlier, had collapsed in mass resignation. Hirannuma Kiichiro's predecessor, Konoe Fumimaro, had similarly bowed out amid governmental failures, chiefly the unmet ambitions in the Sino-Japanese War that he had boldly promised to parliament, exacerbating domestic political and economic woes. Days ago, when Wang Pengsheng briefed Chiang on Japan's turbulent politics, he quipped: "Konoe said three months to destroy China; three months didn't work, nor three years, who knows about 30 or 300. Hirannuma had no solutions, down in eight months. Does Abe have good ideas? How long can he be prime minister?" Indeed, Abe Nobuyuki, Hirannuma's successor, would endure a mere four and a half months before resigning in ignominy. Tonight's feast showcased Chiang's favored cuisines: delicate Jiangsu-Zhejiang dishes mingled with robust Sichuan flavors. Chiang abstained from alcohol, raising his cup in mere symbolic toasts to his guests. During the meal, as if by unspoken accord, no one broached the raging domestic battles or the volatile international landscape; conversations meandered through trivialities, skirting anything heavy or discordant, a fragile bubble of normalcy.   On September 3, Britain and France had declared war on Germany, shattering the global order in a seismic shift. Foreign newspapers already bandied the term "Second World War," a phrase that evoked freshness, exhilaration, and sheer terror in equal measure. China's diplomacy surged with newfound vigor. In April, Ambassador to the US Wang Zhengting had negotiated a $20 million loan with American banks on China's behalf. In May, Stalin responded to Chiang's overtures, agreeing to exchange arms for Chinese tea, wool, raw hides, and more. A month later, the first consignment of light and heavy weapons—including artillery and heavy machine guns—arrived via clandestine routes through Xinjiang and Mongolia, bolstering the central army's frontlines. In August, Hu Shih, Wellington Koo, and Chien Tai represented the Nationalist Government at the 19th League of Nations Assembly, laying bare the Japanese imperialists' atrocities in China before the world and rallying global forces for peace to support China's defiant stand. Soon after, British and American civic groups ignited "China Week" campaigns, pressing their governments to aid the beleaguered nation. Waves of foreign volunteers streamed in from distant shores: doctors, journalists, ordnance engineers, even retired soldiers clamoring to join the fray on the frontlines.   "If we could pull America into this war..." Through Soong May-ling's subtle, persuasive influence, Chiang allowed himself to daydream of that prosperous, dynamic young powerhouse across the vast ocean. Thus, on this Mid-Autumn night, his talk turned to America, to his correspondence with President Roosevelt regarding the "tung oil loan." That saga had unfolded the previous October; T.V. Soong had jetted to America, securing a loan with China's tung oil, a commodity scarce in the US, as collateral. China had boldly requested $400 million; America countered with $25 million, a classic tale of "ask high, settle low." Yet, the funds were secured. One success paved the way for many. Soong May-ling had once confided to Chiang: "In mobilizing US aid for China's resistance, I'll make a difference." When Chiang responded with a smile, "Thank you, Madam," he could scarcely foresee how his beautiful wife's extraordinary prowess in fulfilling this solemn vow would astonish him, etching eternal glory for Chinese women worldwide and elevating Soong May-ling to the zenith of her life's achievements.   The most direct echo of the First Battle of Changsha's thunderous saga resides in the Ninth War Zone's meticulous report on the northern Hunan and southern Hubei operations, submitted to the Chongqing Military Committee and Chiang Kai-shek himself, a faded relic now entombed amid the vast ocean of Nationalist Government military and political archives in Nanjing's Second Historical Archives of China. This document, a painstaking compilation of combat dispatches from divisions, armies, and army groups, stands as a testament to valor and sacrifice. Tragically, time's relentless march and human folly have ravaged this priceless artifact, leaving only shards and whispers to conjure the heart-wrenching inferno of that bloody clash.   "October 24, Year 28. Urgent. To Chongqing. Chairman Chiang. Secret. Submitted by Commander Xue on orders." The rice paper has yellowed to a deep, somber hue, brittle and parched; a careless touch could reduce it to dust. Some pages lie fractured, their remnants affixed to white paper, forever unable to reclaim their original wholeness. Leafing through page by page unleashes a pungent miasma, a scorched, acrid, decayed blend that assaults the senses. Traces of fire and water mar the original rice paper sheets, with countless fragments glued haphazardly to white backings, their sequences lost to eternity.   "...The Xin Qiang River spanning from Lujiao to Leishi Mountain, defending a front of over 110 li..." "Enemy 13th and 33rd Divisions, parts of the Hata Detachment, naval units, and artillery, cavalry, engineers totaling..." "...Began attacking us first with artillery... fortifications completely destroyed, then infantry charged; relying on our officers and men all resolved to coexist with the homeland..." "...And launched balloons to direct artillery... our army braved the cannons... repelled them, corpses filling the river, turning the water red..." "Division casualties also reached over a thousand... failed to inflict greater strikes and annihilate... deep inner guilt, besides vigorously training troops awaiting orders to kill the enemy..." "...Attack casualties heavy, then concentrated large forces... artillery fire so dense like continuous firecrackers for hours... released poison gas, Wang Street garrison all heroically sacrificed, then breached... Zhao Gongwu kowtows, October 15"   Zhao Gongwu commanded the 2nd Division under Zhang Yaoming's 52nd Army. This unit first held the line along the Xin Qiang River, then fell back to northeast of Fengjiang Bridge to staunch the enemy tide once more; after October 6, it hammered southward-marching Japanese from the west in the Yanglin Street and Dajing Street regions. Through these crucibles, the division bled over half its strength. A fragment of an envelope clings to a sheet of white paper, its words faintly visible: "Changsha 126-3 Zhang Yaoming," "Hunan Jinjing Air Mail," "Combat Process by..." and the like. The stamp remains remarkably intact—a philatelic gem now. Measuring 1.5 cm square, it features Sun Yat-sen's portrait at its center, inscribed "Republic of China Post" below, with "5" in the upper right, "fen" to the left, and "5" in each lower corner. I sat at the long table in the spacious, brightly lit reading room, staring vacantly, my thoughts grinding to a halt. These remnants are all that endure for posterity, of that monumental battle, of the scorching blood and vanished lives of countless unnamed Chinese soldiers. With hands that once gripped a rifle, I gently caressed those pages from a bygone era; they were cold, devoid of any lingering breath.   As the full moon of the 15th of the eighth month dissolved into the golden-red blaze of sunrise, Qin Yizhi's 195th Division had already plunged into the rugged mountains and dense forests encircling Fulinpu. Per directives from 15th Army Group Commander Guan Linzheng, the 195th was to forge a new defensive bastion centered on Fulinpu, 40 to 70 kilometers from Changsha. Their mandate: stall the Japanese southward juggernaut, granting precious time for allied forces to muster and fortify around the city. Despite the grueling all-night march, morale soared undimmed. The advance chief of staff doled out positions to each regiment, and the troops dove into fortification labors with fervent zeal. The 195th Division's unyielding stand along the Xin Qiang River had already etched preliminary glory upon this unit in its baptism of fire. "Fame in one battle" echoed as a battle cry throughout the division, where collective honor intertwined with personal valor. Honor and triumph formed the bedrock for soldiers and armies alike. Yet, another fire fueled their resolve.   On September 23, amid the Japanese forcing the Xin Qiang River, Guan Linzheng's voice crackled over the phone to Qin Yizhi: "Facing you is the 6th Division." The 6th Division, a name that ignited fury in Chinese troops and civilians, forever linked to the demonic specter of Tani Hisao. Moments later, the whisper spread like wildfire through every trench: "The Japanese army that perpetrated the Nanjing Massacre is right in front." Agitation rippled through the ranks; some donned fresh uniforms and shoes from their packs, casting aside the worn; others flouted discipline to bid farewells to hometown comrades: "Today we fight to the death here; see you in the next life." "Tell my mother I died fighting the Nanjing Massacre enemies."   Some company commanders commanded their mess sergeants to expend all funds on hearty feasts. All Japanese were foes, but the 6th Division embodied a blood debt, an unforgivable vendetta; the Chinese nation does not lightly forget its tormentors. In the Xin Qiang River maelstrom, the 195th Division battled with heroic ferocity. Some soldiers, in their final breaths, murmured: "Die then; it's worth it." Others lamented slaying too few devils, gritting teeth, eyes refusing to close in eternal regret. Now under Inaba Shiro's command, the 6th Division splintered southward after breaching the Xin Qiang; roughly a thousand hounded the 195th to Fulinpu. On the morning of September 29, the Japanese blundered into the 195th's meticulously laid ambush. Qin Yizhi, pulse racing with excitement and tension, fumbled the binoculars from his guard's hand. His command sliced the air: "Begin." War history chronicles: "The 6th Division advanced south from the Miluo River along the Xinshi-Liqiao road and Xinshi-Fulinpu routes. The over a thousand reaching Fulinpu were ambushed by the Nationalist 195th Division, suffering heavy losses." As Japanese artillery and aircraft unleashed hell upon the 195th's positions, Qin orchestrated a swift southward withdrawal to the environs of Shangshan City. Again, without pause, they erected fortifications and set deadly traps.   On the morning of September 30, the pursuers from Fulinpu closed in on Shangshan, their numbers swollen to over 1,500. Qin Yizhi clenched his jaw, his demeanor icy calm, allowing the Japanese to creep into the kill zone before barking: "Hit them hard!" Combat raged from dawn to dusk, obliterating over 700 foes. Qin ascended a hill, surveying through binoculars, then erupted: "Bad! The enemy is retreating." Upon receiving Qin's telegram, Guan Linzheng scrutinized the map, momentarily stunned, then replied: "Enemy shows no retreat signs yet; proceed per original plan. Your unit to block at Shangshan City line until October 2." Xianning, Okamura Yasuji's 11th Army HQ.   Combat maps bristled with markings, staff officers darting amid ringing phones and clattering telegrams. The colossal red arrow in northern Hunan had fractured into tributaries, surging over 100 km southward from the outset; one tendril pierced to Yong'an City, a mere 30 km from Changsha. Vast swaths of northern Hunan lay conquered, yet Okamura sensed the tide turning, it was time to retreat. The Chinese employed their time-honored gradual resistance, battling while retreating with cunning grace. Some units fell back directly, others amassed on flanks—what portent did that hold? In Okamura's shrewd mind loomed an equally shrewd Xue Yue; he envisioned his adversary methodically weaving a snare.   Post-Yingtian landing, the 15th Army Group's timely evasion had unraveled his "Xiang-Gan Operation Plan" like fragile thread. If encircling and annihilating the Chinese main force proved unattainable, what purpose in pressing onward? Telegrams from 3rd Division's Fujita Susumu, 6th's Inaba Shiro, and 13th's Tanaka Seiichi piled on his desk, pleading to assault Changsha—for headlines and Imperial accolades, perhaps, but blind to their exposed supply lines vulnerable to enemy thrusts? Ground logistics teetered on collapse; the air force resorted to airdrops for isolated regiments. Venturing further south would stretch lines to breaking; a severed artery spelled doom for the vanguard. When would these commanders mature into true stewards of the Imperial Army? Okamura fretted and pitied them in equal measure.   At 4 p.m. on September 30, Okamura decreed a halt to advances at Shangshan and Yong'an. He commenced orchestrating the retreat. Changsha, Yuelu Mountain, Ninth War Zone Command Forward HQ. October 1. Xue Yue stood before the map, Guan's latest telegram clutched in hand. Qin's second missive insisted on Japanese withdrawal, corroborated by 15th Army Group scouts from Yingtian: This morning (October 1), Japanese transports unloaded artillery stowed the previous night, hauling it back to Yueyang; intercepted wires revealed a regiment aborting its southward push, standing idle. Guan assessed the mosaic and commanded counteroffensives: intercept if feasible, pursue relentlessly, deny the Japanese escape; he relayed retreat indicators to Xue. Xue paced the chamber, head bowed in contemplation. Chief of Staff Wu Yizhi, Staff Director Zhao Zili, and their cadre tracked his every step with expectant eyes, awaiting the verdict. Xue's thoughts whirled through military stratagems and beyond.   Pre-war, Xue had segmented the war zone's forces into tripartite blocs: Northern Hunan under Guan Linzheng's 15th, Yang Sen's 27th, and Shang Zhen's 20th Army Groups as "A Cluster"; Northern Jiangxi Nanchang with Yunnan Army Lu Han's 1st Army Group and the 74th Army as "B Cluster"; the Wuning, Xiushui, Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border guarded by Sichuan Army Wang Lingji's 30th Army Corps, Fan Songpu's Border Advance Army, and 8th Army; augmented by 3 armies' 7 divisions in general reserve. Before the storm broke, Xue pored over maps, tracing every mountain, river, road, and bridge, envisioning burial grounds for the invaders.   Now, beneath Changsha, 200,000 troops formed a tightening net. The "decisive battle in Changsha suburbs" blueprint had been wired to Chongqing. Chiang and the nation yearned for a resounding triumph as the resistance pivoted into a new epoch?! A masterful drama, honed over half a month's toil, neared its crescendo; yet that cunning fox appeared to sniff the trap's metallic tang, freezing in place. "Commander, phone from Minister Chen." "Brother Boling, good news." Chen Cheng's voice brimmed with levity, "Your formal appointment published. What? Ninth War Zone Commander! First to congratulate; document tomorrow." Shedding the "acting" prefix was inevitable; Chiang had intimated as much long ago. But for a man and general, true worth lay not in titles, but in forging indelible feats. Splendor was judged not by underlings, colleagues, or superiors, but by peers in the craft of war.   Unmoved by the promotion, Xue exhaled a profound sigh. Though the 15th's intelligence couldn't confirm a wholesale retreat, preparations for dual contingencies were imperative. Victories came hard; a splendid battle, harder still. He summoned Wu Yizhi and Zhao Zili to devise countermeasures for the enemy's potential flight. October 2, Sichuan Army Yang Sen's 27th Army Group, Yang Gancai's 134th Division special service company, under Company Commander Wan Mingyu, slogged through the profound mountains and forests on the northern Mufu Mountains' flanks. The 134th's covert mandate: infiltrate enemy rear via treacherous terrain, sabotage supply arteries in the Chongyang-Xianning sector, and deliver a dagger to the Japanese spine when opportunity struck, bolstering frontal defenses.   Past 3 p.m., a crystalline mountain stream materialized. Wan decreed a respite. Over 100 soldiers, drained from a half-day's ascent, collapsed like puppets with severed strings. Most propped their torsos with rifles in one hand, fanning hats to ward off the relentless forest mosquitoes with the other. Regaining breath, they devoured rations washed down with stream water. Some unfurled towels and ventured downstream, letting the cool flow rinse away layers of sweat. Then, a muted engine drone encroached from the heavens. Wan peered through the foliage: a low-flying plane vectored southward, its wings emblazoned with the Rising Sun.   A transport; Wan recognized the temporary Japanese airfield near Xianning. With lines overextended, airdrops sustained isolated units. Wan was prying open a can with his bayonet, the tip etching a cross on the lid before levering along the edge; paired with a rice ball, it promised a savory repast. His orderly proffered a cup of fresh stream water; 2nd Platoon Leader Hu Yaozong perched nearby on a rock, smirking, poised to pilfer from the opened tin. Wan warded off this Sichuan Pixian compatriot. The plane droned overhead then.   Both glanced skyward; the platoon quipped: "Open quick, damn, I'll repay two cans later." Commander: "Want cans? Sky has; shoot plane down, enough for two lifetimes, bloat your mother-in-law first." The can hailed from a prior supply raid. Platoon: "You want me to shoot the plane?" Commander: "Bastard! You shooting or not?" The platoon snatched the light machine gun from a tree fork, jamming the butt against his belly, one hand on the grip, aiming crudely: "Come down, you turtle son!" The other hand squeezed the trigger. Wan assumed jest, resuming his task. "Da-da-da..." Wan jolted; the half-opened can tumbled to his feet, spilling Japanese fish onto Chinese soil. Recoil floored the platoon; he hurled the gun like a branding iron, face ashen. Inspecting the trigger, he snarled: "Whose damn fault, why no safety?!" The gunner dashed over; tall and even-tempered: "Safety was on; how'd it fire without pulling?" Wan's initial panic: "Damn! Position exposed."   The company spearheaded the division's reinforced regiment to raze a recent Japanese depot, guarded by a mere company—but exposure doomed the regiment deep in hostile territory. The assault had been plotted for days; pre-departure, Yang Gancai had toasted them. Wan had sworn a blood oath: No return to Sichuan without success. Hu had jested then: "No Sichuan return means wanting Hunan girl as concubine." Banter was fine in peace, but in war's grip, this was no trifling errand. Wan unleashed a torrent of curses, rising to survey the environs. The main force lagged 15 km behind; advance or abort post-blunder? Enemy rear was a labyrinth; this isolated band teetered on a razor's edge. As if to compel a choice, the radio operator approached; Wan itched to lash out. In his fury and indecision, a miracle unfolded.   The transport's engines hacked like a consumptive invalid, then a witness spied the plane banking left, plummeting, its nose inexorably toward a colossal rock 3-4 km distant. It rebounded twice on the stone, nose and left wing crumpling; the fuselage, fragile as parchment, tumbled gently, skewing onto the slope amid splintered trees. Wan gaped, then bellowed: "Assemble!" The men snapped from reverie, charging downhill in a frenzied cascade. One hour later, 134th Deputy Commander and Reinforced Regiment Commander Liu decoded Wan's vanguard transmission via radio. Another hour passed before Liu received Yang Gancai's directive: Abort Mountain Leopard operation; return with documents expeditiously. One day hence, October 3, Okamura Yasuji's original retreat order from October 2 dawn, addressed to northern Hunan's 6th, 33rd Divisions, Nara and Uemura Detachments, plus its Chinese translation, landed on Xue Yue's desk.   Fifteen days later, at the Changsha Victory Celebration, unit accolades were proclaimed; for "shooting down enemy plane, obtaining vital enemy documents," meritorious honors went to 134th Commander Yang Gancai and Deputy Liu. Each received 1000 yuan and one 3rd Class Baoding Medal. Okamura's October 2 order original: Chinese forces retreated to Miluo and Xiushui Rivers banks assembling; to avoid disadvantage, this army should quickly withdraw to original positions, restore combat strength.   Withdrawal plan as follows: … Xue's October 3 order original:   "Northern Hunan frontal units with current posture immediately pursue facing enemy fiercely, must capture in Chongyang-Yueyang south area. ... Pursuit units may detach part to monitor and sweep enemy collection troops; main force execute overtaking pursuit... Already deep behind enemy advance units vigorously destroy enemy transport lines, cut escape routes."   From October 3, Chinese forces unleashed ferocious counteroffensives against the Japanese on three fronts: northern Hunan, southern Hubei, and the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border; the invaders receded like a vanishing tide, never to reclaim their ground. The 25th and 195th Divisions hounded the 6th Division and Nara Detachment from Fulinpu back to the Miluo River, then to the Xin Qiang River. On October 8, the Japanese fled across the Xin Qiang; the 195th's 566th Brigade surged in pursuit, launching a nocturnal raid on Xitang-Jianshan. Gains were modest, but the enemy, entrenched in their den, resisted with feral tenacity. Qin commanded the brigade's withdrawal southward; northern Hunan operations concluded.   In southern Hubei, the 79th Army chased remnants of the 33rd Division from Sanyan Bridge to Pingjiang, across Nanjiang Bridge, hounding them back to their Tongcheng lair. On the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi border, 30th Army Group Commander Wang Lingji orchestrated a pincer against Japanese at Xiushui. The foes retreated to Sandu, mounting a stubborn defense. Chinese assaults faltered for three days; on the fourth night's blitz, victory crowned their efforts, expelling the invaders to their original Wuning stronghold. With both armies reclaiming pre-war lines, the First Battle of Changsha drew to its resounding close.   Over days, Xue Yue received a deluge of congratulatory telegrams and letters from the Nationalist Government, Military Committee, National Assembly, myriad civic groups, party officials, and social luminaries. As hoped, among them was Chiang Kai-shek's effusive missive, brimming with joy. For Xue Yue, this one sufficed. Chiang Kai-shek's telegram to Xue Yue:   "In this northern Hunan campaign, over half the enemy was annihilated. The triumphant news has invigorated the nation, all due to effective command and soldiers' valor; I commend without reservation. Thoroughly investigate and report meritorious personnel from this battle; also report the dead and wounded for awards and relief. With this initial victory foundation laid, our officers and men's responsibilities grow heavier; urge your subordinates to extra vigilance, redoubled effort, avoiding arrogance or complacency, to amass great achievements, my deepest hopes."   As if countering Chongqing's high-powered broadcasts, Japanese radios in Wuhan, Nanjing, Beiping, and Manchukuo blared at full volume: "In this Xiang-Gan operation, valiant Imperial forces penetrated over 100 km into northern Hunan, sweeping anti-peace elements, routing Chinese central main forces, inflicting over 40,000 enemy casualties, a pivotal triumph advancing the holy war. Having achieved objectives, Imperial troops have victoriously withdrawn..."   In the aftermath of the First Battle of Changsha, the Japanese high command spun a tale of calculated restraint, insisting their assault was merely a spoiling raid, a calculated jab never intended to seize and hold the city indefinitely. With brazen confidence, they downplayed their toll, claiming a mere 850 souls lost to death and 2,700 wounded in the fray, while boastfully asserting they had slain 44,000 Chinese defenders and taken 4,000 captive, painting a picture of overwhelming triumph amid the smoke and ruin. Yet, foreign military observers, peering through the fog of propaganda with detached scrutiny, painted a starkly different canvas. They gauged Chinese losses at a far more tempered 20,000 killed and wounded, a heavy but bearable scar on the nation's resolve, while estimating Japanese casualties soared to around 30,000, a grievous hemorrhage that belied the invaders' claims of minimal sacrifice. Military historian Michael Clodfelter, sifting through the annals of conflict, ventured an even grimmer tally: a staggering 50,000 Japanese casualties endured in the relentless clash, a testament to the ferocity of Chinese resistance and the high price of imperial ambition. In the battle's locale, neither side claimed clear victory, but globally for the resistance, it favored China. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The First Battle of Changsha unfolded in September 1939 during China's War of Resistance Against Japan. Japanese forces under Okamura Yasuji advanced into Hunan and Jiangxi, crossing rivers and capturing key positions like Yingtian amid fierce Chinese defenses led by Xue Yue. 

Die Republik Moldau liegt zwischen einem Kriegsschauplatz und einer ungewissen EU-Zukunft. Präsidentin Maia Sandu trifft Andreas Treichl und Christian Ultsch und spricht offen über russische Wahleinmischung, illegale Truppen auf moldauischem Boden und darüber, was ein russischer Sieg in der Ukraine für ihr Land und für ganz Europa bedeuten würde.

The Financial Sector Conduct Authority has completed an investigation into the alleged misappropriation of R50 million from a fund meant to support South African soldiers. The money, contributed by military personnel, was intended for life insurance, funeral policies and other benefits. The authority says it's considering its next steps. Elvis Presslin spoke to Jeff Dubazana, Chief Negotiator for the South African National Defence Union, SANDU

Președinta Republicii Moldova Maia Sandu aduce în atenția publică un concept nou care acum apărea doar în documentele interne ale NATO – cel de „război cognitiv”, Un război orientat spre mentalitățile colective, pentru a face oamenii să nu mai poată discerne ce e adevărat și ce e fals și să modifice inclusiv rezultatele alegerilor pentru un impact regional. Republica Moldova a fost pe parcursul timpului un soi de laborator test pentru propaganda și influențele maligne ale Federației Ruse. De acum încolo, Republica Moldova este nu mai este un stat periferic a vecinătății estice, este un stat de frontieră de a cărui securitate depinde și securitatea Uniunii Europene, declară invitatul ediției de astăzi a Moldova Zoom, analistul politic Nicolae Țîbrigan, cercetător științific al Academiei Române. Temele ediției: - Despre Rusia și presiunile pe care aceasta le exercită asupra vecinătății ei și asupra Europei în general a vorbit președinta Maia Sandu la Conferința de securitate de la Munchen. Singura soluție pentru un viitor democratic al Moldovei este integrarea în Uniunea Europeană. „O Moldovă mai puternică în interiorul Uniunii Europene înseamnă o Europă mai sigură”, a punctat șefa statului. Valeria Vițu a urmărit declarațiile. - Maia Sandu a acuzat Federația Rusă la Munchen că a atacat cibernetic Republica Moldova în ultimele campanii electorale. Răspunsul Moscovei nu a întârziat să apară. Politicieni de la Moscova, dar și politicieni proruși de la Chișinău o acuză din nou pe președintă că ar vrea să atace militar regiunea separatistă transnistreană. Când a mai existat această acuzație ne spune jurnalistul Vitalie Cojocari în ”Cronica lui Vitalie”. - Republica Moldova de când s-a format este în situația de a se opune războiului hibrid al Rusiei, motiv pentru care experiența ei este foarte utilă în combaterea dezinformării și atacurilor hibride pe care Kremlinul le duce împotriva întregii Europe, declară la RFI europarlamentarul Eugen Tomac, consilierul onorific pentru diaspora al președintelui Nicușor Dan. Eugen Tomac a fost invitatul dimineții la RFI, iar colegul meu Cosmin Ruscior l-a întrebat cu ce poate contribui Republica Moldova la combaterea atacurilor hibride ale Rusiei asupra democrațiilor occidentale. - Prima reuniune din acest an a miniștrilor de Externe în formatul „Triunghiul Odesa” – Republica Moldova, România și Ucraina – a avut loc în contextul Conferinței de Securitate de la München. - Ministerul Dezvoltării Economice și Digitalizării discută strategii pentru implicarea activă a Republicii Moldova în reconstrucția Ucrainei - Vremea rece revine în Republica Moldova – cod galben de schimbare bruscă a vremii, ceață și ghețuș pe drumuri. Știrile zilei: Ministrul moldovean de Externe, Mihai Popșoi, a participat, alături de omologii săi din România și Ucraina, Oana Țoiu și Andrii Sybiha, la prima reuniune din acest an a miniștrilor de Externe în formatul „Triunghiul Odesa”, desfășurată în contextul Conferinței de Securitate de la München. Discuțiile au vizat consolidarea cooperării trilaterale în contextul provocărilor de securitate generate de agresiunea Federației Ruse împotriva Ucrainei, cu accent pe coordonarea politică, securitatea energetică și conectivitatea regională. Miniștrii au subliniat necesitatea unor acțiuni comune pentru contracararea amenințărilor hibride și dezinformării. Oficialii au salutat avansarea interconexiunii pe domeniul energetic, dar și a unor proiecte de infrastructură pentru integrarea regiunii în rețelele europene de transport. *** Ministerul Dezvoltării Economice și Digitalizării discută strategii pentru implicarea activă a Republicii Moldova în reconstrucția Ucrainei. Ministrul Eugeniu Osmochescu a explicat, într-o emisiune la TV8, că, deși Moldova nu poate concura direct cu Polonia, țara are totuși un potențial semnificativ în sudul Europei, în special în regiunile apropiate de Ucraina, precum Odesa. Ministrul Dezvoltării Economice de la Chișinău a mai spus că Moldova trebuie să se concentreze pe domeniile în care poate contribui semnificativ, cum ar fi transportul, logistica, sectorul IT și infrastructura drumurilor. *** Chișinăul se află pe un traseu ireversibil de integrare europeană, procesul trebuie continuat cu aceeași intensitate, a declarat europarlamentarul Eugen Tomac, aflat zilele trecute la Chișinău. În această dimineață, Eugen Tomac a fost în stidoul RFI, unde a declarat colegului nostru Cosmin Ruscior că Republica Moldova de când s-a format este în situația de a se opune războiului hibrid al Rusiei, motiv pentru care experiența ei este foarte utilă în combaterea dezinformării și atacurilor hibride pe care Kremlinul le duce împotriva întregii Europe. Revenim cu detalii în program. *** Vremea rece revine în Republica Moldova – cod galben de schimbare bruscă a vremii, temperaturile vor scădea brusc, ploile vor trece treptat în lapoviță și ninsoare și se va forma ghețuș. Peste 40 de mii de utilizatori au rămas fără energie electrică din cauza precipitațiilor din noaptea trecută, informează Ministerul Energiei. Premier Energy a raportat peste 5 mii de deconectări În prezent, pe drumurile naționale se circulă în condiții de ploaie, carosabil umed și, pe alocuri, ceață densă, cu vizibilitate redusă. În următoarele zile, temperaturile ar putea coborî până la -3 grade ziua și până la -10 grade noaptea.

Care sunt așteptările de la conferința de securitate de la Munchen, unde participă și președinta Maia Sandu, dar și ce au însemnat primele 100 de zile de activitate a guvernului economistului Alexandru Munteanu, într-o discuție cu invitatul de astăzi, analistul politic de la Chișinău Nicolae Negru. Un interviu realizat de Valeria Vițu. Temele ediției: - Un conflict religios care testează reacția instituțiilor statului de drept. Conflictul din satul Dereneu, unde clerici ai bisericii ruse au agresat poliția și au intrat cu forța în biserica mitropoliei Basarabiei, subordonată Patriarhiei române continuă să rămână în atenția publică. Corespondenții noștri din nordul Republicii Moldova au fost în localitate. Un reportaj semnat de Cătălin Volconovici și Denis Chirtoca. - Regiunea separatistă Transnistria nu trebuie să fie o piatră moară de gâtul Republicii Moldova, încearcă să spună Guvernul de la Chișinău. Așa că vrea să decupleze integrarea Transnistriei în teritoriul Republica Moldova de integrarea Republicii Moldova în UE. Care sunt planurile? Ne explică Vitalie Cojocari în „Cronica lui Vitalie”. - În România, președintele Nicușor Dan trebuie să recupereze ce a pierdut până acum pe plan extern. Președintele român nu merge la conferința de la Munchen. Totuși, apetitul său pentru afaceri externe trebuie să crească în perioada următoare, spune la RFI analistul politic Radu Magdin, într-o discuție cu Andreea Pietroșel. - Portul Constanța din România preia Portul Internațional Giurgiulești de pe Dunăre, singurul port al Republicii Moldova. - Comisia Europeană a prezentat un plan de acțiune privind combaterea dronelor, planul conturează și perspectiva unei cooperări cu Republica Moldova. - Parlamentul European pune la punct un mecanism prin care sprijină direct Parlamentul de la Chișinău în negocierile tehnice de aderare la UE. Știrile zilei: Parlamentul European sprijină direct Parlamentul Republicii Moldova pe toate capitolele de negociere cu UE, a anunțat europarlamentarul Siegfried Mureșan, după ședința de ieri de la Strasbourg a Delegației pentru relațiile cu Republica Moldova. Pentru fiecare cluster de negociere vor exista unul sau mai mulți europarlamentari responsabili, cu experiență în domeniu, care vor lucra direct cu omologii lor din Parlamentul de la Chișinău. Scopul este sprijinul mai rapid și concret pentru transpunerea legislației europene și pregătirea aderării, spune Siegfried Mureșan. *** Comisia Europeană a prezentat un plan de acțiune privind securitatea dronelor și combaterea utilizării ostile a acestora. Planul conturează și perspectiva unei cooperări cu Republica Moldova, după multiplele incidente cu drone rusești căzute pe teritoriul țării. La Strasbourg, vicepreședintele executiv a Comisiei Europene, Henna Virkkunen, și comisarii pentru afaceri interne și transporturi au prezentat un plan axat pe patru piloni: pregătire, detectare, răspuns și consolidarea capacităților de apărare, transmite TVR Moldova. Comisarul pentru afaceri interne, Magnus Brunner, a anunțat că, în acest an, Comisia mobilizează 400 de milioane de euro pentru a sprijini statele membre în achiziția de drone și sisteme anti-dronă. La rândul său, Henna Virkkunen, vicepreședintele executiv al Comisiei Europene a precizat că Ucraina se află în centrul inițiativei, însă și Chișinăul este un partener apropiat. Relația de securitate dintre Uniunea Europeană și Republica Moldova este deja operațională. „Avem deja un centru de securitate împreună cu Moldova. Și am sprijinit Moldova în diferite tipuri de operațiuni hibride. Deci, aici ne uităm și la ce fel de domenii prioritare au partenerii noștri și cum am putea coopera și noi în acest sens”, a spus oficialul. Comisia intenționează să inițieze discuții cu autoritățile de la Chișinău pentru identificarea unor soluții tehnologice și de coordonare adaptate nevoilor Republicii Moldova. Pachetul de securitate pentru drone ar urma să fie pregătit în următoarele luni, iar un centru european de excelență în acest domeniu va fi lansat în 2027. *** Portul Constanța din România va prelua Portul Internațional Liber Giurgiulești de pe Dunăre, singurul port al Republicii Moldova, iar Banca Europeană pentru Reconstrucție și Dezvoltare, actualul acționar unic, se retrage. Banca Europeană pentru Reconstrucție și Dezvoltare (BERD) a anunțat joi, 12 februarie, că urmează să finalizeze vânzarea Danube Logistics, operatorul Portul Internațional Liber Giurgiulești, către Portul Constanța, deținut de statul român. „Tranzacția se va încheia în curând”, se arată într-un comunicat de presă emis de bancă, citat de Ziarul de Gardă. Portul Constanța se angajează să realizeze investiții semnificative pe termen lung în dezvoltarea în continuare a portului de pe Dunăre. Obiectivul strategic este de a-i extinde capacitatea, de a-i îmbunătăți infrastructura și de a-i consolida poziția în regiunea Mării Negre și în bazinul Dunării. Se preconizează că aceste investiții vor spori competitivitatea portului, vor consolida reziliența logistică a Moldovei și vor întări legăturile comerciale în întreaga regiune”, se arată în comunicatul de presă. Fiind principalul punct de acces maritim al Moldovei, Portul Giurgiulești gestionează peste 70 % din importurile și exporturile pe cale maritimă ale țării, „jucând un rol esențial în menținerea lanțurilor de aprovizionare și în sprijinirea stabilității economice”. „Rolul strategic al Portului Giurgiulești a crescut în regiune, acesta este bine poziționat pentru a servi reconstrucției viitoare a Ucrainei”, mai notează BERD. Pe lângă suma de 62 milioane dolari, care ar reprezenta doar prețul de preluare a Danube Logistics, Administația Porturilor Maritime Constanța s-a angajat prin ofertă să efectueze ulterior investiții de minimum 28 milioane de dolari în Portul Giurgiulești. *** Cinci persoane din Republica Moldova au fost trimise în judecată pentru organizarea migrației ilegale prin Moldova spre Uniunea Europeană a peste 100 de cetățeni ai Ucrainei apți de luptă, anunță Procuratura pentru Combaterea Criminalității Organizate de la Chișinău. Schema infracțională au fost pusă la punct încă la începutul agresiunii ruse în Ucraina în 2022. Ulterior schema, coordonată prin aplicația rusească Telegram, a luat amploare, iar achitările s-au făcut preponderent în criptomonede, cu o taxă între 4 și 10 mii de dolari. Inculpații sunt locuitori ai regiunii transnistrene, regiune separatistă necontrolată de autoritățile moldovene care era folosită pentru aducerea migranților ilegali. Ulterior, aceștia erau transportați la Chișinău sau în alte localități, de unde erau preluați de complici pentru tranzitarea frontierei spre România. Procurorii anunță că investigațiile penale continuă și în privința altor peste 50 de cauze penale din același dosar. *** În Republica Moldova se circulă în condiții de ceață densă pe mai multe drumuri naționale, iar vizibilitatea este redusă semnificativ, anunță autoritățile. Șoferii sunt îndemnați să manifeste prudență sporită în trafic.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

W najnowszym odcinku podcastu rozmawiamy z Kamilem Całusem o głośnej deklaracji prezydentki Mołdawii Mai Sandy, która przyznała, że w referendum zagłosowałaby za zjednoczeniem z Rumunią. Dlaczego ten temat wraca właśnie teraz? Czy to osobista szczerość, polityczna kalkulacja po wyborach, czy sygnał wysłany do Brukseli i Moskwy?

Turpinām sekot līdzi notikumiem Irānā, pieaugošajai spriedzei Grenlandē un dažām aktualitātēm Moldovā. Aktualitātes analizē Latvijas Radio Ziņu dienesta žurnālists Uldis Ķezberis un laikraksta "Diena" komentētājs Andis Sedlenieks. Sazināmies ar Latvijas Ārpolitikas institūta Tuvo Austrumu programmas vadītāju Sintiju Broku-Kovalevsku. Irānas sacelšanos slīcina asinīs Protesti, kas Irānā uzliesmoja pērnā gada nogalē, pagājušās nedēļas otrajā pusē strauji vērsās plašumā un ieguva arvien konkrētāku politisku saturu. Cilvēku miljoni, izgājuši apmēram 180 pilsētu ielās, skandēja lozungus par valdošā islāma teokrātiskā režīma gāšanu un monarhijas atjaunošanu. Pašreizējais Irānas Islāma republikas režīms izveidojās pēc revolūcijas 1979. gadā, kad tika gāzts līdz tam valdījušais šahs Mohammads Rezā Pehlevī. Šahs mira trimdā 1980. gadā, bet viņa titula mantinieks ir vecākais dēls, kroņprincis Rezā Pehlevī, kurš vada 2013. gadā Parīzē nodibināto Irānas Nacionālo padomi, vienu no galvenajām irāņu trimdas organizācijām. 6. janvārī kroņprincis nāca klajā ar aicinājumu vērst protestus plašumā, kas arī notika. Režīms savukārt uzsāka plašu globālā tīmekļa pieejas un citu sakaru bloķēšanu, varas pārstāvji vērsās pret protestētājiem arvien vardarbīgāk. No protestētāju puses notika valsts iestāžu ieņemšanas un aizdedzināšanas gadījumi, tika aizdedzinātas arī vairākas mošejas. Varas pārstāvji, pirmām kārtām Islāma Revolūcijas gvardu korpusa kaujinieki, sāka laist darbā šaujamieročus; parādījās ziņojumi par snaiperu un ložmetēju izmantošanu. Irānas augstākā līdera Alī Hāmenejī publiskie izteikumi kļuva arvien draudošāki. Viņš protestētājus raksturo kā valsts ienaidniekus, kuri kalpojot Savienoto Valstu interesēm. Ziņas par bojāgājušo skaitu pagājušās nedēļas nogalē sasniedza vairākus simtus, šobrīd kā minimālais skaits tiek minēti jau vismaz 2500 cilvēku, taču avoti piesauc arī daudz lielākus skaitļus – divpadsmit un pat divdesmit tūkstošus nogalināto. Tiek ziņots, ka bojā gājuši arī apmēram 140 varas pārstāvju. Vairāk nekā 16 000 protestētāju esot arestēti. Daudzu skati šobrīd pievērsti ASV prezidentam Donaldam Trampam, kurš jau vairākkārt solījies iesaistīties, ja režīms uzsāks neapbruņotu ļaužu slepkavošanu, kas šobrīd jau visai nepārprotami notiek. Vakar Baltā nama saimnieks savā sociālā tīkla kontā „Truth Social” publiskoja ierakstu, aicinot protestētājus nepadoties un paužot, ka palīdzība jau esot ceļā. Šodien, 14. janvārī, Tramps publiskojis arī brīdinājumu Teherānas režīmam neuzsākt nāvessodu izpildi protestu organizēšanā apsūdzētajiem. Pērnās nedēļas nogalē arestētā un uz karstām pēdām tiesātā Efrana Soltani radinieki ziņojuši, ka šodien viņam paredzēts izpildīt nāvessodu. Grenlandes „saldējuma” tīkotājs Tramps Šai dienai var būt tālejošas sekas Grenlandes un Dānijas, bet arī Eiropas un pasaules vēstures gaitā. Šodien, 14. janvārī, Baltajā namā jānotiek sarunām starp ASV viceprezidentu Džeimsu Deividu Vensu un valsts sekretāru Marko Rubio no vienas, un Dānijas ārlietu ministru Larsu Loki Rasmusenu un Grenlandes ārlietu ministri Vivianu Mocfeldu no otras puses. Ziemeļu karalistes pārstāvji cer mazināt spriedzi, kas savilkusies ap pasaulē lielāko salu pēdējās nedēļās, kad Savienoto Valstu prezidents Donalds Tramps ar jaunu sparu pauž apņemšanos padarīt šo autonomo Dānijas kroņa zemi par amerikāņu teritoriju. „Vieglā vai smagā veidā,” izteicies Baltā nama saimnieks, ar „smago” diezgan nepārprotami domājot iespējamu militāru akciju. Vēl pavisam nesen ka tāds bija neiedomājams, bet amerikāņu zibenīgā specoperācija janvāra sākumā Venecuēlā liek uzlūkot šādu iespēju kā krietni reālāku. Vēl jo vairāk, lasot prezidenta Trampa nesenos izteikumus par to, ka viņa rīcībai vienīgais ierobežojošais faktors esot paša morāle, bet nekādi ne starptautiskās tiesības. Savukārt Dānijas premjerministre Mete Frederiksena norādījusi, ka piesauktais „smagais veids”, respektīvi, Savienoto Valstu militāra akcija Grenlandes pārņemšanai nozīmēs Ziemeļatlantijas alianses beigas. Vašingtonas līdzšinējie partneri Eiropā nonāktu ļoti sāpīgas izvēles priekšā, kur vienā svaru kausā būtu solidaritāte ar Dāniju, otrā – Savienoto Valstu turpmāka dalība Eiropas aizsardzībā, jo sevišķi atbalsts Ukrainai cīņā pret Krievijas agresiju. Atbildot Trampa argumentiem par it kā iespējamu Krievijas vai Ķīnas invāziju Grenlandē, ja to nepārņems Savienotās Valstis, Rietumeiropas partneri, sevišķi Vācija un Lielbritānija, pauduši gatavību kāpināt savu militāro klātbūtni salā. Tomēr ļoti daudzi apšauba to, ka drošības apsvērumi patiešām ir prezidenta Trampa un viņa administrācijas motīvs. Daudz ticamāka šķiet vēlme tikt pie ziemeļu salas izrakteņu resursiem, kontrolēt kuģošanas ceļus, kas varētu kļūt aktīvāki līdz ar ledus kušanu Arktikā un arī apmierināt Baltā nama saimnieka arhaiski impēriskās ambīcijas. To visai nepārprotami paudis viņš pats, pirms dažām dienām sakot: „Mēs runājam par iegūšanu īpašumā, nevis iznomāšanu. [..] Mums ir bāzes Grenlandē. Es varētu izvietot tur vairāk karavīru, ja vēlētos, bet vajag vairāk. Vajag īpašuma tiesības. Vajag titulu.” Kā liecina aptaujas, diezgan daudz ir grenlandiešu, kuri vēlētos pilnīgu suverenitāti, taču 85% no viņiem ir kategoriski pret iespējamu pāreju Savienoto Valstu pakļautībā. Vai Moldova kļūs par Rumāniju? Pirms dažām dienām, runājot britu podkāstā „The Rest is Politics”, Moldovas prezidente Maija Sandu paziņoja, ja notiktu referendums par viņas valsts atkalapvienošanos ar Rumāniju, viņa balsotu par. Moldovai esot arvien grūtāk vienai izdzīvot pašreizējā nestabilajā pasaulē. Kā zināms, moldāvi un rumāņi runā praktiski identiskā rumāņu valodā, viduslaiku Moldāvijas kņazistē ietilpa tagadējās Moldovas un līdzās esošās Rumānijas austrumdaļas zemes, un starp abiem pasaules kariem tagadējā Moldova bija Rumānijas karalistes sastāvdaļa. No etniski vienotā kopuma Moldovu atrāva staļiniskā Padomju Savienība, 1940. gadā to anektējot un izveidojot Moldāvijas Padomju Sociālistisko republiku. Tātad jautājumam par Moldovas iespējamu apvienošanos ar Rumāniju ir vēsturisks un etniski kulturāls pamatojums. Šis motīvs vēl vairāk aktualizējās pēc Krievijas pilna mēroga agresijas pret Ukrainu, kad Kišiņeva sajuta pieaugošus draudus savai suverenitātei gadījumā, ja Krievijai izdotos īstenot savus ekspansijas plānus. Kopš Moldovas neatkarības 1991. gadā pastāvošais Piedņestras separātiskais reģions ir potenciāls tramplīns Krievijas agresijai ne vien pret Moldovu, bet, iespējams, arī tālāk uz rietumiem. Pie tam Kremļa agresija nav tikai ārēja – Moldova pastāvīgi izjūt prokremlisko spēku darbošanos valsts iekšienē gan attiecīgas ievirzes politisko partiju veidā, gan kā separātisma tendences autonomajā Gagauzijas teritorijā. Tomēr šajā pat podkāsta materiālā prezidente Sandu atzina, ka, viņasprāt, idejai par apvienošanos ar Rumāniju trūkstot Moldovas sabiedrības vairākuma atbalsta. 2024. gadā notikušajā referendumā neliels moldāvu vairākums – 50,4 procenti – nobalsoja par valsts dalību Eiropas Savienībā. Moldovas eirointegrācija, šādi likvidējot lielāko daļu tiesisko un administratīvo šķirtņu ar Rumāniju, joprojām šķiet reālāka alternatīva nekā atgriešanās pie pagājušā gadsimta pirmās puses situācijas.   Sagatavoja Eduards Liniņš.

Day 1,419.Today, as much of Kyiv continues to live without power, so too does a region of Russia, as the United States accuses Moscow of making a mockery of peace through its continued attacks. Then, we explore the emerging phenomenon of so-called ‘dark tourism' in Ukraine, and what it reveals about how the war is being remembered. Later, in an exclusive interview, we speak to Moldovan President Maia Sandu, who reflects on a tumultuous five years in office – including last year's dramatic election campaign, which delivered Vladimir Putin one of his most significant political setbacks of the year.ContributorsDominic Nicholls (Associate Editor of Defence). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Executive Editor for Audio). @FrancisDearnley on X.Adrian Blomfield (Senior Foreign Correspondent). @adrianblomfield on X.Anna Emmett-Martin (Journalist). With thanks to Moldovan President Maia Sandu.SIGN UP TO THE ‘UKRAINE: THE LATEST' WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter Each week, Dom Nicholls and Francis Dearnley answer your questions, provide recommended reading, and give exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights – plus maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons to complement our daily reporting. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers.CONTENT REFERENCED:Full Exclusive Telegraph Video Interview with Moldovan President Maia Sandu:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iRnZUTGo1MI Francis's Video Documentary on Moldova:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gZC5FvDt-u0 Panel with Dr Jack Watling discussing legal avenues for stopping the shadow fleet:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EQqHFlA6m6o UN Homepage:https://www.un.org/en/UN Story – Deadly Russian strikes push civilians deeper into winter crisis:https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/01/1166748 Live Blog as Parliament votes on government reshuffle (Kyiv Independent):https://kyivindependent.com/parliament-votes-on-government-reshuffle-live/ Ukraine and Moldova Quietly Cut Off Russia's Hidden Army at Midnight on New Year's Day (United 24):https://united24media.com/latest-news/ukraine-and-moldova-quietly-cut-off-russias-hidden-army-at-midnight-on-new-years-day-14932 LISTEN TO THIS PODCAST IN NEW LANGUAGES:The Telegraph has launched translated versions of Ukraine: The Latest in Ukrainian and Russian, making its reporting accessible to audiences on both sides of the battle lines and across the wider region, including Central Asia and the Caucasus. Just search Україна: Останні Новини (Ukr) and Украина: Последние Новости (Ru) on your on your preferred podcast app to find them. Listen here: https://linktr.ee/ukrainethelatestSubscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How did Maia Sandu fight Russian disinformation in Moldova? What is it like to have a war in the country next door? Will the European Union accept Moldova with Russian troops in the country?  Rory and Alastair travel to Moldova to speak with President Maia Sandu to discuss all this and more. ________________ Social Producer: Celine Charles Video Editor: Josh Smith Assistant Producer: Daisy Alston-Horne Producer: Alice Horrell Senior Producer: Nicole Maslen Head of Politics: Tom Whiter Exec Producers: Tony Pastor + Jack Davenport Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

No episódio de hoje, Flávio Trombino apresenta uma receita fácil e prática de sanduíche para levar como lanche em atividades durante as férias escolares do seu filho. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

O BANZAcast é a sua dose semanal de chapação!Patrocínio: Encontre os melhores substratos para o seu cultivo na Dedo Verde Substratos! Colheitas mais fartas, com qualidade e simplicidade, você encontra na https://dedoverdesubstratos.comEntre na nossa loja e compre os produtos exclusivos do BANZAcast!https://umapenca.com/banza/Desde 2019, com novos episódios onde falamos do mundo na perspectiva do maconheiro.Muita fumaça, risada e informação aqui no nosso podcast.Conheça nossa página de apoio, no https://apoia.se/banzaoficialTodos os nossos links: https://linktr.ee/banzaoficialDisponível no seu agregador de podcast preferido.

În acastă serie de podcast-uri vei găsi răspunsuri la întrebările pe care i le-ai adresa unui consilier sau psihoterapeut creștin.

În acastă serie de podcast-uri vei găsi răspunsuri la întrebările pe care i le-ai adresa unui consilier sau psihoterapeut creștin.

Sabrina Sato é nossa convidada e fala dos cuidados com pais e filhos da “geração sanduíche”, do gosto por se fantasiar e das pequenas vinganças do dia a dia.

Aos cinquenta, a mulher brasileira vive no centro da tempestade. Assume o papel típico da Geração Sanduíche, dividida entre pais que envelhecem depressa e filhos que demoram a assumir a própria vida. Carrega trabalho, casa, expectativas e um corpo que pede cuidado. Nesse turbilhão, olha para o parceiro e encontra alguém parado no tempo. É nesse contraste que o Divórcio Prateado floresce.O Brasil registrou 440.827 divórcios em 2023. Foram 77.725 separações envolvendo mulheres acima dos cinquenta, quase um quarto do total. Houve alta de 4,9 por cento em relação ao ano anterior, além de 47,4 divórcios para cada 100 casamentos. O tempo médio de união caiu para 13,8 anos. Trinta por cento das separações acontecem justamente nessa faixa etária, e a iniciativa parte delas em cerca de 70 por cento dos casos.Lá fora, o cenário ecoa. Nos Estados Unidos, o divórcio entre pessoas com mais de sessenta e cinco anos triplicou desde 1990. Entre os cinquenta mais, dobrou. Uma onda global que revela um padrão claro.A vida inteira pode ser vista em quatro blocos de 8 mil dias. Infância e juventude somam o primeiro. A fase adulta jovem vai até quarenta e sete. A adulta tardia chega aos sessenta e cinco. Depois vem a longevidade, até os oitenta e cinco ou mais. Aos cinquenta, ela está no início do terceiro bloco, com mais dezesseis mil dias pela frente. É quase uma segunda vida adulta, e ela sente esse chamado.A psicanálise explica bem essa virada. Quando ela diz que ele a aborrece, fala da morte simbólica do desejo. É ausência de troca, de conversa viva, de projeto conjunto. A sexualidade feminina depois dos cinquenta não se apaga. Fica mais consciente e intensa. Ela quer presença emocional e mental. Quer alguém que caminhe ao lado. Quando ele não se move, o desejo dela perde lugar.Ela pensa no futuro. Ele vive no passado. Ela se reinventa. Ele repousa na ideia de fim de estrada. O casamento vira pouso forçado. E ela, que já sustenta meio mundo, não aceita sustentar também a inércia emocional dele.Então olha para os próximos 8 mil dias e escolhe. O divórcio não é ruptura. É reorganização. É a mulher dizendo que não vai sobreviver à vida que resta. Vai vivê-la.

Președinta Maia Sandu declară la Bruxelles că este imperios necesar ca UE să găsească în următoarele luni o soluție pentru a debloca negocierile pentru aderarea Republicii Moldova și Ucrainei. „Cel mai bun mod de a apăra pacea Europei este de a-i extinde spațiul de pace. Dacă Moldova rămâne în afara Uniunii, va continua să fie o verigă lipsă în securitatea UE și a Ucrainei, iar Rusia se va regrupa și va lovi din nou. „Cetățenii noștri trebuie să vadă, prin fapte, că ușa Europei este deschisă — și că locul Moldovei este înăuntru”, a mai declarat președinta Maia Sandu la Bruxelles. Temele ediției: - Amenințările pe online la adresa jurnaliștilor au devenit o regulă în Republica Moldova, în campaniile electorale în mod special, dar și atunci când aceștia abordează subiecte incomode sau publică investigații. Cum se poate proteja un jurnalist și ce pot face autoritățile pentru ca amenințările să nu degenereze în agresiuni fizice? Invitata Moldova Zoom de astăzi este jurnalista Mariana Rață, moderatoare a emisiunii de investigație „Cutia Neagră” la TV8. Un interviu realizat de Liliana Barbăroșie. - Cine și câți sunt dușmanii aderării Republicii Moldova la UE din România? Un răspuns de la jurnalistul Euronews România, Vitalie Cojocari. - La Iași, peste 200 de tineri din Republica Moldova învață de la zero, la un curs facultativ, ce înseamnă integrarea europeană. Un reportaj de Ecaterina Tanasiiciuc. - Cabinetul de miniștri condus de premierul Alexandru Munteanu ține prima ședință după învestire. - Președinta Parlamentului European, Roberta Metsola, efectuează pe 6 și 7 noiembrie o vizită oficială la Chișinău - Republica Moldova a fost marți în centrul discuțiilor la Bruxelles. - Economia moldovenească rămâne în stagnare pe fundalul provocărilor globale. Știrile zilei: Cabinetul de miniștri condus de premierul Alexandru Munteanu ține miercuri prima ședință după învestire. Unul din primele proiecte ale noului Executiv este cel de denunțare a Acordului cu Guvernul Federației Ruse privind funcționarea Centrului Cultural rus, care funcționează la Chișinău. Acordul a intrat în vigoare încă în 2001, iar acum autoritățile moldovene subliniază că, în contextul actualei situații geopolitice, continuarea funcționării Centrului Cultural rus poate fi utilizată de Federația Rusă pentru promovarea unor narative distorsionate. Noul Guvern va examina și proiectul care prevede aprobarea Acordului cu Guvernul României privind controlul coordonat pe teritoriul român, pe ambele sensuri de control, în punctul feroviar de trecere a frontierei de stat Cantemir (Republica Moldova) – Fălciu (România), semnat la București la 1 octombrie 2025. *** Comisia Europeană a prezentat marți raportul de extindere, o evaluare detaliată a progreselor înregistrate în ultimul an de statele candidate pentru aderarea la UE, raport care spune că Republica Moldova este țara care a înregistrat cele mai multe progrese în ultimul an, în pofida încercărilor de interferență din partea Rusiei. *** Președinta Maia Sandu declară la Bruxelles că Republica Moldova își dorește să rămână țară democratică și parte a lumii libere, statut pe care i-l poate asigura doar calitatea de membru al UE, mai ales că Rusia nu va renunța la intenția de a o deturna, chiar dacă a pierdut ultimele trei alegeri în Republica Moldova. Aflată într-o vizită de lucru la Bruxelles, Maia Sandu a participat și la o conferință dedicată subiectului extinderii Uniunii Europene, organizată de Euronews. Iar la finalul vizitei șefa statului a găzduit un eveniment dedicat Republicii Moldova, cu sute de oficiali și reprezentanți ai instituțiilor europene. Maia Sandu a declarat la eveniment că Moldova este pregătită pentru următorul pas în aderare și că Europa nu-și mai poate permite zone gri nesigure. „Cel mai bun mod de a apăra pacea Europei este de a-i extinde spațiul de pace. Dacă Moldova rămâne în afara Uniunii, va continua să fie o verigă lipsă în securitatea UE și a Ucrainei”, a declarat Maia Sandu. Rusia se va regrupa și va lovi din nou — căutând noi vulnerabilități, învățând din eșecuri, rafinându-și metodele. „Cetățenii noștri trebuie să vadă, prin fapte, că ușa Europei este deschisă — și că locul Moldovei este înăuntru”, a mai declarat președinta Maia Sandu la Bruxelles. Mai multe detalii despre discuțiile de la Bruxelles – în program. *** Președinta Parlamentului European, Roberta Metsola, efectuează o vizită oficială în Republica Moldova, în perioada 6 – 7 noiembrie. Aceasta va susține un discurs în plenul legislativului moldovean, cu ocazia constituirii noii componențe, pro-europene, a Parlamentului. Roberta Metsola se va întâlni cu oficialii moldoveni și va participa la o întâlnire cu tinerii la Liceul „Spiru Haret” din Chișinău. *** Economia Republicii Moldova rămâne în stagnare pe fundalul provocărilor globale, în timp ce inflația, deși încă ridicată, urmează un trend descendent. Sunt constatările ediției de toamnă a raportului de țară a Grupului Băncii Mondiale la Chișinău. Raportul constată deteriorarea poziției externe a Republicii Moldova, dar și oportunitățile pe care procesul de integrare europeană le oferă pentru reforme și creștere economică, transmite Radio Chișinău. Banca Mondială notează că în primele nouă luni, nivelul mediu al inflației a fost de aproximativ 8%, peste ținta de 5 la sută a Băncii Naționale, din cauza prețurilor la energie, servicii și produse alimentare. Pentru acest an experții estimează o creștere economică modestă de aproape 1,5 la sută, susținută de investiții și de creșterea veniturilor populației. Deficitul bugetar ar urma să fie de aproximativ 4,4 la sută din Produsul Intern Brut (PIB), sub limita planificată. Unul din principalele obiective declarate de noul guvern de la Chișinău, condus de economistul Alexandru Munteanu, este dezvoltarea economică a Republica Moldova, puternic marcată de consecințele războiului din Ucraina.

Succesul are un preț, iar uneori acel preț este eșecul. În acest episod din Antreprenor Expert, discutăm cu ‪@SanduBabasan‬ despre ce se întâmplă după ce visul unui exit de milioane se prăbușește.Idei pe care le-am abordat:Delirul succesului – cum te poate orbi mentalitatea de “growth fără limite”Doliul eșecului – ce înseamnă să pierzi un vis și cum te reconstruiești dupăLimitele sănătoase în growth – de ce uneori „mai mult” nu înseamnă „mai bine”Subiecte discutate:0:00 – Cum își definește activitatea?1:25 – De ce a pornit de la tehnologie și și-a diversificat activitatea?4:08 – Cum a identificat nevoile pieței?10:06 – Cum ajungi în antreprenoriat alături de oamenii potriviți?15:23 – Care a fost motivația de la început?19:57 – Ce înseamnă Blugento?22:43 – Ce skill-uri și-a dezvoltat în antreprenoriat?28:10 – Cum îți dai seama dacă ești făcut pentru antreprenoriat?32:27 – Ce întrebări ar trebui să-ți pui înainte să începi?37:34 – Ce întrebări te ajută să înțelegi cât investești și în ce direcție mergi?41:23 – Despre limita în growth51:07 – Cum a reușit să încetinească pentru a evita „delirul succesului antreprenorial”?1:04:02 – Cum a ajuns să fie din nou recunoscător după un eșec?1:07:54 – Ce poate face un antreprenor azi ca să rămână echilibrat?1:23:27 – Ce întrebare ar pune unui tânăr care vrea să descopere dacă antreprenoriatul e pentru el?E un episod profund, real și necesar pentru orice antreprenor, brand builder, marketer sau growth marketer care vrea să înțeleagă partea nevăzută a succesului.

(0:00) Wstęp (1:05) Partia proeuropejskiej prezydent Mołdawii wygrała wybory parlamentarne(2:37) Dania wprowadziła zakaz lotów dronami na czas szczytu Unii Europejskiej(3:59) Prezydent Ukrainy zapowiada duże zakupy sprzętu wojskowego w Stanach Zjednoczonych(5:23) Węgry zarzucają Chorwacji czerpanie zysków w związku z wojną na Ukrainie(6:55) Departament Stanu USA cofnął wizę prezydentowi Kolumbii za wsparcie dla Strefy Gazy(8:14) Brytyjski premier oskarża lidera opozycji o propagowanie „rasistowskiej” polityki imigracyjnejInformacje przygotował Maurycy Mietelski. Nadzór redakcyjny – Igor Janke. Czyta Michał Ziomek.Mecenasi programu: AMSO-oszczędzaj na poleasingowym sprzęcie IT: https://amso.pl/Uklad-otwarty-cinfo-pol-218.html

durée : 00:12:32 - Journal de 7 h - Ce résultat déjoue les ingérences russes et la désinformation massive, le tout au moment où l'Europe s'inquiète de plus en plus de la présence de drones au-dessus de son ciel, ce week-end encore. Des drones que la plupart des dirigeants européens suspectent de provenir de Russie.

Après des semaines de tension, en raison de la pression de l'ingérence russe dans la campagne pour les législatives, la Moldavie a finalement porté son choix sur le parti pro européen. Le PAS le parti de la présidente Maïa Sandu a remporté la majorité absolue, loin devant le bloc patriotique, pro Moscou qui n'a comptabilisé que 24% des voix. Le petit pays, ancienne République soviétique, mais désormais candidat l'Union européenne, a clairement affirmé son choix politique. En dépit des difficultés. Car le grande frère a toujours beaucoup pesé notamment sur son approvisionnement énergétique qui a été un des principaux sujets de campagne. Depuis janvier 2025, le pays ne dépend plus du gaz russe pour son électricité. L'alternative européenne coûte plus cher... d'où le choix de se tourner vers les énergies vertes qui devraient représenter 30% de la consommation d'électricité en 2030. C'est le reportage à Chisinau de Maria Gerth Niculescu.     La chronique de The Conversation Le soft power russe, et sa capacité à influencer le monde également via la culture populaire et la chanson, l'émergence d'un nouveau nationalisme anglais et plus seulement britannique... deux articles qui sont à retrouver cette semaine sur le site de The Conversation France. Un site qui publie les meilleures analyses d'universitaires et avec lequel nous sommes partenaires. Les explications de Gregory Rayko, le chef du service international. Le nouveau cri de ralliement de la jeunesse anti-Orban Les élections en Hongrie auront lieu dans plus de six mois ....Et déjà, apparaissent quelques failles dans le système Viktor Orban, qui est à la tête du gouvernement depuis 15 ans sans interruption. Corruption de son entourage politique et familial, stagnation économique et inflation, non respect de l'État de droit. Les motifs de critique ne manquent pas et contribuent à l'envolée dans les sondages de son principal opposant, Peter Magyar. Mais la contestation prend aussi d'autres tournures. Les jeunes généralement peu mobilisés, commencent à hausser la voix. Dans les concerts, un slogan fait son apparition, Salaud de Fidesz du nom du parti du Premier ministre Viktor Orban. Un cri de ralliement normalement scandé lors des manifestations d'opposition, mais qui fédère désormais au-delà. Reportage à Budapest signé Florence Labruyère.   À lire aussiHongrie: «De l'air!», des milliers de manifestants exigent la fin des campagnes de propagande d'Orban Les secrets d'une super centenaire  L'Espagne est, depuis des années, dans le top trois des pays européens avec la plus longue espérance de vie.   Mais c'est une femme ancienne doyenne de l'humanité qui va peut-être nous livrer les clés d'une vieillesse en bonne santé. La Catalane Maria Branyas est décédée à l'âge de 117 ans. Et des scientifiques ont pu, avec son accord, étudier de près son extrême longévité... Les secrets de cette super centenaire à la loupe de la science... on écoute notre correspondante, à Barcelone, Elise Gazengel. À écouter aussiVieillissement: comment aider un parent âgé à préserver sa santé?

Après des semaines de tension, en raison de la pression de l'ingérence russe dans la campagne pour les législatives, la Moldavie a finalement porté son choix sur le parti pro européen. Le PAS le parti de la présidente Maïa Sandu a remporté la majorité absolue, loin devant le bloc patriotique, pro Moscou qui n'a comptabilisé que 24% des voix. Le petit pays, ancienne République soviétique, mais désormais candidat l'Union européenne, a clairement affirmé son choix politique. En dépit des difficultés. Car le grande frère a toujours beaucoup pesé notamment sur son approvisionnement énergétique qui a été un des principaux sujets de campagne. Depuis janvier 2025, le pays ne dépend plus du gaz russe pour son électricité. L'alternative européenne coûte plus cher... d'où le choix de se tourner vers les énergies vertes qui devraient représenter 30% de la consommation d'électricité en 2030. C'est le reportage à Chisinau de Maria Gerth Niculescu.     La chronique de The Conversation Le soft power russe, et sa capacité à influencer le monde également via la culture populaire et la chanson, l'émergence d'un nouveau nationalisme anglais et plus seulement britannique... deux articles qui sont à retrouver cette semaine sur le site de The Conversation France. Un site qui publie les meilleures analyses d'universitaires et avec lequel nous sommes partenaires. Les explications de Gregory Rayko, le chef du service international. Le nouveau cri de ralliement de la jeunesse anti-Orban Les élections en Hongrie auront lieu dans plus de six mois ....Et déjà, apparaissent quelques failles dans le système Viktor Orban, qui est à la tête du gouvernement depuis 15 ans sans interruption. Corruption de son entourage politique et familial, stagnation économique et inflation, non respect de l'État de droit. Les motifs de critique ne manquent pas et contribuent à l'envolée dans les sondages de son principal opposant, Peter Magyar. Mais la contestation prend aussi d'autres tournures. Les jeunes généralement peu mobilisés, commencent à hausser la voix. Dans les concerts, un slogan fait son apparition, Salaud de Fidesz du nom du parti du Premier ministre Viktor Orban. Un cri de ralliement normalement scandé lors des manifestations d'opposition, mais qui fédère désormais au-delà. Reportage à Budapest signé Florence Labruyère.   À lire aussiHongrie: «De l'air!», des milliers de manifestants exigent la fin des campagnes de propagande d'Orban Les secrets d'une super centenaire  L'Espagne est, depuis des années, dans le top trois des pays européens avec la plus longue espérance de vie.   Mais c'est une femme ancienne doyenne de l'humanité qui va peut-être nous livrer les clés d'une vieillesse en bonne santé. La Catalane Maria Branyas est décédée à l'âge de 117 ans. Et des scientifiques ont pu, avec son accord, étudier de près son extrême longévité... Les secrets de cette super centenaire à la loupe de la science... on écoute notre correspondante, à Barcelone, Elise Gazengel. À écouter aussiVieillissement: comment aider un parent âgé à préserver sa santé?

durée : 00:12:32 - Journal de 7 h - Ce résultat déjoue les ingérences russes et la désinformation massive, le tout au moment où l'Europe s'inquiète de plus en plus de la présence de drones au-dessus de son ciel, ce week-end encore. Des drones que la plupart des dirigeants européens suspectent de provenir de Russie.

Moldova's pro-EU president, Maia Sandu, has cast her ballot in the country's parliamentary election, urging voters to join her because the country's future is "in danger". Ms Sandu, police, and prosecutors say vote buying and disinformation are unprecedented in scale and linked directly to Russia. Moscow denies accusations of interference. Pro-Kremlin opposition parties have also dismissed talk of Russian meddling; they claim the government is making the case in advance for annulling the vote, should the liberal governing party (the PAS) lose its majority.Also in the programme: With drones increasingly used in offensive military operations, how can you defend against them? Also today, the cricket clash between India and Pakistan; and why Elvis Presley is big in South Wales.(Photo: Moldovan President Maia Sandu votes at a polling station during the country's parliamentary election in Chisinau, Moldova, September 28, 2025. Reuters/Vladislav Culiomza)

“I want to share a recording from June 2025. It was recorded with zoom h1n – X/Y capsules, near Campo Imperatore in a place called ‘Little Tibet' in Parco nazionale […]

Depuis son indépendance en 1991, la Moldavie cherche sa place entre l'Est et l'Ouest, portée aujourd'hui par la présidente Maia Sandu, symbole des ambitions européennes du pays dans un contexte géopolitique délicat.

În Republica Moldova începe oficial astăzi campania electorală pentru alegerile parlamentare din 28 septembrie. O lună care se anunță a fi una extrem de tensionată, cu și mai multe presiuni și provocări coordonate de Rusia. În dimineața zilei, președinta Maia Sandu a difuzat un mesaj de unitate națională în contextul începutului campaniei electorale. Miza este viitorul european al Republicii Moldova, iar la parlamentare al doilea tur nu există, avertizează invitatul nostru de astăzi, analistul politic Andrei Curăraru, de la Watchdog Chișinău. De ziua independenței, la Chișinău, Friedrich Merz, Emmanuel Macron și Donald Tusk au venit cu o ofertă către Republica Moldova. Despre ce este vorba, ne explică jurnalistul Euronews România, Vitalie Cojocari, în „Cronica lui Vitalie”. Duminică, pe 31 august, în Republica Moldova este sărbătorită Ziua Limbii Române, cu prezența președintelui Nicușor Dan. Un reportaj despre cum limba română a fost în Basarabia o cale de rezistență în fața regimului sovietic. Și ce întrebări au pus primarii din Republica Moldova oficialilor europeni în cadrul unei vizite la Bruxelles.

En déplacement à Chișinău, les trois leaders européens, E. Macron, le chancelier allemand F. Merz et le chef de gouvernement polonais D. Tusk, sont venus soutenir la présidente pro-européenne Maïa Sandu, bientôt en campagne pour les élections législatives. Une image forte en symbole alors que le pays fête le 34e anniversaire de son indépendance et un message : celui d'une union face à la menace de Poutine, sur fond de guerre en Ukraine.

Ukrainas militāri politiskās situācijas novitātes ir Ukrainas bruņoto spēku pieaugusī gaisa triecienu kapacitāte un tās ietekme uz Krievijas degvielas piegādi iekšējā un ārējā tirgū, parādījušās ziņas par Pentagona aizliegumiem amerikāņu tāldarbības raķešu lietošanai, kā arī Polijas prezidents uzlicis veto Ukrainas atbalsta likumprojektam. Pēc mēneša gaidāmās vēlēšanas Moldovā, kur nākas pievērsties Krievijas un Eiropas Savienības iesaistei, attiecīgi, pro- un antieiropeisko spēku atbalstam. Ārvalstu aktualitātes pārrunājam studijā kopā ar Latvijas Transatlantiskās organizācijas (LATO) vadītāju Sigita Strubergu un Latvijas Ārpolitikas institūta pētnieks un LATO valdes locekli Sandi Šrāderu. Maijas Sandu „pēdējā kauja” Šodien Moldovā paredzēta trīs Eiropas politikas smagsvaru vizīte – Kišiņevā sagaida Francijas prezidentu Emanuelu Makronu, Polijas premjerministru Donaldu Tusku un Vācijas kancleru Olafu Šolcu. Tas ir nepārprotams atbalsta žests Moldovas proeiropeiskajiem spēkiem – pie varas esošajai partijai „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” un prezidentei Maijai Sandu. Nākamās Moldovas parlamenta vēlēšanas, kurām jānotiek 28. septembrī, mediji jau nodēvējuši par prezidentes „pēdējo kauju” viņas valsts ceļā uz Eiropas Savienību. Iepriekšējās vēlēšanās 2021. gadā „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” pārliecinoši uzvarēja, iegūstot 63 no 101 deputāta vietas. Parlamentā iekļuva vēl tikai divi politiskie spēki: toreizējais Komunistu un sociālistu bloks ar 32 mandātiem un oligarha Ilana Šora dibinātā un sava dibinātāja vārdā nodēvētā partija ar sešiem mandātiem. Nākamais gads nesa Krievijas plaša mēroga iebrukumu Moldovas kaimiņvalstī Ukrainā, ukraiņu bēgļu plūsmu uz un caur Moldovu, destabilizētu ekonomisko un enerģētisko situāciju. Zīmīgi, ka dienās, kad krievu tanku kolonnas virzījās uz Kijivu, „Rīcības un Solidaritātes” reitingi būtiski kritās, pēc tam gan atkal atgūstoties līdz ar pozitīvākām ziņām no frontes. Izšķirošs moments bija Moldovas prezidenta vēlēšanas pagājušā gada oktobrī, vienlaicīgi ar konstitucionālo referendumu, kas ļāva valstij virzīties uz Eiropas Savienību. Maija Sandu tika ievēlēta uz otru termiņu ar apmēram 55 % balsu, savukārt referendumā proeiropeiskajiem spēkiem pozitīvā atbilde iegūta par mata tiesu – ar 50 un trīsdesmit piecām simtdaļām procenta. Kopš pēdējām vēlēšanām aizvadītajos gados „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” lielākoties palikusi sabiedrības aptauju līderos, tomēr pēdējos mēnešos tās pozīcijas nav spožas. Valdošajai partijai min uz pēdām jūlijā saformētais „Patriotiskais bloks”, kurā sociālistiem un komunistiem pievienojušās divas mazākas partijas – „Moldovas sirds” un „Moldovas nākotnes partija”. Oficiāli bloka lozungs ir starptautiski neitrāla un nepievienojusies Moldova, kas praksē, protams, nozīmē pavērt durvis Kremļa ietekmei. Daudz atklātāk prokremlisks ir Ilana Šora jaunais veidojums – bloks „Uzvara”, kura dibināšanas kongress jūlija sākumā notika Maskavā. Taču pēc tam, kad bloka saraksta „lokomotīve”, autonomā Gagauzijas reģiona gubernatore Jevgenija Gucula tika notiesāta uz septiņiem gadiem cietumā par nelegālu Krievijas finansējuma saņemšanu, Moldovas Centrālā vēlēšanu komisija atsauca bloka un arī to veidojošo atsevišķo partiju reģistrāciju vēlēšanām. Līdz ar to palielinājušās izredzes vēl diviem politiskajiem spēkiem: blokam „Alternatīva”, kura redzamākās figūras ir Maijas Sandu galvenais konkurents pērngada prezidenta vēlēšanās Aleksandrs Stojanoglo un agrākais premjerministrs Jons Kiku, kā arī partijai „Mūsu partija”. „Alternatīva” sevi vismaz oficiāli pozicionē kā proeiropeisku spēku, savukārt „Mūsu partijai” ir populistu un mērenu eiroskeptiķu reputācija. Ja vēlēšanu rezultāti aptuveni atbildīs pašreizējiem aptauju rādītājiem, tad „Rīcībai un Solidaritātei” var nākties meklēt sev kādu koalīcijas partneri. Ukraina rāda, ko spēj Strauji kāpušas degvielas cenas, milzu rindas pie benzīntankiem un degvielas iegādes normas dažos Krievijas reģionos – tāds ir Ukrainas gaisa uzbrukumu redzamais rezultāts. Kā ziņo laikraksts "The New York Times", Ukrainai jau izdevies izsist no ierindas apmēram sesto daļu no Krievijas naftas pārstrādes jaudām. Tai skaitā uz laiku tikusi apturēta piegāde pa naftas vadu „Draudzība”, pa kuru krievu naftas produktus saņem Ungārija un Slovākija. Ungārijas ārlietu ministrs Peters Sijarto jau paziņojis, ka viņa valsts atslēgšana no degvielas piegādēm esot uzbrukums tās suverenitātei. Tiek ziņots, ka Krievija savukārt turpina triecienus pa Ukrainas enerģētika infrastruktūru, draudot ar apkures problēmām nākamajā ziemā. Tomēr tendence ir nepārprotami iezīmējusies – Ukraina šai gaisa karā vairs nav „peramais zēns”, tās prettriecieni kļūst agresoram arvien sāpīgāki un līdz ar to Krievijas sabiedrībai pamanāmāki. Un tos nevar nepamanīt arī starptautiskajā arēnā, kur joprojām biezē migla ap Donalda Trampa un viņa administrācijas izredzēm apsēdināt Kremļa diktatoru un viņa Kijivas pretni pie viena sarunu galda, un šajā kontekstā joprojām aktuāls priekšstats, ka „Zelenskim nav kāršu”. Vēl viens potenciāls „trumpis” Kijivas rokās ir ziņa par sekmīgu Ukrainas spārnotās raķetes „Flamingo” izmēģinājumu noslēgumu. Raķetes darbības rādiuss ir līdz trīs tūkstošiem kilometru, kaujas lādiņa masa – līdz vienai tonnai. Tie ir rādītāji, kas pārspēj jebkuru līdzīgu ieroču veidu, kādu Ukrainai līdz šim nodevuši Rietumus sabiedrotie, pie tam liedzot tos lietot triecieniem Krievijas pamatteritorijā. Tikām neiepriecinošas ziņas pirmdien pienākušas no Varšavas, kur Polijas prezidents Karols Navrockis ar savu veto apturējis likumprojektu, kuram bija jāturpina poļu finansiālais atbalsts Ukrainai, tai skaitā pieejai globālajam saziņas tīklam Starlink no 1. oktobra. Tas, savukārt, draud iedragāt ukraiņu spēku taktiskās iespējas frontē un apdraud citas Ukrainas valdībai svarīgas informācijas drošu apriti un glabāšanu. Prezidenta Navrocka rīcībai ir iekšpolitiski motīvi. Nesen ievēlētais poļu politikas konservatīvās līnijas pārstāvis, kura platformā nozīmīgi ir „Polija pirmajā vietā” motīvi, vēlas apcirpt sociālās garantijas, kādas saņem Polijā patvērumu radušie Ukrainas bēgļi. Viņš grib, lai bērnu un veselības pabalstus turpmāk saņemtu tikai strādājoši bēgļi. Tas dotu Polijas budžetam nepilnu divu miljonu eiro ietaupījumu, tiesa, budžets būtu jāpārplāno. Sagatavoja Eduards Liniņš.    

durée : 00:02:28 - Le vrai ou faux - La Russie diffuse des dizaines de fausses informations pour discréditer Maia Sandu et son camp pro-européen avant les élections moldaves. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

This conversation was done with Amrit Sandu on his Inspired Evolution youtube channel, which I highly recommend:    / inspiredevolution  . Here is an outline of what we covered:  00:00 - The Dimensional Divide and Spiritual Evolution 24:58 - Astrology as a Guiding Force in Transition 26:20 - Navigating Personal Transitions and Collective Shifts 28:48 - The Acceleration of Time and Energetic Shifts 32:47 - Trusting the Inner Voice and Navigating Change 36:47 - The Role of Cosmic Energies in Transformation 40:16 - Deconstructing Old Paradigms for New Realities 44:21 - Reconnecting with Ancient Wisdom and Sensitivity 47:59 - Understanding the Planets: Pluto, Saturn, and Beyond 01:11:26 - The Transformation of the Hero's Journey 01:12:42 - Transitioning from Pisces to Aquarius 01:16:18 - The Cyclical Nature of Consciousness 01:19:58 - The Highest Expressions of Ages 01:21:12 - The Shadow Aspects of the Age of Aquarius 01:23:01 - The Wisdom of the Cosmos 01:27:47 - The Critical Transition for Humanity 01:30:17 - Becoming Homo Luminous 01:31:24 - Astrology and the Age of Aquarius To become a patron of Heather:   / heatherensworth   Heather's website: https://www.risingmoonhealingcenter.com/

Als Präsidentin der Republik Moldau macht sich die studierte Wirtschaftswissenschaftlerin und Harvard-Absolventin für demokratische Reformen in ihrem Land stark. Dabei hat Maia Sandu nicht nur mit Korruption und großen wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen zu kämpfen. Das kleine Land an Europas östlicher Grenze muss sich gegen massive russische Einflussnahme und Abspaltungsbewegungen wehren. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurde Maia Sandus beharrlicher Eintritt für Rechtstaatlichkeit, Frieden und Demokratie mit dem Theodor Heuss Preis in Stuttgart gewürdigt.

Bunn conta como desenvolveu os novos widgets do DuckDuckGo e Rambo ressuscita uma tecnologia da época do NeXTSTEP.

Crítico, arquiteto bateu um papo sobre arte, empreendedorismo, sociedade e seu incômodo com falta de preocupação cultural no mercado

Crítico, arquiteto bateu um papo sobre arte, empreendedorismo, sociedade e seu incômodo com falta de preocupação cultural no mercado "Nunca achei que o arquiteto devia ser só que arquiteto. Meu mundo sempre foi vasto, meus interesses são amplos e tenho muita sede de aprender", diz Isay Weinfeld. "Eu odeio me repetir. É um transtorno, porque exige mais esforço, tempo e investimento para renovar o repertório a cada obra". Arquiteto de formação, mas inquieto por natureza, Isay sempre transitou entre diferentes formas de expressão, dirigindo filmes, montando exposições e criando cenários teatrais. Essa sensibilidade artística se traduz em seu trabalho na arquitetura, onde cada espaço conta uma história. "Na realidade, é tudo a mesma coisa", afirma. "A única coisa que eu sei fazer é pegar dois ou três objetos diferentes e arranjá-los de uma certa forma". Crítico e perspicaz, o arquiteto bateu um papo com Paulo Lima sobre arte, empreendedorismo, sociedade e seu incômodo com a falta de preocupação estética e cultural que existe no mercado. "Boa parte das incorporadoras está preocupada em ganhar seu rico dinheirinho e nada mais. Acho um absurdo que não tenham vontade e desejo de deixar algo de qualidade para as próximas gerações", diz. O programa completo você confere aqui, no site da Trip, e no Spotify.  [IMAGE=https://revistatrip.uol.com.br/upload/2025/03/67dd92ff1737f/1006x566x960x540x36x22/isay-weinfeld-arquiteto-trip-fm-mh.jpg?t=1742580825602; CREDITS=Bob Wolfenson; LEGEND=Isay Weinfeld; ALT_TEXT=Isay Weinfeld] Seu campo de atuação é bastante amplo. Como você descreveria sua relação com a arquitetura? Isay Weinfeld. Meu mundo sempre foi vasto, meus interesses são muito amplos e eu tenho muita sede de aprender. E eu nunca achei que o arquiteto devia ser só arquiteto. Eu odeio me repetir. Então, é um transtorno em termos de gestão, porque você gasta muito mais, perde muito mais tempo tentando renovar o seu repertório em cada uma das obras. Além da arquitetura, você se dedica a áreas como cinema, artes plásticas e literatura. Como essas diferentes expressões artísticas se conectam no seu trabalho? Eu sou apaixonado por objeto. Realmente, eu tenho paixão. Pra te falar a verdade, se você olhar, eu faço cinema, faço arquitetura, artes plásticas, literatura... Parece que eu sou muito talentoso, o que é uma mentira terrível. Na realidade, é tudo a mesma coisa. A única coisa que eu sei fazer é pegar dois ou três objetos diferentes e arranjá-los de uma certa forma. Qual é sua visão sobre a influência da elite econômica na arquitetura e no desenvolvimento urbano? As pessoas, essa elite, quando têm dinheiro e educação, é uma coisa. Quando só têm dinheiro, é outra coisa. Para simplificar, né? Então, aí os desejos são outros. Copiam coisas de lugares que não têm nada a ver com o nosso país. As incorporadoras também, e boa parte delas está muito preocupada em ganhar o seu rico dinheirinho e nada mais. Acho um absurdo que eles não tenham vontade e desejo de deixar alguma coisa de qualidade para outra geração, para os próprios filhos e netos. Acha que o mundo ainda tem jeito? Como tem reagido a esses absurdos de Donald Trump, por exemplo? Eu te falo sinceramente: chegar com ideias opostas, mirabolantes, isso não me assusta. Pode ter coisa boa, pode ter coisa ruim, mas eu fico muito mal impressionado com a falta de educação e de respeito dessas pessoas com o próximo em todos os sentidos. Então, isso me choca mais do que as ideias. Apesar de não concordar com nenhuma, as pessoas têm o direito de se expressar.

Em Ezequiel 13:19, encontramos uma passagem impactante que fala sobre algo surpreendente: o "sanduíche sagrado"!

Back in November, Moldova's President Maia Sandu was narrowly re-elected to a second term, despite alleged Russian interference. Sandu partly owes her victory to the vote of the largely pro-European diaspora, which represents almost a third of the Moldovan population and 20 percent of the electorate. But back home, part of the population remains firmly attached to its Soviet past and is denouncing the election result. The topic is divisive, even within families. Our correspondent reports.

“Every year in September and October is the deer mating season, you can hear them all over the natural park. It is something unique, especially when you are fortunate enough […]

This week, Taylor, Sandy, Doug Jordan & Taddea Richard discuss Agent Brodie-Sangster II, new video evidence of a 188-year-old spirit-ghost, McDonald's 10-piss McNugget deal, a failed beard transplant and much, much more! All new segments include Our Week's: Guide to Tariffs & Our Week's: Guide to Reimagining America! Americana - Aspiring by Kevin MacLeod is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Source: http://incompetech.com/music/royalty-free/index.html?isrc=USUAN1200092 Artist: http://incompetech.com/

durée : 00:38:14 - France Culture va plus loin (l'Invité(e) des Matins) - par : Jean Leymarie, Isabelle de Gaulmyn - Dimanche 3 novembre, les élections présidentielles en Moldavie se sont soldées par la réélection de Maïa Sandu, une présidente pro-européenne dans un pays très surveillé par la Russie. - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Florent Parmentier Secrétaire général du CEVIPOF/Sciences Po, chercheur associé au Centre de géopolitique de HEC; Elsa Vidal Rédactrice en chef de la rédaction en langue russe de RFI

Subscribe to Too Long now, and use code TOODAILY to get a discount off of every order: https://www.toolong.newsWelcome to the TLDR News Daily BriefingIn today's episode, we run through the results from Moldova's election delivering a victory for Sandu. Also, we discuss the devastating floods in Spain; a dramatic shift in politics in Botswana; and Israel confirms ground raid into Syria.

La presidente in carica della Moldova, l'europeista Maia Sandu, è stata rieletta alla presidenza per un secondo mandato, ottenendo il 55,41% dei voti. Ne parliamo con Isac Mihai, giornalista moldavo ed esperto della regione del Mar Nero, collabora con TVR Moldova e con l'agenzia di stampa Karadeniz.Manca un giorno alle elezioni presidenziali degli Stati Uniti e gli ultimi sondaggi mostrano un sostanziale testa a testa. Tra i sette stati contesi, Kamala Harris è in leggerissimo vantaggio in tre, Nevada, North Carolina e Arizona, mentre Donald Trump è in testa in Arizona. L'analisi di Roberto Menotti, vice direttore di Aspenia.Infine andiamo in Spagna, dove re Felipe VI e il premier spagnolo, arrivati nelle zone più colpite dall'alluvione, sono stati accolti da una folla che ha lanciato loro fango e insulti. Il commento di Steven Forti, professore di Storia Contemporanea all'Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

00:00 Introducere pe străzile din Chișinău00:35 Context: Alegeri prezidențiale și referendum UE01:10 Atacuri informaționale rusești în Moldova01:55 Prima interacțiune cu cetățenii03:17 Vox Pop: "Vrem un viitor mai frumos"04:55 Discuție despre schimbările din Moldova06:41 Vox Pop: Perspectiva unui antreprenor local09:15 Exporturi și relații comerciale cu UE11:52 Demonstrarea propagandei pe Telegram15:40 Analiza campaniilor de dezinformare19:35 Strategia Rusiei în Moldova23:44 Vox Pop: Tinerii și visul european27:15 Ferme de trolli și metode de manipulare31:25 Vox Pop: "Suntem zombați de propaganda rusă?"34:05 Relația complexă România-Moldova37:22 Investiții și oportunități de business39:45 Provocările integrării europene41:15 Importanța prezenței la vot42:18 Vulnerabilități informaționale în România43:28 Perspectivele dezvoltării Moldovei44:01 Oportunități de investiții în agricultură44:40 Situația economică și obligațiunile de stat45:19 Reflecții finale despre viitorul Moldovei45:41 Discuție despre un potențial interviu cu Maia Sandu46:15 Aprofundarea relației cu Uniunea Europeană47:00 Impactul cooperării internaționale pe dezvoltarea locală47:45 Strategii pentru combaterea știrilor false48:30 Rolul tinerilor în viitorul politic49:15 Provocările economice actuale și viitoare50:00 Concluzii și îndemn la participare activă IGDLCC înseamnă Informații Gratis despre Lucruri care Costă! Totul ne costă dar mai ales timpul așa că am făcut această serie pentru a mă informa și educa alături de invitați din domeniile mele de interes. Te invit alături de mine în această călătorie. Mi-am propus să mă facă mai informat și mai adaptat la schimbările care vin. Sper să o facă și pentru tine.

On October 20, Moldovans cast their ballots in both a presidential election and a constitutional referendum — and the results shocked many. In the referendum, which asked whether the country should change its constitution to include the goal of joining the European Union, the “yes” vote won by just over 50 percent. Meanwhile, in the presidential election, pro-E.U. incumbent Maia Sandu came in first but failed to win an outright majority.  The day after the vote, Sandu accused “criminal groups” of attempting to undermine the democratic process by working with foreign forces to try and buy as many as 300,000 votes. Now, she'll face pro-Russian candidate and former prosecutor general Alexandr Stoianoglo in a high-stakes run-off scheduled for November 3.  What does all of this say about Moldova's political landscape and future foreign policy orientation? To find out, The Naked Pravda spoke to Moldovan journalist and writer Paula Erizanu and Ecaterina Locoman, a senior lecturer in international studies at the University of Pennsylvania's Lauder Institute.  Timestamps for this episode: (3:05) Judiciary Reforms and Controversies (6:25) The Referendum and Its Implications (9:47) Election Day Atmosphere and Concerns (12:28) Post-Election Developments and Fraud Allegations (17:01) Russia's Influence and Moldova's Future (21:26) Impact of the Ukraine War on Moldova (23:14) Kremlin's Strategy and Moldova's Challenges (25:03) Public Opinion and the E.U. Referendum (30:37) Moldova's Path Forward Prefer reading over listening? Subscribe to Meduza's weekly newsletter The Beet to receive abridged excerpts from this episode. Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

Russia's airspace incursions spark calls for NATO action, Moldova's EU poll could impact Sandu's reelection, Gisele Pelicot tells of her ordeal in mass rape trial and Turkey awaits a new refugee crisis. Also: Georgia picks its next parliament, how Russia's war economy is fueling a housing crisis, Spanish football takes action against racism and Italy's plans for more wind and solar spark protests.

Join us as we start on a captivating journey with Andreea, an extraordinary business strategist who began her entrepreneurial adventure at the tender age of 17, running a cleaning service in her native Sicily. Listen in as Andreea recounts the pivotal moments of her career, from her formative years learning valuable lessons in a Sicilian bar to her eventual transition to online success and collaborations with global brands like Coca-Cola. Andreea's story is a powerful testament to the resilience and adaptability required in the world of entrepreneurship, providing invaluable insights into the shifts that can lead to burnout and the transformative decisions that follow. In this episode, we also uncover the secrets to flourishing in business with practical advice that resonates with entrepreneurs at all stages. Our conversation with a florist who blossomed amidst the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic serves as an inspiration to those grappling with doubt and imposter syndrome. Emphasizing the need for investment and persistence, we discuss the metaphor of nurturing a plant, drawing parallels to the growth and care needed for a business to thrive. Andreea Sandu shares her profound business strategies, urging listeners to try their ideas multiple times and illustrating the beauty of business growth through floral imagery. For those seeking to connect with Andreea and learn from her expertise, she extends an invitation to join her on social media platforms and engage with her encouraging content.   Let's keep the conversation going!Website: martaspirk.com Instagram: @martaspirk Facebook: Marta Spirk Get ready to take notes and elevate your business's presence as we share over 30 visibility-boosting ideas (access it here: www.martaspirk.com/visibility) and introduce a mastermind program designed to keep you accountable and support your entrepreneurial journey. Get 30-day free trial of my membership!freegiftfrommarta.com MORE VISIBILITY MASTERMIND application:https://forms.gle/jegEmwzYsTPrH4oP8   Connect with Andreea:Website: www.mindsetandbusinesscoach.com Instagram: @andreea_business_strategist Facebook: Andreea Sandu