Podcasts about Sandu

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

Day 1,419.Today, as much of Kyiv continues to live without power, so too does a region of Russia, as the United States accuses Moscow of making a mockery of peace through its continued attacks. Then, we explore the emerging phenomenon of so-called ‘dark tourism' in Ukraine, and what it reveals about how the war is being remembered. Later, in an exclusive interview, we speak to Moldovan President Maia Sandu, who reflects on a tumultuous five years in office – including last year's dramatic election campaign, which delivered Vladimir Putin one of his most significant political setbacks of the year.ContributorsDominic Nicholls (Associate Editor of Defence). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Executive Editor for Audio). @FrancisDearnley on X.Adrian Blomfield (Senior Foreign Correspondent). @adrianblomfield on X.Anna Emmett-Martin (Journalist). With thanks to Moldovan President Maia Sandu.SIGN UP TO THE ‘UKRAINE: THE LATEST' WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter Each week, Dom Nicholls and Francis Dearnley answer your questions, provide recommended reading, and give exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights – plus maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons to complement our daily reporting. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers.CONTENT REFERENCED:Full Exclusive Telegraph Video Interview with Moldovan President Maia Sandu:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iRnZUTGo1MI Francis's Video Documentary on Moldova:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gZC5FvDt-u0 Panel with Dr Jack Watling discussing legal avenues for stopping the shadow fleet:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EQqHFlA6m6o UN Homepage:https://www.un.org/en/UN Story – Deadly Russian strikes push civilians deeper into winter crisis:https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/01/1166748 Live Blog as Parliament votes on government reshuffle (Kyiv Independent):https://kyivindependent.com/parliament-votes-on-government-reshuffle-live/ Ukraine and Moldova Quietly Cut Off Russia's Hidden Army at Midnight on New Year's Day (United 24):https://united24media.com/latest-news/ukraine-and-moldova-quietly-cut-off-russias-hidden-army-at-midnight-on-new-years-day-14932 LISTEN TO THIS PODCAST IN NEW LANGUAGES:The Telegraph has launched translated versions of Ukraine: The Latest in Ukrainian and Russian, making its reporting accessible to audiences on both sides of the battle lines and across the wider region, including Central Asia and the Caucasus. Just search Україна: Останні Новини (Ukr) and Украина: Последние Новости (Ru) on your on your preferred podcast app to find them. Listen here: https://linktr.ee/ukrainethelatestSubscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How did Maia Sandu fight Russian disinformation in Moldova? What is it like to have a war in the country next door? Will the European Union accept Moldova with Russian troops in the country?  Rory and Alastair travel to Moldova to speak with President Maia Sandu to discuss all this and more. ________________ Social Producer: Celine Charles Video Editor: Josh Smith Assistant Producer: Daisy Alston-Horne Producer: Alice Horrell Senior Producer: Nicole Maslen Head of Politics: Tom Whiter Exec Producers: Tony Pastor + Jack Davenport Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

O BANZAcast é a sua dose semanal de chapação!Patrocínio: Encontre os melhores substratos para o seu cultivo na Dedo Verde Substratos! Colheitas mais fartas, com qualidade e simplicidade, você encontra na https://dedoverdesubstratos.comEntre na nossa loja e compre os produtos exclusivos do BANZAcast!https://umapenca.com/banza/Desde 2019, com novos episódios onde falamos do mundo na perspectiva do maconheiro.Muita fumaça, risada e informação aqui no nosso podcast.Conheça nossa página de apoio, no https://apoia.se/banzaoficialTodos os nossos links: https://linktr.ee/banzaoficialDisponível no seu agregador de podcast preferido.

În acastă serie de podcast-uri vei găsi răspunsuri la întrebările pe care i le-ai adresa unui consilier sau psihoterapeut creștin.

În acastă serie de podcast-uri vei găsi răspunsuri la întrebările pe care i le-ai adresa unui consilier sau psihoterapeut creștin.

Sabrina Sato é nossa convidada e fala dos cuidados com pais e filhos da “geração sanduíche”, do gosto por se fantasiar e das pequenas vinganças do dia a dia.

Aos cinquenta, a mulher brasileira vive no centro da tempestade. Assume o papel típico da Geração Sanduíche, dividida entre pais que envelhecem depressa e filhos que demoram a assumir a própria vida. Carrega trabalho, casa, expectativas e um corpo que pede cuidado. Nesse turbilhão, olha para o parceiro e encontra alguém parado no tempo. É nesse contraste que o Divórcio Prateado floresce.O Brasil registrou 440.827 divórcios em 2023. Foram 77.725 separações envolvendo mulheres acima dos cinquenta, quase um quarto do total. Houve alta de 4,9 por cento em relação ao ano anterior, além de 47,4 divórcios para cada 100 casamentos. O tempo médio de união caiu para 13,8 anos. Trinta por cento das separações acontecem justamente nessa faixa etária, e a iniciativa parte delas em cerca de 70 por cento dos casos.Lá fora, o cenário ecoa. Nos Estados Unidos, o divórcio entre pessoas com mais de sessenta e cinco anos triplicou desde 1990. Entre os cinquenta mais, dobrou. Uma onda global que revela um padrão claro.A vida inteira pode ser vista em quatro blocos de 8 mil dias. Infância e juventude somam o primeiro. A fase adulta jovem vai até quarenta e sete. A adulta tardia chega aos sessenta e cinco. Depois vem a longevidade, até os oitenta e cinco ou mais. Aos cinquenta, ela está no início do terceiro bloco, com mais dezesseis mil dias pela frente. É quase uma segunda vida adulta, e ela sente esse chamado.A psicanálise explica bem essa virada. Quando ela diz que ele a aborrece, fala da morte simbólica do desejo. É ausência de troca, de conversa viva, de projeto conjunto. A sexualidade feminina depois dos cinquenta não se apaga. Fica mais consciente e intensa. Ela quer presença emocional e mental. Quer alguém que caminhe ao lado. Quando ele não se move, o desejo dela perde lugar.Ela pensa no futuro. Ele vive no passado. Ela se reinventa. Ele repousa na ideia de fim de estrada. O casamento vira pouso forçado. E ela, que já sustenta meio mundo, não aceita sustentar também a inércia emocional dele.Então olha para os próximos 8 mil dias e escolhe. O divórcio não é ruptura. É reorganização. É a mulher dizendo que não vai sobreviver à vida que resta. Vai vivê-la.

Președinta Maia Sandu declară la Bruxelles că este imperios necesar ca UE să găsească în următoarele luni o soluție pentru a debloca negocierile pentru aderarea Republicii Moldova și Ucrainei. „Cel mai bun mod de a apăra pacea Europei este de a-i extinde spațiul de pace. Dacă Moldova rămâne în afara Uniunii, va continua să fie o verigă lipsă în securitatea UE și a Ucrainei, iar Rusia se va regrupa și va lovi din nou. „Cetățenii noștri trebuie să vadă, prin fapte, că ușa Europei este deschisă — și că locul Moldovei este înăuntru”, a mai declarat președinta Maia Sandu la Bruxelles. Temele ediției: - Amenințările pe online la adresa jurnaliștilor au devenit o regulă în Republica Moldova, în campaniile electorale în mod special, dar și atunci când aceștia abordează subiecte incomode sau publică investigații. Cum se poate proteja un jurnalist și ce pot face autoritățile pentru ca amenințările să nu degenereze în agresiuni fizice? Invitata Moldova Zoom de astăzi este jurnalista Mariana Rață, moderatoare a emisiunii de investigație „Cutia Neagră” la TV8. Un interviu realizat de Liliana Barbăroșie. - Cine și câți sunt dușmanii aderării Republicii Moldova la UE din România? Un răspuns de la jurnalistul Euronews România, Vitalie Cojocari. - La Iași, peste 200 de tineri din Republica Moldova învață de la zero, la un curs facultativ, ce înseamnă integrarea europeană. Un reportaj de Ecaterina Tanasiiciuc. - Cabinetul de miniștri condus de premierul Alexandru Munteanu ține prima ședință după învestire. - Președinta Parlamentului European, Roberta Metsola, efectuează pe 6 și 7 noiembrie o vizită oficială la Chișinău - Republica Moldova a fost marți în centrul discuțiilor la Bruxelles. - Economia moldovenească rămâne în stagnare pe fundalul provocărilor globale. Știrile zilei: Cabinetul de miniștri condus de premierul Alexandru Munteanu ține miercuri prima ședință după învestire. Unul din primele proiecte ale noului Executiv este cel de denunțare a Acordului cu Guvernul Federației Ruse privind funcționarea Centrului Cultural rus, care funcționează la Chișinău. Acordul a intrat în vigoare încă în 2001, iar acum autoritățile moldovene subliniază că, în contextul actualei situații geopolitice, continuarea funcționării Centrului Cultural rus poate fi utilizată de Federația Rusă pentru promovarea unor narative distorsionate. Noul Guvern va examina și proiectul care prevede aprobarea Acordului cu Guvernul României privind controlul coordonat pe teritoriul român, pe ambele sensuri de control, în punctul feroviar de trecere a frontierei de stat Cantemir (Republica Moldova) – Fălciu (România), semnat la București la 1 octombrie 2025. *** Comisia Europeană a prezentat marți raportul de extindere, o evaluare detaliată a progreselor înregistrate în ultimul an de statele candidate pentru aderarea la UE, raport care spune că Republica Moldova este țara care a înregistrat cele mai multe progrese în ultimul an, în pofida încercărilor de interferență din partea Rusiei. *** Președinta Maia Sandu declară la Bruxelles că Republica Moldova își dorește să rămână țară democratică și parte a lumii libere, statut pe care i-l poate asigura doar calitatea de membru al UE, mai ales că Rusia nu va renunța la intenția de a o deturna, chiar dacă a pierdut ultimele trei alegeri în Republica Moldova. Aflată într-o vizită de lucru la Bruxelles, Maia Sandu a participat și la o conferință dedicată subiectului extinderii Uniunii Europene, organizată de Euronews. Iar la finalul vizitei șefa statului a găzduit un eveniment dedicat Republicii Moldova, cu sute de oficiali și reprezentanți ai instituțiilor europene. Maia Sandu a declarat la eveniment că Moldova este pregătită pentru următorul pas în aderare și că Europa nu-și mai poate permite zone gri nesigure. „Cel mai bun mod de a apăra pacea Europei este de a-i extinde spațiul de pace. Dacă Moldova rămâne în afara Uniunii, va continua să fie o verigă lipsă în securitatea UE și a Ucrainei”, a declarat Maia Sandu. Rusia se va regrupa și va lovi din nou — căutând noi vulnerabilități, învățând din eșecuri, rafinându-și metodele. „Cetățenii noștri trebuie să vadă, prin fapte, că ușa Europei este deschisă — și că locul Moldovei este înăuntru”, a mai declarat președinta Maia Sandu la Bruxelles. Mai multe detalii despre discuțiile de la Bruxelles – în program. *** Președinta Parlamentului European, Roberta Metsola, efectuează o vizită oficială în Republica Moldova, în perioada 6 – 7 noiembrie. Aceasta va susține un discurs în plenul legislativului moldovean, cu ocazia constituirii noii componențe, pro-europene, a Parlamentului. Roberta Metsola se va întâlni cu oficialii moldoveni și va participa la o întâlnire cu tinerii la Liceul „Spiru Haret” din Chișinău. *** Economia Republicii Moldova rămâne în stagnare pe fundalul provocărilor globale, în timp ce inflația, deși încă ridicată, urmează un trend descendent. Sunt constatările ediției de toamnă a raportului de țară a Grupului Băncii Mondiale la Chișinău. Raportul constată deteriorarea poziției externe a Republicii Moldova, dar și oportunitățile pe care procesul de integrare europeană le oferă pentru reforme și creștere economică, transmite Radio Chișinău. Banca Mondială notează că în primele nouă luni, nivelul mediu al inflației a fost de aproximativ 8%, peste ținta de 5 la sută a Băncii Naționale, din cauza prețurilor la energie, servicii și produse alimentare. Pentru acest an experții estimează o creștere economică modestă de aproape 1,5 la sută, susținută de investiții și de creșterea veniturilor populației. Deficitul bugetar ar urma să fie de aproximativ 4,4 la sută din Produsul Intern Brut (PIB), sub limita planificată. Unul din principalele obiective declarate de noul guvern de la Chișinău, condus de economistul Alexandru Munteanu, este dezvoltarea economică a Republica Moldova, puternic marcată de consecințele războiului din Ucraina.

De peste patru decenii, numele lui Mircea Sandu este legat strâns de fotbalul românesc. Fost jucător emblematic, apoi președinte al Federației Române de Fotbal timp de peste 20 de ani, Mircea Sandu a traversat toate etapele, de pe teren la marile decizii, unele extrem de controversate.Invitat la „Prietenii lui Ovidiu”, Mircea Sandu, într-un dialog sincer, despre parcursul său, despre ce a însemnat să conduci o instituție atât de importantă, despre realizări, controverse și lecțiile rămase în urma unei cariere dedicate sportului.

Patrícia Ferraz celebra o Dia Mundial de Sanduíche, que ocorreu no último dia 03 de novembro, em conversa com Leandro Cacossi e Andrea Machado.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vittoria del partito di Maia Sandu in Moldavia.A cura di Luca Galantini di Frascà & Partners, Analisi geopolitica e politico-istituzionale.

Succesul are un preț, iar uneori acel preț este eșecul. În acest episod din Antreprenor Expert, discutăm cu ‪@SanduBabasan‬ despre ce se întâmplă după ce visul unui exit de milioane se prăbușește.Idei pe care le-am abordat:Delirul succesului – cum te poate orbi mentalitatea de “growth fără limite”Doliul eșecului – ce înseamnă să pierzi un vis și cum te reconstruiești dupăLimitele sănătoase în growth – de ce uneori „mai mult” nu înseamnă „mai bine”Subiecte discutate:0:00 – Cum își definește activitatea?1:25 – De ce a pornit de la tehnologie și și-a diversificat activitatea?4:08 – Cum a identificat nevoile pieței?10:06 – Cum ajungi în antreprenoriat alături de oamenii potriviți?15:23 – Care a fost motivația de la început?19:57 – Ce înseamnă Blugento?22:43 – Ce skill-uri și-a dezvoltat în antreprenoriat?28:10 – Cum îți dai seama dacă ești făcut pentru antreprenoriat?32:27 – Ce întrebări ar trebui să-ți pui înainte să începi?37:34 – Ce întrebări te ajută să înțelegi cât investești și în ce direcție mergi?41:23 – Despre limita în growth51:07 – Cum a reușit să încetinească pentru a evita „delirul succesului antreprenorial”?1:04:02 – Cum a ajuns să fie din nou recunoscător după un eșec?1:07:54 – Ce poate face un antreprenor azi ca să rămână echilibrat?1:23:27 – Ce întrebare ar pune unui tânăr care vrea să descopere dacă antreprenoriatul e pentru el?E un episod profund, real și necesar pentru orice antreprenor, brand builder, marketer sau growth marketer care vrea să înțeleagă partea nevăzută a succesului.

Die "proeuropäische" Partei von Maia Sandu hatte aus Brüssel die Vorgabe, im Parlament die absolute Mehrheit zu halten. Ein anderes Ergebnis durfte es unter keinen Umständen geben – dafür war jedes Mittel recht. Der Westen hat die "demokratischen Prozesse" so fest im Griff, dass jede Hoffnung auf Machtwechsel durch Wahlen illusorisch ist.  Von Dmitri Bawyrin

(0:00) Wstęp (1:05) Partia proeuropejskiej prezydent Mołdawii wygrała wybory parlamentarne(2:37) Dania wprowadziła zakaz lotów dronami na czas szczytu Unii Europejskiej(3:59) Prezydent Ukrainy zapowiada duże zakupy sprzętu wojskowego w Stanach Zjednoczonych(5:23) Węgry zarzucają Chorwacji czerpanie zysków w związku z wojną na Ukrainie(6:55) Departament Stanu USA cofnął wizę prezydentowi Kolumbii za wsparcie dla Strefy Gazy(8:14) Brytyjski premier oskarża lidera opozycji o propagowanie „rasistowskiej” polityki imigracyjnejInformacje przygotował Maurycy Mietelski. Nadzór redakcyjny – Igor Janke. Czyta Michał Ziomek.Mecenasi programu: AMSO-oszczędzaj na poleasingowym sprzęcie IT: https://amso.pl/Uklad-otwarty-cinfo-pol-218.html

durée : 00:12:32 - Journal de 7 h - Ce résultat déjoue les ingérences russes et la désinformation massive, le tout au moment où l'Europe s'inquiète de plus en plus de la présence de drones au-dessus de son ciel, ce week-end encore. Des drones que la plupart des dirigeants européens suspectent de provenir de Russie.

Après des semaines de tension, en raison de la pression de l'ingérence russe dans la campagne pour les législatives, la Moldavie a finalement porté son choix sur le parti pro européen. Le PAS le parti de la présidente Maïa Sandu a remporté la majorité absolue, loin devant le bloc patriotique, pro Moscou qui n'a comptabilisé que 24% des voix. Le petit pays, ancienne République soviétique, mais désormais candidat l'Union européenne, a clairement affirmé son choix politique. En dépit des difficultés. Car le grande frère a toujours beaucoup pesé notamment sur son approvisionnement énergétique qui a été un des principaux sujets de campagne. Depuis janvier 2025, le pays ne dépend plus du gaz russe pour son électricité. L'alternative européenne coûte plus cher... d'où le choix de se tourner vers les énergies vertes qui devraient représenter 30% de la consommation d'électricité en 2030. C'est le reportage à Chisinau de Maria Gerth Niculescu.     La chronique de The Conversation Le soft power russe, et sa capacité à influencer le monde également via la culture populaire et la chanson, l'émergence d'un nouveau nationalisme anglais et plus seulement britannique... deux articles qui sont à retrouver cette semaine sur le site de The Conversation France. Un site qui publie les meilleures analyses d'universitaires et avec lequel nous sommes partenaires. Les explications de Gregory Rayko, le chef du service international. Le nouveau cri de ralliement de la jeunesse anti-Orban Les élections en Hongrie auront lieu dans plus de six mois ....Et déjà, apparaissent quelques failles dans le système Viktor Orban, qui est à la tête du gouvernement depuis 15 ans sans interruption. Corruption de son entourage politique et familial, stagnation économique et inflation, non respect de l'État de droit. Les motifs de critique ne manquent pas et contribuent à l'envolée dans les sondages de son principal opposant, Peter Magyar. Mais la contestation prend aussi d'autres tournures. Les jeunes généralement peu mobilisés, commencent à hausser la voix. Dans les concerts, un slogan fait son apparition, Salaud de Fidesz du nom du parti du Premier ministre Viktor Orban. Un cri de ralliement normalement scandé lors des manifestations d'opposition, mais qui fédère désormais au-delà. Reportage à Budapest signé Florence Labruyère.   À lire aussiHongrie: «De l'air!», des milliers de manifestants exigent la fin des campagnes de propagande d'Orban Les secrets d'une super centenaire  L'Espagne est, depuis des années, dans le top trois des pays européens avec la plus longue espérance de vie.   Mais c'est une femme ancienne doyenne de l'humanité qui va peut-être nous livrer les clés d'une vieillesse en bonne santé. La Catalane Maria Branyas est décédée à l'âge de 117 ans. Et des scientifiques ont pu, avec son accord, étudier de près son extrême longévité... Les secrets de cette super centenaire à la loupe de la science... on écoute notre correspondante, à Barcelone, Elise Gazengel. À écouter aussiVieillissement: comment aider un parent âgé à préserver sa santé?

Après des semaines de tension, en raison de la pression de l'ingérence russe dans la campagne pour les législatives, la Moldavie a finalement porté son choix sur le parti pro européen. Le PAS le parti de la présidente Maïa Sandu a remporté la majorité absolue, loin devant le bloc patriotique, pro Moscou qui n'a comptabilisé que 24% des voix. Le petit pays, ancienne République soviétique, mais désormais candidat l'Union européenne, a clairement affirmé son choix politique. En dépit des difficultés. Car le grande frère a toujours beaucoup pesé notamment sur son approvisionnement énergétique qui a été un des principaux sujets de campagne. Depuis janvier 2025, le pays ne dépend plus du gaz russe pour son électricité. L'alternative européenne coûte plus cher... d'où le choix de se tourner vers les énergies vertes qui devraient représenter 30% de la consommation d'électricité en 2030. C'est le reportage à Chisinau de Maria Gerth Niculescu.     La chronique de The Conversation Le soft power russe, et sa capacité à influencer le monde également via la culture populaire et la chanson, l'émergence d'un nouveau nationalisme anglais et plus seulement britannique... deux articles qui sont à retrouver cette semaine sur le site de The Conversation France. Un site qui publie les meilleures analyses d'universitaires et avec lequel nous sommes partenaires. Les explications de Gregory Rayko, le chef du service international. Le nouveau cri de ralliement de la jeunesse anti-Orban Les élections en Hongrie auront lieu dans plus de six mois ....Et déjà, apparaissent quelques failles dans le système Viktor Orban, qui est à la tête du gouvernement depuis 15 ans sans interruption. Corruption de son entourage politique et familial, stagnation économique et inflation, non respect de l'État de droit. Les motifs de critique ne manquent pas et contribuent à l'envolée dans les sondages de son principal opposant, Peter Magyar. Mais la contestation prend aussi d'autres tournures. Les jeunes généralement peu mobilisés, commencent à hausser la voix. Dans les concerts, un slogan fait son apparition, Salaud de Fidesz du nom du parti du Premier ministre Viktor Orban. Un cri de ralliement normalement scandé lors des manifestations d'opposition, mais qui fédère désormais au-delà. Reportage à Budapest signé Florence Labruyère.   À lire aussiHongrie: «De l'air!», des milliers de manifestants exigent la fin des campagnes de propagande d'Orban Les secrets d'une super centenaire  L'Espagne est, depuis des années, dans le top trois des pays européens avec la plus longue espérance de vie.   Mais c'est une femme ancienne doyenne de l'humanité qui va peut-être nous livrer les clés d'une vieillesse en bonne santé. La Catalane Maria Branyas est décédée à l'âge de 117 ans. Et des scientifiques ont pu, avec son accord, étudier de près son extrême longévité... Les secrets de cette super centenaire à la loupe de la science... on écoute notre correspondante, à Barcelone, Elise Gazengel. À écouter aussiVieillissement: comment aider un parent âgé à préserver sa santé?

durée : 00:12:32 - Journal de 7 h - Ce résultat déjoue les ingérences russes et la désinformation massive, le tout au moment où l'Europe s'inquiète de plus en plus de la présence de drones au-dessus de son ciel, ce week-end encore. Des drones que la plupart des dirigeants européens suspectent de provenir de Russie.

Il partito filo-UE al governo in Moldavia ha vinto le elezioni parlamentari. Con oltre il 99,5% delle schede scrutinate, il Partito d'Azione e Solidarietà guidato dalla presidente Maia Sandu ha ottenuto il 50,03% dei voti, rispetto al 24,26% del Blocco Patriottico filo-russo.

Die Republik Moldau hat ein neues Parlament gewählt und sich für den proeuropäischen Kurs von Präsidentin Maia Sandu ausgesprochen. Nach Auszählung von mehr als 99,5 Prozent der Stimmen steht laut Wahlkommission fest, dass mehr als 50,03 Prozent der Wähler für die proeuropäische Partei PAS gestimmt haben. Der pro-russische Patriotische Block kam demnach auf knapp 24,3 Prozent. Im Gespräch mit SWR Aktuell zeigte sich Raimar Wagner, Leiter für das Büro für Moldau und Rumänien der FDP-nahen Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung, positiv überrascht vom Wahlergebnis. "Was mich aber besorgt, ist dass es eine Newcomer-Partei im Parlament gibt", diese basiere, ähnlich wie in Rumänien, auf russischer Einflussnahme. Dennoch zeigt sich Wagner optimistisch, dass Moldau und seine 2,4 Millionen Einwohner Mitglied der EU werden. "Für ein kleines Land, sind Strukturreformen viel einfacher zu machen als in der Ukraine" Im Wahlkampf hatte Präsidentin Sandu einen EU-Beitritt Moldaus bis 2030 angestrebt. Reimer Wagner von der Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung hält dieses Ziel für ambitioniert, aber nicht unmöglich. Warum, erklärt er im Gespräch mit SWR Aktuell-Moderator Jonathan Hadem.

Oggi alla Casa Bianca l'incontro tra il presidente Trump premier israeliano Nentanyahu per discutere il piano per una tregua a Gaza Elezioni in Moldavia. Il partito europeista della presidente Sandu si riconferma al potere, sconfitti i filorussi 50mila i fedeli in piazza, ieri, per la Messa che ha concluso il Giubileo dei catechisti. E il Papa ha espresso vicinanza alle vittime del tifone in Asia

Moldova's pro-EU president, Maia Sandu, has cast her ballot in the country's parliamentary election, urging voters to join her because the country's future is "in danger". Ms Sandu, police, and prosecutors say vote buying and disinformation are unprecedented in scale and linked directly to Russia. Moscow denies accusations of interference. Pro-Kremlin opposition parties have also dismissed talk of Russian meddling; they claim the government is making the case in advance for annulling the vote, should the liberal governing party (the PAS) lose its majority.Also in the programme: With drones increasingly used in offensive military operations, how can you defend against them? Also today, the cricket clash between India and Pakistan; and why Elvis Presley is big in South Wales.(Photo: Moldovan President Maia Sandu votes at a polling station during the country's parliamentary election in Chisinau, Moldova, September 28, 2025. Reuters/Vladislav Culiomza)

Les Moldaves sont appelés à élire leurs 101 députés répondent à une préoccupation : se prononcer entre la volonté de se rapprocher de l'Union européenne ou de demeurer sous la tutelle de Moscou. Pour en parler, Romain Le Quiniou, cofondateur et directeur général du think tank français Euro Créative consacré à l'Europe centrale et orientale, est, ce dimanche 28 septembre, l'invité international de RFI. À lire aussiLa Moldavie à l'heure d'un scrutin existentiel

Nearly 3,000 South African soldiers deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo are threatening legal action against the Department of Defence over unpaid fees. The South African National Defence Union, SANDU says it will take the matter to court if the outstanding payments are not settled. Elvis Presslin spoke to SA National Defence Union Chief Negotiator, Jeff Dubazana

“I want to share a recording from June 2025. It was recorded with zoom h1n – X/Y capsules, near Campo Imperatore in a place called ‘Little Tibet' in Parco nazionale […]

Depuis son indépendance en 1991, la Moldavie cherche sa place entre l'Est et l'Ouest, portée aujourd'hui par la présidente Maia Sandu, symbole des ambitions européennes du pays dans un contexte géopolitique délicat.

Depuis son indépendance en 1991, la Moldavie cherche sa place entre l'Est et l'Ouest, portée aujourd'hui par la présidente Maia Sandu, symbole des ambitions européennes du pays dans un contexte géopolitique délicat.

Depuis son indépendance en 1991, la Moldavie cherche sa place entre l'Est et l'Ouest, portée aujourd'hui par la présidente Maia Sandu, symbole des ambitions européennes du pays dans un contexte géopolitique délicat.

În Republica Moldova începe oficial astăzi campania electorală pentru alegerile parlamentare din 28 septembrie. O lună care se anunță a fi una extrem de tensionată, cu și mai multe presiuni și provocări coordonate de Rusia. În dimineața zilei, președinta Maia Sandu a difuzat un mesaj de unitate națională în contextul începutului campaniei electorale. Miza este viitorul european al Republicii Moldova, iar la parlamentare al doilea tur nu există, avertizează invitatul nostru de astăzi, analistul politic Andrei Curăraru, de la Watchdog Chișinău. De ziua independenței, la Chișinău, Friedrich Merz, Emmanuel Macron și Donald Tusk au venit cu o ofertă către Republica Moldova. Despre ce este vorba, ne explică jurnalistul Euronews România, Vitalie Cojocari, în „Cronica lui Vitalie”. Duminică, pe 31 august, în Republica Moldova este sărbătorită Ziua Limbii Române, cu prezența președintelui Nicușor Dan. Un reportaj despre cum limba română a fost în Basarabia o cale de rezistență în fața regimului sovietic. Și ce întrebări au pus primarii din Republica Moldova oficialilor europeni în cadrul unei vizite la Bruxelles.

En déplacement à Chișinău, les trois leaders européens, E. Macron, le chancelier allemand F. Merz et le chef de gouvernement polonais D. Tusk, sont venus soutenir la présidente pro-européenne Maïa Sandu, bientôt en campagne pour les élections législatives. Une image forte en symbole alors que le pays fête le 34e anniversaire de son indépendance et un message : celui d'une union face à la menace de Poutine, sur fond de guerre en Ukraine.

Ukrainas militāri politiskās situācijas novitātes ir Ukrainas bruņoto spēku pieaugusī gaisa triecienu kapacitāte un tās ietekme uz Krievijas degvielas piegādi iekšējā un ārējā tirgū, parādījušās ziņas par Pentagona aizliegumiem amerikāņu tāldarbības raķešu lietošanai, kā arī Polijas prezidents uzlicis veto Ukrainas atbalsta likumprojektam. Pēc mēneša gaidāmās vēlēšanas Moldovā, kur nākas pievērsties Krievijas un Eiropas Savienības iesaistei, attiecīgi, pro- un antieiropeisko spēku atbalstam. Ārvalstu aktualitātes pārrunājam studijā kopā ar Latvijas Transatlantiskās organizācijas (LATO) vadītāju Sigita Strubergu un Latvijas Ārpolitikas institūta pētnieks un LATO valdes locekli Sandi Šrāderu. Maijas Sandu „pēdējā kauja” Šodien Moldovā paredzēta trīs Eiropas politikas smagsvaru vizīte – Kišiņevā sagaida Francijas prezidentu Emanuelu Makronu, Polijas premjerministru Donaldu Tusku un Vācijas kancleru Olafu Šolcu. Tas ir nepārprotams atbalsta žests Moldovas proeiropeiskajiem spēkiem – pie varas esošajai partijai „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” un prezidentei Maijai Sandu. Nākamās Moldovas parlamenta vēlēšanas, kurām jānotiek 28. septembrī, mediji jau nodēvējuši par prezidentes „pēdējo kauju” viņas valsts ceļā uz Eiropas Savienību. Iepriekšējās vēlēšanās 2021. gadā „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” pārliecinoši uzvarēja, iegūstot 63 no 101 deputāta vietas. Parlamentā iekļuva vēl tikai divi politiskie spēki: toreizējais Komunistu un sociālistu bloks ar 32 mandātiem un oligarha Ilana Šora dibinātā un sava dibinātāja vārdā nodēvētā partija ar sešiem mandātiem. Nākamais gads nesa Krievijas plaša mēroga iebrukumu Moldovas kaimiņvalstī Ukrainā, ukraiņu bēgļu plūsmu uz un caur Moldovu, destabilizētu ekonomisko un enerģētisko situāciju. Zīmīgi, ka dienās, kad krievu tanku kolonnas virzījās uz Kijivu, „Rīcības un Solidaritātes” reitingi būtiski kritās, pēc tam gan atkal atgūstoties līdz ar pozitīvākām ziņām no frontes. Izšķirošs moments bija Moldovas prezidenta vēlēšanas pagājušā gada oktobrī, vienlaicīgi ar konstitucionālo referendumu, kas ļāva valstij virzīties uz Eiropas Savienību. Maija Sandu tika ievēlēta uz otru termiņu ar apmēram 55 % balsu, savukārt referendumā proeiropeiskajiem spēkiem pozitīvā atbilde iegūta par mata tiesu – ar 50 un trīsdesmit piecām simtdaļām procenta. Kopš pēdējām vēlēšanām aizvadītajos gados „Rīcība un Solidaritāte” lielākoties palikusi sabiedrības aptauju līderos, tomēr pēdējos mēnešos tās pozīcijas nav spožas. Valdošajai partijai min uz pēdām jūlijā saformētais „Patriotiskais bloks”, kurā sociālistiem un komunistiem pievienojušās divas mazākas partijas – „Moldovas sirds” un „Moldovas nākotnes partija”. Oficiāli bloka lozungs ir starptautiski neitrāla un nepievienojusies Moldova, kas praksē, protams, nozīmē pavērt durvis Kremļa ietekmei. Daudz atklātāk prokremlisks ir Ilana Šora jaunais veidojums – bloks „Uzvara”, kura dibināšanas kongress jūlija sākumā notika Maskavā. Taču pēc tam, kad bloka saraksta „lokomotīve”, autonomā Gagauzijas reģiona gubernatore Jevgenija Gucula tika notiesāta uz septiņiem gadiem cietumā par nelegālu Krievijas finansējuma saņemšanu, Moldovas Centrālā vēlēšanu komisija atsauca bloka un arī to veidojošo atsevišķo partiju reģistrāciju vēlēšanām. Līdz ar to palielinājušās izredzes vēl diviem politiskajiem spēkiem: blokam „Alternatīva”, kura redzamākās figūras ir Maijas Sandu galvenais konkurents pērngada prezidenta vēlēšanās Aleksandrs Stojanoglo un agrākais premjerministrs Jons Kiku, kā arī partijai „Mūsu partija”. „Alternatīva” sevi vismaz oficiāli pozicionē kā proeiropeisku spēku, savukārt „Mūsu partijai” ir populistu un mērenu eiroskeptiķu reputācija. Ja vēlēšanu rezultāti aptuveni atbildīs pašreizējiem aptauju rādītājiem, tad „Rīcībai un Solidaritātei” var nākties meklēt sev kādu koalīcijas partneri. Ukraina rāda, ko spēj Strauji kāpušas degvielas cenas, milzu rindas pie benzīntankiem un degvielas iegādes normas dažos Krievijas reģionos – tāds ir Ukrainas gaisa uzbrukumu redzamais rezultāts. Kā ziņo laikraksts "The New York Times", Ukrainai jau izdevies izsist no ierindas apmēram sesto daļu no Krievijas naftas pārstrādes jaudām. Tai skaitā uz laiku tikusi apturēta piegāde pa naftas vadu „Draudzība”, pa kuru krievu naftas produktus saņem Ungārija un Slovākija. Ungārijas ārlietu ministrs Peters Sijarto jau paziņojis, ka viņa valsts atslēgšana no degvielas piegādēm esot uzbrukums tās suverenitātei. Tiek ziņots, ka Krievija savukārt turpina triecienus pa Ukrainas enerģētika infrastruktūru, draudot ar apkures problēmām nākamajā ziemā. Tomēr tendence ir nepārprotami iezīmējusies – Ukraina šai gaisa karā vairs nav „peramais zēns”, tās prettriecieni kļūst agresoram arvien sāpīgāki un līdz ar to Krievijas sabiedrībai pamanāmāki. Un tos nevar nepamanīt arī starptautiskajā arēnā, kur joprojām biezē migla ap Donalda Trampa un viņa administrācijas izredzēm apsēdināt Kremļa diktatoru un viņa Kijivas pretni pie viena sarunu galda, un šajā kontekstā joprojām aktuāls priekšstats, ka „Zelenskim nav kāršu”. Vēl viens potenciāls „trumpis” Kijivas rokās ir ziņa par sekmīgu Ukrainas spārnotās raķetes „Flamingo” izmēģinājumu noslēgumu. Raķetes darbības rādiuss ir līdz trīs tūkstošiem kilometru, kaujas lādiņa masa – līdz vienai tonnai. Tie ir rādītāji, kas pārspēj jebkuru līdzīgu ieroču veidu, kādu Ukrainai līdz šim nodevuši Rietumus sabiedrotie, pie tam liedzot tos lietot triecieniem Krievijas pamatteritorijā. Tikām neiepriecinošas ziņas pirmdien pienākušas no Varšavas, kur Polijas prezidents Karols Navrockis ar savu veto apturējis likumprojektu, kuram bija jāturpina poļu finansiālais atbalsts Ukrainai, tai skaitā pieejai globālajam saziņas tīklam Starlink no 1. oktobra. Tas, savukārt, draud iedragāt ukraiņu spēku taktiskās iespējas frontē un apdraud citas Ukrainas valdībai svarīgas informācijas drošu apriti un glabāšanu. Prezidenta Navrocka rīcībai ir iekšpolitiski motīvi. Nesen ievēlētais poļu politikas konservatīvās līnijas pārstāvis, kura platformā nozīmīgi ir „Polija pirmajā vietā” motīvi, vēlas apcirpt sociālās garantijas, kādas saņem Polijā patvērumu radušie Ukrainas bēgļi. Viņš grib, lai bērnu un veselības pabalstus turpmāk saņemtu tikai strādājoši bēgļi. Tas dotu Polijas budžetam nepilnu divu miljonu eiro ietaupījumu, tiesa, budžets būtu jāpārplāno. Sagatavoja Eduards Liniņš.    

durée : 00:02:28 - Le vrai ou faux - La Russie diffuse des dizaines de fausses informations pour discréditer Maia Sandu et son camp pro-européen avant les élections moldaves. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

This conversation was done with Amrit Sandu on his Inspired Evolution youtube channel, which I highly recommend:    / inspiredevolution  . Here is an outline of what we covered:  00:00 - The Dimensional Divide and Spiritual Evolution 24:58 - Astrology as a Guiding Force in Transition 26:20 - Navigating Personal Transitions and Collective Shifts 28:48 - The Acceleration of Time and Energetic Shifts 32:47 - Trusting the Inner Voice and Navigating Change 36:47 - The Role of Cosmic Energies in Transformation 40:16 - Deconstructing Old Paradigms for New Realities 44:21 - Reconnecting with Ancient Wisdom and Sensitivity 47:59 - Understanding the Planets: Pluto, Saturn, and Beyond 01:11:26 - The Transformation of the Hero's Journey 01:12:42 - Transitioning from Pisces to Aquarius 01:16:18 - The Cyclical Nature of Consciousness 01:19:58 - The Highest Expressions of Ages 01:21:12 - The Shadow Aspects of the Age of Aquarius 01:23:01 - The Wisdom of the Cosmos 01:27:47 - The Critical Transition for Humanity 01:30:17 - Becoming Homo Luminous 01:31:24 - Astrology and the Age of Aquarius To become a patron of Heather:   / heatherensworth   Heather's website: https://www.risingmoonhealingcenter.com/

Als Präsidentin der Republik Moldau macht sich die studierte Wirtschaftswissenschaftlerin und Harvard-Absolventin für demokratische Reformen in ihrem Land stark. Dabei hat Maia Sandu nicht nur mit Korruption und großen wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen zu kämpfen. Das kleine Land an Europas östlicher Grenze muss sich gegen massive russische Einflussnahme und Abspaltungsbewegungen wehren. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurde Maia Sandus beharrlicher Eintritt für Rechtstaatlichkeit, Frieden und Demokratie mit dem Theodor Heuss Preis in Stuttgart gewürdigt.

Artistul Matei Șerban Sandu si Joachim Umlauf, directorul Goethe-Institut Bucuresti. Vom vorbi despre expoziția "Despre muntele vrăjit - Thomas Mann 150 de ani."

Bunn conta como desenvolveu os novos widgets do DuckDuckGo e Rambo ressuscita uma tecnologia da época do NeXTSTEP.

Crítico, arquiteto bateu um papo sobre arte, empreendedorismo, sociedade e seu incômodo com falta de preocupação cultural no mercado "Nunca achei que o arquiteto devia ser só que arquiteto. Meu mundo sempre foi vasto, meus interesses são amplos e tenho muita sede de aprender", diz Isay Weinfeld. "Eu odeio me repetir. É um transtorno, porque exige mais esforço, tempo e investimento para renovar o repertório a cada obra". Arquiteto de formação, mas inquieto por natureza, Isay sempre transitou entre diferentes formas de expressão, dirigindo filmes, montando exposições e criando cenários teatrais. Essa sensibilidade artística se traduz em seu trabalho na arquitetura, onde cada espaço conta uma história. "Na realidade, é tudo a mesma coisa", afirma. "A única coisa que eu sei fazer é pegar dois ou três objetos diferentes e arranjá-los de uma certa forma". Crítico e perspicaz, o arquiteto bateu um papo com Paulo Lima sobre arte, empreendedorismo, sociedade e seu incômodo com a falta de preocupação estética e cultural que existe no mercado. "Boa parte das incorporadoras está preocupada em ganhar seu rico dinheirinho e nada mais. Acho um absurdo que não tenham vontade e desejo de deixar algo de qualidade para as próximas gerações", diz. O programa completo você confere aqui, no site da Trip, e no Spotify.  [IMAGE=https://revistatrip.uol.com.br/upload/2025/03/67dd92ff1737f/1006x566x960x540x36x22/isay-weinfeld-arquiteto-trip-fm-mh.jpg?t=1742580825602; CREDITS=Bob Wolfenson; LEGEND=Isay Weinfeld; ALT_TEXT=Isay Weinfeld] Seu campo de atuação é bastante amplo. Como você descreveria sua relação com a arquitetura? Isay Weinfeld. Meu mundo sempre foi vasto, meus interesses são muito amplos e eu tenho muita sede de aprender. E eu nunca achei que o arquiteto devia ser só arquiteto. Eu odeio me repetir. Então, é um transtorno em termos de gestão, porque você gasta muito mais, perde muito mais tempo tentando renovar o seu repertório em cada uma das obras. Além da arquitetura, você se dedica a áreas como cinema, artes plásticas e literatura. Como essas diferentes expressões artísticas se conectam no seu trabalho? Eu sou apaixonado por objeto. Realmente, eu tenho paixão. Pra te falar a verdade, se você olhar, eu faço cinema, faço arquitetura, artes plásticas, literatura... Parece que eu sou muito talentoso, o que é uma mentira terrível. Na realidade, é tudo a mesma coisa. A única coisa que eu sei fazer é pegar dois ou três objetos diferentes e arranjá-los de uma certa forma. Qual é sua visão sobre a influência da elite econômica na arquitetura e no desenvolvimento urbano? As pessoas, essa elite, quando têm dinheiro e educação, é uma coisa. Quando só têm dinheiro, é outra coisa. Para simplificar, né? Então, aí os desejos são outros. Copiam coisas de lugares que não têm nada a ver com o nosso país. As incorporadoras também, e boa parte delas está muito preocupada em ganhar o seu rico dinheirinho e nada mais. Acho um absurdo que eles não tenham vontade e desejo de deixar alguma coisa de qualidade para outra geração, para os próprios filhos e netos. Acha que o mundo ainda tem jeito? Como tem reagido a esses absurdos de Donald Trump, por exemplo? Eu te falo sinceramente: chegar com ideias opostas, mirabolantes, isso não me assusta. Pode ter coisa boa, pode ter coisa ruim, mas eu fico muito mal impressionado com a falta de educação e de respeito dessas pessoas com o próximo em todos os sentidos. Então, isso me choca mais do que as ideias. Apesar de não concordar com nenhuma, as pessoas têm o direito de se expressar.

Em Ezequiel 13:19, encontramos uma passagem impactante que fala sobre algo surpreendente: o "sanduíche sagrado"!

Pasha DELUXE - Русский Mega Dance (ЯНВАРЬ 2025) Дорогие друзья. 2025 год начинает набирать обороты, а это значит, что я продолжаю радовать Вас хорошей, танцевальной музыкой. Сегодня вы услышите ремиксы, Edit'ы и Blend'ы на российские и зарубежные хиты от проектов и DJ-ев: Red Line, Arefiev & Olmega, MKVG, Matuno, DJ Smell, ONEGINЪ, Bartello, Index-1, RADIOTIK, Moresst, Eddie G & Malyx, Hardovich, Alex Shu, Dj Ninja MLS & Dima Isay, KIRILLSLEM, DJ Alexander Holsten & DJ Nikita Stifler, John Coffey & Misha Mentos, Misha Plein & DJ Innoxi, Alexx Slam, Malyshkin. TRACKLIST: 01. GAYAZOV$ BROTHER$ - Залпом за любовь (Red Line Remix) 02. Dj Boyko & Sound Shocking - Глубоко (Arefiev & Olmega Remix) 03. Misha Miller & Alex Velea - Bam Bam (MKVG Remix) 04. Bad Boys Blue, Eric Singleton - You're A Woman (Matuno Radio Remix) 05. BEARWOLF - Посмотри в глаза (DJ Smell Remix) 06. Елена Терлеева & Max Flame & Faraon - Солнце (ONEGINЪ BLEND) 07. Коста Лакоста, Ольга Серябкина - По улицам (Bartello Remix) 08. Пчела - Белая ночь (Index-1 Remix) 09. Комбинация - Russian Girls (RADIOTIK BOOTLEG) 10. The Doors - Riders On The Storm (Moresst & Olmega Remix) 11. Pakito - Living on Video (Eddie G & Malyx Remix) 12. Андрей Губин x Öwnboss & BYOR - Зима-холода (Hardovich Blend) 13. Kolya Funk & Tin Tin - Ирония судьбы (Eddie G Remix) 14. ANNA ASTI - Звенит январская вьюга (Alex Shu Remix) 15. Jakone - Дорога дальняя (Alex Shu Remix) 16. Dj Ninja MLS & Dima Isay - Lose Control & Yeah Yeah Yeahs, Heads Roll (MushUP) 17. Gavrilina x Fly Project x Willy William x SKILL x ZAN - Drama Mandala (KIRILLSLEM MixShow) 18. Barrio Del Rio - Gasolina (DJ Alexander Holsten & DJ Nikita Stifler Remix) 19. MOT, Паша Левл - Снегопад (John Coffey & Misha Mentos Remix) 20. Комиссар - Королева снежная (Misha Plein & DJ Innoxi Remix) 21. Леприконсы - Хали-гали (Alexx Slam Remix) 22. The Black Eyed Peas vs NALYRO, Levis Della & Sanduú with BIG CASH & ALEX SHOT - Rhythm Is A Dancer vs My Humps (Malyshkin Blend) ▶ PromoDJ: promodj.com/aeroritmix ▶ VK: vk.com/public204888851 ▶ Telegram: t.me/aeroritmixmuzik Подписывайтесь на мой подкаст (Subscribe to My Podcast): ● Apple Podcasts - podcasts.apple.com/ru/podcast/… ● Pocket Casts - pca.st/drpc1gfj Слушайте и наслаждайтесь! Listen & Enjoy! From Russia with Love!

Back in November, Moldova's President Maia Sandu was narrowly re-elected to a second term, despite alleged Russian interference. Sandu partly owes her victory to the vote of the largely pro-European diaspora, which represents almost a third of the Moldovan population and 20 percent of the electorate. But back home, part of the population remains firmly attached to its Soviet past and is denouncing the election result. The topic is divisive, even within families. Our correspondent reports.

“Every year in September and October is the deer mating season, you can hear them all over the natural park. It is something unique, especially when you are fortunate enough […]

This week, Taylor, Sandy, Doug Jordan & Taddea Richard discuss Agent Brodie-Sangster II, new video evidence of a 188-year-old spirit-ghost, McDonald's 10-piss McNugget deal, a failed beard transplant and much, much more! All new segments include Our Week's: Guide to Tariffs & Our Week's: Guide to Reimagining America! Americana - Aspiring by Kevin MacLeod is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Source: http://incompetech.com/music/royalty-free/index.html?isrc=USUAN1200092 Artist: http://incompetech.com/

durée : 00:38:14 - France Culture va plus loin (l'Invité(e) des Matins) - par : Jean Leymarie, Isabelle de Gaulmyn - Dimanche 3 novembre, les élections présidentielles en Moldavie se sont soldées par la réélection de Maïa Sandu, une présidente pro-européenne dans un pays très surveillé par la Russie. - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Florent Parmentier Secrétaire général du CEVIPOF/Sciences Po, chercheur associé au Centre de géopolitique de HEC; Elsa Vidal Rédactrice en chef de la rédaction en langue russe de RFI

Subscribe to Too Long now, and use code TOODAILY to get a discount off of every order: https://www.toolong.newsWelcome to the TLDR News Daily BriefingIn today's episode, we run through the results from Moldova's election delivering a victory for Sandu. Also, we discuss the devastating floods in Spain; a dramatic shift in politics in Botswana; and Israel confirms ground raid into Syria.

La presidente in carica della Moldova, l'europeista Maia Sandu, è stata rieletta alla presidenza per un secondo mandato, ottenendo il 55,41% dei voti. Ne parliamo con Isac Mihai, giornalista moldavo ed esperto della regione del Mar Nero, collabora con TVR Moldova e con l'agenzia di stampa Karadeniz.Manca un giorno alle elezioni presidenziali degli Stati Uniti e gli ultimi sondaggi mostrano un sostanziale testa a testa. Tra i sette stati contesi, Kamala Harris è in leggerissimo vantaggio in tre, Nevada, North Carolina e Arizona, mentre Donald Trump è in testa in Arizona. L'analisi di Roberto Menotti, vice direttore di Aspenia.Infine andiamo in Spagna, dove re Felipe VI e il premier spagnolo, arrivati nelle zone più colpite dall'alluvione, sono stati accolti da una folla che ha lanciato loro fango e insulti. Il commento di Steven Forti, professore di Storia Contemporanea all'Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

*) Israeli strikes hit Gaza hospitals, many Palestinians killed Heavy bombardment from Israeli forces early Monday hit Gaza hard, killing many Palestinians and leaving countless others injured. The scene was devastating, with widespread destruction across several neighbourhoods. According to Wafa news agency, Israeli artillery strikes took a heavy toll — lives lost, people hurt, and some still trapped under rubble. Rescue teams are scrambling to find survivors, but no official numbers have been released yet. Kamal Adwan Hospital in Beit Lahia also came under fire — the nursery was damaged, and a child was injured. And at the Indonesian Hospital, a drone strike sent patients and staff into a panic, creating a chaotic and terrifying scene. *) Swiss intelligence exposes PKK's secret operations Switzerland's intelligence service has dropped a bombshell — the PKK, a group labelled as a terrorist organisation by Türkiye, the US and the EU, has been running secret operations right under their noses. According to a fresh report from Switzerland's Federal Intelligence Service, or FIS, the PKK has been using Swiss soil to raise money, spread its propaganda and even run terrorist training camps. The PKK has been in a violent campaign against Türkiye for 40 years, leading to over 40,000 deaths, including civilians. The FIS report makes it clear: the PKK is active within Switzerland, recruiting young Kurdish refugees and preparing them for actions against the Turkish military. *) UN warns of ‘dangerous escalation' over potential N Korean troops in Russia UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is raising the alarm over reports that North Korean troops may have joined Russia, possibly heading toward the battlefields in Ukraine. His spokesperson, Stephane Dujarric, conveyed his concern on Sunday, saying Guterres is “very concerned” about reports of North Korean forces potentially being deployed to Ukraine's conflict zone. According to US intelligence, North Korean troops have shown up around Russia's Kursk border region. Interestingly, neither North Korea nor Russia has denied these reports. *) Maia Sandu declares victory in Moldova's presidential runoff election Moldova's pro-EU President Maia Sandu declared a win on Sunday in the country's tense presidential runoff, with almost all votes counted. She held a strong lead with 54 percent, defeating her pro-Russian rival, Alexandr Stoianoglo. Sandu, a former World Bank economist, declared in her victory speech that “Moldovans have given a lesson in democracy, worthy of history books”. Sandu's win is being seen as a huge boost for Moldova's pro-Western government and her vision of closer ties with Europe, steering Moldova one step closer to the EU. *) Chinese crew returns after 6-month mission on Tiangong space station After six months aboard China's Tiangong space station, the Shenzhou 18 crew has made a safe return. The spacecraft's return capsule touched down in northern China on Sunday, wrapping up an intense mission in space. The China Manned Space Agency confirmed that its astronauts landed at the Dongfeng site in Inner Mongolia. Since their launch on April 25, they have been working and living aboard the Tiangong.

00:00 Introducere pe străzile din Chișinău00:35 Context: Alegeri prezidențiale și referendum UE01:10 Atacuri informaționale rusești în Moldova01:55 Prima interacțiune cu cetățenii03:17 Vox Pop: "Vrem un viitor mai frumos"04:55 Discuție despre schimbările din Moldova06:41 Vox Pop: Perspectiva unui antreprenor local09:15 Exporturi și relații comerciale cu UE11:52 Demonstrarea propagandei pe Telegram15:40 Analiza campaniilor de dezinformare19:35 Strategia Rusiei în Moldova23:44 Vox Pop: Tinerii și visul european27:15 Ferme de trolli și metode de manipulare31:25 Vox Pop: "Suntem zombați de propaganda rusă?"34:05 Relația complexă România-Moldova37:22 Investiții și oportunități de business39:45 Provocările integrării europene41:15 Importanța prezenței la vot42:18 Vulnerabilități informaționale în România43:28 Perspectivele dezvoltării Moldovei44:01 Oportunități de investiții în agricultură44:40 Situația economică și obligațiunile de stat45:19 Reflecții finale despre viitorul Moldovei45:41 Discuție despre un potențial interviu cu Maia Sandu46:15 Aprofundarea relației cu Uniunea Europeană47:00 Impactul cooperării internaționale pe dezvoltarea locală47:45 Strategii pentru combaterea știrilor false48:30 Rolul tinerilor în viitorul politic49:15 Provocările economice actuale și viitoare50:00 Concluzii și îndemn la participare activă IGDLCC înseamnă Informații Gratis despre Lucruri care Costă! Totul ne costă dar mai ales timpul așa că am făcut această serie pentru a mă informa și educa alături de invitați din domeniile mele de interes. Te invit alături de mine în această călătorie. Mi-am propus să mă facă mai informat și mai adaptat la schimbările care vin. Sper să o facă și pentru tine.

On October 20, Moldovans cast their ballots in both a presidential election and a constitutional referendum — and the results shocked many. In the referendum, which asked whether the country should change its constitution to include the goal of joining the European Union, the “yes” vote won by just over 50 percent. Meanwhile, in the presidential election, pro-E.U. incumbent Maia Sandu came in first but failed to win an outright majority.  The day after the vote, Sandu accused “criminal groups” of attempting to undermine the democratic process by working with foreign forces to try and buy as many as 300,000 votes. Now, she'll face pro-Russian candidate and former prosecutor general Alexandr Stoianoglo in a high-stakes run-off scheduled for November 3.  What does all of this say about Moldova's political landscape and future foreign policy orientation? To find out, The Naked Pravda spoke to Moldovan journalist and writer Paula Erizanu and Ecaterina Locoman, a senior lecturer in international studies at the University of Pennsylvania's Lauder Institute.  Timestamps for this episode: (3:05) Judiciary Reforms and Controversies (6:25) The Referendum and Its Implications (9:47) Election Day Atmosphere and Concerns (12:28) Post-Election Developments and Fraud Allegations (17:01) Russia's Influence and Moldova's Future (21:26) Impact of the Ukraine War on Moldova (23:14) Kremlin's Strategy and Moldova's Challenges (25:03) Public Opinion and the E.U. Referendum (30:37) Moldova's Path Forward Prefer reading over listening? Subscribe to Meduza's weekly newsletter The Beet to receive abridged excerpts from this episode. Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

Russia's airspace incursions spark calls for NATO action, Moldova's EU poll could impact Sandu's reelection, Gisele Pelicot tells of her ordeal in mass rape trial and Turkey awaits a new refugee crisis. Also: Georgia picks its next parliament, how Russia's war economy is fueling a housing crisis, Spanish football takes action against racism and Italy's plans for more wind and solar spark protests.