Podcasts about allies

British writer Ben Macintyre on the eerie history of Colditz Castle which the Germans used as a prisoner of war camp during World War 2.Since the Middle Ages, Colditz Castle has existed in some form, perched on the edge of a cliff in eastern Germany.Colditz has served as a royal hunting lodge, a madhouse, and most famously as a prisoner of war camp during World War II.It was said to be inescapable, but that didn't stop the English officers from trying to escape the nightmare of this gloomy fortress, and the clutches of the Germans.Ben Macintyre tells the full story of Colditz and the men imprisoned there, who were as flawed as they were heroic legend.Further InformationColditz: Prisoners of the Castle is published by PenguinThis episode of Conversations explores history, World War 2, prisoners of war, Colditz Castle, Germany, allied soldiers, the officer class, escape, prison, solitary confinement, heroes, the middle ages, research, first hand accounts.To binge even more great episodes of the Conversations podcast with Richard Fidler and Sarah Kanowski go the ABC listen app (Australia) or wherever you get your podcasts. There you'll find hundreds of the best thought-provoking interviews with authors, writers, artists, politicians, psychologists, musicians, and celebrities.

Bernard Montgomery proposed a risky operation that just might have allowed the Allies to break through the German defensive line. Meanwhile, Adolf Hitler was planning a risky operation of his own.

How do you take care of yourself when there's a crisis with your loved  one? It's a process of changing how you think about yourself and your  role in the dynamic. If you can change how you think -- even for small  parts of the day -- it changes the dynamic with your loved one, allowing  them the freedom to look at themselves, and not just worry about how  they impact you. Laurie and Kayla share tips.The support group that Kayla facilitates is now offered on a sliding scale.(Cost should not be a barrier—please reach out if you're interested)Allies in Recovery's member site is currently "on pause". ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Learn more here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. During this time, we have taken our entire eLearning program out from behind the paywall—the entire library of learning videos is currently available on our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠youtube channel⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

Treasury just launched "Operation Economic Outcast" and buried in the announcement is proof that supposed U.S. allies have been quietly propping up Iran's economy for years. Lance Wallnau breaks down the $21.3 billion trade cutoff, the countries caught funneling money to Tehran, and what it means heading into the midterms. Secretary of Treasury Scott Bessent unveiled a sweeping new sanctions campaign targeting Iran's financial lifelines, including digital assets, gold, aviation, and shipping, and the list of "allies" who've kept the regime afloat is more surprising than you'd expect. Lance walks through the UAE's own admission that it's suspending financial transactions with Iran after $14.8 billion in trade last year alone, the shell company networks in Hong Kong, Singapore, and Dubai moving oil revenue on Iran's behalf, and Glenn Beck's conversation with Patrick Bet-David calling this Iran's "economic D-Day." He also ties it back to Trump's education reform agenda and the bigger spiritual and cultural battle playing out before the midterms. In this episode: Why Lance believes right-wing podcast hosts like Theo Von, Joe Rogan, and Tim Dillon have gone quiet on Trump, and what he says caused the shift Trump's education agenda, including the $1,700 school choice tax credit, the $500 million charter school investment, and why Lance says the left is losing ground on this "cultural mountain" Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's announcement of Operation Economic Outcast, and why one guest on Glenn Beck's show called it Iran's "economic D-Day" The UAE's secret $21.3 billion trade relationship with Iran, and why the country is now suspending financial transactions with the regime The shell company network in Hong Kong, Singapore, and Dubai that Lance says has been funneling oil revenue to keep Iran's economy afloat Lance's prayer for peace in the region and stability heading into a tense midterm season   Podcast Episode 2224: Why Some U.S. Allies Were Secretly Funding Iran All Along | don't miss this! Listen to more episodes of the Lance Wallnau Show at lancewallnau.com/podcast  

Today's Poll Question at Smerconish.com: Are the US and Canada still allies? For generations, the U.S.-Canada relationship was one Americans rarely had reason to question. Now tariffs, collapsed trade negotiations, Donald Trump's “51st state” rhetoric, and growing Canadian resistance are putting that assumption under strain. Michael examines both sides: NATO, NORAD and Five Eyes cooperation remain intact, while Canada is reconsidering defense purchases, Canadians are cutting U.S. travel, and Prime Minister Mark Carney is drawing firm lines around trade and sovereignty. Today's poll asks whether the alliance remains as strong in practice as it does on paper - Michael will, later today, ask former US Ambassador to Canada David L. Cohen that question as well. Hear that live on SiriusXM, and on this podcast! Please rate, review and share this episode now! Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See https://pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The Trump administration rolled out what it calls the biggest economic offensive ever aimed at a country, naming 60 targets while warning others to cut ties with Iran or face U.S. sanctions of their own, though the toughest measures are still being held in reserve.In the Gulf, the UAE has already cut all trade with Iran while other neighbors remain in a difficult position, and China continues to buy the bulk of Iranian oil even as it criticizes the new pressure campaign.The Supreme Court handed President Trump a temporary win on his effort to restrict mail-in voting weeks before midterm ballots go out, though the legal fight is far from settled and voting by mail still remains an option for now.Want more analysis of the most important news of the day, plus a little fun? Subscribe to the Up First newsletter.Support public media with NPR+ and enjoy perks for over 25 podcasts like this one. This show's perks include sponsor-free listening. Learn more at plus.npr.org.Today's episode of Up First was edited by James Hider, Kate Bartlett, Ben Swasey, Mohamad ElBardicy, and Alice Woelfle.It was produced by Julie Depenbrock and Nia Dumas.Our director is Christopher Thomas.We get engineering support from Neisha Heinis. Our technical director is Carleigh Strange.And our Supervising Senior Producer is Vince Pearson.(0:00) Introduction(01:56) Trump's Economic D-Day For Iran(05:35) Gulf Allies React To US Plan(09:07) SCOTUS Mail-in VotingSee pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for sponsorship and to manage your podcast sponsorship preferences.NPR Privacy Policy

According to Mary and Andrew, recent moves by President Trump's administration have been following a pattern: “If at first you don't succeed, try try again.” The co-hosts begin by breaking down the flurry of news surrounding mail voting, starting with Monday afternoon's decision by the Supreme Court to allow President Trump's executive order curtailing mail voting to proceed, though not issuing a decision on the merits of the order. They discuss that decision in conjunction with the Postal Service's announcement on Friday for a final rule that would comply with the executive order, a move that Andrew calls a proxy for the government to “have the Postal Service act in a way that has a clearly disproportionate impact on certain voters.” Then, a conversation about birthright citizenship after a motion was filed yesterday rejecting Trump's executive orders that attempt to limit the legal principle. Plus, an analysis of the Second and Ninth Circuit Court's rulings disqualifying U.S. Attorneys that were improperly appointed by Trump and a quick nod to Minnesota suing the governor of Texas for not extraditing an ICE agent accused of shooting a man in Minneapolis.  Tune in next week as we switch to Wednesday morning releases — and video editions of Main Justice available on YouTube. A Note to Listeners: As the 2026 midterm elections heat up, MS NOW is headed to the Lone Star State. Join more than a dozen of your favorite hosts - including Rachel Maddow, Lawrence O'Donnell, Jen Psaki, Michael Steele, Ali Velshi and more - in Arlington, Texas on September 26 for a day of community and conversation about the issues that matter most to you. Get your tickets at ms.now/together.  Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

This week we talk about borders, trade wars, and belligerence.We also discuss Trump's tariffs, inflation, and nationalism.Recommended Book: Vulture Capitalism by Grace BlakeleyTranscriptThe US and Canada share the longest international border in the world, totaling more than 5,500 miles, or nearly 8,900 km. The specific details of this border have changed over the decades, but the current delineation was largely in place following the San Juan Islands water arbitration of 1872, which brought a 12-year joint military standoff between the US and Great Britain, known as the Pig War, to an end, and fed into a 1908 legal framework that relied on modern mapping of the entire frontier, which led to the precise cartography of the current international border between the US and Canada.Since then, after some issues with gold rush-era land rights were figured out in Alaska, and some treaties were signed regarding the disarmament of the Great Lakes, things have been pretty calm along this massive border. Trade hasn't always been the most efficient and free—the early 20th century in particular was pretty fraught in this regard, as Anti-Americanism raged through Canada. That led to a dismissal of a proposed lowering of trade barriers by the Canadian Liberal government in 1911, anti-American sentiment flogged by the Conservatives, who rode their slogan, “No truck or trade with the Yankees,” to a Canadian nationalism-powered victory.After the US entered WWI and the Allies tallied a victory, though, the US and Canada exchanged their first ambassadors, Warren Harding became the first US President to make an official visit the confederated Canada, visiting Vancouver in 1923, and things between these two countries were looking pretty good until 1930, when the US passed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which was a protectionist trade act that, among other things, raised tariffs on incoming Canadian goods in order to protect competing American business interests; making the local offerings artificially more competitive than the stuff coming in from Canada, basically.The Canadian government hit back with their own higher tariffs and shifted more of their trade to other Commonwealth nations, which led to a decrease in trade between the US and Canada of about 75%; and this was happening during the Great Depression, which is why that Act was enacted, the US government was hoping to bolster their own economy, but instead of helping, it furthered those economic difficulties, because of that drop in trade and international custom—Smoot-Hawley is generally considered to have been an incredibly bad economic move, and US President Hoover signed it against the advice of senior economists, because it seemed politically expedient, US businesses were clamoring for advantages because they thought it would help them, but instead it worsened the Great Depression, and this Act is now taught as a cautionary example of why protectionist trade policies, while appealing in a nationalist sense, tend to be pretty bad, almost always, economically.US-Canadian relations improved a bit in the WWII-era, and into the early decades of the Cold War. By the late-1960s, the US had become Canada's largest export market, and that's why Nixon's 1971 decision to enact a 10% tariff on all imports, including those from Canada, hit the Canadian economy so hard. Overall US-Canadian relations soured during Nixon's time in the White House, in part because the Canadian government pivoted toward Europe, rather than kowtowing to the US' economic demands, and Nixon's belligerence in the face of that pivot didn't help matters.When US President Carter stepped into office, however, things improved for a while, and though there were serious bouts of stagflation in both nations through his time in the White House, American investment in Canada increased, and relations continued to be friendly leading into the 1990s, at which point the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA was signed, in 1994. NAFTA created a common market in North America, between the US, Canada, and Mexico, and that meant the $19 trillion or so in trade between the 470 million people or so living in North America by 2014, would be entirely or almost entirely without barriers, no tariffs or very small, focused tariffs.Though imperfect by many measures, NAFTA is generally considered to have been a major success, at least in terms of raw economic productivity in North America. And in 2020, is was replaced by the USMCA, the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which is often called NAFTA 2.0, which is in many ways just a modernization of NAFTA that updates many of the earlier provisions and focuses more on digital trade and intellectual property than its precursor.In July of 2026, however, the US government announced that it would not be renewing the USMCA, after Canada asked the US and Mexico to renew it for another 16 years. The pact remains in effect until it expires in 2036, though it can also be renegotiated or replaced before that. The US Trump administration pointed at rising trade deficits between the US and both Mexico and Canada as the rationale for not renewing it, and at loopholes in the agreement that allowed other nations, like China, to send car components to Mexico and then essentially get Chinese vehicles into North American markets, benefitting from the agreement despite not being a signatory of it.What I'd like to talk about today is a new trade scuffle between the US and Canadian governments, and what it might mean for the two nations in the coming years if said scuffle becomes a more persistent trade war.—In July of 2026, US President Trump threatened to invoke a provision of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, that Act from 1930, the Great Depression, which was previously unused, to impose additional tariffs on Canada, despite the continued existence of the USMCA trade agreement.Stepping back a bit, in his second administration, Trump has unilaterally imposed all kinds of tariffs on pretty much everybody, arguing that those tariffs would bring in more money and thus allow him to lower taxes on the wealthy and on businesses while still bringing in enough to reduce the federal deficit. This claim wasn't backed by economists and the deficit has continued to increase at a record rate under his administration, but he's continued to try this approach and make these claims, regardless.The Supreme Court eventually stepped in to limit Trump's ability to impose tariffs in early 2026, saying that the Presidency doesn't have the power to create a bunch of tariffs and impose them on everyone, even when he points at the International Emergency Economic Powers Act as justification. That halting of Trump's tariffs seem to have helped temper inflation in the US a bit, but now Trump is now taking another approach to try to accomplish the same, invoking this 1930, Great Depression-era act to try to give himself broad tariff-applying powers, once more, despite that Supreme Court decision.As I mentioned in the intro, the application of Smoot-Hawley tariffs worsened the Great Depression, as the US applied all these tariffs on foreign goods to try to give its own industries an advantage, and that led to counter-tariffs from most of its targets. Within a few years, the people behind those tariffs were booted from office, and the bad taste it left in the US government's mouth is part of what led to the wave of trade liberalization that happened post-WWII—everyone was done with the heavily tariffed trade environment because it kind of sucked for everyone, so free trade was the name of the game for decades.Now at the time, even though the tariffs had a net-negative impact on the US, they didn't exactly crush the US because international trade only made up about 10% of the US economy back then. Today, about 25-27% of US GDP relies on international trade. So still not a majority by any means, and the global average is about 63%, so the US is more capable of undertaking this sort of trade barrier strategy than many other nations, but that's still a pretty substantial chunk of economic activity in the US that's impacted by such efforts.This declaration by Trump that he would be using this old Tariff act to apply new tariffs on Canadian goods arrived after trade negotiations between the US and Canada fell apart, reportedly mere minutes before a deadline, with both sides claiming to the press that the other side attempted to make a last-minute change that was untenable.After Trump announced that additional 50% tariff on certain goods, the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney announce that he would be matching those tariffs, dollar for dollar—a move that's likely to hurt Canada more than the US, though many US industries, including those that are already hurting because of resource shortages that have been amplified by Trump's war with Iran and the consequent shut-down of the Strait of Hormuz, not to mention all the uncertainties that have arisen because of his other tariff threats, those industries and businesses will suffer more than most; the US auto industry, for instance, relies on goods that pass back and forth across the Canadian border several times before eventually ending up in US-made automobiles. The US construction industry is likewise reliant on Canadian lumber products.It seems like Canada has generally tried to work with the US government to come to a mutually beneficial and appealing compromise, but when that happens, the US then pushes for more, then blames Canada for fighting back when the US attempts to punish them for not just giving in. And this is something the Trump administration, and Trump himself, have become fairly notorious for, so it's a decent assumption, even though we don't know all the details here, yet, that this is what happened in this case, too.And as a result, it sounds like the US will apply 50% tariffs on about $20 billion worth of Canadian goods coming into the US, including things like honey, seeds, and agricultural products, and some types of furniture, clothing, and fabric.About 72% of all Canadian exports went to the US in 2025, and many of those exports, the ones to which this new tariff will be applied, will now be more expensive, because these costs are almost always passed on to the end-consumer, not just eaten by the business, which in some cases wouldn't be able to afford to eat those higher costs and stay in business. This is part of why these sorts of tariffs often increase inflation rates.Both sides of this conflict have publicly committed to not back down, and there's political hay to be made in sticking with that sentiment; the US is not terribly popular in Canada, or in many allied countries, right now, due to the antagonistic stance the Trump administration has taken toward those relations, so the Canadian government might actually benefit from taking a hard line against the US, here. Likewise, Trump's supporters might rally around his bullying of a neighboring nation, especially if the administration can successfully frame this as an effort to reduce the deficit or support US businesses, protecting them from foreign competitors are are unfairly competing.There's still a fair bit of fog of war on all of this, and we'll know a lot more within the next few weeks, both in terms of the details of what happened, and in terms of what's likely to happen next. Right now, though, it would seem that we could be headed for a new trade war between two of the world's most deeply intertwined wealthy economies, and that could lead to a lot of global economic disruptions as some of that trade is rerouted, and as inflation continues to spiral.Show Noteshttps://apnews.com/article/trump-tariffs-canada-us-trade-war-293908564c7a381ea58a61db6e9a8517https://apnews.com/article/canada-us-trade-tariffs-trump-857ef76b20a766e370d70176135b678ehttps://apnews.com/article/canada-us-trade-war-trump-carney-tariffs-4d18583fe52134ca8550652ad9772d2chttps://www.nytimes.com/2026/08/22/business/economy-trade-war-us-canada.htmlhttps://www.axios.com/2026/02/20/trump-tariffs-supreme-court-illegalhttps://access.heinonline.com/HOL/LandingPagehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_American_Free_Trade_Agreementdoi.org/10.1017%2FS0022050700019549https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smoot%E2%80%93Hawley_Tariff_Acthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada%E2%80%93United_States_trade_relationshttps://www.axios.com/2026/08/22/us-canada-tariffs-trade-trump-carneyhttps://www.npr.org/2026/08/22/nx-s1-5941584/us-canada-tariffshttps://apnews.com/article/canada-us-trade-tariffs-trump-857ef76b20a766e370d70176135b678ehttps://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cvgvyy4x2mvohttps://www.nytimes.com/2026/08/22/world/canada/carney-trump-canada-tariffs.html This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe

Welcome to the History Guy Podcast: Counterfactuals. What is a counterfactual? At it's most basic, it is a ‘what if'. It's a way of understanding history as it is by discussing what it could have been.On today's episode, we talk about a little remembered campaign by the Allies to intervene in the Russian Civil War, at the tail-end and even after the end of WWI.

What does it mean to keep going when life takes an unexpected and painful turn? We reflect on Hebrews 11:1 and the importance of cultivating faith, hope, and confidence in God—even when we cannot see what lies ahead. Through the story of Otto Frank and the legacy he carried forward after unimaginable loss, we are reminded that pain does not have to be the end of our story. While we may face seasons of doubt, grief, uncertainty, or struggle, faith invites us to continue trusting God when the path ahead is unclear. The Bible reminds us that faith is more than simply believing when life is easy. It is confidence in God when we cannot yet see the outcome. Through prayer, Scripture, and an active relationship with Him, we can strengthen our trust and keep moving forward—one faithful step at a time. Highlights Discover what Hebrews 11:1 teaches about faith, hope, and trusting God. Learn how faith can help us keep going through difficult and uncertain seasons. Reflect on the difference between seeing the outcome and trusting God without seeing it. Find encouragement for moments when doubt and unbelief begin to take hold. Explore how prayer and Bible reading can help cultivate stronger faith. Remember the prayer from Mark 9:24: “I do believe; help me overcome my unbelief!” Want more encouragement throughout your week? Subscribe to The Good Word, LifeAudio’s free weekly newsletter. Sign up at LifeAudio.com/thegoodword Do you want to listen ad-free? When you join Crosswalk Plus, you gain access to exclusive, in-depth Bible study guides, devotionals, sound biblical advice, and daily encouragement from trusted pastors and authors—resources designed to strengthen your faith and equip you to live it out boldly. PLUS ad free podcasts! Sign Up Today! Full Transcript Below: Cultivating the Faith to Keep GoingBy Vivian Bricker Bible Reading:“Now faith is confidence in what we hope for and assurance about what we do not see” (Hebrews 11:1). Otto Frank, the sole survivor of the eight Jews in hiding within the Secret Annex, would have felt intense loss upon his return to Amsterdam after the Allies' defeat of Nazi Germany. He was already notified by previous prisoners about the death of his wife, Edith. She had died in Auschwitz due to starvation. However, he had hope that his two daughters, Margot and Anne, were still alive. This was the hope that ultimately kept him alive. Through the Red Cross, sisters Janny and Lien Brilleslijper, contacted Otto and notified him of the death of his two daughters. They had both died of typhus in Bergen-Belsen. Unable to stand the pain, he confided in the helpers of the Secret Annex: Miep Gies, Jan Gies, Victor Kugler, Johannes Kleiman, Bep Voskuijl, and Johan Voskuijl. Although several of them had been taken by the Nazis after their hiding place was discovered, they were able to escape or be released based on medical reasons. Once Miep was notified that Anne had passed away in Bergen-Belsen, she handed Anne’s beloved diary to Otto. At first, Otto could not bring himself to read it, yet with time, he became absorbed in his daughter’s writing. He would later reflect that it was only through Anne’s diary that he truly knew her. In Anne’s Diary, Anne disclosed how there were two versions of herself: the outgoing, bubbly version and the quiet, reserved, and thoughtful version. Otto said he never knew his daughter held such expressive views and thoughts. He encouraged every parent to truly get to know their child, support them, and be the parent you wanted your parents to be to you. For the rest of his life, Otto dedicated his time and energy to bringing awareness to Anne’s diary, advocating for acceptance over hate, and the need to end anti-semitism. To prevent the past from repeating, we must learn from it. Although Otto had been through unspeakable pain, he used what resources he had to keep the memory of his daughter alive. Through Otto, the Anne Frank Fonds was founded in January 1963. He also founded the Anne Frank House, which attracts over 1.3 million people every year. Intersecting Faith & Life: The Bible tells us, “Now faith is confidence in what we hope for and assurance about what we do not see” (Hebrews 11:1). Although Otto’s hope was dashed to pieces after hearing the news of his daughters’ deaths, he kept pushing forward in life. He had a purpose: to make his daughter’s memory known to the world and to fulfill her wish to become a writer. In our own lives, we must advance with this same confidence. If we have faith in God, nothing can hinder our lives. Cultivating faith in God can be challenging, especially if we have experienced a troubling time, but we are never without help. The Father, Jesus, and the Holy Spirit can foster a steadfast hope within us. This hope is like an everlasting candle; a candle that can never burn out. What is currently bringing doubts into your heart? Perhaps you are doubtful that God will bring you out of this difficult season, or if you will overcome a certain sin you are struggling with. Rather than doubting God, believe. As the father of the sick child said, “I do believe; help me overcome my unbelief!” (Mark 9:24). Overcoming doubts and unbelief can be realized by spending time with God in prayer and Bible reading. By actively participating in your relationship with God, your faith in Him will grow. There may be difficult times ahead, but if your faith in God is strong, you can overcome even the toughest of situations. As the writer of Hebrews says, “And without faith it is impossible to please God, because anyone who comes to him must believe that he exists and that he rewards those who earnestly seek him” (Hebrews 11:6). Foster hope in God; He will never fail you. Do you doubt God in your daily life? What are some ways you can cultivate hope, confidence, and trust in God? Further Reading: 2 Corinthians 5:7 Romans 15:13 Isaiah 43:2 Discover more Christian podcasts at lifeaudio.com and inquire about advertising opportunities at lifeaudio.com/contact-us.

In all our interactions with our loved one, it's important to be open  to conversation, and seek a way to be collaborative rather than making  demands. Our hosts discuss two listener questions, one about a partner  who wants a debit card back, and another about a friend who's picking  someone up from prison and wants to help continue their seeking of  sobriety.(Cost should not be a barrier—please reach out if you're interested)Allies in Recovery's member site is currently "on pause". ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Learn more here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. During this time, we have taken our entire eLearning program out from behind the paywall—the entire library of learning videos is currently available on our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠youtube channel⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

NEW EPISODE of the "Heart of Rural America" featuring Amanda Radke & Chris Earl, recorded on Aug. 15 at Reverse Rocking R Ranch, Maxwell, NM. Topics of discussion:In part one, Chris and Amanda talk about three exciting sales offering elite Angus genetics including:- Aug. 29: Musgrave Angus- Sept. 5: Rhoades Ranch - Sept. 12: CK6 Genetic Allies at Edgar BrothersIn part two, they unpack some of the biggest challenges in the beef cattle business today: - Market consolidation, facilities closing & the 85% monopoly holding the industry captive - Amanda's recent trips to Washington, D.C. to visit with the Trump administration and USDA Secretary Brooke Rollins- Truth in labeling, MCOOL, Substantial TransformationPart three ends on a positive note, as they offer some words of encouragement for the American cattle rancher on:- Leverage- Entrepreneurship- Marketing - Paving the way - Building relationships with your customers- Standing for the truth & living by your faithPresented by Bid On Beef | CK6 Consulting Services Inc. | CK6 Source | Real Tuff Livestock Equipment | Ambrook | Redmond Real Salt | All American Angus Beef | Radke Land & Cattle Listen to Steve Stratford's CATTLE CHAT here: https://www.facebook.com/p/Cattle-CHAT-100068146624164/ Use code RADKE for $10 off your next All American Angus Beef order at www.BidOnBeef.comSave on Redmond Real Salt with code RADKE at https://shop.redmondagriculture.com/Try a one-month trial with Ambrook for free here: ambrook.com/radke Check out Amanda's agricultural children's books here: https://amandaradke.com/collections/amandas-booksLearn more about Bulletproofing Your Direct-To-Consumer Beef Enterprise: https://amandaradke.com/products/bulletproof-your-beef-businessReport an issue with the USDA Lawfare portal: https://www.usda.gov/lawfare Join the property rights fight at American Land & Legacy. at www.americanlandandlegacy.org

The Morning XTRA with Tug and Los delivers conservative talk on the biggest political, cultural, and news stories of the day. Smart analysis, unapologetic opinions, and real conversations every weekday morning. Every weekday from 6a to 10a! The 8 o'clock hour is brought to you by Central Heating & Air, your Atlanta Carrier Experts. 770-GET-HEAT, Centralheat.com Storytime Jr: You may know how we whooped the communists, but do you know how we destroyed the socialists Flashback: What Obama promised vs what was delivered Watch The Morning XTRA every weekday from 6 a.m. to 10 a.m. on the Xtra 106.3 YouTube or listen on the Xtra 106.3 App

The Morning XTRA with Tug and Los delivers conservative talk on the biggest political, cultural, and news stories of the day. Smart analysis, unapologetic opinions, and real conversations every weekday morning. Every weekday from 6a to 10a! With Tug out on vacation, Los takes the wheel as the show covers everything from the Braves, snakes, and cocaine to the latest developments in the Cal Berkeley story. He also digs into Medicare for all, hears from Tom Mitchell of The Honest Car Guy, revisits the history of defeating communism and socialism, and compares what Obama promised with what was actually delivered. Plus, Los takes a look at what actual New Yorkers think about Zohran Mamdani and asks, “When did this happen to Subaru, by the way?” Watch The Morning XTRA every weekday from 6 a.m. to 10 a.m. on the Xtra 106.3 YouTube or listen on the Xtra 106.3 App

To enter into another person's mind, even for a moment, we first need to get out of our own head.

Mary and Andrew begin this week by addressing Todd Blanche's “Meet the Press” interview with Kristen Welker, where, among other things, the newly appointed Attorney General proclaimed that “no attorney general should ever pledge” to act independently of the White House, despite decades of post-Watergate reforms. Keeping in the Blanche vicinity, the co-hosts detail a complaint filed by former Michigan AUSA Sunita Doddamani, who alleged she was fired without cause simply for doing her job prosecuting FACE Act violations. Then, a dive into revelations of undercover agents targeting Minnesota nonprofit organizations as part of an investigation that led to indictments of protestors that, in Mary's view, included “a whole lot of First Amendment protected activity.” Plus, Trump changes a Treasury Department rule making it harder to find fraud and illegal activity and asks the Supreme Court to let him keep building the ballroom while they appeal a lower court block. Last up, an unsatisfying end to litigation against the administration over their use of the Alien Enemies Act after the 5th Circuit en banc panel dismissed the case. Further Reading:  Here is the filing in the case Sunita Doddamani brought to challenge her firing. Doddamani v Blanche Here is the Main Justice episode that Sunita Doddamani appeared on earlier this year. Friends and Foes: The Fate of Prosecutors and Proud Boys Here is the chart Mary and Andrew referenced around the Minnesota grand jury “Association” conspiracy: HOMELAND SECURITY INVESTIGATIONS The Conspiracy A Note to Listeners: As the 2026 midterm elections heat up, MS NOW is headed to the Lone Star State. Join more than a dozen of your favorite hosts - including Rachel Maddow, Lawrence O'Donnell, Jen Psaki, Michael Steele, Ali Velshi and more - in Arlington, Texas on September 26 for a day of community and conversation about the issues that matter most to you. Get your tickets at ms.now/together. Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

A world order upended as Donald Trump threatens United States allies while praising a nuclear nuclear nemesis. Plus, a rising Democratic star strikes a nerve with MAGA.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The Smart 7 is an award winning daily podcast, in association with METRO, that gives you everything you need to know in 7 minutes, at 7am, 7 days a week…With over 20 million downloads and consistently charting, including as No. 1 News Podcast on Spotify, we're a trusted source for people every day and we've won Gold at the Signal International Podcast awardsIf you're enjoying it, please follow, share, or even post a review, it all helps... Today's episode includes the following:https://x.com/Acyn/status/2089429065916993955/video/1 https://x.com/i/status/2089326861402722721 https://x.com/BBCPolitics/status/2089302987155923060/video/1 https://x.com/TimesRadio/status/2089292191625523311/video/1https://x.com/RidgeandFrost/status/2089252989487730926/video/1 https://x.com/i/status/2089333457189015958https://x.com/i/status/2089296900146991385 https://youtu.be/CnxQHAQPZPc https://x.com/CBSMornings/status/2089310973148447158/video/1 Contact us over @TheSmart7pod or visit www.thesmart7.com or find out more at www.metro.co.uk Voiced by Jamie East, using AI, written by Liam Thompson, researched by Lucie Lewis and produced by Daft Doris. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Episode 5594: Swalwell Took Illegal Donations From Suspected Chinese Spies; Allies In The Pacific

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Pacific War. In late 1941, the Second Battle of Changsha ended with Chinese forces claiming victory despite suffering nearly 100,000 casualties against roughly 1,670 Japanese losses. Chiang Kai-shek's government launched an aggressive propaganda campaign, flooding international press with fabricated triumph narratives to sustain national morale. Behind closed doors, Chiang was furious at his generals' tactical failures, executing commanders and dismantling units. Meanwhile, geopolitical forces threatened China's survival. Japan's 1939 defeat at Nomonhan crushed hopes for a Soviet alliance against Tokyo. Germany's pact with the Soviet Union left China isolated, while Western powers remained reluctant to commit meaningful support. Britain offered little; the US provided only modest loans. By 1941, facing potential collapse, Chiang desperately searched for allies while Wang Jingwei's Japanese-backed rival government beckoned as an alternative. China's exhausted people endured horror—including a 1941 bombing massacre in Chongqing that killed over 400 trapped civilians. Then Japan unleashed a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   #215 An Implosion in the East Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet was anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Two waves of Japanese bomber aircraft, launched from six aircraft carriers, attacked the vessels and their sleeping crews, destroying the battleship Arizona outright and damaging seventeen others, as well as most of the military aircraft parked nearby. Some 2,400 Americans died, and another 1,100 were wounded. Within a day Japanese invasion forces had attacked Siam, Malaya, and the Philippines. Chiang Kai-shek heard the news at one o'clock in the morning and immediately dictated a letter of support to President Roosevelt, pledging commitment to a new "common battle." The news reached Zhou Fohai in Shanghai as well. On December 8 across the international date line from Hawaii he had heard the sounds of firing as the Japanese took over the rest of the city, and then received reports that Japan had declared war on the Western powers. "I heard they'd bombed Honolulu, Manila, Singapore, and Hong Kong. From now on, the Pacific becomes a killing ground."   When Japanese carrier planes descended on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, they were executing far more than a tactical strike. They were unleashing the culmination of a strategic vision that had shaped Japanese military planning since the 1920s: the Nanshin-ron, or "Southern Advance" doctrine.    The Nanshin-ron represented a critical strategic choice that emerged from internal Japanese debates during the 1920s and 1930s. Japan faced an inescapable vulnerability: it was an island nation with virtually no natural resources of its own. The nation's population had doubled since the Meiji Restoration, growing to over 70 million by 1941. An industrial economy of tremendous sophistication, capable of producing world-class warships, aircraft, and military equipment, depended entirely on imported raw materials. Oil, rubber, tin, iron ore, bauxite, copper, and manganese all had to be acquired through foreign trade or conquest. This resource dependency was not a luxury problem; it was an existential one. A nation that could not feed itself or fuel its economy was a nation vulnerable to strangulation by enemies who controlled the resources it needed. Japanese strategic thinkers divided into two camps on how to resolve this vulnerability. The Hokushin-ron advocates, primarily within the Army, pushed for expansion northward into Siberia and Mongolia, seeking to conquer Soviet territory and resources. The Soviet Union possessed vast tracts of land, mineral wealth, timber, and agricultural output. From a purely materialist perspective, the Northern Advance made geographic sense—it was contiguous with Manchuria, which Japan had already secured in 1931. Yet by the late 1930s, the Hokushin-ron strategy had suffered a catastrophic blow. In 1938 and 1939, Japanese and Soviet forces clashed at Khalkhin Gol in Mongolia in what the Japanese called the Nomonhan Incident. The battles revealed a terrifying truth: the Soviet Red Army, under General Georgy Zhukov, was far more formidable than Japanese military planners had anticipated. Soviet armor, air power, and coordinated tactics annihilated Japanese forces. Japan suffered over 60,000 casualties while inflicting perhaps 10,000 on the Soviets. The defeat was concealed from the Japanese public, but it was unmistakable to military planners. A direct clash with Soviet power could end catastrophically. The Northern Advance, it became clear, would almost certainly provoke war with a nation capable of destroying the Japanese Army. This strategic defeat tilted the balance decisively toward the Nanshin-ron. If Japan could not safely expand northward, it must expand southward, toward Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies, Indochina, and the western Pacific. The appeal of the Nanshin-ron was immediately apparent to the Navy, which had always been more oriented toward maritime commerce and expansion across the ocean. The territories to the south were not militarily formidable. The colonial powers, Britain, the Netherlands, France, were either already defeated in 1940 or distracted by their own desperate struggles leaving Britain fighting alone against Germany. The United States, though potentially a formidable adversary, was not yet at war, and there was a chance, however slender, that a decisive blow against American naval power might convince America to negotiate rather than fight. But beyond strategic opportunity, the Nanshin-ron offered something that the Hokushin-ron did not: it offered resources of staggering abundance. The Dutch East Indies possessed oil reserves that could dwarf Japan's consumption for years. Malaya produced the world's rubber. Thailand offered agricultural bounty and geographic position. Burma's timber and agricultural products could feed Japan's growing empire. The Philippines possessed harbors, airfields, and economic output. These were not marginal additions to Japan's economy—they were transformative. Together, they would convert Japan from a resource-hungry island nation into the master of an imperial domain encompassing hundreds of millions of people and containing most of the strategic materials necessary for sustained industrial warfare. In the last episode I explained the western sanctions and embargoes that drained Japan's military of the resources they required to continue the China War. By 1941, Japan faced a civilization crisis. Japan imported roughly 90 percent of its petroleum, and the bulk of that came from the Dutch East Indies and the United States. Suddenly, the American supply was cut off entirely. Reserves would last perhaps 18 months if Japan's military and industrial consumption continued at existing rates. After that, the military machine would sputter and die. The industrial economy would collapse. Even civilian life would become impossible to sustain. Japan was facing not merely economic inconvenience but literal strangulation by the Western powers.   Yet it would be a mistake to reduce Japanese motivation to just materialism. Japanese military leaders wrapped their conquests in an ideological framework, one that many of them genuinely believed, or wanted to believe, served a higher historical purpose. The concept of the Daitoa Kyoeiken, the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere," posited a new regional order in which Japan would play the leading role in liberating Asian peoples from Western colonial domination and creating an Asian-centered political and economic system. This ideology drew on genuine anti-colonial sentiment. For a century, Western powers had dominated Asia, treating Asian peoples and nations as subordinate, colonized territories existing to serve Western economic interests. Japan, which had modernized and Westernized enough to avoid colonization, saw itself as the natural leader of an Asian renaissance—a civilizing force that would restore Asian dignity and independence even as it established Japanese hegemony. Of course, this was propagandistic. Japanese conquest represented a substitution of one imperial master for another, and often a harsher and more brutal one at that. But for understanding Japanese decision-making, the ideology mattered profoundly. It provided Japanese leaders with a moral narrative for conquest. It allowed them to understand themselves as liberators rather than mere conquerors. It provided a rationale for extracting resources from occupied territories and for mobilizing subject populations to support the Japanese war effort. And it resonated with anti-Western sentiment throughout Asia, making Japanese occupation seem, in some quarters, preferable to continued Western colonial rule. The slogan Hakko ichiu—"eight corners under one roof", captured this ideological vision: a unified Asia and eventually world under Japanese guidance. Whether Japanese leaders truly believed this vision or cynically deployed it as propaganda, it shaped how they understood their actions and justified them to their subjects. Now I know this is a podcast dedicated to the century of humiliation, ie: China's experience. But I thought it was necessary just to have one episode explain what Dan Carlin titled "a supernova in the east" and I have titled an implosion in the east. I won't go into depth into the campaigns as some of them have a lot of Chinese involvement and we will be covering them in depth, but rather I will explain the rationale for Japan's numerous invasions following the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   Japan's assault on Malaya began within hours of the Pearl Harbor attack, indeed, Japanese troops were already landing on the Kota Bharu beachhead on the Malaysian peninsula before dawn on December 8, 1941 local time. Malaya was one of the world's largest rubber producers, and Singapore, at the tip of the peninsula, was the linchpin of British naval power in the Far East.The Japanese interest in Malaya was straightforward but crucial: rubber. The Japanese military consumed vast quantities of rubber for tires, gaskets, hoses, and countless other applications. American and Dutch rubber supplies were now cut off by embargo. Malaya's rubber plantations represented perhaps the world's richest reservoir of this strategic material. Beyond rubber, Malaya and the surrounding region were major tin producers—essential for alloys and manufacturing. For Japan to conduct prolonged warfare, Malaya was not a luxury target; it was a necessity. Singapore represented something different: a symbol of Western power in Asia and a strategic chokepoint. As the major British naval base in the region, Singapore served as the anchor of British imperial authority across the South China Sea. By seizing Singapore, Japan would not only capture crucial resources and port facilities but would also deliver a psychological blow to the entire edifice of Western dominance in Asia. The fortress city that the British considered nearly impregnable fell within seventy days, a stunning demonstration of Japanese military capability and the vulnerability of overextended Western empires. If Malaya was critical for rubber, the Dutch East Indies was essential for oil. The region, comprising present-day Indonesia, was the world's third-largest oil producer and had reserves that could sustain Japanese military operations for years. This was the jewel of the resource-conquest strategy. Japanese planners had long eyed the East Indies, but direct conquest had seemed risky while Britain and America remained neutral or opposed. With both now at war, the window of opportunity had opened. Japan needed the oil so desperately that when the Dutch East Indies Petroleum Company initially agreed to some Japanese oil purchases before the war, Tokyo was already planning its takeover. The conquest of the Dutch East Indies would provide not just oil but also tin, nickel, bauxite, and other materials essential to an industrial war machine. The islands would also provide air and naval bases from which Japan could defend its new empire and potentially threaten Australia. The Japanese invasion of the Dutch East Indies, which began in late December 1941 and accelerated through January and February 1942, was methodical and comprehensive. Various island groups were targeted systematically: Java, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas. Dutch military forces, though brave, were overwhelmed. By March 1942, Japan had secured the entire archipelago,a stunning logistical and military achievement that delivered vast resources into Japanese hands. Thailand presented a fundamentally different case from Japan's other targets. Rather than conquest, Japan pursued alliance with military strongman Plaek Phibunsongkhram, who had seized power in a 1938 coup as a nationalist ideologue determined to reassert Thai sovereignty and recover territory lost to French colonialism in the nineteenth century. Thailand was the last independent state in mainland Southeast Asia, hemmed in by British-controlled Burma and Malaya to the west, and French Indochina to the east. For a century, Thailand had survived by playing European imperial powers against each other. But by the late 1930s, this strategy was becoming obsolete. Europe was distracted by Hitler's Germany. Colonial powers were weakening. Japanese power was visibly ascending. Phibunsongkhram recognized both danger and opportunity. He could resist Japan and invite invasion, or he could ally with Japan and profit from rising Asian power. Japanese diplomats approached Thailand with sophistication: they offered military alliance and support for Thai territorial expansion at French expense. This addressed Thailand's deepest national wound, the humiliation of nineteenth-century territorial losses to France. The Franco-Thai War of 1940-1941 became transformative. With Japan providing military support, advisors, tanks, aircraft, Thai forces defeated the French for the first time in history. By May 1941, Thailand had recovered 54,000 square kilometers of Cambodian territory and portions of Laos. For Phibunsongkhram, this was extraordinary: he had achieved what Thai leaders could not in a century, reclaiming territory from a Western imperial power. Domestically, his position was dramatically strengthened. The parallel to China's century of humiliation—the foundation of your podcast is striking: Thailand too was reversing colonial diminishment through association with rising Asian power. The Thai-Japanese relationship was unique. Unlike the Philippines, Malaya, or the Dutch East Indies, Thailand would retain nominal independence. Phibunsongkhram remained in power. Japanese occupation was light. Thai forces maintained their own command structure. Most importantly, Thailand's territorial gains from the Franco-Thai War were recognized and secured. Japan valued Thai cooperation more than conquest. Burma, controlled by the British, was the next target in Japan's southwestward advance. Japanese planners had multiple motivations for invading Burma. First, it was strategically positioned on India's eastern frontier, and Japan harbored ambitions of eventually striking toward India and linking up with Germany in the Middle East or at least destabilizing the British position in South Asia. Second, Burma was a significant producer of timber and agricultural products. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the invasion of Burma was meant to cut the Burma Road, the crucial supply line that allowed American aid to reach Nationalist China. The invasion of Burma began in late 1941 and accelerated through early 1942.  The invasion of the Philippines, which began on December 10, 1941, just days after Pearl Harbor, served multiple strategic purposes. Like the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, it was meant to neutralize American military power in the region, in this case, the American garrison under General Douglas MacArthur and the American colonial administration. But the Philippines were also valuable in their own right. The islands sat directly in the path of what Japan envisioned as its defensive perimeter. By controlling the Philippines, Japan would make it extraordinarily difficult for American forces to project power westward into Southeast Asia. The territory would provide naval and air bases critical to defending Japan's new empire. Additionally, the Philippines possessed some agricultural and industrial resources valuable to the war effort, and their conquest delivered a psychological victory, defeating American forces and ending American colonial rule in Asia, which appealed to anti-Western sentiment that Japan tried to cultivate. Beyond Southeast Asia and the Philippines, Japan rapidly invaded Guam and Wake island to extend Japan's defensive perimeter further into the Pacific and eliminate American air and naval bases that could threaten Japanese operations. Guam, seized on December 10, 1941, fell within two days, the American garrison was small and the island's strategic value lay primarily in denying the United States a forward staging ground for any counteroffensive. Wake Island, attacked the same day and finally captured on December 23 after a brief but heroic American defense, served similar purposes: cutting off American reconnaissance and interdicting potential supply lines to the Philippines.  Now I believe that's enough of the implosion in the east, let's get back to the situation in China. After Chiang Kai-shek sent his letter of support to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, pledging Chinese commitment to what he termed a new "common battle." he did something most revealing about his mood towards the global war. He played "Ave Maria" on his gramophone, celebrating with an almost spiritual gratitude the implications of what had just transpired in the American Pacific. This moment crystallized the profound difference Pearl Harbor would mean to different members of the emerging Allied coalition. For the United States, the attack was pure shock, a violation of the sanctity of American soil and the complacency of American isolationism. For Britain, it was like the pricking of a large, painful blister—painful but perhaps not entirely unexpected given Japan's regional ambitions. But for China, the relief that surged through the government and the consciousness of the Chinese people surpassed even Britain's response. For four long years, China had fought Japan almost alone, watching as Western nations remained neutral or limited their commitment to rhetorical support and modest material assistance. Now, suddenly, the trajectory of the entire conflict had shifted with breathtaking speed. Chiang's emotional state at this moment could scarcely be contained, and those close to him understood that beneath his carefully maintained Confucian composure burned an intoxicating sensation of vindication. These Western powers who had been so impatient with Chinese strategy, who had mocked the retreats of the Nationalist Army and spoken scornfully of Japanese capabilities, were now themselves in headlong retreat from those very islanders. In Hong Kong, Singapore, and Manila, British and American forces would be fighting desperately for their lives against the Japanese military that China had been contending with for years. Chiang could not have failed to perceive the irony: the Japanese had conquered vast stretches of China through relentless campaigns, yet Westerners had dismissed Chinese resistance as inadequate. Now the Japanese were proving that they posed a formidable challenge to Western military power as well. There was a bitter satisfaction in this vindication, even as Chiang understood that the strategic implications of American entry far outweighed any emotional satisfaction. What was pragmatic and strategically clear to Chiang, however, was far more important than any emotional satisfaction. The United States was now at war, and it was on China's side. This represented the transformation for which Chiang had labored for years, bringing the full weight of American industrial capacity and military might to bear against the Japanese enemy. The diplomatic foundations for this alliance had already been laid in the months preceding Pearl Harbor. Beginning in the spring of 1941, the United States had begun to commit significant resources to supporting China. In April 1941, following the conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese neutrality agreement, which had devastated Chinese morale by suggesting that Japan might attack the Soviet Union rather than move southward, the Roosevelt administration had determined to provide $45 million worth of militarily useful commodities to China as an immediate gesture of support. Then, on May 6, 1941, President Roosevelt had made a more formal commitment by announcing that the munitions provisions of the Lend-Lease Act applied to China, declaring a phrase that captured the strategic logic of American assistance: "defending China is the key to defending America." This declaration represented a significant shift in American policy, elevating China from a regional concern to a central element of American grand strategy in Asia. Subsequently, in July 1941, Roosevelt had sent Owen Lattimore to China to serve as political adviser to the Chinese government, a position that signaled deepening American engagement with Chinese affairs. In August, the administration appointed John Magruder as military attaché and head of the American Military Mission to China (AMMISCA), with the primary responsibility of overseeing the delivery of Lend-Lease material to the Chinese armed forces. On the diplomatic front, Chiang moved with remarkable alacrity. He had already severed relations with Germany on July 2, 1941, the very day after Hitler had formally recognized the Wang Jingwei puppet government in an attempt to appease Japan and encourage it to finally implement the Southern Advance. Now, on December 8, 1941, just one day after the Pearl Harbor attack, Chiang took the decisive step of formally declaring war against the Axis powers, Germany, Italy, and Japan. This declaration transformed China's position from a beleaguered nation fighting a war of survival into a formal member of the Allied coalition. Chiang had seized the opportunity that Pearl Harbor presented to ally China with a genuinely strong power against Japan, a gambit that fundamentally altered the diplomatic weight and international legitimacy of both the Chinese government and the Chinese cause. From a strategic perspective, the Japanese had committed what Chiang and others immediately recognized as a catastrophic blunder. On the operational level, Pearl Harbor was indeed a devastating tactical success, the American Pacific Fleet was crippled, and Japanese forces now enjoyed temporary naval superiority throughout much of the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Yet strategically, Pearl Harbor represented a failure of epic proportions, a miscalculation rooted in a fundamental misunderstanding of the intangibles of warfare: what motivated the Chinese people and what motivated the Americans. The Chinese had understood, through four years of brutal conflict, that warfare was about more than territorial conquest and resource acquisition. It was about will, about endurance, about the capacity to absorb punishment and continue fighting. The Japanese had learned this lesson imperfectly in China, where despite overwhelming military advantages they had been unable to force a decisive conclusion or compel Chinese surrender. The Americans would teach the Japanese this lesson even more emphatically. The attack on American sailors in Hawaii instantly galvanized the American population to prosecute an unlimited war, with Tokyo itself as the ultimate destination of American counterattack. While Americans would remember the "date that will live in infamy" primarily because of the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, the strategic consequence was that Japanese actions in Hawaii had introduced numerous new adversaries into the Pacific conflict: not only the United States, but also Britain, Australia, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. These additions transformed what had been, from the Japanese perspective, a regional conflict with manageable parameters into a global war that Japan could not possibly win through any conceivable means. What made this particularly disastrous for Japan was the context in which the new theater had been opened. Japan was already deeply mired in a quagmire in China—a "malignant quagmire," as one observer would later characterize it, that had consumed vast resources, inflicted enormous casualties, and failed to produce decisive victory. In military strategy, it is sometimes wise to open a new theater in order to attack an enemy from an additional and unexpected direction, thereby dispersing their forces and creating new challenges for them to manage. But opening a new theater that introduces an entirely new, powerful adversary, and doing so when one is already overextended in an existing theater is a prescription for strategic catastrophe. This was precisely what Japan had done at Pearl Harbor. Chiang Kai-shek understood the magnitude of Japan's miscalculation with crystalline clarity. He understood that whatever the military complexities that lay ahead, whatever the challenges of coordinating with Western allies, and whatever the limitations of Western military assistance to China might be, the fundamental equation had changed. The United States would ultimately defeat Japan. The Chinese did not need to defeat Japan by themselves; they merely needed to survive long enough for American industrial and military capacity to grind the Japanese military into defeat. In the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor, Chinese and American officials moved swiftly to formalize the alliance and establish the mechanisms of wartime cooperation. Roosevelt asked Chiang Kai-shek to serve as commander in chief of the Allied forces in the China theater, a designation that recognized China's central role in the Pacific War and elevated Chiang's international standing to something he had long sought: a position as an equal partner in the Allied coalition, a seat at the "top table of global decision-making" alongside Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. To support this expanded role and to ensure effective coordination of the military effort, Roosevelt dispatched Lieutenant General Joseph W. Stilwell to China. Stilwell was not chosen randomly; he brought fifteen years of experience in China, a deep familiarity with the country, its military, and its complexities that few American officers possessed. Stilwell was appointed to serve simultaneously as the U.S. government's military representative in China, as chief of staff of the China Theater, and as commander in chief of the American forces in the China-Burma-India (CBI) theater. This appointment established the framework for joint Chinese-American military cooperation and represented an American commitment to the Asian theater that, while never receiving the resources devoted to the European theater, nonetheless signified recognition of China's strategic importance. Trust me, going forward we will be having a lot of time dedicated to the hilarious bromance / bro hatred of Vinegar Joe and Peanut.  Yet the formation of an alliance and the establishment of command structures was easier than the practical implementation of military cooperation. The fundamental challenge that would plague Chinese-American relations throughout the war emerged almost immediately: the problem of delivering military assistance to China. Before Pearl Harbor, the United States and China had reached agreement on three major points regarding military assistance. First, the United States would provide training and technical support to assist China in establishing a modern air force. Second, the United States would provide training and equipment for a ground army consisting of thirty divisions. Third, the United States would assist China in constructing railways and highways from Yunnan to Burma, along with the provision of rolling stock and vehicles to support these new transportation routes. These were ambitious plans, reflecting the extent of Chinese need and American willingness to support the Chinese war effort. However, the outbreak of the Pacific War threw American plans into disarray. The fundamental strategic doctrine guiding American policy was the "Europe first" strategy, which meant that the European theater and the defeat of Nazi Germany received priority over the Pacific theater. Additionally, China's geography made it extraordinarily difficult to supply. China could only be reached through supply lines of extraordinary length and complexity, either through the port of Rangoon in Burma and then overland via the treacherous Yunnan-Burma Road, or through the port of Hong Kong, which immediately fell into Japanese hands after Pearl Harbor. The first Sino-American loan agreement had specified that the United States would deliver commodities worth $45 million to China in 1941. However, shipping shortages meant that only $26 million worth of commodities actually left the United States. These commodities were shipped to the transit port of Rangoon, where a massive traffic jam developed as supplies accumulated faster than they could be distributed onward to China. Along the Yunnan-Burma Road, that "much-contested life line" as it came to be known, conditions were chaotic. The road had always been a source of trouble: it was long, extraordinarily difficult to keep in repair, fantastically dangerous to travel, and too narrow to permit much volume of traffic at any one time. Due to mismanagement and pilfering, the commodities that were shipped out of Burma suffered heavy losses in transit, and only one-third of them eventually arrived in Chongqing. Yet the United States had already established one valuable asset in China that could be deployed relatively quickly: an air force nucleus. Just before Pearl Harbor, a group of American aviators had been formally organized in Chongqing who worked on volunteer status for China under the command of Colonel Claire Chennault, an American aviation officer who served as instructor at the Chinese Air Force Cadet School. Some of these men had been flying in China since the Kuomintang first began purchasing American aircraft, having come to demonstrate the aircraft and remaining to pilot and teach. Others had hurried to China after being released from their volunteer service in Spain, where they had gained combat experience during the Spanish Civil War. It was a familiar joke that pilots from both sides of the Spanish conflict were likely to meet and work side by side in China, but political convictions proved immaterial to these professional aviators, they got on well enough with each other, mercenaries of the twentieth century united by their expertise and their willingness to fight. When American traffic on the Burma Road swelled in volume and became chaotic, with cargo lost to pilfering and trucks breaking down from mishandling, the air freight service into Chongqing became increasingly vital to maintaining Chinese military capabilities. The backbone of this organization was American, and it had been in operation for months before the Japanese attack. Halfway down the Burma Road, over the border in Burma, was a plane factory backed by American and Chinese capital, providing some degree of repair and maintenance capacity for the aircraft operating out of China. Recognizing the strategic value of these experienced aviators and the need to formalize and expand their operations, American and Chinese officials moved quickly to incorporate this volunteer group, formally known as the American Volunteer Group or "Flying Tigers," into the U.S. Army Air Force. This transformation of volunteer aviators into official American military personnel represented a commitment to providing air support to Chinese operations, recognizing that air power could compensate to some degree for Chinese numerical disadvantages in ground combat. In Chongqing, it was clear that among the United Nations fighting Japan, America was the only one taking China seriously, the only one prepared to invest significant resources in Chinese military capabilities and the Chinese war effort. Yet Pearl Harbor brought consequences that extended far beyond the strategic and diplomatic spheres. For Western civilians living in China,missionaries, teachers, doctors, businessmen, and journalists, the attack represented a catastrophic change in their status and their fate. Until December 8, 1941, Westerners residing in China had maintained a curious protected status as foreign neutrals, even in areas nominally controlled by the Japanese. This status had provided them with a measure of distance from, and protection against, the grinding reality of the war that had devastated Chinese populations. For a century, Americans had been part of an imperial presence in China, sometimes benevolent, sometimes violent, but always ultimately under Western control. That world came to an abrupt end on December 8, 1941. All across eastern China, Americans and Britons were rounded up and interned. The International Settlement of Shanghai—that remarkable oasis of neutrality that had persisted in the midst of a war-torn city—was now reunified under Japanese control. Thousands of foreigners with Allied nationality were sent to holding camps scattered throughout occupied China. Some, like the eleven-year-old British boy Jim Ballard, would remain imprisoned for the remainder of the war, enduring hunger, cold, and disease in camps like Longhua, which housed approximately 2,000 detainees. Forty years later, as the novelist J. G. Ballard, he would memorialized this experience in his semi-autobiographical novel Empire of the Sun. For missionaries like Velva Brown, the evacuation process was degrading and final. The missionary staff were permitted to pack no more than three suitcases with their belongings. As they prepared to leave, Japanese and Taiwanese "sightseeing" parties arrived to decide which houses they might want to occupy. The journey home aboard crowded Japanese ships offered no concessions to status or dignity; ambassadors, consuls, merchants, and missionaries alike were given "bed-sized strips of Chinese matting which we spread side by side on the iron floor of the hold," as Brown recorded. The humiliation was compounded by the finality of it all. For many, their decades-long presence in China was ending not in orderly retreat but in hasty evacuation, leaving behind "servants, many of whom had been with us for fifteen or twenty years." Despite these immediate human tragedies, the strategic transformation that Pearl Harbor wrought for China was undeniable. Chiang Kai-shek now embarked on an entirely new sort of life, heavily involved with the leaders and generals of the Western powers. He held diplomatic discussions with the leaders of the United Nations and military planning sessions with Western generals. In these unfamiliar circumstances, he did his best to live up to the Confucian ideal of the gentleman, seldom permitting the mask to slip—though the pressure of these new responsibilities and the intoxicating combination of vindication and anxiety would occasionally prove too much even for his considerable self-control. Within weeks of Pearl Harbor, Chiang demonstrated the value he could bring to the new alliance. He visited India and spoke with the leaders of the Indian independence struggle as an ally and friend, as a fellow non-European speaking to others seeking to escape from colonialism and imperial domination. He joined the Allies in their first joint campaign, not in China but in the jungles of neighboring Burma, committing Chinese forces to operations outside China's borders in support of the broader Allied military strategy. Yet the price that Chiang would pay for China's belated entry into the global alliance against the Axis powers would prove to be a heavy one. Chiang desperately needed his new American and British partners, but accepting this alliance would unleash forces within Chinese society that would threaten the very basis of his political control. The complexities of this bargain would become most visible in the four-year struggle between Chiang and General Joseph Warren Stilwell, the American officer who would become simultaneously his chief of staff and the administrator of American military assistance to China. This relationship, shaped by mutual suspicion, different strategic visions, and incompatible political agendas, would define Chinese-American military cooperation during the Pacific War and would have profound implications extending far beyond the battlefields of Asia. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Pearl Harbor's shock reverberated through Asia. Japan's assault on Hawaii, combined with invasions of Burma, the Philippines, Guam, and Wake Island, inadvertently transformed regional conflict into global war. Chiang Kai-shek, vindicated after four years of isolation fighting Japan, embraced American alliance with profound relief. The U.S. committed military aid, appointed General Stilwell as chief of staff, and recognized China as a co-belligerent. For Chiang, this partnership brought diplomatic status but also internal tensions that would define the Pacific War's final chapter.

Donald Trump has threatened to bomb long-time diplomatic mediator Oman and unilaterally reduce joint military exercises with South Korea—demonstrating a severe breakdown in foreign policy strategy. By severing critical diplomatic backchannels and catering to authoritarian leaders, these uncoordinated actions drastically heighten the risk of accidental global conflict and nuclear escalation. Independent media has never been more important. Please support this channel by subscribing here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCkbwLFZhawBqK2b9gW08z3g?sub_confirmation=1 Join this channel with a membership for exclusive early access and bonus content: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCkbwLFZhawBqK2b9gW08z3g/join Five Minute News is a MeidasTouch Podcast, covering politics, inequality, health and climate - delivering independent, unbiased and essential news for the US and across the world. Visit us online at http://www.fiveminute.news Follow us on Bluesky https://bsky.app/profile/fiveminutenews.bsky.social Follow us on Instagram http://instagram.com/fiveminnews Support us on Patreon http://www.patreon.com/fiveminutenews You can subscribe to Five Minute News with your preferred podcast app, ask your smart speaker, or enable Five Minute News as your Amazon Alexa Flash Briefing skill. CONTENT DISCLAIMER The views and opinions expressed on this channel are those of the guests and authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of MeidasTouch, Anthony Davis or Five Minute News LLC. Any content provided by our hosts, guests or authors are of their opinion and are not intended to malign any religion, ethnic group, club, organization, company, individual or anyone or anything, in line with the First Amendment right to free and protected speech. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Send us Fan MailBill Robertson is a historian, teacher, and author. His first book -The Undefeated - examines the experiences of Allied POWs in Europe during WW2 - including Bill's own great grandfather.Get Bill's book here: https://www.amazon.co.uk/Undefeated-Untold-Allied-Prisoners-1939-45/dp/1917120575Bill's Substack: https://substack.com/@billrobertson401648Bill's Insta: @whw_highland_icSupport the show

Behind the cold eyes of Guildmaster Vesper lies a more powerful ally than Raef had even imagined.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reports on world leaders throwing Trump out of their military bases because his erratic behavior has jeopardized the security of their countries and US bases have become a liability under Trump. Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcast Legal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-af MissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trial The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcast Cult Conversations: The Influence Continuum with Dr. Steve Hassan: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassan The Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-show The Ken Harbaugh Show: https://meidasnews.com/tag/the-ken-harbaugh-show Majority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54 On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellman Uncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Katrina Kittel Long Journey Home - Book The perilous escapes of Anzac POWs from fascists in wartime Italy Captured at Alamein, used as forced labour on farms in northern Italy, thousands of Australian and New Zealand diggers escaped their captors when Italy signed an armistice in September 1943, including the author's father. Could they make it over the Alps to freedom in Switzerland before winter set in? After her father's death, Katrina Kittel opens his old Globite suitcase and finds tiny photos, postcards in beautiful handwriting from a mysterious Swiss woman, and memorabilia from his war. Katrina Kittel's father Colin Booth was captured during the disastrous July 1942 attempt to take Alamein's Ruin Ridge. He was among 80,000 Allied soldiers sent to camps in northern Italy as prisoners of war. They suffered hunger, illness and cruel punishments for petty offences, and they were used as forced labour on farms. When news arrived of the Italian armistice with the Allies in September 1943, POWs escaped the camps, scattering across the countryside. Col was among those who headed north, aiming for neutral Switzerland. Life in the camps had been challenging, but not nearly as nerve-racking as life on the run, as they dodged German soldiers, Royalist sympathisers and fascist loyalists, while scrounging for food and shelter, trying to reach the navigable mountain passes before winter set in. Kind Italians shared what they could, but for some impoverished mountain villagers, the 4000-lire German bounty for a captured POW was very tempting.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Motivation drives change. How do you find motivation to change your part of the dynamic, and allow time and space for the process to unfold? It's okay to sometimes feel like maybe things aren't working, then get back on track. If you don't know how to change, Allies in Recovery offers a toolbox. As long as you stay interested and use the tools, things can change.The support group that Kayla facilitates is now offered on a sliding scale.(Cost should not be a barrier—please reach out if you're interested)Allies in Recovery's member site is currently "on pause". ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Learn more here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. During this time, we have taken our entire eLearning program out from behind the paywall—the entire library of learning videos is currently available on our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠youtube channel⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

In this episode of Verdict with Ted Cruz, Senator Ted Cruz and Ben Ferguson examine the allegations surrounding the reported “Round River” assessment, the FBI’s review of related activities, and broader concerns about transparency, accountability, and political bias within government institutions. They also shift to escalating tensions with Iran, discussing statements from a senior adviser to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps suggesting Tehran could seek to prolong its confrontation with the United States in an effort to outlast President Donald Trump. The conversation explores U.S. pressure tactics against Iran, claims about economic strain on the regime, and reports of ongoing threats against the president. A newly disclosed report about an alleged FBI and intelligence operation called “Round River” is raising questions about how public figures were categorized during investigations tied to Russian disinformation and the Biden family Ukraine scandal. According to the report discussed in this episode, prominent Republicans and conservative organizations were allegedly labeled as “conduits” of disinformation, while leading Democrats were categorized as “targets.” The controversy centers on a spreadsheet reportedly recovered from U.S. intelligence files and released by the White House Government Transparency Task Force. The document has sparked debate over whether political affiliation influenced how individuals and organizations were treated by federal agencies. Topics Covered: The reported FBI and intelligence assessment known as “Round River” Allegations that public figures were categorized as “conduits” or “targets” of disinformation The White House Government Transparency Task Force document release FBI reviews involving the Foreign Influence Task Force Iran’s reported strategy to prolong confrontation with the United States President Trump’s pressure campaign, sanctions, and blockade strategy against Iran Please Hit Subscribe to this podcast Right Now. Also Please Subscribe to the The Ben Ferguson Show Podcast and Verdict with Ted Cruz Wherever You get You're Podcasts. And don't forget to follow the show on Social Media so you never miss a moment! Thanks for Listening X: https://x.com/benfergusonshowYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@VerdictwithTedCruzSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Former National Security Advisor John Hannah explains Gulf allies' uneasiness with the current state of the Iran conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Meredith Murray is a Christian nonprofit leader and host of the Empowered Life Podcast with Allies in Youth Development, an organization serving vulnerable children through mentoring around the world. With a background in education, ministry, community engagement, and supporting survivors of human trafficking, Meredith has spent her career walking alongside people and helping them recognize their God-given value and purpose.Allies in Youth Development is a Christian nonprofit that equips local mentors around the world to provide vulnerable and orphaned children with consistent relationships, life skills, education, and spiritual support.This episode centers on the idea that you don't need the perfect story, experience, or answers to make a difference—you simply need to show up and be present. Zach and Meredith explore how God uses mentors to bring hope, healing, and transformation not only to vulnerable kids, but to mentors, families, and entire communities around the world. Plus, they go into great detail of the power of prayer in your mentoring org and mentoring relationship. If you've ever wondered whether you're qualified to mentor, this conversation will remind you that what God has placed in you may be exactly what someone else needs. If this podcast has encouraged or equipped you, would you take 30 seconds to leave a 5-star rating? On Apple Podcasts, scroll to the bottom of the You Can Mentor page and click “Write a Review.” On Spotify, go to our page, click the three dots next to the settings wheel, and hit “Rate Show.” It helps us reach more mentors like you.--Want to go deeper?• Join our Learning Lab for mentoring resources and community• Sign up for our newsletter to stay in the loop• Come to our annual You Can Mentor GatheringYou can find everything at www.youcanmentor.com or follow us on instagram @youcanmentor

It's Wayback Wednesday! This week, we present a discussion with Dr. Joseph Farrell who made the case that the 1947 Roswell crash wasn't a UFO, it was tech developed by Nazi engineers brought to the US after WWII. First released July 28, 2010 THERE WAS a coverup of what really happened at Roswell, New Mexico in July of 1947.  But the conspiracy wasn't the coverup of a UFO crash; the UFO was the coverup. Dr. Joseph Farrell, author of Reich of the Black Sun, The SS Brotherhood of the Bell: NASA's Nazis, JFK, And Majic-12, Nazi International, and Roswell and the Reich: The Nazi Connection, makes a case for the crash at Roswell of an advanced craft of Nazi origin.  Further, he suggests that the Third Reich was so far ahead of the Allies technologically that with a little more time Hitler could very well have won World War II. Even more disturbing is the evidence that Dr. Farrell says shows that the Nazis never really surrendered, they simply went underground and continued to develop beyond-cutting-edge technology, like the mysterious Nazi Bell, in a single-minded drive to dominate the world. Follow us! X: @viewfrombunker | @sharonkgilbert | @derekgilbertTelegram: t.me/gilberthouseSubstack: gilberthouse.substack.com | sharonkgibert.substack.comYouTube: @GilbertHouse | @UnravelingRevelationFacebook.com/viewfromthebunker Derek's new book War of the Watchers Book One: From Baal to Balfour is now available at Amazon in paperback and as a Kindle e-book! Thank you for making our Build Barn Better project a reality! The building has HVAC, a new floor, windows, insulation, ceiling fans, and an upgraded electrical system! We truly appreciate your support. If you are so led, you can help out at www.GilbertHouse.org/donate. Download our free app! This brings all of our content directly to your smartphone or tablet. Best of all, we'll never get canceled from our own app! Links to the app stores for iOS, iPadOS, Android, and Amazon Kindle Fire devices are at www.GilbertHouse.org/app. Please join us each Sunday for the Gilbert House Fellowship, our weekly Bible study podcast. Log on to www.GilbertHouse.org for more details. JOIN US IN ISRAEL! We will tour the Holy Land October 24–November 3, 2027 (NOTE NEW DATES) with an optional three-day extension to Jordan. For more information, log on to GilbertHouse.org/travel. Special offers on our books and DVDs: www.gilberthouse.org/store. Discuss these topics at the VFTB Facebook page (facebook.com/viewfromthebunker) and check out the great podcasters at the Fringe Radio Network (Spreaker.com/show/fringe-radio-network)!

    Bleeding is what kills people after trauma. That single fact sits at the center of this WarDocs episode, in which host Dr. Wayne Causey, a vascular surgeon, sits down with two military interventional radiologists — Dr. John Pavlus of Brooke Army Medical Center and Dr. Jonathan Schutt, an interventional radiology resident at Yale — to examine one of the fastest-moving areas in modern medicine and what it could mean for the wounded service member. Endovascular care, as they describe it, is deceptively simple to explain and remarkably hard to field: a small stick in the groin or the wrist, image guidance instead of an incision, and wires and catheters small enough to be called straws, threaded through the vascular tree to block a bleeding artery or reline an injured one. As one guest puts it, the patient goes home with a band-aid.    The conversation moves quickly from definition to system. At Brooke Army Medical Center, a trauma activation commits the interventional team to needle-stick access within sixty minutes of the call, day or night. That standard was not bought with equipment. It was built on years of bi-directional trust with the trauma surgeons, to the point that the team now responds without stopping to relitigate the imaging. Both guests are blunt that ownership is the price of admission: if interventional radiology wants a seat on the trauma team, it has to show up at two in the morning for cases that are neither lucrative nor glamorous.   The harder question is how far forward this capability can go. REBOA is scaled today at Role 2, and stent graft and embolization cases in Role 3 remain largely case-reportable events performed by clinicians who brought their own equipment. The limiting factor, both guests argue, is not technique — it is imaging, logistics, and institutional will. Meanwhile, Israeli teams transition to bunker operations within twenty-four hours, and Ukrainian experience with drone-driven injury patterns is already reshaping assumptions about REBOA and embolization that the United States has not yet tested.   The episode closes on people rather than platforms: the case for a military interventional community that crosses Service lines and partners with surgical colleagues, the argument for a skill identifier that lets the system find the right clinician, and a practical inventory of what one interventional radiologist would carry in a backpack if told to deploy tomorrow. Chapters (01:11-06:26) Two Pathways Into Military Interventional Radiology (06:26-10:15) Endovascular Care Explained: A Lot Through a Pinhole (10:15-17:02) The Sixty-Minute Trauma Activation at Brooke Army Medical Center (17:02-26:11) Forward Capability: REBOA, Stent Grafts, and the Role 2 and Role 3 Gap (26:11-35:54) Silos, Superpowers, and the Real Cost Equation (35:54-49:56) Allied Lessons, a Military IR Community, and What Fits in a Backpack Chapter Summaries (01:11-06:26) Two Pathways Into Military Interventional Radiology Both guests trace how they arrived at interventional radiology and at military service — one from the Air Force Academy and a fighter pilot track redirected by a day shadowing an orthopedic surgeon, the other from a childhood spent in a pararescue uncle's uniform and an HPSP commissioning. Each was pulled toward endovascular work by the same realization: that the future of the specialty was in doing more through less. Their training routes differ, one through diagnostic radiology and fellowship, the other through an integrated residency pathway. (06:26-10:15) Endovascular Care Explained: A Lot Through a Pinhole The guests define endovascular care in the language they use with patients: a small poke in the groin or the wrist, image guidance rather than an open field, and catheters threaded through the vascular tree like a plumber working pipes. Roughly ninety-five percent of the work is image guided, most often with fluoroscopy. The host adds the surgeon's framing — always ask what can be fixed through the blood vessel before opening a chest or an abdomen. (10:15-17:02) The Sixty-Minute Trauma Activation at Brooke Army Medical Center A blunt trauma patient arrives, CT shows active extravasation from a high-grade splenic injury, and the trauma activation commits the interventional team to needle-stick access within sixty minutes. The guests describe how that pathway was built on bi-directional trust rather than debate over each scan, and why the team now launches without relitigating the imaging. Both stress that owning trauma call — unglamorous, poorly reimbursed, and at all hours — is what earns interventional radiology its place on the team. (17:02-26:11) Forward Capability: REBOA, Stent Grafts, and the Role 2 and Role 3 Gap The conversation turns to what exists downrange. REBOA is scaled today at Role 2, and endovascular hemorrhage control at Role 3 remains largely a set of case reportable events performed with clinician-supplied equipment. The guests explain stent grafts as simultaneous hemorrhage control and reconstruction, and identify imaging, transport, and packaging — not procedural skill — as the true limiting factors on projecting this capability forward. (26:11-35:54) Silos, Superpowers, and the Real Cost Equation One guest argues that interventional radiology has been siloed by civilian incentives the military has no reason to copy, and that the specialty's real advantage is the fusion of diagnostic reading and procedural skill he calls a superpower. The host and guests weigh the higher up-front cost of advanced imaging and devices against the dramatically lower recovery burden of a pinhole procedure. The biggest hurdle, one guest says flatly, is people — convincing decision makers the capability is worth funding. (35:54-49:56) Allied Lessons, a Military IR Community, and What Fits in a Backpack Israeli teams shifting hospitals to bunker operations within twenty-four hours and Ukrainian experience with drone-driven injury patterns are held up as evidence the United States is playing catch-up. The guests describe the effort to build a military interventional radiology community across Services and to partner with the American College of Surgeons military chapter. The episode closes with a practical deployment loadout — ultrasound, micropuncture kits, sheaths, a base catheter, coils, and wire — and a walk through current training pathways into the specialty. Take Home Messages Bleeding is the mission. The immediate cause of preventable death after trauma is hemorrhage, which is why endovascular capability belongs in the operational conversation at all. Every argument for pushing this capability forward reduces to stopping the bleeding fast enough, and doing it without creating a second catastrophe. Framing the specialty this way makes its military relevance impossible to dismiss. Trust is the system, not the equipment. A sixty-minute call-to-stick standard at a level one trauma center was not purchased — it was built over years of bi-directional trust between the trauma team and the interventional service. Once that trust exists, the activation launches without relitigating the imaging, and everything else falls into motion. Any unit trying to replicate the capability should build the relationship before it buys the gear. Ownership earns the seat. Trauma call is unglamorous, poorly reimbursed, and inconvenient, which is exactly why some centers have written interventional radiology out of the pathway entirely. Showing up at two in the morning, reviewing imaging alongside the trauma team, and taking responsibility for the patient is what secures a permanent place on that team. Presence before the activation is what makes the activation work. The limiting factor is logistics, not technique. Everything done at a level one trauma center is technically achievable far forward — the constraint is diagnostic imaging, fluoroscopy, packaging, and airlift, not procedural skill. Progress therefore depends on investment decisions and institutional will rather than on new procedures. Convincing leaders that the capability is valuable is the hurdle, and funding follows conviction. Allies are already ahead, and the injury patterns are changing. Israeli teams move a hospital into bunker operations within twenty-four hours, and Ukrainian experience with drone-driven wounding is already reshaping assumptions about balloon occlusion and embolization. Planning for the last war is the fastest way to arrive unprepared for the next one. Learning from partner nations now is cheaper than relearning under fire. Episode Keywords military medicine, interventional radiology, endovascular care, WarDocs podcast, non compressible torso hemorrhage, REBOA, stent graft, embolization, hemorrhage control, combat casualty care, Brooke Army Medical Center, trauma activation, expeditionary interventional radiology, Role 2 care, Role 3 care, military trauma system, vascular surgery, image guided procedures, John Pavlus, Jonathan Schutt, Air Force medicine, Army medicine, military health system, battlefield medicine, damage control #WarDocs, #MilitaryMedicine, #InterventionalRadiology, #EndovascularCare, #CombatCasualtyCare, #HemorrhageControl, #TraumaCare, #MilitaryHealthSystem Honoring the Legacy and Preserving the History of Military Medicine The WarDocs Mission- WarDocs exists to honor the legacy of Military Medicine, preserve its history, and inspire every generation — across all Services, Corps, and Ranks — to serve with excellence and pride. Through mentorship, coaching, and education, we equip those considering, entering, and serving in military medicine with the knowledge, connections, and community they need to thrive. We celebrate Who we are, What we do, and, most importantly, How we serve Our Patients, the DoW, and Our Nation. Find out more and join Team WarDocs at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/ Check our list of previous guest episodes at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/our-guests Subscribe and Like our Videos on our YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast Listen to the “What We Are For” Episode 47. https://bit.ly/3r87Afm WarDocs- The Military Medicine Podcast is a Non-Profit, Tax-exempt-501(c)(3) Veteran Run Organization run by volunteers. All donations are tax-deductible and go to honoring and preserving the history, experiences, successes, and lessons learned in Military Medicine. A tax receipt will be sent to you. WARDOCS documents the experiences, contributions, and innovations of all military medicine Services, ranks, and Corps who are affectionately called “Docs” as a sign of respect, trust, and confidence on and off the battlefield, demonstrating dedication to the medical care of fellow comrades in arms. Follow Us on Social Media Twitter: @wardocspodcast Facebook: WarDocs Podcast Instagram: @wardocspodcast LinkedIn: WarDocs-The Military Medicine Podcast YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast

Will Rosenzwieg was an Assistant US Attorney in Florida working on a significant Medicare fraud case when he was summarily fired by then AG Pam Bondi, citing Article II. He's now suing AG Todd Blanche and the Justice Department. His attorney, Margaret Donovan, joins this episode to share how a years-old blog Rosenzwieg had written criticizing Trump—before he was ever a federal employee—led to his dismissal, hours after it surfaced on social media via a right-wing influencer. “It's remarkable that the government wouldn't recognize what is so flagrantly a First Amendment violation,” Donovan says. After detailing the complaint, Mary and Andrew move to Todd Blanche's confirmation, before examining a ruling by an Alabama judge rejecting a motion to dismiss the case against the Southern Poverty Law Center on vindictive grounds. Next, they look at the latest in Trump's White House ballroom case after an appeals court upheld the block on its construction last Friday. Plus: a nod to his two new executive orders targeting birthright citizenship. Further Reading:  Here is the Will Rosenzweig complaint: https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Rosenzweig-v.-Blanche-Complaint-Aug.-7-2026.pdf Here is the White House Ballroom Appeals Court decision: https://media.cadc.uscourts.gov/opinions/docs/2026/08/26-5123-2187096.pdf After wrapping this episode, the group representing Barbara in the “Barbara v. Trump” birthright citizenship case filed a Motion to Clarify the Preliminary Injunction. That motion is here: https://www.aclu.org/cases/barbara-v-donald-j-trump?document=Motion-to-Clarify-PI#legal-documents A Note to Listeners: As the 2026 midterm elections heat up, MS NOW is headed to the Lone Star State. Join more than a dozen of your favorite hosts - including Rachel Maddow, Lawrence O'Donnell, Jen Psaki, Michael Steele, Ali Velshi and more - in Arlington, Texas on September 26 for a day of community and conversation about the issues that matter most to you. Get your tickets at ms.now/together. Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The Special Operations Executive has officially (and secretly) been established and this team suddenly has a much more official backing and they will need all the help and support they can get as the war continues to turn against the Allies.  But their next mission won't be behind enemy lines, it will be looking for the enemy within, and to find them, they will have a very special enabler assigned... Theme song for London Calling! is "Dark Ritual" by Adrian von Ziegler. More from this amazing composer at https://adrianvonziegler.bandcamp.com/  All other scores are used with permission from Adrian von Zielger and Antti Martikainen https://anttimartikainen.com/  Intro song is "Walkin' with Michael Douglas" by A Wilhelm Scream; more here https://www.awilhelmscream.com/ Special thanks to David of the 2W12 - Die besten Spielleiter der Welt podcast!  Check them out here 2w12.podigee.io and on youtube here https://www.youtube.com/@2w12podcast Please consider supporting us on Patreon at www.patreon.com/nastygram - it would mean the world to us!  (And you get some pretty cool stuff including bi-weekly bonus episodes!  Find us on Facebook at www.facebook.com/nastygram  and our group is at https://www.facebook.com/groups/865467380821766; we are @nastygramrpg on both Instagram and Twitter and on Tik Tok at @nastygram.rpg

Every development project eventually meets its critics—but opposition doesn't have to become an obstacle. In this episode of Dirt to Development, we explore practical strategies for transforming project opponents into project allies, from effective neighborhood outreach and strategic concessions to building trust with community leaders and navigating the political realities of Arizona entitlements. Learn why the most successful rezonings aren't won through confrontation, but through collaboration, communication, and turning skeptics into supporters.

Send Us a Message!A plant can be medicine, but it can also be a relationship, and that changes everything. We're joined by Angela Devani, a Montana-based transformation guide and spiritual herbalist, to talk about what happens when you stop treating nature like a resource and start treating it like a conversation. From herbal walks to hands-on apothecary skills, we explore how plant allies, elemental magic, and energy healing can live inside ordinary life without floating away from reality. 

Last time we spoke about the ending of the Second Battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, Chinese commander Chen Cheng planned an operation to retake Yichang, a strategic Yangtze River city whose control was essential for protecting the approach to Chongqing. Japanese forces were pulling back from Changsha, weakened by supply problems and casualties, which created an opportunity for Chen to intensify his campaign. Yichang had been captured by Japan in 1940, a defeat that Chen carried as a personal and political burden. He therefore moved to encircle the Japanese 13th Division inside Yichang and drive it to collapse. Although the Chinese held a clear manpower advantage—fourteen divisions against the encircled Japanese—progress was slowed by stubborn fighting from prepared, entrenched positions. The battle inside the city produced desperate close-quarters combat and heavy casualties, showing how the fate of Yichang and the wider defense of Chongqing were tightly linked.    #214 War hits the Pacific Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   The guns fell silent on October 9, 1941, as the Ninth War Zone's forces restored their pre-battle positions, marking the end of the Second Battle of Changsha. The balance sheet was grim on both sides, but it was China that bore the heavier cost. The Ninth Military Front suffered 70,672 killed, wounded, or missing. The concurrent Yichang offensive added a further 21,368 casualties to the Sixth Military Front, a force that outnumbered its Japanese opponents ten to one yet still failed to retake the city. By the time the dust settled, the Chinese army had lost nearly 100,000 men across both theatres. The Chinese command was frank, at least in private, about what had gone wrong. The Japanese had moved with a speed that recalled Blitzkrieg, advancing 130 kilometres in eleven days and withdrawing at twelve kilometres a day, catching the defenders perpetually off-balance. The 26th, 37th, 10th, and 74th Corps had been picked apart piecemeal rather than fighting in concert, the original plan to destroy the Japanese south of the Miluo River coming to nothing. Elite formations had paid a disproportionate price: the 74th Corps suffered 14,521 casualties, the 37th Corps 14,015, and the 58th Division alone lost 6,192 of its 11,907 men, nearly its entire fighting strength.   Yet none of this was the story the public would hear. On October 10th, China's National Day, radio stations announced the "Second Great Victory in Northern Hunan", the annihilation of over 40,000 enemy troops. Newspapers rushed out special editions. Congratulatory telegrams flooded in from government ministries and civic organizations. Senior officials seized on the moment: Sun Ke, Premier of the Executive Yuan, declared that the victory "laid the foundation for the counter-offensive and the recapture of Hankou and Guangzhou," while General Bai Chongxi called it "the pivotal moment for us to turn defeat into victory." Chiang Kai-shek, reading through the pages of triumphant commentary produced overnight by his propagandists, was reportedly impressed by their industry, if not convinced by their content. He had not wanted to call it a victory at all, but the political calculus was unavoidable: after four years of war, an exhausted nation needed the psychological sustenance that only "victory" could provide.   The gap between public performance and private reality was nowhere more visible than in the arrival of a twenty-two-member international press delegation on October 13th. Journalists from Britain, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Hong Kong, and major Chinese newspapers were flown to Changsha and carefully guided through selected battlefields, where they inspected mountains of war trophies and heard testimony from soldiers and civilians. They left satisfied, presenting their war souvenirs—swords, binoculars, Japanese military flags—to their audiences back home as proof of Chinese heroism and Japanese defeat. Both China and Japan were claiming victory simultaneously. The only conclusion the foreign press could draw was that one side was lying, and it was not the side that had shown them the evidence.   Chiang Kai-shek's real verdict came at the Third Nanyue Military Conference, held from October 16 to 21. His anger was withering. He condemned his generals for their obsession with defending sprawling outer perimeter lines while leaving city centres barely fortified, a mentality so rigid, he said, that the Japanese could announce the exact time of their advance and withdrawal in advance and still execute it on schedule without interference. "Generals, what a disgrace this is!" On the failure to capture prisoners, only 263 prisoners were claimed across the entire front, of whom only 16 names were actually published, he was almost incredulous: "We can definitely defeat the enemy, capture many enemy prisoners, and seize countless enemy weapons! Even if we cannot capture ten thousand prisoners, we should at least capture a thousand! If not a thousand, then at least a hundred! But now, you don't even have ten!" The conference handed down punishments to match the rhetoric. Liao Lingqi, commander of the shattered 58th Division, was sentenced to death for desertion and shot on October 22nd. His men were so outraged that three regimental commanders resigned in protest; the division was pulled from the order of battle entirely and given three months to rebuild. Li Yutang, commander of the 10th Corps, was dismissed—though the Third Battle of Changsha would begin before his replacement could take post, and he would be reinstated to play a key role in the city's defence.   On the Japanese side, the 11th Army acknowledged 1,670 killed, 5,184 wounded, and 14 missing, far fewer than Chinese claims, though post-war regimental histories suggest the true figure was higher. Lieutenant General Anami, who had championed the operation, found himself stung by the charge that the battle had served mainly as material for Chinese propaganda. On November 23rd, he reportedly reacted with visible displeasure when someone in his headquarters said as much aloud.  Anami's annoyance was easy enough to understand, but the accusation carried a troubling degree of accuracy. The Second Battle of Changsha had yielded no decisive strategic gain and no substantial alteration in the military balance. What it did generate, rather effectively, was a story and by the autumn of 1941, stories were one of the few things China still had in plentiful supply. The most consequential struggles were taking place not along the Miluo River, but in foreign ministries and embassies, in Washington and Moscow, in the messages passing between Chongqing and London, and in the increasingly strained calculations of statesmen trying to determine, amid rapidly changing circumstances, whom to support and for how long.   For Chiang Kai-shek, the challenge was never merely military. It was structural, and had been so from the outset. He had always seen clearly, precisely because he understood China's weakness, that Japan could not be defeated by China alone. The country lacked the industrial base, the logistical reach, and after four years of relentless attrition more and more the manpower needed to force a decisive result on the battlefield. China's survival depended on making its war inseparable from the wars of other powers. Since 1937, Chiang's diplomacy had pursued that single objective: convincing enough great powers that their interests were aligned with China's, and holding that coalition together long enough for Japan to be subdued. That effort turned out to be vastly more difficult than it ought to have been.   The problem started with the international order in which the war emerged. Chiang had hoped to assemble a concert of allies willing to help defend China against Japanese aggression. He was blocked not just by the reluctance of neutral states to aid China, but by the speed with which alliances shifted in the opening years of the Second World War. He had never welcomed the prospect of a general European conflict, correctly fearing that it would push China even further to the margins of world attention. Even so, he recognized that once the lines had hardened between the imperial democracies and fascism, new alignments might become possible. From his perspective, the growing amity between Berlin and Moscow was therefore disastrous. He had been eager to draw the USSR into war against Japan. Instead, the Soviets were now effectively aligned with the Nazis, who were themselves allied with Tokyo.   The world created after Versailles had already enraged many Chinese. After all, the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919 had arisen directly from the settlement reached at the Paris Peace Conference. Yet that older order had at least possessed recognizable anchors, especially the dominance of the two great European empires and the United States. Now those empires were weakening, and no one could say with confidence what the new geopolitical order would be. For all Chiang knew, Germany might emerge as Europe's new dominant power. The early years of the European war produced a bewildering spectacle of diplomatic realignment.   The Nationalist government had previously enjoyed a short-lived flirtation with Nazi Germany. In fact, Hitler's regime continued supplying Chiang with munitions in the first months of China's war against Japan. The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 had theoretically joined Germany, Italy, and Japan into the Axis, but mutual distrust prevented them from forming anything like a fully coherent alliance. Chiang found it useful to imply to Western powers that he might be pushed into closer alignment with Germany, a particularly disturbing possibility for the USSR, which faced enemies in both Europe and Asia. But eventually the contradictions in German policy toward East Asia became too severe. In April 1938, Germany yielded to Japanese pressure and ended its support for China.   Britain offered little meaningful help. Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937 at the head of a Conservative-led National Government, and was quickly overwhelmed by the deteriorating European situation. If Czechoslovakia was for him a "far-off country of which we know nothing," China's fate was even more distant and obscure to many,  perhaps most  policymakers in London. The Nationalists had more success in cultivating the United States. At the Nine-Power Conference in Brussels in November 1937, the Chinese delegation failed to persuade Washington to impose sanctions on Japan and confront it directly. By the middle of 1938, however, American views were beginning to shift. As Japan pushed deeper into southern China, it became increasingly obvious that the occupied territory would be closed to foreign trade. In December 1938, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau arranged a private American loan of $25 million to China, to be repaid through shipments of tung oil, a varnish product whose real importance lay not in itself, but in what the arrangement signified: a quiet American expression of faith that Chongqing would survive. Chiang also held on to the hope of an even less likely partnership. He had become fiercely anti-Communist during the 1920s, yet in the early years of the anti-Japanese war his greatest hope still rested on Soviet entry into the conflict. Soviet advisers and pilots had aided China from 1937 to 1939, but the USSR never formally declared war on Japan. Still, as Japanese aggression in northern Asia intensified, it remained possible that the Soviets would eventually be drawn in.   Then, as so often happened whenever Chiang tried to impose some control over the course of the war, events beyond China's borders altered the struggle in fundamental ways. While Western attention remained fixed on Europe's darkening horizon, a battle with major consequences for East Asia unfolded on the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, Manchukuo, and the eastern Soviet Union. Throughout much of 1938 and early 1939, one faction within the Japanese Imperial Army sought to pressure the Soviets along their eastern frontier. The USSR appeared vulnerable; Stalin's paranoid purges had executed or exiled many of the Red Army's best officers. In May 1939, fighting broke out near Nomonhan between forces from Soviet-backed Mongolia and Japanese troops from Manchukuo. Within days, both sides had reinforced heavily, until nearly 60,000 Soviet troops faced about 40,000 soldiers from the Kwantung Army. Over the next four months, until mid-September, they fought a major battle ending in a decisive Japanese defeat and establishing the reputation of General Georgi Zhukov, who would later become one of Stalin's most celebrated wartime commanders. The much-derided Soviet Army had fought with formidable effectiveness, and the result was not only a ceasefire but also a nonaggression pact between the two sides, extinguishing, in one stroke, Chiang's hopes for a Chinese-Soviet military alliance. The final blow came after developments in northern Europe. In the Winter War of 1939–1940, the Soviet invasion of Finland led Britain and France to back a motion expelling the USSR from the League of Nations. China, then a member of the League Council, declined to use its veto to block the resolution. Stalin was enraged by Chiang's failure to prevent Soviet expulsion, and mutual suspicion thereafter poisoned relations between the two leaders for the rest of the war against Japan. China would now have to continue without further major Soviet backing.   By the spring of 1940, China's position had become deeply precarious. In March, senior Japanese negotiators sought an agreement with Chiang in Chongqing, while Wang Jingwei was trying to formalize his rival Nationalist government in Nanjing. This effort, known in Chinese as the Tong Operation, and in Japanese as Operation Kiri, led to talks in Hong Kong from March 7 to 10, 1940. Militarily, the Nationalists were in grave danger: the United States remained neutral, and Europe was in chaos. Indeed, that same spring, with France seemingly near collapse, the British government also sent out discreet feelers to explore the possibility of a negotiated peace with Germany. For China, Western assistance was nowhere in sight. The Japanese judged the moment favorable for pressing Chiang toward concessions. Faced with serious danger to his regime, Chiang allowed the door to negotiation to open just slightly.   As a consequence, the Japanese delayed full recognition of Wang Jingwei's new government. Through the summer and autumn of 1940, Tokyo remained uncertain about the defector. Prominent Japanese figures such as Count Arima Yoriyasu of the Privy Council said Wang's conduct demonstrated his untrustworthiness, and Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke continued to express interest in an agreement with Chongqing. Zhou Fohai captured the defectors' frustration, men who believed they had made the highest patriotic sacrifice when he wrote: "Chongqing sees us as collaborators, we see ourselves as heroes. We think only peace can save the country — that's why we think of ourselves as heroes. If we end up classed as heroes, then China and Japan will be at peace. If we end up classed as collaborators, then China and Japan will never be at peace."That formulation conveyed something genuine about the moral dizziness of the period. Most of the defectors were not men devoid of principles; they were men whose principles had carried them to a place that history would find exceptionally hard to pardon.   The "New Fourth Army Incident" brought to a close one of the most consequential years in modern Chinese political history. The battle of ideas unfolding in 1940 was already visible to informed contemporaries. Early in 1941, US Ambassador Nelson Johnson sent Washington a detailed assessment of the Chinese political situation in reply to another report passed along by Major Evans Carlson, an American officer who had made an extensive journey through the Chinese interior. The contrast between the two documents revealed a widening split in American views of China. Carlson, together with his travelling companion, the New Zealander Rewi Alley, had become increasingly sympathetic to the Communists after visiting their territories in 1938 and admiring their discipline. Carlson described the Nationalists as moving toward "fascism," and argued that American aid should be conditioned on Chiang's government being compelled to adopt more "democratic" institutions.   Johnson strongly disagreed. It was "only normal and natural," he wrote, that the Nationalists wanted to retain power, but during the war they had established the National Political Consultative Council, in which multiple parties, including the Communists, were represented. He also noted that the CCP could publish its own newspaper in Chongqing in a way that would have been impossible before the war. One might have expected the Nationalists to use the war as a justification "to extinguish . . . all political opposition," yet instead they had chosen to "muddle along." Johnson further thought that the influence of competing cliques inside the Nationalist Party had been overstated. Chiang Kai-shek, by contrast, had "grown in stature, as he has come to be recognized as the symbol of united resistance to Japanese encroachment"; ultimately, "it is he who makes the final decisions." Johnson did agree with Carlson that Chiang's regime was hesitant to encourage a broad-based popular movement animated by anything beyond anti-Japanese feeling, though he also pointed to Nationalist cooperative programs and county-level reforms. But he rejected the idea that American support should depend on sweeping political transformation. Chiang was committed to continuing the war against Japan, and Washington should back him in that effort. In a notably farsighted passage, Johnson wrote: "It is my view that since the fall of the Manchu dynasty and the collapse of the traditional Chinese concept of government the Chinese people have been feeling their way along toward a new evolving form of government. A definitive form of government has not yet been established and may not be established for decades; it may or may not be in the form of a democracy, but it will be a type of government that will be adapted to the needs of China and its people." The tension between these two American interpretations,  Carlson's idealized belief in the Communists and Johnson's pragmatic support for Chiang was more than a minor bureaucratic dispute. It foreshadowed a debate that would dominate American foreign policy for the next decade, and would still echo when the People's Republic was proclaimed in 1949.   The disastrous experience of 1940 seemed to cast doubt on whether any future for China existed outside the Japanese Empire. As 1941 wore on, another dreadful event shook the exhausted wartime capital. On June 5, Chongqing endured roughly five hours of bombing, driving the population into air-raid shelters. In one tunnel in the Shibati district, the conditions were even worse than usual. The large shelter was supposed to have lights and electric fans, but the generators had never been connected. Inside, the air was dark, hot, and suffocating. Around ten that evening, people began emerging from the tunnel when rumors spread that the Japanese were returning with poison-gas bombs. Air-raid wardens forced people back inside, even as others were still trying to come out. Bodies toppled over one another, and panic spread as people realized they could not breathe. Over the next few hours, hundreds died underground in the darkness. The exact number was never definitively established: the official figure was 461, though a contemporary police report placed it far higher, at 1,527. What rescuers remembered most vividly were the tortured expressions of the dead, people tangled together in each other's arms as they lost consciousness, clothing ripped to shreds by desperate hands clawing at one another, and bodies so drenched in sweat that they looked as though they had been soaked in water. One survivor, Tang Zhengchang, remembered a hand reaching out from a pile of corpses and pleading, "Sir, please help me . . ." The grip on Tang's shorts was so tight that it pulled them off; he escaped the tunnel naked from the waist down. Official descriptions of the disaster were softened. Even so, the tragedy deepened the city's gloom and in a place already saturated with grief, an added layer of darkness mattered a great deal.   Yet events elsewhere would soon offer the National Government a narrow margin of hope. Late in 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt won re-election as president of the United States. "I am not going to send your boys into any foreign wars," he had proclaimed during the campaign against Wendell Willkie. But Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull both understood that Nazi domination of Europe posed a grave challenge to American influence there. And with China's "Open Door" to trade effectively shut by Japanese occupation, it was becoming increasingly clear that strict neutrality might not remain viable. In a 1941 report on China's domestic and foreign situation, Ambassador Johnson noted that during Germany's sweeping victories across Europe in mid-1940, the Chinese had become anxious about whether the Allies would remain committed to their cause. Britain's refusal to surrender, however, together with continuing Soviet goodwill, lifted public morale in China. People now looked toward the United States and Britain for support and felt that "victory" was "virtually theirs."   Then, on June 22, 1941, the world awoke to news that roughly three million German soldiers were advancing into the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the USSR, dramatically overturned the nonaggression that had governed relations between the two major European dictatorships for the previous two years. It transformed the war in Europe entirely. Less obviously, it also transformed the war in Asia. Thanks to intelligence leaks, Chiang Kai-shek had already realized that war between Germany and the USSR was likely. After the neutrality treaty between the USSR and Japan was signed on April 13, 1941, Chiang predicted that the United States would be drawn into the Asian war, and even that Japan might eventually reverse course and strike the Soviet Union. If that happened, China would become the critical Asian ally of both Washington and Moscow. Stalin had been caught off guard by the German assault — largely because he ignored increasingly urgent warnings from senior colleagues receiving intelligence from well-placed spies in Germany and the Comintern, eager to preserve its alliances, now pressed the Chinese Communists to cooperate more closely with the Nationalists. On June 23, 1941, the CCP Central Committee responded with a declaration that it would "persevere in the Anti-Japanese United Front, persevere in Nationalist-Communist cooperation," and would align itself with the British, the Americans, and others resisting the "fascist rulers" of the Axis.   In Chongqing and Yan'an, the German attack on the Soviet Union was interpreted as a hopeful sign that Japan's fortunes might be beginning to turn. In Nanjing, the reaction was different. On June 22, Zhou Fohai recorded in his diary that, although the outcome "cannot be predicted," members of the Nanjing regime "all believe Germany will win and will take Moscow within two months." Zhou speculated that Japan could not easily reconcile its neutrality treaty with the USSR and its membership in the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was supposed to unite the Axis against Soviet expansionism. Still, because Germany had struck first, Japan was under no formal obligation to help. Zhou also continued to view events through a lens he had never abandoned: that of Chinese nationalism. "If Chongqing joins the Allies and they win," he wrote, "then this is good for China." If they lost, it would be disastrous for Chiang Kai-shek; but because Wang Jingwei had established a government in Nanjing under Japanese sponsorship, China now had "a foot in both boats." It was a ruthless calculation, but not a wholly dishonorable one. Zhou was not merely advancing Japanese interests. He was hedging, wagering on multiple futures in the name of a China he believed would endure beyond whatever constellation of powers happened to dominate at the moment. Whether posterity would judge that conduct prudent or collaborative was a question he could neither settle nor live to see resolved to his satisfaction.   The summer of 1941 marked a major geopolitical turning point in the war. Until then, the conflicts in China and Europe had remained separate, if desperate, struggles on the Eurasian continent. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union now forced Japan to decide whether it too would enter war against the USSR. Debate in Tokyo was brief. Although some officials, including Foreign Minister Matsuoka, favored striking north before moving south, both the Kwantung Army and the Navy advised against helping Germany at least until Germany had succeeded in drawing substantial Soviet forces away from Siberia and into Europe. Konoye, once again prime minister, agreed. With the northern option set aside, Japanese leaders turned toward another great power instead: the United States. Japan's failure to gain further decisive momentum in China had fueled demands for broader regional expansion, especially into Southeast Asia, with its abundant oil, rubber, and other strategic resources. From 1940 onward, measures such as the pressure to close the Burma Road made it increasingly obvious that Tokyo had adopted a more aggressive posture in Asia. Unable to subdue China, Japanese policymakers chose instead to escalate the conflict still further.   Japanese political life had become ever more dominated by the unresolved war in China. As early as 1938, military expenditures consumed about 70 percent of the national budget, and that same year a National Mobilization Bill granted the government "total war control" over the zaibatsu, Japan's major industrial conglomerates. By 1940, the New Order was making itself felt throughout everyday life, with campaigns against luxury and extravagant consumption taking on new prominence. In February 1940, a parliamentarian was expelled from the Diet simply for daring to criticize the "holy war" in China. In such an atmosphere, retreat from imperial ambitions became increasingly unthinkable. That figure, 70 percent of the national budget devoted to the military is worth dwelling on, because it reveals something essential about the trap in which Japanese strategists had placed themselves. The war in China had not been won, yet abandoning it would have meant admitting a failure so severe that it would have shaken the ideological and institutional foundations of military supremacy in Japanese politics. The only apparent ways out required pushing further in: more conquest, more extraction, more expansion. The logic was brutally clear, and profoundly destructive.   The Roosevelt administration watched these developments with growing alarm. Though still formally neutral, the United States was already using Lend-Lease to provide major assistance to Britain and the Soviet Union in their struggles against Germany. It now expanded aid to China as well. On February 10, Roosevelt's representative Lauchlin Currie visited Chongqing to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the United States would soon provide $45 million in military equipment. General John Magruder, head of the small AMMISCA mission,  the American Military Mission in China had been sent to Chongqing in September 1941, as part of quiet preparation for possible Chinese entry into an alliance against Japan. The China branch of the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, whom Roosevelt had dispatched to China in early 1941.   The Americans repeatedly tried to discourage Japan from moving south into Southeast Asia, but relations only grew more confrontational. Japan occupied the southern part of French Indochina, and in response the United States imposed an oil embargo in July 1941. The consequences were immense. Japan imported around 80 percent of its oil from the United States. Without that supply, its navy, the essential instrument for southern expansion  had reserves for perhaps eighteen months. The real question facing Tokyo, then, was not whether it must act, but how soon. Unable any longer to resist mounting military pressure for war, Konoye resigned on October 16 and was replaced as premier by General Tōjō Hideki. Tokyo accelerated its preparations for conflict with the Western powers. Planned targets included Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and the Philippines. I should note, if you want to learn about all of this history in more detail, you can go check out the pacific war channel on youtube. I have a chronological series that is just now talking about events like the Japanese invasion of french indochina and the road to pearl harbor.   Throughout the autumn of 1941, increasingly desperate negotiations took place between Japan and the United States. Washington insisted that Japan withdraw from China; Tokyo was equally firm that it would do no such thing. From the Japanese point of view, the demand to leave China was not a serious negotiating position but a demand for national humiliation a call to repudiate four years of war, vast casualties, and the ideological basis of Japanese militarism in a single diplomatic act. In the end, the gulf between the two positions could not be bridged.   While civilian and military leaders in Tokyo argued over the pace at which they should move toward war, few among Japan's rulers doubted that war was coming. At the imperial conference of November 5, it was formally agreed that if no satisfactory diplomatic solution had been reached by December 1, war would follow soon after. Talks in Washington between Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō, diplomat Kurusu Saburō, and Secretary of State Cordell Hull led nowhere. On November 26, Hull delivered a note repeating the American position that Japan must withdraw from both China and Indochina. On December 1, the imperial conference resolved to go to war; the following day, the date of attack was fixed as December 8, December 7 by American time. In one sense, this was the culmination toward which the entire previous decade had been moving. The war in China had started as a localized conflict, then expanded into a continental one, and was now about to become something larger still: a truly global war, stretching from the North Atlantic to the western Pacific. China's long, lonely resistance would suddenly gain new dimensions and new allies,  though not the ones Chiang had spent four years trying to cultivate, and not under circumstances he would have chosen.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet lay anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, its sailors and officers still largely asleep as dawn crept across the Pacific. The attack did not come without warning signs,  American and Japanese diplomats had been locked in increasingly desperate negotiations throughout the autumn, each side hardening its position until no room remained to maneuver. Washington had demanded that Japan withdraw from China, a condition Tokyo viewed not as a serious opening offer but as a demand for national humiliation: a call to repudiate four years of brutal war, hundreds of thousands of casualties, and the entire ideological foundation upon which Japanese militarism rested. No agreement was possible on those terms, and both sides privately knew it.   The strike force assembled in secret was formidable. Six aircraft carriers,  the Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū, Hiryū, Shōkaku, and Zuikaku had sailed under strict radio silence across the North Pacific, launching their aircraft in two successive waves before the American base had any meaningful chance to respond. The first wave of approximately 183 planes swept in just before 8 a.m., targeting the rows of battleships moored along Battleship Row and the military airfields at Wheeler, Hickam, and Ford Island simultaneously, ensuring that American aircraft could not scramble in time to mount an effective defense. A second wave of roughly 170 planes followed less than an hour later, pressing the attack on damaged ships and harbor installations.   The destruction was staggering. The battleship Arizona suffered a catastrophic magazine explosion after a armor-piercing bomb penetrated her forward decks, killing nearly 1,177 of her crew in minutes, almost half of the total American dead from the entire attack. The Oklahoma capsized after being struck by multiple torpedoes. The West Virginia and California sank at their moorings. In total, seventeen vessels were damaged or destroyed, and the vast majority of military aircraft at the nearby airfields were caught on the ground and obliterated before they could take flight. Around 2,400 Americans were killed and another 1,100 wounded, making it the deadliest single attack on American soil or territory in the nation's history to that point.   Yet the attack was not a complete strategic success for Japan. The US Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers, the vessels that would ultimately decide the naval war in the Pacific happened to be at sea that morning and escaped unharmed. The harbor's fuel storage and repair facilities were also left largely intact, allowing the fleet to reconstitute faster than Japanese planners had anticipated. What Japan achieved in tactical devastation, it partly squandered in strategic miscalculation. The attack ended American neutrality instantly and irrevocably. The following day, President Roosevelt addressed Congress, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and within hours the United States declared war on Japan. For China, after more than four years of fighting alone, the blow that devastated Pearl Harbor paradoxically carried a thread of desperate hope at last, the great power Chiang Kai-shek had spent years trying to draw into the conflict had arrived, not under circumstances he would have chosen, but arrived nonetheless. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After years of fighting, China's situation darkened in 1941 with intense bombing of Chongqing and fears of poison-gas attacks. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June shifted alliances and pressured Japan toward wider war. Japan escalated plans for Southeast Asia, suffered an oil embargo, and negotiations with the United States broke down over withdrawing from China and Indochina. Then the Pearl Harbor attack began the Pacific War.

Today's Scripture passages are Psalm 119:33-64 | 1 Kings 22:1-28 | 2 Chronicles 18:1-8 | 3 John 1. Read by Christina Edmondson.Get in The Word with Truth's Table is a production of InterVarsity Press. For 75 years, IVP has published and created thoughtful Christian books for the university, church, and the world. Our Bible reading plan is adapted from Bible Study Together, and the Bible version is the New English Translation, used by permission.SPECIAL OFFER | As a listener of this podcast, use the code IVPWORD40 for 40% off and free shipping on any IVP resource mentioned in this episode at ivpress.com.Additional Credits:Song production: Seaux ChillSong lyrics written by: Seaux Chill, Ekemini Uwan, and Christina EdmondsonPodcast art: Kate LillardPhotography: Shelly EveBible consultant: JM SmithSound engineering: Podastery StudiosCreative producers: Ekemini Uwan and Christina EdmondsonAssistant producer: Christine Pelliccio MeloExecutive producer: Helen LeeTo reach the IVP podcast team, please use this form.Disclaimer: The comments, views, and opinions expressed in this podcast are solely those of the host and/or the guests featured on the podcast and do not necessarily reflect the views or positions of InterVarsity Press or InterVarsity Christian Fellowship.

We sat down with Michelin Star chef, and Orlando legend, Mike Collantes. On this episode of The Orlando Real Podcast, Ken Pozek and Dillon O'Brien sit down with the Michelin chef behind Soseki, Sushi Saint, Perla's Pizza, and the new Nomikai by Sushi Saint coming to ICON Park.Best sushi in Orlando? Best omakase? What's it like to earn a Michelin star? What should you order at Sushi Saint? Is Orlando actually a good food city? Chef Mike Collantes answers all of that and more.Mike Collantes is an acclaimed chef with over 20 years of hospitality experience, best known in Orlando for earning a Michelin star at Soseki Modern Omakase in 2022 and launching Sushi Saint, which received a Bib Gourmand within three months of opening. With four Sushi Saint locations across Florida and New York City and a growing portfolio of concepts under 86 Hospitality Group, he continues to shape the culinary landscape in Orlando and beyond. Learn more at www.mikecollantes.com/ and stay up to date on all of his projects  on Instagram at www.instagram.com/chefmike_collantesThis episode is brought to you by The Pozek Group. Thinking of selling or buying a home anywhere in Greater Orlando? We'd love to help! Reach out at https://pozek.com/youtube or email info@pozekgroup.com to get started.00:00 Chef Mike Collantes: Who is he and what's his story?01:20 Soseki & Orlando's Omakase Wave02:43 How Did Soseki Win Its Michelin Star?03:26 Why Does a Michelin Star Even Matter?06:22 Building a Restaurant Group08:22 What Is Nomikai by Sushi Saint at ICON Park?09:00 Local Chefs in Tourist Orlando09:33 How Does a Chef Come Up With a New Concept?13:00 Orlando Chefs: Rivals or Allies?13:56 What Does Downtown Orlando Need to Fix?17:11 What Should You Order at Sushi Saint?20:49 How Do You Design a Restaurant?21:38 Modern Sushi vs Tradition24:56 Banana Pizza: Does It Work?28:46 Why Is Orlando's Food Scene Blowing Up?29:25 Sushi Saint vs Soseki: What's the Difference?31:02 Chef Mike's Death Row Meal32:39 What Do Most Chefs Get Wrong About Business?35:16 When Did Orlando's Food Scene Take Off?41:27 Are Developers Pushing Out Local Restaurants?43:09 "Mayor Mike" Fixes Downtown47:00 Will Orlando Get a Three Michelin Star Restaurant?

By 1944, a German defeat seemed inevitable. In August, Romania defected from the Axis and joined the Allies. Within weeks, Bulgaria followed suit, while Finland agreed to an armistice with the USSR. This left Hungary as Germany's sole remaining ally in Europe, and Hungary only stayed loyal because of German military intervention.

U.S. Army tanker Carlos Manjarrez served as an M1 Abrams armor crewman from 2012 to 2018. In this episode of the Urban Valor Podcast, Carlos shares the story of growing up in San Bernardino, joining the United States Army with a baby on the way, choosing a combat MOS, becoming an Army tanker, and experiencing the wild personalities, leadership, training, and brotherhood that came with life in an armor unit.Carlos didn't grow up with some perfectly mapped-out plan to become an M1 Abrams tanker.After graduating high school in 2011, college wasn't clicking. He had a child on the way, wasn't sure what came next, and eventually walked into a military recruiting station looking for one thing:A combat job.He considered the Marines first, but the available jobs weren't what he wanted. Then he walked into the Army recruiter's office and was given several options—including cavalry scout, mortarman, and 19K M1 armor crewman.Carlos picked tanks.But this conversation goes WAY beyond the Army...Chapters:00:00 Wild Army Tanker Stories01:17 Growing Up in San Bernardino03:01 Growing Up Without His Father07:26 Taking a DNA Test to Find the Truth10:30 Growing Up Around Gangs & Street Culture15:35 The Police Encounter That Became a Wake-Up Call19:35 Why He Wanted to Join the Military22:45 Walking Into an Army Recruiting Office24:06 A Baby on the Way Changes Everything26:25 Choosing 19K Army Tanker26:56 Basic Training Begins31:45 Getting Smoked by the Drill Sergeants36:13 What Army Basic Training Was Really Like39:44 Questioning Whether He Made the Right Decision40:17 His Son Is Born During Training40:40 Getting Orders to Fort Stewart46:16 Life in His First Army Unit47:52 National Training Center at Fort Irwin48:35 How an M1 Abrams Tank Crew Works49:25 Becoming an M1 Abrams Gunner49:45 Earning the Legendary Tanker Boots51:01 Preparing to Fire the M1 Abrams59:02 Getting “Killed” During an NTC Mission1:00:14 Seeing a Soldier's PTSD Triggered in Training1:02:15 Live Mortar Rounds Land Next to Their Tank1:06:01 Preparing for an Afghanistan Deployment1:06:29 Orders Suddenly Change to Germany1:06:45 Training With U.S. Allies in Germany1:08:17 The Sketchy M1 Abrams River Crossing1:15:28 Pranks Played on New Army Tankers1:16:42 Tank Crew Traditions & Gunnery Pranks1:20:09 What Firing an M1 Abrams Feels Like1:21:15 Why Every Tank Crew Member Matters1:32:06 Leaving the Army & Trying to Become a Cop1:34:31 Losing a Close Army Friend1:35:45 Finding a New Career Through Helmets to Hardhats1:37:28 Becoming a Groundman & Working Toward Lineman1:54:12 His Advice to Young Soldiers1:55:07 Final Thoughts

This 2018 episode covers the Battle of Amiens, near the end of World War I. It was the start of what came to be known as the 100 Days Offensive, which was the Allies’ final push to win the war. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Radical acceptance involves understanding that much of what happens is out of your control, and using strategies to calm, distract, and soothe yourself. The goal is to avoid catastrophizing -- envisioning and preparing for the worst outcomes. Radical acceptance means letting go of what you can't control, experiencing feelings and pain, but without increasing agitation, reactivity, and suffering.The support group that Kayla facilitates is now offered on a sliding scale.(Cost should not be a barrier—please reach out if you're interested)Allies in Recovery's member site is currently "on pause". ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Learn more here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. During this time, we have taken our entire eLearning program out from behind the paywall—the entire library of learning videos is currently available on our ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠youtube channel⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

This week’s Hen Report dives into what makes an ally “natural” for animal advocacy, questioning whether meat reducers, cruelty-free (but non-vegan) consumers, or regenerative farmers truly share the movement’s goals. Jasmin and Mariann also break down troubling news about organic chicken production, the slow progress of cultivated meat, and the power of language in shifting public perception of animal agriculture. Are…

Taylor shares a powerful conversation with spiritual teacher, accomplished witch, author and oracle deck creator Tahverlee Anglen. Tahverlee shares an EPIC cord cutting ritual for our social media/phone addiction and they discuss Clairvoyance + the power of visualization, working with trees to help with nervous system regulation, the Death Mothers aka, poisonous plant allies, and SO much more on this week's episode of Magic Hour!   Connect with Taylor Paige Website: https://angelsandamethyst.com IG: https://www.instagram.com/angels_and_amethyst/ Magic Hour Podcast IG: https://www.instagram.com/magichourpodcast/   Connect with Tahverlee Anglen Website https://www.tahverlee.com Books + Oracle Deck https://www.tahverlee.com/discover-my-books IG https://www.instagram.com/tahverlee/ TikTok https://www.tiktok.com/@athena_in_my_blood?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc Youtube https://www.youtube.com/@Tahverlee Moon Temple School https://www.moontempleschool.com *************************** Find our more about Taylor's signature program Becoming The Oracle! In this 8 week mentorship container Taylor shares her signature method and professional expertise after almost a decade as an Angelic Intuitive, Astrologer, and Evidential Medium. Learn her tricks of the trade, gain confidence in your intuitive abilities, and learn to reliably connect with Spirit, Angels, and Guides. Find more info and apply at https://angelsandamethyst.com/becoming-the-oracle-mentorship/ **************************   If you have any questions about, intuition, spirituality, angels, or anything and everything magical, please email contact@magichourpod.com. We will answer listener questions once a month in our solo episodes Don't forget to leave us a 5 sparkling star review, they help more people find the pod and remember their magic. Please screenshot and email your 5 star reviews to contact@magichourpod.com and we will send you a free downloadable angelic meditation, and enter you to win an angel reading with Taylor Paige! The next Angel Reading giveaway will happen when we hit 333 5 star reviews on both Spotify and Apple Podcasts. Join the waitlist for a reading with Taylor here: https://angelsandamethyst.com/offerings/   Find Taylor's 3 part workshop series on Angelic Connection, Attracting a Soulmate Connection, and Healing the Witch wound here: https://angelsandamethyst.com/workshops/   Code 333 gives $33 off, plus, each student can email Taylor one question on the subject material per lesson. Join Taylor's email list at https://www.angelsandamethyst.com  to know when her monthly gatherings of Earth Angel Club are open for registration. Earth angel club is a monthly meeting of like-minded and magical people across the world. EAC includes an astrological and energetic overview, a guided meditation attuned to the current zodiac season, and for the highest ticket tier, a mini email angel reading. Each EAC member also has the option to skip the waitlist and sit with Taylor sooner for a reading.   Are you an aligned business owner that would like to advertise to our beautiful community of magical people? Please email contact@magichourpod.com ****** Editing by Ashley Riley  Music by Justin Fleuriel and Mandie Cheung. For more of their music check out @goodnightsband on instagram.   #magichour #witchypodcast #intuition #spirituality #angelicmessages #higherself #intuitiveguidance #spiritguides #astrologer #astrologytips #birthchart #zodiac #monthlyenergyreport #horoscope #collectiveenergy

The first ticket on Mary and Andrew's agenda: the latest on Todd Blanche's confirmation. After prodding from two Republican Senators, Blanche released a Sunday night statement allegedly rescinding the $1.776 “Anti-Weaponization Fund” to pacify their concerns. And by all measures, it worked. But in Andrew's estimation, the statement was “the world's smallest fig leaf,” with both hosts noting that the “settlement agreement” can only be changed in writing if signed by both parties. Mary calls it “basically a press statement” rather than a legal order. Then, they turn to former FBI Director James Comey's filing of multiple motions to dismiss his “Seashell” indictment, including one on the grounds of vindictive and selective prosecution. They detail court filings that show an array of issues with the case, including surveillance of him and his wife by the Secret Service. Next, Andrew and Mary detail why Jeanine Pirro's Reflecting Pool case against Olympian David Hearn fell apart, after a disastrous rush to charge before the facts were in. And last up: Trump asks the Supreme Court to hear an appeal over E. Jean Caroll's $83.3 million defamation verdict. A Note to Listeners: As the 2026 midterm elections heat up, MS NOW is headed to the Lone Star State. Join more than a dozen of your favorite hosts - including Rachel Maddow, Lawrence O'Donnell, Jen Psaki, Michael Steele, Ali Velshi and more - in Arlington, Texas on September 26 for a day of community and conversation about the issues that matter most to you. Get your tickets at ms.now/together. Further Reading:  Here is the affidavit of James Comey's attorney, Pat Fitzgerald: AFFIDAVIT OF PATRICK J. FITZGERALD IN SUPPORT OF MOTION TO DISMISS FOR VINDICTIVE AND SELECTIVE PROSECUTION, MOTION TO SUPPRESS AND FOR FRANKS HEARING, AND MOTION FOR DISCLOSURE OF GRAND JURY PROCEEDINGS Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Let's talk about Trump blasting his allies over his botched Reflecting Pool....

Mary and Andrew begin this week by addressing the Department of Justice dropping the subpoenas they ordered against New York Times journalists who reported on security concerns regarding President Trump's new Qatari-government-gifted Air Force One jet, noting that the attempt to subpoena the writers speaks to a failed effort of “chilling and intimidating” other reporters. But still, there were even more subpoenas: last week, the DOJ filed subpoenas for 14 major law firms as part of an ongoing lawsuit between the American Bar Association (ABA) and the Executive Office of the President, which Mary and Andrew believe is an effort by the government to try and “get the law firms to pressure the ABA to drop this lawsuit.” They also touch on an update to journalist Katie Phang's lawsuit against the federal government over Epstein files redactions and address Jack Smith's criminal referral by House Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan. Plus, two immigration-related cases: a judge's decision to throw out a DOJ lawsuit challenging Minnesota immigration laws and an appeal court's decision to reverse a lower court decision releasing Pro-Palestinian activist Mohsen Mahdawi. A Note to Listeners: As the 2026 midterm elections heat up, MS NOW is headed to the Lone Star State. Join more than a dozen of your favorite hosts - including Rachel Maddow, Lawrence O'Donnell, Jen Psaki, Michael Steele, Ali Velshi and more - in Arlington, Texas on September 26 for a day of community and conversation about the issues that matter most to you. Get your tickets at ms.now/together. Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Richard Duke of Gloucester has the crown in his sights. But first, he needs to clear the room.  Allies become enemies. Councillors are arrested. Lord Hastings is dead. And Edward IV's heirs are locked in the Tower of London.  Then Richard needs to sell himself. A preacher declares Edward IV's children illegitimate while Richard positions himself as the antidote to his brother's salacious decadence. Richard's going to be England's pious, orderly, righteous king. Or so he claims.  The heirs locked in the tower slowly slip from public view — and history has never stopped asking about where they went.  – As always, Dan's royal favourites can chime in anytime on the royal court on Patreon at patreon.com/thisishistory. It's where you get your bonus episodes, and on this week's episode Dan tries to understand why Elizabeth Woodville handed her son over to Richard III from sanctuary at Westminster Abbey. Plus, learn more about how Richard tried to legitimate his claims to the throne by sullying his deceased brother's reputation.  – A Sony Music Entertainment production.  Find more great podcasts from Sony Music Entertainment at sonymusic.com/podcasts  To bring your brand to life in this podcast, email podcastadsales@sonymusic.com  Learn more about your ad choices.  Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices  –– Presented by Dan Jones  Producer - Alan Weedon Senior Producer - Dominic Tyerman Junior Producer - Dulcie Whadcock Executive Producer - Louisa Field  Executive Producer - Dan Jones Production Manager - Jen Mistri  Production Coordinator - Eric Ryan  Head of Content - Chris Skinner Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Neil Lanctot details the March 1916 sinking of the Sussex, which caused more American deaths and pushed Wilson to the brink of war. German Ambassador Johann von Bernstorff worked desperately to maintain peace, recognizing that American entry would doom Germany, while Wilson largely ignored his own ambassadors in London and Berlin, whom he considered useless or biased. Interestingly, the Wilson administration used wiretaps to monitor the German embassy, revealing Bernstorff's personal affairs and diplomatic strategies. In Berlin, leaders distrusted Wilson, viewing him as leaning toward the Allies, while British leaders like Lloyd George were frustrated by American neutrality. Domestically, TR's rage at Wilson's "holding back" reached a boiling point, leading him to use vulgar language toward the President during private meetings with Republican financiers. Meanwhile, militant pacifist Rosika Schwimmer, who had initially drawn Henry Ford into the peace movement, was marginalized as the movement became increasingly fragmented and impractical. (5)1914

  Nick Lloyd concludes with the arrival of General John J. Pershing and the American Expeditionary Force in 1917, which fundamentally shifted the war's atmosphere despite the initial lack of a prepared army. Pershing famously resisted "amalgamation," refusing to allow American soldiers to serve directly under French or British officers, insisting instead on a semi-independent American command. By 1918, the sheer volume of American manpower convinced Germanleadership that the war was lost, as the German army began to fall apart under the pressure of Foch's coordinated multinational attacks. Lloyd explicitly debunks the "Stab in the Back" legend, asserting that the German military was decisively defeated on the battlefield and sued for peace due to exhaustion. Although the Allies chose an armistice rather than a costly invasion of Germany, this decision was based on the total exhaustion of the British and French forces rather than a lack of military victory. (8)1914-1918