Podcasts about Tomo

His journey to becoming a becoming a permanent Deacon

Dante's back! Ronna couldn't be less interested, but he is here. It's a Carriage House Catch-Up with Ronna (& Bryan) this week as they tackle everything from the NBA gambling scandal to the East Wing destruction. Then it's on to some major follow-ups from the leg sleeve drama from last week and the mediation drama from a few weeks ago. Then we end with some advice on bringing food to a privately catered event and a potentially sticky engagement ring dilemma. The AR Social Club Spoo-Kiki is this Sunday 11/2 at 7pm ET, and it's going to be a fabulous time as always!  And don't forget that (Bryan)'s hit Edinburgh show ARE YOU MAD AT ME has one more showing left at the Elysian Theatre in LA on November 3. Catch the encore presentation of this hit production! Tickets at bryansafi.com  Sponsor: We LOVE the luxurious sheets we got from Cozy Earth. They're cozy, they look amazing, and they'd make the perfect gift for that special someone for the holidays! Use code RONNA at checkout to get additional savings on top of their sitewide sale for up to 40% off your purchase! Go to cozyearth.com and wrap the ones you love in luxury with Cozy Earth. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Tom O'Brien, vice chair at Colliers in Minneapolis, talks to F&C reporter Dan Netter. O'Brien discusses why he made the switch to Colliers, the transition so far and the state of Normandale Lake.

CarneyShow 10.24.25 Jeff Zufall, Dan Zarlenga, Dr. Jeffrey DeSarbo, Tom O'Keefe, Alex Stone by

FOOTBALL;Salthill-Knocknacarra's Tomo Culhane with Galway Bay FM's Jonathan Higgins ahead of the County Senior Final against Maigh Cuilinn

¡Hola, hola!

This sermon was preached by Tom O'Toole at the Fallowfield site of Christ Church Manchester on Sunday 19th October 2025.

CarneyShow 10.17.25 Paul Myers, Verda Korzeniewski, Tom O'Keefe, Erin Lapidus, Alex Stone by

This episode looks at the Kabane and Court Rank systems in light of the changes made during this reign, in 684 and 685.  We go a bit more in depth on the kabane, what they were, and how they were organized, prior to the reorganization that took place at the end of the 8th century into just 8 kabane, total.   For more, check out our blogpost:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-136   Rough Transcript   Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is Episode 136: Kabane and Court Rank   Mononobe no Muraji no Ujimaro was in a foul mood.  Once more he had been passed over for promotion, and so he continued to toil away, tallying reports as they came in from the various provinces across the kingdom. Meanwhile, Hasama no Atahe no Woshibi was now his superior, with an exalted rank and the generous stipend that came with it.  Ujimaro fumed—he was Mononobe, and his family had once all but ruled Yamato.  Though they had been perhaps reduced in circumstances since then, they still proudly held to their place as a Muraji family—a distinction that demonstrated their superior pedigree.  Meanwhile, Woshibi was from the Hasama family.  Sure, his relative, Nemaro, had been one of those on the front lines in the recent conflict, but still, his family was only atahe.  Honestly, a Mononobe was supposed to take orders from someone of an Atahe family? But this was the new way of things.  The ancient traditions were no longer enough—you had to work hard and make sure way up through this new court rank system if you wanted to succeed.  Ujimaro grumbled, but there was little he could do in the moment.  Nonetheless, he couldn't help but think about how the natural order of the world was somehow turned upside down…     Greetings and welcome back, everyone. We are working our way through the reign of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou.  This reign spanned fourteen years, if you include the Jinshin year of 672, though it is broken into two narratives in the Nihon Shoki.  The first chapter covers the year of the disturbance, the Jinshin no Ran, when Ohoama fought with the Afumi court, who supported his nephew, Ohotomo, on the throne.  We've covered that turbulent period previously.  The second chapter covers the other 13 years of Ohoama's reign. Last episode we covered the first year of Ohoama sitting properly on the throne.  The year 673 included Ohoama's ascension; the confirmation, continuation, and evolution of the Ritsuryou system instituted during Naka no Oe's time; as well as various ceremonies around Ohoama's ascension to the throne, including the first verifiable “Daijosai”, the specialized harvest ceremony for the first harvest season of the reign. This episode we are going to try and tackle something that people have sent in questions about.  We've touched on it here and there, but I really want to get into the Kabane system—that ancient practice of family titles that were like a collective rank system.  It was during Ohoama's reign that the court made major reforms to the kabane system and restructured it pretty extensively.  At the same time, the kabane system was gradually being replaced by other systems of displaying one's status in society—such as the court rank system, which was also revised this reign.  Eventually, without the same purpose as before, kabane would fade away, with a few remaining as honorifics and titles, but at this point they were still important.  So we'll get into both of these status systems  and discuss a little bit about what that meant for the people of the late 7th century court. From the beginning of Ohoama's reign, the court had continued to implement the cap-rank system, most recently amended in 664, by Ohoama's brother, Naka no Ohoye.  With the new rank system of 685, the format changed considerably. To better understand this, let's talk about the rank systems in Yamato and how we have gotten to this point.  We'll want to start with the kabane, and to do that, I want to take us back to a much earlier time. As you may recall, in the oldest stories in the Nihon Shoki, the Kojiki, and the Sendai Kuji Hongi, most individuals only have a single name, or they are known by the name of a location and a title.  Iware Hiko, for example, with Hiko and Hime being general masculine and feminine terms for elites from a given area.  From this, it would appear as though there was no such thing as a “family” name in early Wa societies. As I've pointed out before, that does not mean that there were not families, of course, or that lineage and family relationships were not important; we do see familial relationships, and we see concepts of lateral inheritance—from brother to brother rather than necessarily from father to son.  The rules behind such inheritance seem to have been rather malleable, however. And that all makes some sense in a society where most people are dealing with the people of their village and surrounding communities—there is no need for anything more than a given name.  Otherwise one's place of origin or their profession could easily be used to identify any given individual.  Even the elites would be known by the territory they control. I mention all of this because some of the earliest terms we see as “kabane” appear to be titular in nature—that is to say they are derived from ancient titles.  Hiko, Hime, Wake, Mimi, and Ushi are all terms we see from the ancient past, commonly found in the names of sovereigns, among other things. It isn't until some time in about the 5th century that we start to see the family units arise.  These started as something like a corporate group or guild: Those who looked after horses were all labelled as Umakai, while those who worked jade and made magatama jewels were labelled as Tamatsukuribe.  These groups or “be” were familial in that they were structured much as a family, with a single family head.  That gave the ruler a single point of contact to presumably administer all of the work that particular corporate group was expected to perform.  Furthermore, the name passed to their children, who would presumably have been brought up in the family business.  For some of these families, rather than overseeing a business, craft, or similar thing, they were, instead, administrators of a given region or locality.  We might think of these as chiefly families, overseeing domains of varying sizes.  These families were known as “uji”.  This is often translated in English as “clan”, which is an overloaded term used to describe a group that all claim familial descent from a single putative ancestor—whether real or fictional.  Many of the earliest uji were created as “-be” groups:  Abe, Mononobe, Imbe, Kataribe, etc., but they eventually started dropping “-be” altogether: Inukahi, Umakahi, Soga, Nakatomi, Wani, and the like.  For these Uji, many were connected to various deities, or kami, from which they claimed descent.  These kami are thought to be some of the original ujigami, though that term later came to be applied to various kami that were seen as guardians of a particular locale, and later uji need not claim direct descent from a kami for it to be special.  For example, the main deity of Kasuga Taisha, the shrine built in Nara in the 8th century, said to house the ujigami of the Nakatomi and Fujiwara, primarily pays worship to Takemikazuchi no Mikoto and Futsunushi no Mikoto, deities brought from the east.  Takemikazuchi is considered an ujigami of the two uji, but the oyagami, the actual parent or ancestral kami from which they claim direct lineage, would be Ame no Koyane no Mikoto, who is also worshipped as the third deity at the shrine. The fact that these uji operate more like clans means that they were made up of numerous family units, who might be scattered across the archipelago.  At the head of each uji would have been a central family to provide the uji leadership and interface with the court.  Nonetheless, they were all considered the same uji, and a rise in the fortunes of the uji applied to all of its disparate members. To be clear, there were titles attached to individual names, Sukune, for example, which is one we've encountered several times in the narrative.  Professor Kan'ichi Asakawa, in his work “The Early Institutional Life of Japan”, provides an overview of some of these corporate titles, that came to be known as “kabane”.     In all likelihood, they all had a straightforward meaning at some point.  “Omi” means minister, for example, and continues to be used in that sense—as well as as a title—up through at least the 7th century.  Another common kabane that we see is “Muraji”, which appears to originally reference someone in charge of a village or similar polity.  Asakawa suggests that it comes from Mura no Ushi, with “Ushi” meaning something like “lord” and showing up elsewhere as well.  “Kimi” also appears to be demonstrating some kind of hegemony over a land. Beyond that, here are a few others that we have seen:  Atahe—or Atai—as well as Suguri, which appears to truly be a lower level village headmaster.  Then there is Agata-nushi, aka Agata No Ushi, the Lord of an Agata, or district.  Asakawa also notes Wake, Inaki, Sukune, Kishi, and Tamitsukasaas other kabane. The kabane are interesting in that they do appear to be precedental—that is to say that there does appear to be some kind of hierarchy in terms of the social position of each uji.  The kabane did not, however, confer any particular resources.  There was no stipend attached to a given kabane, though certain court positions were only open to members of uji with the appropriate kabane.  Perhaps most notable in this are the Omi and the Muraji, which were the only two family types that held the supreme court positions—what we would likely refer to as “Prime Minister”.  These included families such as the Ohotomo no Muraji, the Mononobe no Muraji, the Kose no Omi, and the Soga no Omi.  The heads of these families had a special title—the Ohomuraji or the Oho-omi, the Great Muraji and the Great Omi.  These positions were placed at the top of the court system, allowing them unrivaled access to the levers of power.  Typically there were two to three of these individuals at any given time, down to as few as one during the height of the Soga no Omi's power and influence. It is unclear if all uji at the Omi and Muraji level had a designated Oho-Omi or Oho-Muraji at their head, or if that was only for those who were in actual positions at the top of the court structure. It is also unclear if the precedence between the Omi and Muraji was always fixed.  Early on, we see Muraji houses that appear to be holding the majority of the powerful positions, and later we see the ascendancy of the Omi households.  By the 7th century, however, it appears that Omi came first, followed by Muraji, based on the order that individuals are frequently named in the Chronicles, among other things. As for the other titles, some of them we believe we know, and others are more of a mystery.  The origin of “wake” and “kimi” are rather obscure, though they both appear to have something to do with territorial rule and belong to uji that lay some kind of claim to a blood relationship with the royal house.  Some of them may have been rulers in their own lands, prior to Yamato hegemony. “Inaki” may be related to rice castle, or storehouse, and seems to have referred to one of the smallest local units.  That also means we rarely see it in the narrative, which tended to focus on those more closely tied to the court and the royal house.  Asakawa notes that the Atahe, or Atai, seems to be for uji who possessed some amount of private land and private soldiery, but we don't know much more.  Asakawa also points out that the Suguri, Tamitsukasa, and the Kishi kabane all seem to be related to groups with ties to the continent—perhaps descended from immigrant groups.  The Kuni no Miyatsuko and the Agata-nushi are the titles with the clearest seeming ties to territorial hegemony.  “Kuni” is the term for the ancient lands, such as Yamato, Kibi, Kenu, Koshi, etc. There seem to be around 140 such “kuni” described in the archipelago.  Agata, on the other hand, were much smaller districts.  While some of these district names have survived, it is hard, if not impossible, to know exactly how many of them there were. Then you have this term: “Miyatsuko”.  Breaking that apart, he translates it as child or servant—ko—of the exalted house—miya.  Taken together, these appear to reference the elite families in charge of overseeing territorial lands.We also see another term that uses “Miyatsuko”:  Tomo no Miyatsuko.  Unlike Kuni no Miyatsuko, Tomo no Miyatsuko is a term representing a group, rather than a kabane attached to an individual family.  When the sovereign addresses the court, for example, he typically addresses the Omi, the Muraji, the Tomo no Miyatsuko and the Kuni no Miyatsuko. Asakawa proposed that, technically, all of these could fall under the term “Miyatsuko” as servants of the sovereign's house.  Rather than focusing on specifics of all the myriad kabane, however, Asakawa treats them broadly as the Omi, Muraji, Tomo no Miyatsuko, and Kuni no Miyatsuko.  The Omi and the Muraji we already touched on.  They were the houses that could, among other things, supply the court with their Ohoomi and Ohomuraji—their prime ministers.  So it makes some sense.  The Tomo no Miyatsuko and the Kuni no Miyatsuko are a little more tricky  to pin down, but Asakawa suggests that, ased on what we can tell, the heads of the Omi, Muraji, and Tomo no Miyatsuko likely attended court on a regular basis and lived nearby, whereas the Kuni no Miyatsuko were those whose heads dwelt elsewhere, likely because they were the local elites in various other areas of the archipelago.  This is in the name—the term “tomo” might be thought of as being “with” someone, and at one point it is suggested  that the Tomo no Miyatsuko are related to those who traced kinship back to the kami who originally descended from the Plain of Heaven.  However, among the myriad kabane, not all of them were strictly local, and we find some kabane doing double duty for both local and geographically dispersed uji.  Thus he also suggested that Kuni no Miyatsuko, though it was a kabane in its own right, also represented the other forms of territorial elite titles—all those who did not regularly attend the court, but instead administered their own lands.   Richard Miller, in his work, “Ancient Japanese Nobility”, does provide a suggested hierarchy of the kabane.  I don't know if I completely agree, as I think that it was a lot more complicated across the entire archipelago, but nonetheless I'll add the information to the blogpost page if you want to see at least one suggestion of relative precedence between uji of different kabane. Now let's not forget that not everyone was a member of an uji.  For one thing, the royal family—both the sovereign's immediate family and Princes who claimed a more distant relationship—were exempt from the Uji-Kabane system.  Also, the commoners, those who actually toiled and worked the land, likewise would not have been included in a given Uji.  The Uji may have directed production, and even included certain artisans, but it still only included those who were tied, in some way, to the government. Now while the Uji-Kabane system may have started as titles with actual meanings—that is to say that the names and titles were essentially indicative of a group's role in society—it didn't take too long for it to become a little more abstract.  After all, generation after generation, people change.   Individuals vied for power and position in the court and elsewhere, and one's uji may rise, and even fall, depending on how they were able to succeed in the political climate of the day.  This was augmented with the marriage politics which no doubt was conducted as much between the elite families as well as with the royal family.  And then there were the branch or cadet families.  For example, let's say that the head of a family has four children.  Each one of those children could theoretically succeed their father—if his own siblings don't do so.  With each generation, the familial ties get weaker, and smaller, sub-houses could form.  If the uji was geographically dispersed, then local branches could become more or less independent. All of this seems to have caused not a small bit of confusion, and thus we get an edict in the last months of 682: it instructed all of the uji to ensure that they had a senior member—an uji-no-kami or ko-no-kami, with “kami”, in this instance, meaning top or head, rather than deity.  This family head was to be reported to the government, presumably so that the government knew exactly who was in charge of each family.  If there were too many people in a given uji, then they were encouraged to split themselves up and submit their own heads, with government officials adjudicating the decision.  Finally, they are exhorted not to include any people that do not belong. A few things this seems to indicate.  First is that the government did not have a handle on all of the different families out there, which makes some sense.  It had been many generations since the uji had been initially set up, and the State had gone through a lot in that period.  It may also indicate that there were those making a false claim to a family name specifically for the added prestige.  How difficult would it be to claim to be a member of a prominent family that just happened to have been from a far-flung, out of the way branch?  We see this in the 10th century with the Oushu Fujiwara—a family in Tohoku, around the region of Hiraizumi, who claimed descent from the famous Fujiwara family.  Of course, the Fujiwara family by that point had grown so large, that it was next to impossible to check any such claim.  How much moreso in the age before written records were common? We've seen examples where different parts of a given Uji were recorded separately.  For example, the Aya were split early on into different groups, with the Yamato no Aya being perhaps the most often referenced, but we also have the Kawachi no Aya—the Aya from Kawachi.  And then we have the Inukahi, where we see the Ama no Inukahi and the Agata no Inukahi, referring to the Inukahi of the Sea and the Inukahi of the District, though sometimes just a reference to “Inukahi”. Of course, it also seems that these branch families maintained the kabane of the original. Over time, uji were promoted, but rarely were they demoted.  And so, over time, more and more uji are counted among the ranks of the Omi and the Muraji. At the same time, the court was changing.  With the Taika reforms and the development of the ritsuryo codes, the Uji-kabane system was no longer required for managing the realm.  Furthermore, the government was centralizing land and the produce thereof.  And so they instituted the cap-rank system, a more explicit system of rank within the court that was held by the individual, not by the entire uji.  In addition, cap-rank could be tied directly to a stipend, making the court officers more dependent on the central government, rather than on their own uji's resources. Early on, it is likely that higher cap rank was given to members of the more highly exalted uji, as those were the uji that also filled the upper echelons of government and therefore would have been best prepared to succeed in those roles.  However, as things continued, it was likely that it was going to get even more confused.  Or they would need to raise up all of the families to Omi and Muraji status, but as that happened, the meaning of the kabane themselves became less and less clear.  After all, if everyone is an “Omi” and “Muraji” than, really, nobody is. In 681, we are told that they began to put together a law code, and later a law code of 92 articles is said to have been established.  However, it seems it was still being updated, and wasn't until 689, after Ohoama's death, that all 22 volumes would be distributed to the various governors.  It became known as the Kiyomihara Codes.  In 684, Ohoama's reforms attacked the problem of the Kabane.  The record complains that the various titles had become confused.  That there were people out there taking kabane they were not entitled to, and just a general confusion because it no longer aligned quite so well with the evolving cultural norms of the new Yamato state.  Early attempts to deal with this appear to have been, in the years since they began codifying it all in 681, to raise up families and individuals to the rank of “Muraji”.  There are several records where lists of families are all given “Muraji”.  In the case of individuals being granted Muraji, it is unclear if that was going just to them or to their entire family, though there are some examples where it seems an individual was granted the title and then their uji was separately awarded the same. This seems like an initial attempt to straighten things out.  With the new bureaucratic system and the court ranks, no doubt there were people of worth from uji with less prestigious kabane who now outranked individuals from uji that were, at least on paper, more prestigious.  This can't really have solved the problem.  If anything, it just watered down the meaning of “muraji” even further, since now everyone and their brother seemed to have been granted that title. Ohoama's solution was to pare down the system to only eight kabane, total.  Some of these were existing kabane, and others were entirely new. At the bottom of this new system was the title of Inaki, which had been about the lowest territorial kabane of the existing system.  I suspect that this included all of those families that were still below the rank of Muraji, who had not been raised up in the preceding years.  However, from there it immediately jumped up to the Muraji and Omi, in that order.  And so the kabane that were previously at the top of the system were now towards the bottom.  That way, they could “promote” families into greater kabane, without needing to “demote” a bunch of existing families at the same time. Above the Omi were mostly new kabane, except for one.  The first was “Michinoshi”, a Master of the Way.  It is unclear what this was intended for, as we aren't told who was promoted to this kabane.  Based on the name, it is thought that this may have been for uji that had demonstrated a mastery of learning or perhaps some other pursuit, such as medicine, science, crafts, etc. Above the Michinoshi title was the kabane of Imiki, the fourth of eight.  This may mean something like “One who arrived”.  Some suggest that it may have originally been “imaki”.  Richard Miller, in his work “Ancient Japanese Nobility” suggests that this was effectively the equivalent of the old title of “Atahe”.  That said, most of those who received this kabane had previously been promoted to the old title of “Muraji”, though before that they were mostly Atahe, or else Obito, Kishi, or Miyatsuko. There is a thought that Imiki had something to do with “coming” and was meant for uji descended from immigrant families.  Miller notes that this is not immediately born out in the data from the Nihon Shoki, where we see about a 50:50 split between immigrant and native uji.  However, in the following chronicle, the Shoku Nihongi, we see about 100 of 150 of uji with the Imiki kabane  that were of immigrant origins, so 2/3rds.  That still isn't entirely conclusive, but does add some weight to the idea. Continuing to the 3rd kabane from the top we are at “Sukune”.  This was previously used as a kabane, but from what I can tell it was given to an individual and was not passed down to the entire uji.  Now it was something different.  Miller suggests that this kabane was for those uji who claimed descent from one of the kami, but not necessarily from the royal lineage. In contrast, Asomi, later read as “Ason”, the 2nd of the 8 kabane, literally reads as “court minister”.  It appears to be for those who claimed some connection to the royal family.  It is notable that Ohoama awarded this to some 52 families during his reign.  Compare that with making 11 Imiki and 13 Mabito, the next and highest ranking kabane.  Asomi would be the most common kabane among those at the top of the court bureaucracy.  Of all of them, this one seems to linger, perhaps because it is the kabane that was given to the Fujiwara family, who then carried that with them into later centuries. Finally, there is Mabito.  Mabito means something like “True Person” or perhaps “Upright Person”, and it seems to have gone exclusively to families with the old kabane of “kimi”.  An examination of the thirteen uji in this group indicates that they were those with close royal ties, who claimed a descent closely related to that of the royal family.  So those were the new kabane.  Although they were declared in 684 and handed out through the following year, we do see some individuals referenced with these kabane earlier in the narrative.  This is likely just due to the fact that it is how they were eventually known, and so they are given an anachronistic kabane, which was probably much easier for the compilers than trying to make sure that all of the names were exactly correct for each record. With the kabane thus dealt with, Ohoama then went on to make some major changes to the court rank system as well.  In many ways I would say that his ranks were quite novel—previous changes to the cap-rank system had largely been additions or slight modifications but had left many of the names intact with each change.  As such, the rank system decreed in 664 was really just an update to the previous cap-rank system of 649 and earlier.  And so even through 664 you still had things like “Greater brocade” as someone's rank.  Towards the end of his reign, though, along with other reforms to the government, Determining what exactly the rank system was at any given point can be a little confusing.  Depending on the record being used, names are sometimes referenced anachronistically: That is they are given with the ultimate title, kabane, or rank by which they were known. This could sometimes be after multiple phases of reform, and so the honors mentioned may not necessarily reflect that individual's ranks and position at the date of the entry.  Also the various rank systems are close enough, sharing many of the various rank names, such that it isn't immediately obvious if something different is being used. This is true of both kabane and court ranks.  Furthermore, as many individuals may only be mentioned once or twice, we may not always have a lot of data on how things may have changed.    The new system enacted in 685 was different in several ways that make it quite distinct.  In fact, we see in the record of this reign earlier mentions of individuals where their rank is given in terms of the new system even in records predating 685.  So what did that look like? The rank system of 685 still used various signifiers, which broke things up into categories, but these were broken up into 2-4 numerical grades:  Ichi-I, Ni-I, San-I, Shi-I, or first rank, second rank, third rank, and fourth rank.  This gets us closer to what was eventually an almost purely numerical system.  Each grade was then divided further into “Larger”: “Dai”; or “Broader”: “Kou” This is also where we see Princely ranks enumerated for the first time.  As we noted, previously, princely rank was something that we started to see at the beginning of this reign in the Nihon Shoki, with Prince of the third rank, etc. In 685, however, we get an actual proclamation. The Princely ranks are broken into two large categories—the bright, or Myou, ranks and the Pure, or Jou ranks.  There were two grades of Myou—Ichi-I and Ni-I, and four grades of Jou—Ichi-I, Ni-I, San-I, and Shi-I.  Each grade was further divided twice into large, dai, or broad, kou.  So you had Myou-dai-ichi-I, Myou-kou-ichi-I, Myou-dai-ni-I, Myou-kou, ni-i… et cetera.  That translates to something like Large First Bright rank, Broad First Bright rank, Large Second Bright rank, and Broad Second Bright rank.  This would continue with “Jou” replacing “Myou”, and provided a total of 12 princely ranks. As for how they were divvied out, we only see the granting of “Jou” ranks.  In fact, Kusakabe, the Crown Prince himself is given Broader Pure First Rank (Jou-kou-ichi-i).  His brother, Prince Ohotsu, was given Larger Pure Second Rank, their brother Takechi, who had helped lead the forces in the Jinshin war, was given Broader Pure Second Rank, one lower than his younger brother.  Both Kawashima and Osakabe were given Larger Pure Third Rank.  So if the highest “Pure” rank was going to the Crown Prince, then who were the Myou ranks going to?  Unfortunately, thou the system would last until the development of the Taihou code, in 703, we don't have any clear examples of the Myou ranks being handed out, so that may be a puzzle we don't unravel. Beyond the ranks for the various princes, there was another, similar set of ranks for the common court nobles.  This system had 6 categories, broken up, like the Princely ranks, into four grades, each further divided into Larger and Broader, as before.  In this case the categories were: Shou – Upright Jiki – Straight Gon – Diligent Mu – Earnest Tsui – Pursue Shin – Advancement This created 48 total rank divisions, which gave an unprecedented granularity for the court.  As for granting rank, we have a couple of examples of that, beyond just the posthumous grants.  In 686, Ohoama conferred Gon-I, the Dilligent rank, on six ministers who attended to him, personally.  There was also a request that provincial governors should select nine people of achievement who could likely be given the same. There is one strange account:  in 685, Awata no Asomi no Mabito—Mabito, in this case, being his given name—requested permission to transfer his rank to his father, but this was refused. And I think this gets to the heart of the cultural change that was underway, and which Ohoama and the court was actively encouraging.  Although the kabane titles were a collective rank, court rank, and the accompanying stipend, was for the individual.  This wasn't something that could accrue to the head of a family.  That would have been an important point at a time when the traditions of the uji system were still quite strong. So there we have it.  Hopefully there was something new for you to take away as we come to better understand Ohoama and his court. We still have plenty more to discuss—probably enough for a few more episodes as we cover some of the natural events and disasters, the ties between the court and religion, as well as what was going on with peninsular affairs, not to mention the myriad other little random tidbits.  We'll get to all of that as we can. Next episode we'll take a look at the material culture of the court.  Specifically we'll take a look at what we know about their dress and clothing, much of which was influenced by that sumptuary laws that were, themselves, tied in closely with this new rank system. Until then, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

Die Saison 25/26 liegt bereits zu einem Drittel hinter der TuS Koblenz und der Kader der Schängel musste den Belastungen der letzten Wochen und Monaten bereits Tribut zollen. Kleinere und leider auch größere Verletzungen hat es in den letzten Spielen der Schängel geben. Wir haben diese Woche Sabine Anders, Leiterin der medizinischen Abteilung der TuS, in den Podcast eingeladen, um mit ihr auch darüber zu sprechen: Wie sieht's bei Tomo, Leon & Co eigentlich aus? Natürlich sprechen wir auch über die Zusammenarbeit mit dem neuen Mannschaftsarzt der TuS und generell über das Team, das mit Sabine zusammen jede Woche viel Herzblut, Leidenschaft und Zeit in die Gesundheit unserer Spieler steckt.

Authenticity is the key in Czech Baseball

Buenos días. ¿El personaje? Dorothy Pérez. ¿La frase? “Te perdono” de Evelyn Matthei. ¿La caída? La señal de internet del Presidente Boric desde Italia que dejó inconclusa su presentación. Así se podría resumir la jornada de Enade. La Contralora se llevó todos los halagos. Fue aplaudida de pie al final de su intervención donde se refirió al trabajo que hacen fiscalizando. Recordó casos como el de las licencias, las listas de espera y las irregularidades en droga incautada, entro otros. Criticó la permisología y expuso ejemplos como que detectaron 704 permisos de obras públicas no contestados por el Consejo de Monumentos Nacionales y hasta 878 días de demora en la aprobación de esos permisos. Fue el “momento Dorothy”. Su aprobación fue transversal y poco faltó para un “se siente, se siente…”. En el espacio de los candidatos presidenciales, el hecho de la jornada fue “la paz” lograda entre Matthei y Kast, luego de que ella dijera que lo “perdonaba” por el “bots-gate”. Tal como te contamos en El Líbero, lo que ahora espera Republicanos es que la candidata diga de manera explícita que apoyará a JAK si es él quien pasa a segunda vuelta.

César Lignelli é professor de voz e performance do Departamento de Artes Cênicas da UnB. Atualmente César coordena e lidera grupos, projetos de pesquisa e periódicos acadêmicos, além de ser membro de associações e autor de dezenas de artigos. É autor do livro “Sons e(m) Cenas” e coorganizador do livro “Práticas, Poéticas e Devaneios Vocais”. Dentre as produções destaca-se o espetáculo “DeBanda” e o longa-metragem de animação “O Sonho de Clarice”, premiado internacionalmente.Os sons povoam a vida dos ouvintes. Provocam infindas sensações, mas também a indiferença de suas presenças. Manifestar-se sonoramente com palavras, requer escuta, vontade, organização de pensamento e sagacidade em como se dizer o que se quer dizer, considerando para quem e onde se diz. No ato, essas dimensões dão a sensação de ocorrer praticamente em simultaneidade, num fluxo complexo e vertiginoso dos trânsitos que vão do desejo ao discurso. Sons e(m) Cena: parâmetros do som destina-se a qualquer pessoa que tenha interesse nesses jogos que permeiam corpos, sonoridades e efeitos. De forma acessível, o livro apresenta conceitos e práticas pedagógicas ponderadas por aspectos sociais, históricos, artísticos, anátomo-fisiológicos, físicos e tecnológicos que nos tecem. Didaticamente, letras são entremeadas por imagens e possíveis acessos a vídeos demonstrativos, num esforço contundente de dar atenção e alcance às intensidades, frequências, timbres, ruídos, durações e ritmos presentes em qualquer balbucio, palavra, trovão, canto.

W klasycznym duecie - Tomo i Rafał - rozmawiamy o grach bieżących takich jak „Ghost of Yotei”, „FC 26”, kampanii singlowej „Battlefield 6” i paru innych. Obowiązkowy segment niusów i ciekawostek oraz rekomendacji popkulturalnych też się znajdzie. W odcinku też konkurs a do zdobycia „Battlefield 6” na PS5. Tematem głównym odcinka jest cykl „Mission Impossible” - omawiamy historię serii, wszystkie filmy oraz gry video. Spis treści:00:00 Spojler Alert00:37 Intro01:06 Rozbiegówka i konkursy09:54 Niusy i ciekawostki40:33 Battlefield 6 Kampania50:02 Kącik Kingdom Come 257:45 Ghost of Yotei 01:23:31 FC 2601:32:05 Stacja popkultura01:55:52 Mission Impossible Muzyka Intro i Outro: Amoebacrew - Retrowave, Ivan 2020Okładki i intro: Artur Alchemik Linki:Strona: https://www.starygracz.plYT https://youtube.com/@starygraczpodcastFB: https://www.fb.com/starygraczpodcastIG: https://www.instagram.com/stary.graczE-mail: kontakt@starygracz.plKawa: https://buycoffee.to/starygraczPatronite: https://patronite.pl/starygraczpodcast

Mark Twain. „Tomo Sojerio nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorius Saulius Čiučelis.

Hacer click aquí para enviar sus comentarios a este cuento.Juan David Betancur Fernandezelnarradororal@gmail.comHabia una vez una niña llamada Elizabeth. Elizabeth tenía ocho anos y vivía en una pequeña casa de campo rodeada de colinas verdes y un huerto que su familia cuidaba con esmero. Desde muy pequeña, Elizabeth había sentido una admiración y fascinación por los relojes. No sabía exactamente por qué, pero el sonido del tic-tac le parecía como el latido de un corazón invisible que movía su alma.  Por esta razón le encantaba. Ver en los almacenes de su pueblo los relojes de pulsara, los de pared, los de cucú y todos ellos le parecían mágicos.Sus padres que siempre estaban atentos a ella un dial decidieron regalarle un reloj dorado con una correa de cuero muy suave. Ella les había ayudado todo el verano a sembrar el huerto y siempre se había portado muy bien. Por ello pensaron que un reloj sería un gran regalo. Elizabeth un día llego del colegio en el día de su cumpleaños y sus padres la estaban esperando con un pequeño paquete dorado con un gran mono de color rojo. Ella excitada la abrió y sus ojos no podían creer lo que estaba viendo. Era un reloj de pulsera con una esfera dorada, números delicados grabados en su cara y una bella correa color marrón. Su cara reflejaba la alegría que sentía. Tomo el reloj entre sus manos y lo abrazo como si fuera una joya mágica. Lo llevaba puesto todos los días y todas las noches lo limpiaba. Con un pañito suave y antes de dormir lo guardaba en una cajita acolchada que siempre tenía en la mesita junto a su cama. Era su compañero que protegía el tiempo ya que sus padres le habían dicho. Debes cuidar este reloj ya que el es el que cuida el tiempo que es un bien muy precioso. Pero un día aquel reloj dejo de funcionar. Y Elizabeth sintió que era su culpa. Realmente no había hecho nada malo pero aquella joya ya no daba vueltas y no marcaba las horas del día y la noche. Avergonzada de pensar que algo había hecho mal le había ocultado a sus padres que su reloj ya no funcionaba. Pero aquella misma noche pensó. Si las semillas que ella plantaba en el huerto crecían formando una mata de donde salían los tomates y lo mismo sucedía con otros vegetales, es posible que si ella enteraba el reloj de allí crecería un árbol que produciría relojes. Su lógica de niña era impecable. Sembraría el reloj en el huerto y esperaría hasta que un bello árbol de relojes le trajera nuevos relojes. Y así lo hizo. Al día siguiente, cuando sus padres estaban ocupados en la cocina, Elizabeth  fue al huerto con su reloj. Buscó un rincón entre las matas de albahaca y los girasoles, cavó un pequeño hoyo con sus manos y colocó el reloj dentro, como si fuera una semilla mágica. Lo cubrió con tierra, lo regó con cuidado y le susurró:—Crece, por favor. Quiero que haya muchos relojes, para que el tiempo nunca se me escape.Pasaron los días, y Elizabeth  seguía regando el lugar en secreto. Pero sus padres notaron que ya no llevaba el reloj.—¿Dónde está tu reloj, Elizabeth? —preguntó su madre.Elizabeth bajó la mirada, nerviosa pero decidida a contar la verdad.—Lo planté en el huerto. Pensé que podría crecer un árbol de relojes.Sus padres se miraron sorprendidos. Su padre se agachó junto a ella y le dijo con dulzura:—Elizabeth , los relojes no crecen en árboles. Son hechos por personas, no por la tierra. Al enterrarlo, probablemente se ha estropeado.Elizabeth sintió una punzada de tristeza. Había perdido su reloj. Pero en el fondo, algo le decía que no todo estaba perdido.Pasaron los días, las Semanas y los meses. El huerto floreció como siempre. Las tomateras estaban llenas, las zanahorias saltaban  crujientes de su lecho de tierra , y los girasoles se mecí

Mark Twain. „Tomo Sojerio nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorius Saulius Čiučelis.

This sermon was preached by Tom O'Toole at the Ladybarn site of Christ Church Manchester on Sunday 12th October 2025 from 2 Corinthians 9:6-11.

Suscríbete gratis a www.bullpen.es y recibe cada semana en tu buzón las mejores noticias, recomendaciones y análisis del mundo geek. Todos los enlaces de nuestra comunidad están en https://solo.to/puntuacomics. Continuamos el serial donde repasamos tomo a tomo todo el Superman Post Crisis. El Chico de la Barba y yo estamos encantados con esta nueva serie de podcast ya que para uno son sus cómics favoritos y a otro le evita tener que pensar en el próximo tema. Así que prepararos por que si los episodios del Byrne están entre los menos escuchados ahora llega un serial!

Mark Twain. „Tomo Sojerio nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorius Saulius Čiučelis.

Hablamos con nuestros 'Fósforos' de pesadillas recurrentes. Responden, como siempre, en el 900.50.60.06. El primer oyente, llamado Juan, cuenta que está en Carlet. Al sur de Valencia. Está a punto de cumplir 49 años "y todavía sueño con los exámenes de la universidad. Se me ha quedado eso y, cada tres meses, pesadillas con la universidad. Estudié la misma carrera que la mujer del presidente. No llego a hacer el examen. Yo creo que entonces no lo pasaba tan mal como ahora".Posteriormente, hablamos con Lola. La 'Fósfora' sueña que está en la oficina, coge el ascensor, "y bajo y no sé donde estoy. Yo, supuestamente, tengo que estar en el portal. Y no. Es un garaje, un sótano y siempre estoy perdida. Nunca encuentro la salida y me agobio mucho. Me pasa lo mismo en el metro". Relata que tiene miedo a los espacios abiertos y no sabe si eso tiene algo que ver. Tiene 66 años y empezó "a los 20 años con esto. Estoy en tratamiento, ahora me tomo media pastilla. Nada más que iba a ...

Mark Twain. „Tomo Sojerio nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorius Saulius Čiučelis.

CarneyShow 10.10.25 Laura Browne, STL Vision Walk, Erin Lapidus, Tom O'Keefe by

The first minutes feel like a false start into fall—pumpkins, leaves, and office horror stories—then the ground tilts and we're off into ORβIT's ROAR era, where a five-member lineup turns change into momentum. We walk through the reinvention with energy and honesty: who left, who stayed, who's writing, and why that matters to the sound. From the snarling opener to the last tender piano phrase, this album is a journey that swaps fluster for purpose and nostalgia for a new horizon.We go track by track to map the emotional terrain. 'TOO LOUD' hits like a sleek dark-pop bullet, all warning sirens and bass drops. 'DADADA' and 'RIDE ON' inject brass, disco guitar, and 70s groove for pure movement. 'HUFF!' crackles with duo-rock chaos that smells like a Friday night gone feral, while 'chocolate' slides into velvet R&B—intimate, urgent, and frankly irresistible. 'Our gravity' and '和音 (chord)' shift the tone with soft-disco warmth and a classic-leaning ballad laced with silver-and-gold romance, showcasing layered harmonies and sincere writing. 'Panorama' sprints forward with a bright pop‑rock rush, and 'ENCORE' sends us home with that aching, hopeful swell that says the story isn't over.What makes ROAR special isn't just genre range—it's authorship. Members pen lyrics, stamp moods, and let their personalities steer units and choruses. You can hear a group recalibrating in real time: tighter blend, sharper edges, bigger heart. If you're EαRTH, you'll catch the winks; if you're new, you'll still feel the lift. Expect keywords like ORβIT ROAR review, J‑pop album breakdown, track-by-track analysis, funk pop, rock duo, R&B ballad, and member-written songs to bring fellow listeners into the conversation. Hit play, pick your top three, and tell us where the album surprised you most. If this breakdown resonates, subscribe, share with a friend, and leave a quick review—your support keeps these deep dives coming.ORβIT info: Instagram X YouTube official TikTok ROARSupport the showPlease help Music Elixir by rating, reviewing, and sharing the episode. We appreciate your support!Follow us on:TwitterInstagram BlueskyIf have questions, comments, or requests click on our form:Music Elixir FormDJ Panic Blog:OK ASIA

TOMO / TOXIC SICKNESS GUEST MIX / OCTOBER / 2025 by TOXIC SICKNESS OFFICIAL

CarneyShow 10.03.25 Rob Reiner, Harry Shearer, Courtney Diamond, Erin Lapidus, Tom O'Keefe by

Synagogues everywhere are on high alert after a man drove his vehicle into a U.K. synagogue and began stabbing people; A longtime bail and parole advocate Tom O’Sullivan, sheds light on the urgent need for parole, bail reform in Canada; Latest data shows despite housing affordability in Canada going down, some cities are trending in a different direction.

Swiss Baseball ... What is Baseball 5

Berlin's Hyphen collective has wasted no time carving out its place in the techno underground. Less than a year in and already on their fifth release, the label continues to thrive on collaboration and open-ended experimentation rather than fixed formulas. Before the Shift EP brings together Hyphen's own vauna with two fast-rising Italian artists: TOMO, co-founder of Florence's DE RIO, and Milan-based Peppe Amore (NR, Planet Rhythm). This is a five-track release that embraces intensity without tipping into excess, channeling a strain of contemporary techno that feels both relentless and precise, designed to hit hard while still leaving room for nuance. "Return to Form" builds on a foundation of massive kicks and tribal percussion that slowly liquefy into something more fluid, threaded with spiraling synth lines and ghostly vocal fragments. The result feels both primal and precise. It's like a transmission from a futuristic jungle made for sweat-drenched hours in the middle of the night, and another reminder that Hyphen knows how to keep its trajectory sharp. Before the Shift is out on September 26th. https://soundcloud.com/vaunamusic https://www.instagram.com/vaunamusic/ https://www.instagram.com/hyphen_berlin/ http://soundcloud.com/hyphen-berlin Write up by @gilleswasserman Follow us on social media: https://soundcloud.com/itsdelayed https://linktr.ee/delayed https://www.delayed.nyc https://www.facebook.com/itsdelayed https://www.instagram.com/_____delayed https://www.youtube.com/@_____delayed Contact us: info@delayed.nyc

CarneyShow 9.26.25 Jamie Lissow, James Zahn, Tom O'Keefe, Royal Oakes by

CarneyShow 9.19.25 Two Nanas, Coolfire, Battlehawks, Tom O'Keefe by

PONY League Baseball

“Tomo y Lomo”: Silvia Nanclares y Silvia Herreros de Tejada despiden sus ya clásicos programas literarios con Antonio Martínez Asensio, crítico literario, escritor y divulgador, director del programa “Un libro, una hora” en Cadena Ser y que presenta “100 libros, una vida”. Damos un paseo por algunos clásicos y, como no hay final sin principio, presentamos a la nueva voz de nuestros programas literarios: la escritora Marta Jiménez, que abre su colaboración “Puro cuento” con una mirada a los libros que empiezan por el final. Más información aquí: ⁠bit.ly/FinTOMOYLOMO1546⁠ Haz posible Carne Cruda: http://bit.ly/ProduceCC

On Episode 139 of the Guest Speaker Series, we welcome Tomo & Aytchpee to the show! Known as one of the most multi-faceted creatives in MA, Tomo can do it all as a producer, vocalist, designer, photographer, videographer, podcaster, and much more. Aytchpee is a music producer and major player within Zen Studios, a recording studio and collective based in Woburn, MA. Tomo & Aytchpee join the show as a tandem to promote their upcoming project ‘Only Right' which is set to drop this fall. Tomo & Aytchpee discuss the project and their friendship at length, including the fortuitous way they originally met. Mike, Tomo. & Aytchpee also discuss a variety of topics, including the state of Boston's music & creative scene, why taking breaks is essential in order to be productive, why traveling is important for inspiration, whether or not Tomo stands by some of his hot takes on Bad for the Community Podcast, and so much more. Follow Tomo on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/kobk617/ Follow Aytchpee on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/aytchpee_/ https://www.clothesbytomo.com/ Check out our studio, AOA Studios, and book a session or service with us: https://www.aoastudios.org/inquiriesbooking Follow our social media and blogs Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/turntableteachers/?hl=en Tik Tok - https://www.tiktok.com/@turntableteachers Blog - https://www.turntableteachers.com/blog Shop - https://www.turntableteachers.com/shop Subscribe to our streaming services Apple - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-turntable-teachers/id1448694925 Google Play - https://playmusic.app.goo.gl/?ibi=com.google.PlayMusic&isi=691797987&ius=googleplaymusic&apn=com.google.android.music&link=https://play.google.com/music/m/Icujt6fhi2je7zzfxjkr7glcowe?t%3DThe_Turntable_Teachers%26pcampaignid%3DMKT-na-all-co-pr-mu-pod-16 Soundcloud - https://soundcloud.com/user-538618877 Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/4UJh499meoTP5wV2b2jrb0?si=EMaTjq9CR2-_zA6orKQNEQ

Ōama, aka Temmu Tennō, ascended the throne in the Kiyomihara Palace--a rennovated version of his mother's Later Okamoto Palace.  Here he ruled with a tremendous amount of authority, continuing the leverage the Ritsuryo system to centralize power in the throne.  We'll look at the layout of the palace, and also talk a little bit about what life was like for the members of the court who were serving Oama, and the state at large. For photos, diagrams, and more, see our blog at: https://sengokudaimyo.com/episode-134 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 134: An Image of the Court at Kiyomihara Maro sat under the eaves of the hall to which he was assigned.  The journey from Mino hadn't been so hard, but he was still far from his family, back home.  He knew as much as they did that serving at the court of the Great Lord was a tremendous opportunity.  He would be at the heart of the court, in the presence of those running the country, and he could learn a lot from them.  After passing his internship, he would have a chance to prove himself.  If he worked hard, he could look forward to continued promotion, with the greater stipend and influence that came with it. Maro had no illusions that he would someday be at the top of the court hierarchy, but perhaps he could make some modest improvements in his station.  His elder brother was expected to inherit their father's position back in Mino, but the court provided a different opportunity.  Maro had always been a quick learner, and had learned to read and write at an early age, devouring whatever knowledge he could get his hands on – and that had helped make him that much more desirable to the court.  Now he was learning the ins and outs of how it worked, mostly by doing odd jobs while observing the various interactions, the politics, and the rhythm of it all.  Life at the Court really was something.  And yet he still felt homesick.  And so here Maro sat, looking out at the full moon in the sky, its light so bright that he barely needed any other illumination.  Maro wondered at the idea that his family might be looking up at the same moon at the very same time.  As that image took hold, he could feel in the experience a poetic verse.  He took out one of the wooden slips used for labels and notes, scraped off the previous writing, and began jotting down his composition. He only got through a couple of lines before he heard his name being called, and since he was on night duty he put down the brush and the wooden slip.  Poetry would have to wait.  With everything put back away, he rushed off to find out what new task awaited him. So here we are, the year is 673 and we are at the start of a new era.  Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou, had defeated his enemies and was now in the process of taking the reins of power and officially ascending the throne.  In so doing he was moving the capital from Ohotsu, on the shores of Lake Biwa, back to Asuka.  Arriving back, he took up residence in what is called the Shima palace for a few days, presumably as they prepared the Okamoto Palace for him.  At the same time, we are told that a “palace” was erected for Ohoama south of the Okamoto Palace, and this was called the Kiyomihara Palace. I'd like to spend this episode talking about this Kiyomihara Palace, and what life was like there, not just for Ohoama but for his new court.  While we talked about some of the other palaces, this is perhaps one of the better known from the archaeological record, and it is the backdrop for so much that happens.  Ohoama is even known as the Sovereign from Kiyomihara.  So let's talk about what the palace consisted of, and what it was, and a little bit about what life was like there.  In addition to that, we've discussed in previous episodes how Ohoama's ascension to the throne kicked off a whole new era in the evolution of the Yamato state, with numerous innovations and new paradigms in the idea of the ruler and the court and their relationship – so it's worth taking a closer look at the setting where all of that was happening, so we can try and put ourselves in the shoes of those doing the work, and understand their daily grind, as it were. There is unfortunately plenty about the Kiyomihara Palace that we don't know - it isn't like there is a detailed account of the palace in the records - but its ruins are probably the most complete of all those found in Asuka.  This makes sense, given that it would have been built over the earlier palace sites.  In fact, for the most part, the Kiyomihara Palace is just the Later Okamoto Palace, in other words where Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou, ruled, but updated and expanded to fit Ohoama's and his court's needs.  Archeological work in Asuka has done some tremendous work to help us understand the Asuka Palace Site.  By studying the various post holes, ditches, and other evidence, along with occasionally discarded items, we have a general idea of the palace's shape, and when we combine this with what we know from other sites—the Naniwa Palace ruins in Ohosaka, the Fujiwara palace ruins in Kashihara, and the Heijo-kyo ruins in Nara, among others—along with an understanding of how palaces were being built on the continent, we are able to piece together what we think was going on.  Of course these interpretations aren't unanimous, and there are parts that scholars will no doubt quibble over—such as the use of the Ebinoko compound, which I'll talk about in a bit—but in general we have a picture of what things probably looked like, at least from a layout perspective, and how the site may have been used. To start, let's go back for a moment to the Toyosaki Palace in Naniwa, the first palace purpose built for the new governmental system being brought over from the continent.  This was the palace of Karu Ohokimi, aka Koutoku Tennou, uncle to Naka no Ohoye.  It was built in the aftermath of the Isshin Incident of 645, an architectural centerpiece of the Taika reforms.  As you may recall, this was a massive undertaking.  This palace was largely rectangular, and consisted of three compounds from south to north, ranging from most to least public. Most people would enter from the south gate, later known as the Suzaku-mon, the gate of the crimson bird of the south, a pattern that would generally hold true for other palaces.  Entering the compound, you would find yourself in the Choshuden, a space holding two pavilions with several rooms where officials could change into or out of their official robes.  The gates to the Choshuden would open at sunrise for the clerks and functionaries would enter.  At the northern end of the Choshuden was the Southern gate of the Chodoin, the main working area of the court.  There were 14 halls, or Chodo, each one dedicated to a different ministry.  The size of these halls varied, likely based on importance or at least the size of their government portfolio. Most of the middle area of the Chodoin was open, but at the northern end was the gate to the Dairi, the inner palace.  This gate was flanked by two octagonal buildings, and it led to an area between the Chodoin and the Dairi where there sat the building that would become the Daigokuden.  This was the main audience chamber for meetings with the sovereign, who would preside and make pronouncements in the early morning hours, at the start of the day. To the north of the Daigokuden was the rest of the Dairi, where the sovereign's personal quarters lay, including the quarters for his consorts and children, maintained by his personal servants.And there were other gates into and out of the Dairi—after all, the palace was so large you didn't want to have to go through the Choushuden and Choudouin just to get to the sovereign's quarters.  Those who lived in the Dairi and those who worked there would be able to have their own entrances and exits. Let's contrast all of this with the Okamoto Palace in Asuka.  More precisely the Later Okamoto Palace.  This was the successor palace to the Itabuki palace, both of which were built for Takara Hime, aka Kougyouku—and by this point Saimei—Tennou.  In fact, Itabuki palace burned down at the end of 654, just as Takara Hime came to the throne a second time.  This palace was, in total, maybe the size of the Chodoin of the Toyosaki Palace, if that.  For one thing, there wasn't as much flat land easily available in the valley, but for another, the builders maybe didn't think they needed quite that much space and that many buildings.  You see, while the Toyosaki palace in Naniwa was likely meant to model the kind of infrastructure necessary for the Tang court, in Chang'an, Yamato was still building up its fledgling bureaucracy.  It wasn't like there were a flood of reports and correspondences coming in from all over the archipelago that had to be handled by an army of clerks.  At least not yet. The Okamoto palace, from what we can tell, was also a rectangle, once again facing south , on the east side of the Asuka river.  This palace did not necessarily have the same kinds of dedicated spaces as the Toyosaki Palace. The main gate that we know of was in the south, leading to a courtyard with another building—possibly the Ohoandono, alternatively the Ohoyasumidono or the Daianden.  This may have been an audience hall for meeting with public officials.  The ground here was covered in gravel, a fairly common thing for palace compounds. Though we don't know exactly what the buildings looked like, we have some idea based on the size and number of post-holes.  We also haven't found any ceramic tiles in or around the ruins so far, which suggests that Okamoto Palace did not have ceramic tile roofs as were common on temple architecture, but instead were likely covered with wooden shingles, like the Itabuki Palace that used to be in relatively the same spot.  From an archeological perspective, any tiled building of this size leaves a lot of indications behind: over the years tiles fall off, break, get buried, etc.  Even if, as was common, the court meticulously dismantled the buildings down and reused as much as they could, we would still expect to see some tiles or tile fragments in the ground where the pillars are found, and yet we find nothing of the sort.  To the east and west of the Ohoandono were long, narrow structures, oriented north to south rather than east to west.  These are thought to have been the offices where government officials could do their work. Moving into the northern section of the palace, the ground was paved with river stones.  There were two large buildings with small wings, running east to west, lengthwise, and situated on the same line as the Ohoandono.  These may have been what have been called the To no Andono, or outer Hall, and the Uchi no Andono, the inner hall, and they would have been used for ceremonies for those of the appropriate rank. The middle hall it seems was modified from its original form.  While it was similar in size and footprint to the hall north of it, the western wing of the southern hall at some point was destroyed—whether on purpose or accidentally—and it was replaced with what appears to have been a pond. On each side of this central area we see more space for buildings, but only some of the post holes have so far been uncovered.  There were other buildings further in the northernmost third of the compound that were likely for the sovereign's private usage, as well as a well, and what may have been a building for some kind of semi-private religious ceremony. This palace, the Okamoto Palace, was essentially what Ohoama started from when he  relocated the capital back to Asuka – but when he ascended to the throne, he did make a few changes.  Most notable was the creation of something called the ebinoko-kuruwa, the Ebinoko enclosure.  This was to the southeast of the main palace, and had a rectangular wall surrounding one large building and two smaller ones.  Interestingly, the buildings would appear to be oriented in a symmetrical shape that would suggest a southern entrance, like the other palace compounds we've been discussing, and yet the gate was to the west, opening to the area between the Ebinoko enclosure and the main palace.  And based on postholes and other evidence, there appear to have been at least four other rectangular buildings stretching out to the south, outside of the walls.  Some have theorized that the large building in the Ebinoko  was an early form of the Daigokuden, a ceremonial hall where Ohoama held court, rather than reusing the facilities of the old Okamoto palace.  Alternately,  perhaps it was actually more like the buildings of the Chodoin in Naniwa, where the different departments of the court actually did business, but here with all of the officials working in one, single building.  A third idea that others have suggested that this was actually Ohoama's private residence—again, somewhat odd given the size and shape and the fact that there were the seemingly larger facilities of the Okamoto palace already right there for the taking. So which is it?  We do have a clue in the record of the 15th day of the 9th month of 672, and the lines following it.  According to the Aston translation of the Nihon shoki: He removed his residence from the Palace of Shima to the Palace of Okamoto. In this year a Palace was erected south of the Palace of Okamoto, and the Emperor removed his residence thither that same winter.  This was called the Palace of Kiyomibara in Asuka. So it does seem like something was built south of Okamoto and that is where Ohoama resided.  It is somewhat uncommon for a sovereign to reuse an old palace like this.  Traditionally, sovereigns had regularly moved to new palaces, seemingly because of the attempts to avoid ritual pollution associated with death.  Of course, it had been a while since Takara hime had passed away, and Naka no Ohoye had moved everything to Ohotsu, but nonetheless, is it possible that the Ebinoko kuruwa was built to, in some way, give Ohoama new quarters? We may never know for sure.  There are plenty of inconsistencies.  For one, if it was meant as a residence, I would expect more buildings for his consorts and others.  There are also some things to note about the account in the Nihon Shoki.  For one thing, although the initial account calls this the Kiyomihara Palace,  the Chronicles also suggest that it wouldn't actually get that name until the 20th day of the 7th month of 686, about 14 years later. That record describes how a new era name was also announced:  the Akamitori, or red bird, era.  I don't want to get too much into it right now, but suffice it to say that a red, three legged crow is often depicted as the symbol of the sun; and the important south gate of the palace, the Suzaku-mon, is named for the vermillion bird of the south, one of the four guardian animals.  When this era name—more commonly read as “Shucho”, today, since era names are commonly red in on'yomi reading rather than kun'yomi—well, when it was declared, we are told that the palace was titled the Palace of Kiyomihara of Asuka. What are we to make of this? Well, today, it is assumed that the Kiyomihara palace refers to the Okamoto Palace starting from the creation of the Ebinoko-kuruwa and its occupation during what is assumed to be Ohoama's rule.  Earlier in the Nihon Shoki we are told that Ohoama was known as the Kiyomihara sovereign, and so even though that name technically wasn't applied to the palace until later, it makes some sense just to assume it applied from the start of Ohoama's renovations. One more thing that I would point out.  While we talked about the original Okamoto Palace and the newly built Ebinoko enclosure, they were arranged as though around a large open area, like a courtyard.  The original palace stood at the north, where one could enter the south gate of the palace, and then the Ebinoko enclosure sat on the east side of the courtyard, with its western gate between the two.  The southern and western sides of the courtyard, on the other hand, followed the snaking flow of the Asuka River. From about 675 to 681, on or about the 17th day of the first month of the year, it's recorded that the court held an annual archery shoot in the court of either the West or South Gate—which would seem to refer to this large area.  This makes sense, as the space is large enough to accommodate plenty of room for the range and for others to watch The archery exhibition   was held here, in the space between the two compounds, like clockwork until 681, when we are just told that it was held in the “Courtyard”, which feels like it is referring to an area inside the main compound of Kiyomihara. There are no more mentions of the tradition after 681, though there is an archery shoot in front of the South Gate on the 5th day of the 5th month of 685, but that was probably done as part of the regular 5/5 celebrations—a holiday today known as Kodomo no Hi, or Children's Day, but more traditionally known as Tango no Sekku, the Iris festival.  Some form of celebration on this date seems to have occurred throughout East Asia up until the modern day. Whether the archery stopped or just became such a standard thing that it was no longer noteworthy in the record, I can't really say.  However, one can possibly imagine what it was like, with all of the courtiers out there watching as the arrows shot down the field.  The occasional twang of bows and the faint whistle as it sped towards its target, hitting the target with a sharp thwack.  Murmurs from the crowd regarding how well—or how poorly—any given person was doing. Beyond the courtyard and what we know of the two compounds—the Kiyomihara palace and the Ebinoko Enclosure—there is plenty still to discover.  There were likely other compounds around the palace, possibly as an extension of the palace.  And then there were the temples: west, across the river, was Kawaradera, and north of the palace and surrounding compounds was Houkouji, or Asukadera.  There is even some evidence on the northwest edge of the compounds, southwest from Asukadera, of an ancient garden surrounding several manmade ponds. And so, the entire valley appears to have been filled with buildings and official spaces , running up against and being constrained by the natural features of the valley itself.  As I mentioned above, there just isn't that much buildable space in the Asuka valley, compared to other places like Naniwa.  And this contributed to one of the other problems that the court would have experienced: according to tradition,  the front of the palace and other buildings were all oriented south, but for this location, this meant that they didn't face the expansive fields of the Nara basin, but instead they faced the mountains themselves.  All in all, there was not much room here to grow, and yet the government and the court had grown, at least by all accounts. Though, how much had the court grown? Maybe not as much as we might expect, despite Ohoama's ambitions.  First of all there had been the purge of the powerful ministers at the head of the Afumi court, but there are some startling omissions in the records from the beginning of Ohoama's reign.  There is no mention of the Daijin, or Great Minister.  There is no Minister of the Right or Minister of the Left.  There is no Inner Minister, and there is no Great Minister of State.  There are mentions of the “kugyou”, or “Ministers of State”, which traditionally includes the Daijin, but there is no mention of the Daijin, suggesting that the “kugyou” of this time may have only referenced the heads of the 8 ministries of the Dajokan, the Council of State.  What does this mean? Many scholars interpret this period as a time of extremely centralized power.  Coming off of his military victory, Ohoama seems to have ridden a wave of support and control.  Combine that with the continued absorption of Tang dynasty propaganda-slash-government theory that saw the sovereign—the emperor—as the central authority, and one can see how Ohoama may have been able to do something that few sovereigns in Japanese history were able to actually do, which is to wield real power.  This may seem odd for a position translated into English most commonly as  “Emperor,” but as we've seen, in glimpses through the way they are depicted in the Chronicles, or through the archaeological record, which shows different loci of power and authority across the archipelago in ancient times, the Ohokimi, later dubbed the Tennou or Sumera no Mikoto, was not necessarily all powerful.  Not only did they have to contend with rivals to the throne, but even various court nobles who made their way into the centers of power.  From figures like Takeuchi no Sukune, to the Ohotomo, the Mononobe, and more recently the Soga—in all of these cases various nobles often held considerable power, though often in tension with one another. Sources of authority also varied.  There were the individual religious centers through which families exercised some ritual authority, while there was also more secular authority in the various court positions.  The Ohokimi certainly were respected, from what we can tell, and had a powerful source of authority going back to at least the holy kami of Mt. Miwa.  They even spread that authority through their kannushi, their priests, which they sent out as an extension of the state.  But they weren't entirely independent, either. But Ohoama seems to have reached a point where he did hold a tremendous amount of authority.  Because there is another telling omission from the chronciles: we don't see any more Soga members.  With the death of Soga no Akaye, the Soga family's influence seems to have disappeared this reign.  We also don't see that much about other prominent families compared to earlier: we see the Mononobe as ambassadors, and we see the Nakatomi are still conducting rituals.  But we don't see any of them rising to the same positions as their forebears.  Instead, we see a lot of focus on the Princely class—those members who claim some descent from a previous sovereign, or even the current sovereign, and how they, themselves, are divided up with their own system of ranks that are outside the civil service ranking system. Speaking of civil service, it does always strike me that the ranking systems of various east Asian courts very much resemble the way that, even today, many modern bureaucracies create wage scales for their civil servants.  In the US the most common such scale is the GS or “General Schedule” pay system.  In that system, positions are associated with a particular grade, between 1 and 15, and federal employees are also referred to in terms of those grades.  Grade typically reflects some level of seniority and pay.  It isn't a one-for-one analogy, of course: the court ranks in Yamato were handed out by the sovereign, or at least through their authority, as were the various court positions, though I doubt that Ohoama was spending much personal time approving promotions for a low level clerk writing down inventories and suchlike—but who knows.  But it does emphasize that this system is built to be a centralized bureaucratic monarchy, based on the continental model, and it now seems to have come into its own.  The court seems to have bought into the idea, and now, intentionally or not, much of their own position in society was directly tied to the autocratic whims of the monarch, or Ohoama himself. Indeed, some of the first records from the year 673 are focused on the court and court system.  The very first thing this entailed:  a banquet on the 7th day of the first month of the new year.  We are told that it was a “drinking party” or “shuen”, and boy does that draw some parallels with modern Japanese companies.  We aren't exactly given the form of this party, but we do have later examples.  There was likely a formal start, with various nobles set out at assigned seats based on their rank.  It was an official event, so officials would have been expected to wear the appropriate clothing, including their caps of rank, letting everyone know exactly who's who, and reinforcing the social hierarchy imposed by the rank system in the first place.  I suspect that it started with ritual and formality.  Later, you would have the after party, where people might more freely mingle and drink and recite poetry.  This was both an official and social occasion, because there really wasn't much of a line drawn between the two.  As a ritual, it displayed Ohoama's power over the state through his ability to host them all.  As a social function it was an important time in the political life of the court, where everyone was together, and you could find your cliques and supporters. Drinking alcohol, while being something that many enjoy for its own sake, was also a kind of religious observance.  Sake was made to be offered to the kami, as well as to be used at parties.  It was made from rice, the staple on which the agricultural success of the archipelago was based, and which held a particularly sacred place in other rituals and ceremonies. And then there was the poetry.  As would be true for much of Japanese history, poetry infused all aspects of life at the court, and being able to compose good poetry was just as important to one's social standing as reading, writing, and other such skills. There were generally two kinds of poetry practiced at the court.  There was the traditional Japanese poetry, or waka, with alternating verses of 5 or 7 syllables—more properly morae, but no need to get into that.  Then there was poetry composed in the Sinitic style.  Known as “Kanshi”, which translates directly as “Han Poetry”, this mimics the poetic forms brought over in literature from the continent.  It required a certain amount of education to be able to compose and was based on the characters, or kanji, used.  Kanshi can generally be divided into at least two categories.  There is the Kotaishi, or the Old Style Poetry, which consists of poetic form used prior to the Tang dynasty.  Then there is Kintaishi, or Modern Style Poetry, which is based on the forms from the Tang dynasty and later.  Kintaishi is usually recognized for adhering to more rules of structure and composition, usually using lines of 5 or 7 characters, while Kotaishi is more fluid and less concerned with specific rules and rhythms. Poetry was also not necessarily a solo activity.  It was common in later eras to arrange poetry competition, where the court would divide itself, much like the bureaucracy, between the Left and the Right.  Each group would compose poetry, often on a set theme, and then  put up the poems they felt were the best against those of the other side and then the entire court would listen and judge.  The only tangible reward, assuming the sovereign was not so moved as to do something extraordinary, was bragging rights.  And yet, that social capital was important among the nobles of the court.  Image was extremely important to individuals, and embarrassment could be a political death sentence.  And so many would work hard at these poems to make sure that they were the best they could be. At this point, though, we are still in the early years of many of these traditions.  The poetry that we have appears to be less formulaic than we see in later eras, when there were so many precedents to which one was expected to adhere.  Poems could be about feeling and were not required to hearken back to previous poems and poetic allusions. By the way, official events like this are also one of the ways that we get compilations of poems, later on.  These events would get transcribed and then later those poems would be referenced, particularly if they were noteworthy or by noteworthy individuals.  This kind of event may have been where a lot of the poems from works like the Man'yoshu and the Kaifusou, the earliest compilations of Waka and Kanshi, respectively.  At some point I”d love to dig into the poetry more in depth, but for the moment, I think it is best to leave it there. Now besides one's skills at poetry there were other skills that the court was interested in.  The court system that they had lifted from the continent was based, at least theoretically, on the idea of a meritocracy.  The monarch, of course, was judged to be worthy to rule through the mandate of Heaven, which often demonstrated itself early in the regime through the Emperor's forces defeating their enemies, much as Ohoama had defeated his rivals in the Afumi court.  However, for the rest of the government, the sovereign needed to make sure that he had qualified individuals.  From an early point in history, people recognized that not everyone born into power and wealth was necessarily the best person to help run things.  If you could only find those of the greatest intellect, discernment, and moral compass, then those are the ones you would want to have running things, right?  And this is fine in theory. However, determining who has those qualifications can be a bit tricky.  We talked about this back in episodes 71 and 72 when we talked about the Han dynasty more generally.  In that case, while the civil service exam was open to any person, the reality was that only those with enough wealth and leisure time could afford to study to take the test.  And so while it did open up opportunities for some, it did not truly apply equally across all classes of people.  And this was likely fine with most of the ruling class at the time, since there were also still theories that there were different classes of people, and it simply reinforced their ideas that those in the lower classes just didn't have the same capabilities that they had.  In the Yamato court early in Ohoama's reign it isn't clear to me exactly how individuals were being chosen for service.  We know that rank was handed out as a reward for service, varying with the individual.  Ohoama handed out rank at the end of 672 to those who had helped him to come to power, and then, on the 29th day of the 2nd month of 673, just two days after he formally ascended the throne, we are told that he conferred cap-rank on those who had performed good service, each according to their situation. Of course, that is about how promotions were rewarded.  But what about how people entered into service in the first place?  How did you get introduced to a job in the bureaucracy in the first place?  Well for that we have Ohoama's pronouncement on the first day of the fifth month.  He addressed the court and set it up as follows: First, anyone who would take a government position would begin their career as an “ohotoneri”.  These were low level functionaries who supported the various bureaus as guards, messengers, and whatever else was needed.  Previously, this all would have fallen under the general term of “toneri”, who were those members of the nobility who had been sent to serve in the royal palace.  Aston translates this as a “chamberlain”, and thus equates oho-toneri—literally “great toneri”—as “high chamberlain”, though I'm not sure if that was actually the distinction or not.  It looks like the term “toneri” itself may pre-date the Ritsuryo system, but now was being more standardized, with expanded categories of “toneri” within the system itself.  Interestingly, there is only one other example I could find of Ohotoneri before the reign of Ohoama and that was in the account of Waketakeru no Ohokimi, aka Yuryaku Tennou, which makes me think that might be an anachronism.  We definitely see “toneri” used since just before that reign and continuously onward, and we see them in regards to not just the royal house, but as the functionaries and servants in various places and for other aristocratic families, but the “ohotoneri” seem to have been specifically connected to the royal family… and thus the state. Ohotoneri, despite being quote-unquote “great” toneri, were at the relative bottom of the hierarchy.  They were the night shift, the guards, the messengers, and the general go-fers.  They were essentially paid interns.  As they did their tasks, they were learning about how the various offices and ministries worked, and they were demonstrating their own aptitude.  Based on how they did, they would then be assigned to various offices as seemed most suitable. There were also offices that were staffed by women.  Though separate and distinct, women also had a role in the palace and thus the maintenance of the court and the state.   They were to be selected for service regardless of their age or even whether they were married or not, but they fell under a separate set of rules from the men, because, well, patriarchy. So that's what happened when people were selected to serve, but who was selected?  The chronicles don't say explicitly until a decree about three years later in the 4th month of 676, when it was decreed that all those from provinces outside of the Home Provinces could enter the service of the sovereign, no matter their family's rank, whether Omi, Muraji, Tomo no Miyatsuko, or Kuni no Miyatsuko.  They would also allow men of quote-unquote “distinguished ability” enter service, even though they were commoners. From that we can surmise that when they are talking about “all” people really they are talking about “all” the nobility—the only people for whom the Nihon Shoki was really intended, if you think about it.  Thus, logically it would seem that prior to this only members of the nobility were allowed to enter government service—but there is even more.  Because before this pronouncement in 676, only people in the Home Provinces were theoretically allowed to enter government service. The Home Provinces, or Kinai, are traditionally the five provinces of Yamato, Kawachi, Izumi, Yamashiro, and Settsu.  At this point, though, Izumi was still a part of Kawachi, so it would have just been the four.  These provinces were likely the first lands to really come under Yamato's direct control, and as such they all held a certain pride of place.  This is also where we assume that the powerful families of Yamato had their strongholds.  Certainly the Soga, the Mononobe, and the Ohotomo all had claim to traditional land in and around this region.  When the court had moved to Ohotsu it would have been the first time in many years that the capital was moved out of the Home Provinces, which was probably a large part of the dissent expressed at the time.  How would you like it if your job up and moved two states away and forced you to relocate with them, likely at your own expense? In 676, though, the court decreed that it would no longer restrict itself to noble families of the Home Provinces, but instead would open up service, and the lucrative stipends that came with it, to members of the nobility in the rest of the archipelago. This seems particularly intriguing given the two swords we have from the time of Waketakeru no Ohokimi, aka Yuryua Tennou, in the 5th century, where elites had served—or at least claimed to serve—at his court.  It is possible that during his day the influence of Yamato was more expansive, and that influence contracted after him. Or it could be that it was a different type of service that they had provided. And then there is the comment in Ohoama's decree that the court would also allow men of “distinguished ability” to also enter service, even if they were commoners.  How very progressive.  This seems clearly designed to suggest the meritocratic system that was the ideal, even if it was only truly observed in the breach. I can't help but think about how this symbolizes the court's expanded control across the archipelago, and the idea that all of the archipelago was truly under their control.  It also meant that they had opened up the candidate pool to a wider audience.  Does that mean that they were growing the size of the government, too?  I also can't help but wonder how the old guard took this—the traditional families from the Home Provinces who suddenly found themselves competing with people from the periphery.  Did they see them as equals, or the equivalent of upstart country bumpkins?  And let's not even get started on anyone who joined government service as a Commoner. On the other hand, I suspect these new functionaries would have owed their position even more directly to the sovereign and the court, and they might not have strong familial ties to the local area.  This is all just theory, but seems to follow with Ohoama's general efforts at centralization and accretion of power and authority to himself whilst further building out the structure that his brother, Naka no Ohoye, had set up.  Along those lines, at the same time that the sovereign opened up membership in the court to those outside of the Kinai region, he also meddled with the incomes of the various Princes and Ministers.  He insisted that those Princes and Ministers who were receiving taxes from fiefs in the West—by which I assume is meant western Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu—they should instead get their income from fiefs in the East.  So he was taking away the western fiefs and instead swapping them with eastern fiefs.  Those western taxes could then, presumably, come straight into the government coffers, and the princes and ministers would be connected with land in the east, which I suspect meant they would be expected to invest in those fiefs and encourage them to produce. This feels like it goes along with something from two years earlier, in 675, the third year of Ohoama's reign.  In the second month of that year he abolished the serfs granted to the various Uji back in 664, and he abolished any claims by Princes—Royal or otherwise—as well as Ministers and Temples to any mountains, marshes, islands, bays, woods, plains, and artificial ponds.  It seems clear that he claimed the right of eminent domain to himself and the state.  By extension, all land effectively belonged to Ohoama, and everyone else became, de facto, his tenants.  They paid taxes up to him, and he had the right to grant or take away the land as he saw fit. I can't imagine that went over well with those who had lost their rights to those lands, but either he compensated in them in some other way or his power had grown such that they didn't dare to oppose him.  Certainly not everyone was happy. In 677, Saita no Fubito no Nagura was banished to the island of Izu for apparently scoffing—or otherwise disrespecting—Ohoama.  Well, it says his vehicle, but Aston notes that this is probably just a polite euphemism for the sovereign himself. But that rebuke seems to have been pretty light compared to two years earlier when a man—we aren't even given his name, assuming it was known, hiked up the hill east of the palace, cursed Ohoama, and then cut his own throat.  How it was known that he had been cursing anyone isn't explained—though perhaps he had written it down or otherwise communicated his intentions.  Either way, it was certainly a rebuke. But if it phased Ohoama, we can't tell.  He did give those on duty that night a step in rank, presumably for the trauma they had experienced in dealing with everything. Possibly related—we are told that same month there was a great earthquake.  So was that thought to be the curse being fulfilled?  There is nothing to connect them except that the one immediately follows the other. And yet, Ohoama would continue to rule as he saw fit.  In fact, he would rule roughly 14 years, in total, right up to his death in 686.  A rather substantial reign compared to so many other sovereigns.  And he would continue to make his mark. Next episode we will continue our journey through the reign of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tenno. Until then, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

CarneyShow 9.12.25 Alisa Payne, Sky Man Bob Berman, Tom O'Keefe, Paul Kopsky by

The Republic of Ireland’s hopes of qualifying for the World Cup have been dashed after losing to one of the world’s worst teams, Armenia. Jerry spoke to Tom O’Shea, former grassroots director with the FAI.

Hacer click aquí para enviar sus comentarios a este cuento.uan David Betancur Fernandezelnarradororal@gmail.comHabía una vez un pueblo que estaba rodado de montañas y arboles de colores. Estos árboles no solo ofrecían un arcoíris de colores también susurraban y cantaban cuando el viento de la tarde los movía lentamente. Allí en aquel pueblo había una niña que se llamaba luna. Su madre la había nombrado así porque había nacido en luna llena y sus ojos eran grandes como ella. La niña había crecido en aquel pueblo y cuando ya tenía 10 años su madre le había dado permiso de explorar un poco más allá de su casa. La niña tomo a su perrita Zhitzu llamada lilo y se dirigió al bosque cercano. El bosque la recibió con cantos y melodías que ella desconocía pero que su perrita lilo seguía. Lilo no era una perrita cualquiera era especial. Si bien no hablaba humano si tenía su propio lenguaje que solo Luna entendía. Era capaz de expresar con pequeños sonidos lo que quería decir. Cuando Luna entro al bosque noto que sus boticas rojas de piedras brillantes comenzaban a producir cientos de brillos que iluminaban el camino por donde iban. Lilo por su parte saltaba y corría feliz de poder estar en un bosque lleno de olores que ella no conocía. De pronto lilo se paro y señalando una luz que salía debajo de una piedra comenzó a llamar a Luna con sus sonidos de perrita.  Luna corrió hasta donde estaba luna y vio con sus propios ojos que había un farol de apariencia muy antigua que producía una luz suave pero que en su interior no había ninguna vela. Al estirar la mano par tocar aquella luz oyó una voz que le dijoSoy el farol de los deseos. Y solo los corazones buenos y puros pueden verme. Tu y tu perrita han llegado a mi gracias a sus buenos sentimientos Die que deseas. Luna sin pensarlo dijo . He soñado siempre conocer un dragón. Pero no un dragón cualquiera. Quiero que este dragón no produzca miedo con su llamarada, quiero que de su boca salgan burbujas multicolores que floten y se puedan ver en todas partes. Inmediatamente el farol comenzó a brillar más y más y de entre los arboles salió un bello dragón multicolor con su boca abierta y de ella miles de burbujas de colores llenaron el bosque y flotaron hasta la copa de los arboles donde se dispersaron por todo el valle. Y cientos de niños del pueblo salieron a jugar con ellas. Luna vio que efectivamente ese farol era mágico así que lo tomo y regresando a su casa comenzó a pensar que nuevos deseos podría pedir. Sin embargo cuando Luna y Lilo regresaron a su casa con el farol en su mano este dejo de brillar. Luna no entendía que era lo que sucedía y al día siguiente le pidió otro deseo al farol pero esto no encendía ni respondía a sus deseos. Lilo había notado igualmente que aquel farol que habían encontrado en el bosque había perdido su brillo. De pronto su cabecita de perrita tuvo una idea. El farol no debía salir del bosque. Su ambiente natural era allí debajo  de los arboles y cuando Luna lo saco del bosque este perdió su magia. Debía hacerle entender a Luna que debían regresar el farol al bosque. Lilo comenzó a producir los sonidos que solo ella sabía producir y Luna comenzó a escucharlos hasta que vio que su perrita había cogido en su boca el farol y había corrido hasta la puerta parándose allí mientras producía esos sonidos tiernos como de marranito que ella sabía producir. Luna entendió que había hecho algo indebido había querido llevarse la luz a su hogar sin entender que la luz tenía su propio hogar. El bosque encantado. Debía regresarla de nuevo a aquel mágico lugar. Tomo la lampara, abrió la puerta y corriendo entro al bosque. Allí en el sitio exacto donde había encontrado aquel farol lo dejo. Y este inmediatamente volvió a

CarneyShow 9.05.25 David Duchovny, Luke Barr, Tom O'Keefe, Paul Kopsky by

Norway's own Andy Johnson ... making waves in European Baseball.

Letnie zapowiedzi gier wszelakich, sycylijskie porachunki i Imperator Ludzkości, a na mikrofonach (oraz wideo!) Prez, Tomo i Szycha. SKLEP ROZGRYWKI GRY: Mafia: The Old Country (0:51:57) The Scouring - Early Access (1:22:07) Warhammer 40,000: Dawn of War - Definitive Edition (1:27:20) ZOSTAŃ MECENASEM SZTUKI NA PATRONITE ODCINEK KOMENTUJECIE TUTAJ! Jesteśmy na Spotify! Tu znajdziecie naszego Discorda. Profil facebookowy: Bądź na bieżąco! Grupa facebookowa: Komentuj, hejtuj, śmiej się z nami Chcecie napisać do nas maila? To piszcie tu: kontakt@rozgrywka.online! iTunes: Masz „ejpla”? Znajdziesz nas tutaj Muzyka w tle na podstawie Creative Commons License pochodzi z https://www.bensound.com/ albo z omawianych produkcji. Materiał reklamowy otrzymaliśmy od Cenega, GOG.COM. Otrzymane pozycje oznaczamy jako materiał reklamowy zgodnie z rekomendacjami UOKiK, ale nie ma to żadnego wpływu na nasze opinie.

Learn about the committment MLB is making through their EDGE program in Europe

Your gut is more than just a digestive system — it's your second brain

Our guy Murk the Sauce God stepped in this week to form Da White Tee Boyz with Nate, Yves, and Tomo!Time Stamps:0:00 - Yves on Haiti's protected status being threatened4:00 - The negativity of the news11:20 - Intro/ White tee boys in the building 12:45 - Tomo on K-Pop Demon Hunters16:00 - Nate and Yves returning to X after long hiatus?23:40 - Is the outrage toward Sydney Sweeney warranted?34:30 - What's the criteria to be a sex symbol?38:30 - Do you change lyrics of songs by the opposite sex?43:30 - Tim Cooks gifts Trump with 24K gold plaque... 48:30 - Would you ever join the military?/ Getting drafted53:15 - Wrestling is cool again/ Worst sports owners58:00 - NBA & NFL talk1:11:30 - Outro/ Who would win in a race? (Revisited)Find us at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠www.BadForTheCommunity.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow us: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter/X⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ | ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠TikTok

1. Šaško je ešte stále minister zdravotníctva. 2. Blanár je minister zahraničia – oficiálne Slovenskej republiky. 3. Už len stagnujeme.

Your gut is more than just a digestive system — it's your second brain