Podcasts about Blitzkrieg

Baron Blitzkrieg makes his debut! Can Wonder Woman stop his nefarious schemes? Join David and Peter as they dive into World's Finest #246.   Email us at theearth2podcast@gmail.com   Facebook www.facebook.com/theearth2podcast Instagram www.instagram.com/theearth2podcast Twitter www.twitter.com/podcast_earth2 Leave us a Voicemail at www.speakpipe.com/theearth2podcast Find our Linktree at https://linktr.ee/theearth2podcast   #dccomics #dcmultiverse #wonderwoman #lyndacarter #baronblitzkrieg

Last time we spoke about the ending of the Second Battle of Changsha. In late September and early October 1941, Chinese commander Chen Cheng planned an operation to retake Yichang, a strategic Yangtze River city whose control was essential for protecting the approach to Chongqing. Japanese forces were pulling back from Changsha, weakened by supply problems and casualties, which created an opportunity for Chen to intensify his campaign. Yichang had been captured by Japan in 1940, a defeat that Chen carried as a personal and political burden. He therefore moved to encircle the Japanese 13th Division inside Yichang and drive it to collapse. Although the Chinese held a clear manpower advantage—fourteen divisions against the encircled Japanese—progress was slowed by stubborn fighting from prepared, entrenched positions. The battle inside the city produced desperate close-quarters combat and heavy casualties, showing how the fate of Yichang and the wider defense of Chongqing were tightly linked.    #214 War hits the Pacific Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   The guns fell silent on October 9, 1941, as the Ninth War Zone's forces restored their pre-battle positions, marking the end of the Second Battle of Changsha. The balance sheet was grim on both sides, but it was China that bore the heavier cost. The Ninth Military Front suffered 70,672 killed, wounded, or missing. The concurrent Yichang offensive added a further 21,368 casualties to the Sixth Military Front, a force that outnumbered its Japanese opponents ten to one yet still failed to retake the city. By the time the dust settled, the Chinese army had lost nearly 100,000 men across both theatres. The Chinese command was frank, at least in private, about what had gone wrong. The Japanese had moved with a speed that recalled Blitzkrieg, advancing 130 kilometres in eleven days and withdrawing at twelve kilometres a day, catching the defenders perpetually off-balance. The 26th, 37th, 10th, and 74th Corps had been picked apart piecemeal rather than fighting in concert, the original plan to destroy the Japanese south of the Miluo River coming to nothing. Elite formations had paid a disproportionate price: the 74th Corps suffered 14,521 casualties, the 37th Corps 14,015, and the 58th Division alone lost 6,192 of its 11,907 men, nearly its entire fighting strength.   Yet none of this was the story the public would hear. On October 10th, China's National Day, radio stations announced the "Second Great Victory in Northern Hunan", the annihilation of over 40,000 enemy troops. Newspapers rushed out special editions. Congratulatory telegrams flooded in from government ministries and civic organizations. Senior officials seized on the moment: Sun Ke, Premier of the Executive Yuan, declared that the victory "laid the foundation for the counter-offensive and the recapture of Hankou and Guangzhou," while General Bai Chongxi called it "the pivotal moment for us to turn defeat into victory." Chiang Kai-shek, reading through the pages of triumphant commentary produced overnight by his propagandists, was reportedly impressed by their industry, if not convinced by their content. He had not wanted to call it a victory at all, but the political calculus was unavoidable: after four years of war, an exhausted nation needed the psychological sustenance that only "victory" could provide.   The gap between public performance and private reality was nowhere more visible than in the arrival of a twenty-two-member international press delegation on October 13th. Journalists from Britain, the United States, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Hong Kong, and major Chinese newspapers were flown to Changsha and carefully guided through selected battlefields, where they inspected mountains of war trophies and heard testimony from soldiers and civilians. They left satisfied, presenting their war souvenirs—swords, binoculars, Japanese military flags—to their audiences back home as proof of Chinese heroism and Japanese defeat. Both China and Japan were claiming victory simultaneously. The only conclusion the foreign press could draw was that one side was lying, and it was not the side that had shown them the evidence.   Chiang Kai-shek's real verdict came at the Third Nanyue Military Conference, held from October 16 to 21. His anger was withering. He condemned his generals for their obsession with defending sprawling outer perimeter lines while leaving city centres barely fortified, a mentality so rigid, he said, that the Japanese could announce the exact time of their advance and withdrawal in advance and still execute it on schedule without interference. "Generals, what a disgrace this is!" On the failure to capture prisoners, only 263 prisoners were claimed across the entire front, of whom only 16 names were actually published, he was almost incredulous: "We can definitely defeat the enemy, capture many enemy prisoners, and seize countless enemy weapons! Even if we cannot capture ten thousand prisoners, we should at least capture a thousand! If not a thousand, then at least a hundred! But now, you don't even have ten!" The conference handed down punishments to match the rhetoric. Liao Lingqi, commander of the shattered 58th Division, was sentenced to death for desertion and shot on October 22nd. His men were so outraged that three regimental commanders resigned in protest; the division was pulled from the order of battle entirely and given three months to rebuild. Li Yutang, commander of the 10th Corps, was dismissed—though the Third Battle of Changsha would begin before his replacement could take post, and he would be reinstated to play a key role in the city's defence.   On the Japanese side, the 11th Army acknowledged 1,670 killed, 5,184 wounded, and 14 missing, far fewer than Chinese claims, though post-war regimental histories suggest the true figure was higher. Lieutenant General Anami, who had championed the operation, found himself stung by the charge that the battle had served mainly as material for Chinese propaganda. On November 23rd, he reportedly reacted with visible displeasure when someone in his headquarters said as much aloud.  Anami's annoyance was easy enough to understand, but the accusation carried a troubling degree of accuracy. The Second Battle of Changsha had yielded no decisive strategic gain and no substantial alteration in the military balance. What it did generate, rather effectively, was a story and by the autumn of 1941, stories were one of the few things China still had in plentiful supply. The most consequential struggles were taking place not along the Miluo River, but in foreign ministries and embassies, in Washington and Moscow, in the messages passing between Chongqing and London, and in the increasingly strained calculations of statesmen trying to determine, amid rapidly changing circumstances, whom to support and for how long.   For Chiang Kai-shek, the challenge was never merely military. It was structural, and had been so from the outset. He had always seen clearly, precisely because he understood China's weakness, that Japan could not be defeated by China alone. The country lacked the industrial base, the logistical reach, and after four years of relentless attrition more and more the manpower needed to force a decisive result on the battlefield. China's survival depended on making its war inseparable from the wars of other powers. Since 1937, Chiang's diplomacy had pursued that single objective: convincing enough great powers that their interests were aligned with China's, and holding that coalition together long enough for Japan to be subdued. That effort turned out to be vastly more difficult than it ought to have been.   The problem started with the international order in which the war emerged. Chiang had hoped to assemble a concert of allies willing to help defend China against Japanese aggression. He was blocked not just by the reluctance of neutral states to aid China, but by the speed with which alliances shifted in the opening years of the Second World War. He had never welcomed the prospect of a general European conflict, correctly fearing that it would push China even further to the margins of world attention. Even so, he recognized that once the lines had hardened between the imperial democracies and fascism, new alignments might become possible. From his perspective, the growing amity between Berlin and Moscow was therefore disastrous. He had been eager to draw the USSR into war against Japan. Instead, the Soviets were now effectively aligned with the Nazis, who were themselves allied with Tokyo.   The world created after Versailles had already enraged many Chinese. After all, the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919 had arisen directly from the settlement reached at the Paris Peace Conference. Yet that older order had at least possessed recognizable anchors, especially the dominance of the two great European empires and the United States. Now those empires were weakening, and no one could say with confidence what the new geopolitical order would be. For all Chiang knew, Germany might emerge as Europe's new dominant power. The early years of the European war produced a bewildering spectacle of diplomatic realignment.   The Nationalist government had previously enjoyed a short-lived flirtation with Nazi Germany. In fact, Hitler's regime continued supplying Chiang with munitions in the first months of China's war against Japan. The Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936 had theoretically joined Germany, Italy, and Japan into the Axis, but mutual distrust prevented them from forming anything like a fully coherent alliance. Chiang found it useful to imply to Western powers that he might be pushed into closer alignment with Germany, a particularly disturbing possibility for the USSR, which faced enemies in both Europe and Asia. But eventually the contradictions in German policy toward East Asia became too severe. In April 1938, Germany yielded to Japanese pressure and ended its support for China.   Britain offered little meaningful help. Neville Chamberlain became prime minister in May 1937 at the head of a Conservative-led National Government, and was quickly overwhelmed by the deteriorating European situation. If Czechoslovakia was for him a "far-off country of which we know nothing," China's fate was even more distant and obscure to many,  perhaps most  policymakers in London. The Nationalists had more success in cultivating the United States. At the Nine-Power Conference in Brussels in November 1937, the Chinese delegation failed to persuade Washington to impose sanctions on Japan and confront it directly. By the middle of 1938, however, American views were beginning to shift. As Japan pushed deeper into southern China, it became increasingly obvious that the occupied territory would be closed to foreign trade. In December 1938, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau arranged a private American loan of $25 million to China, to be repaid through shipments of tung oil, a varnish product whose real importance lay not in itself, but in what the arrangement signified: a quiet American expression of faith that Chongqing would survive. Chiang also held on to the hope of an even less likely partnership. He had become fiercely anti-Communist during the 1920s, yet in the early years of the anti-Japanese war his greatest hope still rested on Soviet entry into the conflict. Soviet advisers and pilots had aided China from 1937 to 1939, but the USSR never formally declared war on Japan. Still, as Japanese aggression in northern Asia intensified, it remained possible that the Soviets would eventually be drawn in.   Then, as so often happened whenever Chiang tried to impose some control over the course of the war, events beyond China's borders altered the struggle in fundamental ways. While Western attention remained fixed on Europe's darkening horizon, a battle with major consequences for East Asia unfolded on the frontiers of Outer Mongolia, Manchukuo, and the eastern Soviet Union. Throughout much of 1938 and early 1939, one faction within the Japanese Imperial Army sought to pressure the Soviets along their eastern frontier. The USSR appeared vulnerable; Stalin's paranoid purges had executed or exiled many of the Red Army's best officers. In May 1939, fighting broke out near Nomonhan between forces from Soviet-backed Mongolia and Japanese troops from Manchukuo. Within days, both sides had reinforced heavily, until nearly 60,000 Soviet troops faced about 40,000 soldiers from the Kwantung Army. Over the next four months, until mid-September, they fought a major battle ending in a decisive Japanese defeat and establishing the reputation of General Georgi Zhukov, who would later become one of Stalin's most celebrated wartime commanders. The much-derided Soviet Army had fought with formidable effectiveness, and the result was not only a ceasefire but also a nonaggression pact between the two sides, extinguishing, in one stroke, Chiang's hopes for a Chinese-Soviet military alliance. The final blow came after developments in northern Europe. In the Winter War of 1939–1940, the Soviet invasion of Finland led Britain and France to back a motion expelling the USSR from the League of Nations. China, then a member of the League Council, declined to use its veto to block the resolution. Stalin was enraged by Chiang's failure to prevent Soviet expulsion, and mutual suspicion thereafter poisoned relations between the two leaders for the rest of the war against Japan. China would now have to continue without further major Soviet backing.   By the spring of 1940, China's position had become deeply precarious. In March, senior Japanese negotiators sought an agreement with Chiang in Chongqing, while Wang Jingwei was trying to formalize his rival Nationalist government in Nanjing. This effort, known in Chinese as the Tong Operation, and in Japanese as Operation Kiri, led to talks in Hong Kong from March 7 to 10, 1940. Militarily, the Nationalists were in grave danger: the United States remained neutral, and Europe was in chaos. Indeed, that same spring, with France seemingly near collapse, the British government also sent out discreet feelers to explore the possibility of a negotiated peace with Germany. For China, Western assistance was nowhere in sight. The Japanese judged the moment favorable for pressing Chiang toward concessions. Faced with serious danger to his regime, Chiang allowed the door to negotiation to open just slightly.   As a consequence, the Japanese delayed full recognition of Wang Jingwei's new government. Through the summer and autumn of 1940, Tokyo remained uncertain about the defector. Prominent Japanese figures such as Count Arima Yoriyasu of the Privy Council said Wang's conduct demonstrated his untrustworthiness, and Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke continued to express interest in an agreement with Chongqing. Zhou Fohai captured the defectors' frustration, men who believed they had made the highest patriotic sacrifice when he wrote: "Chongqing sees us as collaborators, we see ourselves as heroes. We think only peace can save the country — that's why we think of ourselves as heroes. If we end up classed as heroes, then China and Japan will be at peace. If we end up classed as collaborators, then China and Japan will never be at peace."That formulation conveyed something genuine about the moral dizziness of the period. Most of the defectors were not men devoid of principles; they were men whose principles had carried them to a place that history would find exceptionally hard to pardon.   The "New Fourth Army Incident" brought to a close one of the most consequential years in modern Chinese political history. The battle of ideas unfolding in 1940 was already visible to informed contemporaries. Early in 1941, US Ambassador Nelson Johnson sent Washington a detailed assessment of the Chinese political situation in reply to another report passed along by Major Evans Carlson, an American officer who had made an extensive journey through the Chinese interior. The contrast between the two documents revealed a widening split in American views of China. Carlson, together with his travelling companion, the New Zealander Rewi Alley, had become increasingly sympathetic to the Communists after visiting their territories in 1938 and admiring their discipline. Carlson described the Nationalists as moving toward "fascism," and argued that American aid should be conditioned on Chiang's government being compelled to adopt more "democratic" institutions.   Johnson strongly disagreed. It was "only normal and natural," he wrote, that the Nationalists wanted to retain power, but during the war they had established the National Political Consultative Council, in which multiple parties, including the Communists, were represented. He also noted that the CCP could publish its own newspaper in Chongqing in a way that would have been impossible before the war. One might have expected the Nationalists to use the war as a justification "to extinguish . . . all political opposition," yet instead they had chosen to "muddle along." Johnson further thought that the influence of competing cliques inside the Nationalist Party had been overstated. Chiang Kai-shek, by contrast, had "grown in stature, as he has come to be recognized as the symbol of united resistance to Japanese encroachment"; ultimately, "it is he who makes the final decisions." Johnson did agree with Carlson that Chiang's regime was hesitant to encourage a broad-based popular movement animated by anything beyond anti-Japanese feeling, though he also pointed to Nationalist cooperative programs and county-level reforms. But he rejected the idea that American support should depend on sweeping political transformation. Chiang was committed to continuing the war against Japan, and Washington should back him in that effort. In a notably farsighted passage, Johnson wrote: "It is my view that since the fall of the Manchu dynasty and the collapse of the traditional Chinese concept of government the Chinese people have been feeling their way along toward a new evolving form of government. A definitive form of government has not yet been established and may not be established for decades; it may or may not be in the form of a democracy, but it will be a type of government that will be adapted to the needs of China and its people." The tension between these two American interpretations,  Carlson's idealized belief in the Communists and Johnson's pragmatic support for Chiang was more than a minor bureaucratic dispute. It foreshadowed a debate that would dominate American foreign policy for the next decade, and would still echo when the People's Republic was proclaimed in 1949.   The disastrous experience of 1940 seemed to cast doubt on whether any future for China existed outside the Japanese Empire. As 1941 wore on, another dreadful event shook the exhausted wartime capital. On June 5, Chongqing endured roughly five hours of bombing, driving the population into air-raid shelters. In one tunnel in the Shibati district, the conditions were even worse than usual. The large shelter was supposed to have lights and electric fans, but the generators had never been connected. Inside, the air was dark, hot, and suffocating. Around ten that evening, people began emerging from the tunnel when rumors spread that the Japanese were returning with poison-gas bombs. Air-raid wardens forced people back inside, even as others were still trying to come out. Bodies toppled over one another, and panic spread as people realized they could not breathe. Over the next few hours, hundreds died underground in the darkness. The exact number was never definitively established: the official figure was 461, though a contemporary police report placed it far higher, at 1,527. What rescuers remembered most vividly were the tortured expressions of the dead, people tangled together in each other's arms as they lost consciousness, clothing ripped to shreds by desperate hands clawing at one another, and bodies so drenched in sweat that they looked as though they had been soaked in water. One survivor, Tang Zhengchang, remembered a hand reaching out from a pile of corpses and pleading, "Sir, please help me . . ." The grip on Tang's shorts was so tight that it pulled them off; he escaped the tunnel naked from the waist down. Official descriptions of the disaster were softened. Even so, the tragedy deepened the city's gloom and in a place already saturated with grief, an added layer of darkness mattered a great deal.   Yet events elsewhere would soon offer the National Government a narrow margin of hope. Late in 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt won re-election as president of the United States. "I am not going to send your boys into any foreign wars," he had proclaimed during the campaign against Wendell Willkie. But Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull both understood that Nazi domination of Europe posed a grave challenge to American influence there. And with China's "Open Door" to trade effectively shut by Japanese occupation, it was becoming increasingly clear that strict neutrality might not remain viable. In a 1941 report on China's domestic and foreign situation, Ambassador Johnson noted that during Germany's sweeping victories across Europe in mid-1940, the Chinese had become anxious about whether the Allies would remain committed to their cause. Britain's refusal to surrender, however, together with continuing Soviet goodwill, lifted public morale in China. People now looked toward the United States and Britain for support and felt that "victory" was "virtually theirs."   Then, on June 22, 1941, the world awoke to news that roughly three million German soldiers were advancing into the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's invasion of the USSR, dramatically overturned the nonaggression that had governed relations between the two major European dictatorships for the previous two years. It transformed the war in Europe entirely. Less obviously, it also transformed the war in Asia. Thanks to intelligence leaks, Chiang Kai-shek had already realized that war between Germany and the USSR was likely. After the neutrality treaty between the USSR and Japan was signed on April 13, 1941, Chiang predicted that the United States would be drawn into the Asian war, and even that Japan might eventually reverse course and strike the Soviet Union. If that happened, China would become the critical Asian ally of both Washington and Moscow. Stalin had been caught off guard by the German assault — largely because he ignored increasingly urgent warnings from senior colleagues receiving intelligence from well-placed spies in Germany and the Comintern, eager to preserve its alliances, now pressed the Chinese Communists to cooperate more closely with the Nationalists. On June 23, 1941, the CCP Central Committee responded with a declaration that it would "persevere in the Anti-Japanese United Front, persevere in Nationalist-Communist cooperation," and would align itself with the British, the Americans, and others resisting the "fascist rulers" of the Axis.   In Chongqing and Yan'an, the German attack on the Soviet Union was interpreted as a hopeful sign that Japan's fortunes might be beginning to turn. In Nanjing, the reaction was different. On June 22, Zhou Fohai recorded in his diary that, although the outcome "cannot be predicted," members of the Nanjing regime "all believe Germany will win and will take Moscow within two months." Zhou speculated that Japan could not easily reconcile its neutrality treaty with the USSR and its membership in the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was supposed to unite the Axis against Soviet expansionism. Still, because Germany had struck first, Japan was under no formal obligation to help. Zhou also continued to view events through a lens he had never abandoned: that of Chinese nationalism. "If Chongqing joins the Allies and they win," he wrote, "then this is good for China." If they lost, it would be disastrous for Chiang Kai-shek; but because Wang Jingwei had established a government in Nanjing under Japanese sponsorship, China now had "a foot in both boats." It was a ruthless calculation, but not a wholly dishonorable one. Zhou was not merely advancing Japanese interests. He was hedging, wagering on multiple futures in the name of a China he believed would endure beyond whatever constellation of powers happened to dominate at the moment. Whether posterity would judge that conduct prudent or collaborative was a question he could neither settle nor live to see resolved to his satisfaction.   The summer of 1941 marked a major geopolitical turning point in the war. Until then, the conflicts in China and Europe had remained separate, if desperate, struggles on the Eurasian continent. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union now forced Japan to decide whether it too would enter war against the USSR. Debate in Tokyo was brief. Although some officials, including Foreign Minister Matsuoka, favored striking north before moving south, both the Kwantung Army and the Navy advised against helping Germany at least until Germany had succeeded in drawing substantial Soviet forces away from Siberia and into Europe. Konoye, once again prime minister, agreed. With the northern option set aside, Japanese leaders turned toward another great power instead: the United States. Japan's failure to gain further decisive momentum in China had fueled demands for broader regional expansion, especially into Southeast Asia, with its abundant oil, rubber, and other strategic resources. From 1940 onward, measures such as the pressure to close the Burma Road made it increasingly obvious that Tokyo had adopted a more aggressive posture in Asia. Unable to subdue China, Japanese policymakers chose instead to escalate the conflict still further.   Japanese political life had become ever more dominated by the unresolved war in China. As early as 1938, military expenditures consumed about 70 percent of the national budget, and that same year a National Mobilization Bill granted the government "total war control" over the zaibatsu, Japan's major industrial conglomerates. By 1940, the New Order was making itself felt throughout everyday life, with campaigns against luxury and extravagant consumption taking on new prominence. In February 1940, a parliamentarian was expelled from the Diet simply for daring to criticize the "holy war" in China. In such an atmosphere, retreat from imperial ambitions became increasingly unthinkable. That figure, 70 percent of the national budget devoted to the military is worth dwelling on, because it reveals something essential about the trap in which Japanese strategists had placed themselves. The war in China had not been won, yet abandoning it would have meant admitting a failure so severe that it would have shaken the ideological and institutional foundations of military supremacy in Japanese politics. The only apparent ways out required pushing further in: more conquest, more extraction, more expansion. The logic was brutally clear, and profoundly destructive.   The Roosevelt administration watched these developments with growing alarm. Though still formally neutral, the United States was already using Lend-Lease to provide major assistance to Britain and the Soviet Union in their struggles against Germany. It now expanded aid to China as well. On February 10, Roosevelt's representative Lauchlin Currie visited Chongqing to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the United States would soon provide $45 million in military equipment. General John Magruder, head of the small AMMISCA mission,  the American Military Mission in China had been sent to Chongqing in September 1941, as part of quiet preparation for possible Chinese entry into an alliance against Japan. The China branch of the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, whom Roosevelt had dispatched to China in early 1941.   The Americans repeatedly tried to discourage Japan from moving south into Southeast Asia, but relations only grew more confrontational. Japan occupied the southern part of French Indochina, and in response the United States imposed an oil embargo in July 1941. The consequences were immense. Japan imported around 80 percent of its oil from the United States. Without that supply, its navy, the essential instrument for southern expansion  had reserves for perhaps eighteen months. The real question facing Tokyo, then, was not whether it must act, but how soon. Unable any longer to resist mounting military pressure for war, Konoye resigned on October 16 and was replaced as premier by General Tōjō Hideki. Tokyo accelerated its preparations for conflict with the Western powers. Planned targets included Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya, the Netherlands East Indies, and the Philippines. I should note, if you want to learn about all of this history in more detail, you can go check out the pacific war channel on youtube. I have a chronological series that is just now talking about events like the Japanese invasion of french indochina and the road to pearl harbor.   Throughout the autumn of 1941, increasingly desperate negotiations took place between Japan and the United States. Washington insisted that Japan withdraw from China; Tokyo was equally firm that it would do no such thing. From the Japanese point of view, the demand to leave China was not a serious negotiating position but a demand for national humiliation a call to repudiate four years of war, vast casualties, and the ideological basis of Japanese militarism in a single diplomatic act. In the end, the gulf between the two positions could not be bridged.   While civilian and military leaders in Tokyo argued over the pace at which they should move toward war, few among Japan's rulers doubted that war was coming. At the imperial conference of November 5, it was formally agreed that if no satisfactory diplomatic solution had been reached by December 1, war would follow soon after. Talks in Washington between Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō, diplomat Kurusu Saburō, and Secretary of State Cordell Hull led nowhere. On November 26, Hull delivered a note repeating the American position that Japan must withdraw from both China and Indochina. On December 1, the imperial conference resolved to go to war; the following day, the date of attack was fixed as December 8, December 7 by American time. In one sense, this was the culmination toward which the entire previous decade had been moving. The war in China had started as a localized conflict, then expanded into a continental one, and was now about to become something larger still: a truly global war, stretching from the North Atlantic to the western Pacific. China's long, lonely resistance would suddenly gain new dimensions and new allies,  though not the ones Chiang had spent four years trying to cultivate, and not under circumstances he would have chosen.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet lay anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, its sailors and officers still largely asleep as dawn crept across the Pacific. The attack did not come without warning signs,  American and Japanese diplomats had been locked in increasingly desperate negotiations throughout the autumn, each side hardening its position until no room remained to maneuver. Washington had demanded that Japan withdraw from China, a condition Tokyo viewed not as a serious opening offer but as a demand for national humiliation: a call to repudiate four years of brutal war, hundreds of thousands of casualties, and the entire ideological foundation upon which Japanese militarism rested. No agreement was possible on those terms, and both sides privately knew it.   The strike force assembled in secret was formidable. Six aircraft carriers,  the Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū, Hiryū, Shōkaku, and Zuikaku had sailed under strict radio silence across the North Pacific, launching their aircraft in two successive waves before the American base had any meaningful chance to respond. The first wave of approximately 183 planes swept in just before 8 a.m., targeting the rows of battleships moored along Battleship Row and the military airfields at Wheeler, Hickam, and Ford Island simultaneously, ensuring that American aircraft could not scramble in time to mount an effective defense. A second wave of roughly 170 planes followed less than an hour later, pressing the attack on damaged ships and harbor installations.   The destruction was staggering. The battleship Arizona suffered a catastrophic magazine explosion after a armor-piercing bomb penetrated her forward decks, killing nearly 1,177 of her crew in minutes, almost half of the total American dead from the entire attack. The Oklahoma capsized after being struck by multiple torpedoes. The West Virginia and California sank at their moorings. In total, seventeen vessels were damaged or destroyed, and the vast majority of military aircraft at the nearby airfields were caught on the ground and obliterated before they could take flight. Around 2,400 Americans were killed and another 1,100 wounded, making it the deadliest single attack on American soil or territory in the nation's history to that point.   Yet the attack was not a complete strategic success for Japan. The US Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers, the vessels that would ultimately decide the naval war in the Pacific happened to be at sea that morning and escaped unharmed. The harbor's fuel storage and repair facilities were also left largely intact, allowing the fleet to reconstitute faster than Japanese planners had anticipated. What Japan achieved in tactical devastation, it partly squandered in strategic miscalculation. The attack ended American neutrality instantly and irrevocably. The following day, President Roosevelt addressed Congress, calling December 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and within hours the United States declared war on Japan. For China, after more than four years of fighting alone, the blow that devastated Pearl Harbor paradoxically carried a thread of desperate hope at last, the great power Chiang Kai-shek had spent years trying to draw into the conflict had arrived, not under circumstances he would have chosen, but arrived nonetheless. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. After years of fighting, China's situation darkened in 1941 with intense bombing of Chongqing and fears of poison-gas attacks. Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June shifted alliances and pressured Japan toward wider war. Japan escalated plans for Southeast Asia, suffered an oil embargo, and negotiations with the United States broke down over withdrawing from China and Indochina. Then the Pearl Harbor attack began the Pacific War.

Vandaag bespreken we het boek The age of extraction, van Tim Wu. De ondertitel is: How tech platforms conquered the economy and threaten our future prosperity Timothy Shiou-Ming Wu is a Taiwanese-American legal scholar who served as Special Assistant to the President for Technology and Competition Policy at the United States from 2021 to 2023. He is also a professor of law at Columbia University and a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times. He is known legally and academically for significant contributions to antitrust and communications policy, coining the phrase "network neutrality" in his 2003 law journal article, Network Neutrality, Broadband Discrimination. In the late 2010s, Wu was a leading advocate for an antitrust lawsuit directed at the breakup of Facebook. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tim_Wu Dit boek bestaat uit 4 delen: Understanding platform power The business of herding The dangers of centralized economic power An architecture of equality Het boek is opgebouwd rond de volgende centrale thema's: De opkomst van platformmacht: hoe techplatforms zoals Amazon, Google en Meta zich hebben ontwikkeld tot dominante economische spelers. De belofte en realiteit van het internet: de oorspronkelijke belofte van welvaart en democratie in de jaren '90 en '00, en hoe dit is omgeslagen in nieuwe economische klassen en autocratie. Extractie als bedrijfsmodel: hoe platforms aandacht, data en welvaart extraheren, en wat de gevolgen zijn voor gebruikers, werknemers en kleine bedrijven. De rol van monopolies en concentratie: hoe techgiganten concurrenten opkopen en markten domineren, met voorbeelden uit de gezondheidszorg, vastgoed en andere sectoren. De gevolgen voor democratie en samenleving: hoe deze ontwikkelingen bijdragen aan ongelijkheid, politieke polarisatie en de opkomst van autocratie. Een blik vooruit: voorstellen voor herstel van de balans, zoals strengere regulering, antimonopoliewetten en democratische controle over platforms. Tim Wu schetst in The Age of Extraction vijf centrale oplossingen om de macht van techplatforms te beteugelen en een eerlijkere economie te creëren. Deze zijn samengevat als volgt: Strengere antimonopoliewetten en handhavingWu pleit voor het actief aanpakken van monopolies en het voorkomen van marktconcentratie, bijvoorbeeld door het blokkeren van overnames die concurrentie uitschakelen. Hij wijst op het belang van het herstellen van eerlijke concurrentie, zodat nieuwe spelers kansen krijgen en consumenten, werknemers en kleine bedrijven niet worden uitgebuit. Democratische controle over platformsPlatforms moeten transparanter en democratischer worden bestuurd, met meer inspraak voor gebruikers, werknemers en andere stakeholders. Wu stelt voor om governance-structuren te herzien, zodat niet alleen aandeelhouders, maar alle betrokkenen invloed hebben op beslissingen die hen raken. Regulering van data-extractie en privacyWu benadrukt dat platforms nu onbeperkt data en aandacht kunnen extraheren. Hij bepleit strengere regels voor datagebruik, privacybescherming en het beperken van manipulatie via algoritmen. Consumenten moeten meer controle krijgen over hun eigen data. Herverdeling van economische waardeDe welvaart die platforms genereren, moet eerlijker worden verdeeld. Wu stelt voor om belastingstelsels aan te passen, zodat platforms een billijker bijdrage leveren aan de samenleving en kleine bedrijven en werknemers niet worden benadeeld. Publieke alternatieven en open infrastructuurWu pleit voor het ontwikkelen van publieke of coöperatieve alternatieven voor commerciële platforms, bijvoorbeeld op het gebied van sociale media, zoekmachines of betaalsystemen. Open standaarden en interoperabiliteit moeten worden gestimuleerd, zodat gebruikers niet gevangen zitten in gesloten systemen. Kernboodschap: Wu's oplossingen richten zich op het herstellen van de balans tussen innovatie, economische groei en sociale rechtvaardigheid, met nadruk op democratische controle, eerlijke concurrentie en het beperken van extractieve praktijken. Opvallende lessen uit het boek voor ons: 00:00 Intro van het boek en eerste indruk van Erno 02:10 Eerste indruk van Tom en de hoop op meer achtergrond over de invloed van Big Tech bij de Amerikaanse verkiezingen. 06:15 Sterke economische macht werd gezien als een bedreiging voor de democratie. 08:45 Oprichters van techbedrijven werden eerst als cool gezien, maar rond 2010 veranderde dit beeld. 12:05 Antitrust als oplossing om de macht van extreem grote en machtige bedrijven op te breken. 13:45 Hoe een bedrijf als Amazon mensen met lage prijzen naar een platform trekt, marktmacht wint en op het moment dat mensen geen kant meer op kunnen, verhoogt het de prijzen. 15:30 Idee dat we allemaal onze abonnementen van de grote platformen opzeggen om de macht af te breken door hun terugkerende inkomsten onder druk te zetten. 17:00 Hoe Big Tech de markt neutraliseert door concurrerende platformen of apps op te kopen. 19:20 Blitz scaling kort uitgelegd aan de hand van de Blitzkrieg, en de verrassing dat Elon Musk hier ontbreekt. 21:05 Thiel moedigt ieder techbedrijf aan om een monopolie na te streven. 24:05 Verschil tussen de strategie van Hidden Champions en de drang van techbedrijven om monopolist te worden. 26:05 De mentale druk op influencers op een platform om continu door te gaan om in beeld te blijven. 28:35 Het verslavende effect van de platformen op kinderen is bewust gecreëerd. 31:00 Dat technologie steeds meer gemak realiseert en bedrijven gebruikmaken van onze hang naar luidheid. 33:30 Je kunt de verantwoordelijkheid nauwelijks meer bij de consument neerleggen, de enige die kan reguleren is de staat. 36:05 Hoe artsen slaven worden van een bedrijf met behulp van software. 39:25 Beperking van de Amerikaanse auteur: Europese voorbeelden, zoals woningcooperaties, worden niet genoemd. 41:20 Geef de woningbouwcoöperaties weer hun oude rol. 42:50 De Europese gemengde economie wordt niet genoemd, maar die functioneert wel beter bij publieke goederen. 43:15 Uitleg hoe economische macht verschuift naar politieke macht. 50:15 De vijf oplossing van Tim Wu. 52:00 Het beperkte zicht is dat, als het bedrijfsleven maar beter functioneert, je dan de problemen hebt opgelost. 54:15 Met het heel zwaar belasten van de miljardairs zou het probleem ook kleiner worden. 55:05 De problemen van de technologieplatformen proberen op te lossen met meer technologie (AI en crypto). Bronnen die we genoemd hebben Vibe van Mistral (voorheen Le Chat) Nazimiljardairs – David de Jong #boekencast afl 66 Pierre Omidyar - Wikipedia - oprichter eBay MacKenzie Scott (ex-Bezos) - heeft zich ertoe verbonden minstens de helft van haar vermogen aan goede doelen te schenken. Abigail Disney - Wikipedia (kleindochter oprichter Disney) Jimmy Wales - Wikipedia (medeoprichter Wikipedia) Blitzscaling – Hoffman en Yeh #boekencast afl 17 Autoroutes en verkeersrapporten van Waze Zero to one boek - Thiel Reid Hoffman - Wikipedia Peter Thiel - Wikipedia Palantir Technologies - Wikipedia Alex Karp - Wikipedia - CEO Palantir Strijd tussen Trump en paus - NOS De onzichtbare hand - Bas van Bavel Over Tirannie – Snyder en Krug #boekencast afl 118 Over vrijheid – Timothy Snyder #boekencast afl 121 Hidden Champions van de 21e eeuw boek Elon Musk – Walter Isaacson #boekencast afl 94 Muskisme - Quinn Slobodian en Ben Tarnoff Sir Timothy John Berners-Lee - uitvinder van het internet, het URL systeem Here Comes Everybody - Clay Shirky Scott Galloway (hoogleraar) - Wikipedia De tijd van de oligarchen - Aldous Huxley Brave New World - Aldous Huxley Animal farm - George Orwell Winners take all - Anand Giridharadas Geld genoeg, maar niet voor jou – Thomas Bollen #boekencast afl 135 De Trias Economica boek - Zo krijgen we een economie zonder verborgen impact – Babette Porcelijn Luister naar deze aflevering Beluister hier ons gesprek over het boek The age of extraction . We vonden het een leuk boek over de groei en achtergronden van de platformen en hoe macht verschuift van de economie naar de politiek. Maar we zijn teleurgesteld over de voorstellen waarmee Tim Wu komt. Door de problemen in de markt op te lossen, met regulering van de markt en met technologie de platformproblemen aan te pakken. Niets om de problemen in de kern op te lossen. In een halfuur delen wij dit boek met jou. Een halfuur met kennis die je tot je neemt terwijl je wandelt, loopt of rijdt, bijvoorbeeld. Video van deze aflevering Bekijk ons gesprek op video https://youtu.be/RUko4jgpsQk https://youtu.be/RUko4jgpsQk In deze aflevering bespreken we het boek The age of extraction. Een leuk boek, met voorbeelden, met name uit de VS tenzij het te spannend wordt, bijvoorbeeld over de politieke macht en de afbraak van de democratie; dan zwijgt hij over de problemen in de VS. Hij mist goede oplossingen uit Europa en wil de problemen oplossen met antitrust en technologie. Proberen om de markt onder controle te krijgen, met vooral oppervlakkige oplossingen. Terwijl de geschiedenis, zeker in de VS laat zien dat de markt altijd voor winstmaximalisatie gaat en de burger geen schijn van kans heeft. Samenvatting (met hulp van AI) Transcript

Mucho antes de las grandes batallas de desgaste que definirían el Frente del Este, el saliente de Yelnia se convirtió en una auténtica picadora de carne. Analizamos junto a Sergio Murata y Esaú Rodríguez cómo el Ejército Rojo logró frenar el avance imparable de la Wehrmacht en el verano de 1941. Un relato sobre la desesperación en las trincheras, el bautismo de fuego de las primeras divisiones de la Guardia soviética y el colapso de la doctrina de la Blitzkrieg frente a la tenacidad de las tropas de Stalin. ◼️ Edición Limitada Versus Vol.1 👉 https://go.ivoox.com/sq/3153351 ◼️ ⭐️ ¿Qué es la Edición Especial de Verano? Se trata de reediciones revisadas de episodios relevantes de nuestro arsenal, para que no pases el verano sin tu ración de Historia Bélica. Estamos en: 🆕 WhatsApp https://bit.ly/CasusBelliWhatsApp 👉 X/Twitter https://twitter.com/CasusBelliPod 👉 Facebook https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉 Instagram estamos https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Canal https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Grupo de Chat https://t.me/casusbellipod 📺 YouTube https://bit.ly/casusbelliyoutube 👉 TikTok https://www.tiktok.com/@casusbelli10 👉 https://casusbelli.top 👨💻Nuestro chat del canal es https://t.me/casusbellipod 🎵 La música que aparece en este episodio está cubiertas por licencias privadas de Epidemic Sound, Jamendo, SUNO o SGAE SGAERRDDD/4/1074/1012, o están compuestos por Dani CarAn bajo Licencia Creative Commons Atribución – No Comercial 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.es ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli Podcasdt y el resto de la Factoría Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 🎭Las opiniones expresadas en este programa de pódcast, son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las trasmiten. Que cada palo aguante su vela. 📧¿Quieres contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast, patrocinar un episodio o una serie? Hazlo a través de 👉 https://www.advoices.com/casus-belli-podcast-historia Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

(3) The Phony War and Strategic Reserves: Regulatory Displacement, the Iran-US "Phony War," and the Doctrine of Unconditional Surrender Guests in Londinium, 92 AD: Gaius and Germanicus. Broadcasting a "bootleg edition" from a parking lot after being forced out by the building inspector, the hosts discuss the unsustainable nature of the escalating US-Iran conflict. Gaius compares the current "drip drip" of hostilities to the minor-sounding reports from 1938–1939, questioning the sustainability of these incremental escalations. Germanicus frames the conflict as a "Sitzkrieg" or "phony war," noting that unlike 1940, the current pressure is the depletion of strategic oil reserves — the crisis isn't "instantly imminent," but the drawdown makes it temporary. He critiques the American "neuralgia" of demanding unconditional surrender, an unattainable goal he traces from the Civil War to modern leaders like Trump and Biden, arguing that a military tradition requiring demonized enemies and total submission prevents realistic resolutions. They conclude that the current diplomatic and military path is a "will-o'-the-wisp" that cannot be achieved through air power or Blitzkrieg. (3)1945 BBERLIN

Marc, Bryon, and Josh are back talking about all that happened this past weekend: Blitzkrieg Pro, East of the River Comic Show, The Car Show, and Marc's spoiler-free review of Widow's Bay. Wrestling Challenge update and the results for WWE Night of Champions. #Podcast #WWE #Moviereviews #TVreviews #wrestling #nightofchampions #widowsbay #raw #smackdown #nxt Upcoming Comic Show: Manchester Comic & Toy Convention $5 Admission, Kids Under 10 Free! Sunday, July 26th, from 10am to 4pm JOJO's Royalty Events346 Middle Turnpike W, Manchester CT Featuring Comics, Toys & Collectibles of Yesterday and Today!

The Ruler was crowned King, Mercedes goes back-to-back and Suge D regains his titles. Brian H. Waters recaps ASE' Wrestling where we saw two new champions crowned, Oba Femi becoming King of the Ring, Mercedes Mone and Maya World putting on a banger and more! (2:05) ASE' Wrestling: The World is Yours(2:24) Big Swole & Chris Lea are wrestling's best duo(3:31) Alexis Littlefoot def Leah Night (5:33) UGlee Gang beat tme win the ASE Men's tag titles (6:44) Sugar Dunkerton becomes 2-time pan-afrikan world Diaspora champion(10:06) Darius Carter defeats Caprice Coleman to retain the ASE' Men's title(11:45) Vicious Vixxens win the Nubian Nation Pro tag titles(12:32) Angelo Carter wins Blitzkrieg! Pro Jensen Champion (12:47) Remi Reade becomes the Nightmare Factory Women's Champion(13:35) Uhaa Nation debuts in TNA(14:01) Cedric Alexander retains the TNA X-division title(15:59) Saquon Shugars defeats Dion Lennox(17:23) Mercedes Def. Maya World to win the Owen hart Foundation Cup(19:35) Trick Williams defeats Ricky saints to retain the WWE United States Title(20:05) Oba Femi wins the King of the Ring(21:11) Big E and Michin encourage therapy

AP Table Talk: Tug of WarIn this episode of AP Table Talk, Brian and Dave dig into the tug-of-war mechanic, where a shared marker moves back and forth along a track toward opposing ends, creating a zero-sum struggle in which one player's gain is the other's loss. From minimalist gems like Hanamikoji to heavyweight political thrillers like Twilight Struggle and Watergate, to modern two-player favorites like 7 Wonders Duel, King of Tokyo: Duel, Star Wars: The Deckbuilding Game, Blitzkrieg!: World War Two in 20 Minutes, and Zenith, they unpack how the mechanic delivers immediate clarity of game state, mounting tension, and built-in take-that dynamics. Along the way, they explore tug-of-war's thematic strength in conflict and rivalry, its struggles with multiplayer scalability, the risk of zero-sum fatigue, and why it works best as a clean base that needs additional mechanics layered on top to truly shine.If you liked this episode please consider commenting, sharing, and subscribing.Subscribing is absolutely free and ensures that you'll get the next episode delivered directly to you. We'd also love it if you took some time to rate the show! We live to lift others with learning.  So, if you found this episode useful, consider sharing it with someone who could benefit. Also make sure to visit University XP online at www.universityxp.comUniversity XP is also on Twitter @University_XP and on Facebook and LinkedIn as University XP.Get the full transcript and references for this episode here: https://www.universityxp.com/podcast/167Support the show

John welcomes back Bulwark podcast host Tim Miller to discuss the putative deal to end the war in Iran and the efforts of J.D. Vance to sell it (and himself). Tim dissects the blowback to the deal within the GOP, Donald Trump's senescence, and Vance's weeklong media blitz as he hawks his new book about Catholicism. Meanwhile, John describes his visit to the algae bloom on the Washington Mall, Tim sings Olivia Rodrigo, and both weigh in on the Knicks victory parade and Wemby's turn in the barrel. To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Warum gelten Tiger, Panther und Co. bis heute für viele als die unbesiegbaren Wunderwaffen des Zweiten Weltkriegs? In dieser Folge nehmen wir den hartnäckigen „Mythos der deutschen Panzer“ genauer unter die Lupe und trennen historische Realität von reiner Propaganda. Wir reisen zurück zu den Anfängen des Krieges und zeigen, warum der sagenumwobene „Blitzkrieg“ im Westfeldzug 1940 weniger ein Produkt überlegener Technik, sondern vielmehr das Resultat von rasanter Funkkoordination und taktischer Flexibilität war. Doch wie entstand später die Legende um den tonnenschweren Tiger? Wir beleuchten die technischen Meilensteine und die psychologische Wirkung der stählernen Kolosse. Gleichzeitig blicken wir hinter die Kulissen der NS-Propaganda und decken die ungeschönte Wahrheit auf: Warum blieben viele dieser hochkomplizierten „High-Tech-Waffen“ im Schlamm stecken, scheiterten an der Logistik oder fielen schlicht durch technische Defekte aus?

El comienzo En septiembre de 1939, tras firmar con la URSS el Pacto Ribbentrop‑Molotov que incluía protocolos secretos para repartirse Europa del Este, la Alemania de Hitler invade Polonia mediante una ofensiva de Blitzkrieg basada en blindados y apoyo aéreo. Europa vuelve a la guerra apenas veinte años después del final de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Para Hitler, comienza la oportunidad de ejecutar su proyecto. El Blitz Hitler avanza por las Ardenas y Francia cae en semanas. Churchill evacúa Dunkerque y el Reino Unido resiste el Blitz mientras Roosevelt refuerza a unos aliados que luchan por sobrevivir.

Here it is!! The episode that all Teen Wolf rewatchers know and love, S6 E8 Blitzkrieg. Listen as we breakdown the episode talking about Claudia and Sheriff, Mama McCall and Argent, Mr. Douglas controling Parrish, and, of course, Stiles real name. --Please follow @root_rot and @2nakeynuggets on Instagram-Music: Climb by Shane Ivers - https://www.silvermansound.com-Follow us on Instagram https://www.instagram.com/thenemetontwpod/Email- thenemetontw@gmail.com

Listen to the girls live reaction to finding out Stiles real name!-P.s. Enjoy the Latke snorts --Music: Climb by Shane Ivers - https://www.silvermansound.com-Follow us on Instagram https://www.instagram.com/thenemetontwpod/Email- thenemetontw@gmail.com

"It was really sort of a Blitzkrieg assault approach where I wrote many, many scripts and emailed everybody I knew, and entered scripts into screenwriting competitions. "While I was living in New York I paid for a pitch fest in L.A. I flew out there to this event where you had five minutes to pitch different companies, like Lionsgate Motion Pictures. It was like speed dating for screenwriters. Eventually, I got one of my scripts into the hands of The Asylum and that eventually became 'Born Bad,' which was a made-for Lifetime TV movie. When they told me they liked that script and they wanted me, well, that was amazing!" Jared Cohn is a film/TV director, writer, and producer based in Los Angeles, CA. He has directed over 50 films that have been produced and distributed by major studios and distributed by major studios and production companies such as Netflix, Hulu, Showtime, Syfy, Lifetime, and many more. His book, 50 Movies Made: Lessons Learned on a Filmmaker's Journey, chronicles his life through the Hollywood trenches and how he achieved his lifelong dream on the other side. In the book, he discusses all areas of the movie making process, from screenwriting and preproduction to production, post-production and distribution. This May 2026 airing of Jared Cohn was originally aired in December 2024.  Be sure to visit his website to see what he has been working on recently.

Lesley and Fraser dive into a week of high-stakes testimony, "shadowy" Westminster figures, and the emeerging cross-party consensus in Scotland on when our children should actually start school.The Whitehall "Schmozzle" We look at the recent Foreign Affairs Committee sessions featuring the "Whitehall Mandarin" Philip Barton and Keir Starmer's strategist, Morgan McSweeney. It was a masterclass in the "dark arts" of Number 10, with Emily Thornberry leading a blistering critique of the decision to appoint Peter Mandelson as US Ambassador before his security vetting was even complete. From the "knife through the soul" of the Epstein revelations to the bizarre "Blitzkrieg" strategy to install Mandelson over George Osborne, we ask: is this just "jobs for the boys" by another name?.The Kindergarten Revolution Lesley reports back from a fascinating Upstart Scotland hustings where, for once, there was a strange glimmer of cross-party agreement. Even the "new man" Tory candidate seemed to accept the logic of raising the school starting age to seven. But while the Greens and Lib Dems are on board, the SNP government remains oddly "wobbly" on putting a proper kindergarten stage in their manifesto.We also look at the latest news on Ferry procurement, the SNP pledge on a section 30 order vote and constitutional convention and much more!LinksNOKUT (Norway): Developed a toolkit for recognising refugees' qualificationshttps://www.sciencenorway.no/immigration-integration-refugees/who-is-best-at-getting-refugees-into-the-workforce-norway-sweden-or-denmark/2082005Highland Clearances; communities fight backhttps://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/p/highland-clearances-two-communities-fight-back ★ Support this podcast ★

Im neuen Wochenkommentar geht es heute natürlich um Donald Trump, den wahnsinnigen Krieg in Nahost und seine Folgen für die gesamte Weltwirtschaft!

Táto vojna sa pre USA vôbec nevyvíja dobre. Irán nemusí prehrať a jeho režim sa môže udržať. Navyše, strategický Hormúzsky prieliv môže byť zablokovaný aj celé mesiace. Pre povesť USA - ako svetovej veľmoci, to môže mať zničujúce následky. Pre Aktuality Nahlas to povedal Andrej Žiarovsky.Plánovaný iránsky Blitzkrieg sa Donaldovi Trumpovi evidentne rozsýpa pod rukami. Napriek sérií masívnych raketových a leteckých úderov sa Irán vzdať odmieta a konflikt tak čoraz viac eskaluje. Úzkym hrdlom sa stáva Hormúzsky prieliv, ktorého dlhodobá blokáda je schopná poslať svetovú ekonomiku do globálnej recesie. Zatiaľčo Izrael si plní svoje dávne bezpečnostné sny, americký prezident vyžaruje čoraz väčšiu zmätenosť i bezradnosť. Kam sa vlastne uberá vojna o Irán, o čo ide Spojeným štátom a ako ju pocítime my - tu v Európe? Téma dnešného denného podcastu s Andrejom Žiarovským.Sledujete Aktuality Nahlas, dnes s Andrejom Žiarovským, pekný deň a pokoj v duši praje Braňo Dobšinský.

Táto vojna sa pre USA vôbec nevyvíja dobre. Irán nemusí prehrať a jeho režim sa môže udržať. Navyše, strategický Hormúzsky prieliv môže byť zablokovaný aj celé mesiace. Pre povesť USA - ako svetovej veľmoci, to môže mať zničujúce následky. Pre Aktuality Nahlas to povedal Andrej Žiarovsky.Plánovaný iránsky Blitzkrieg sa Donaldovi Trumpovi evidentne rozsýpa pod rukami. Napriek sérií masívnych raketových a leteckých úderov sa Irán vzdať odmieta a konflikt tak čoraz viac eskaluje. Úzkym hrdlom sa stáva Hormúzsky prieliv, ktorého dlhodobá blokáda je schopná poslať svetovú ekonomiku do globálnej recesie. Zatiaľčo Izrael si plní svoje dávne bezpečnostné sny, americký prezident vyžaruje čoraz väčšiu zmätenosť i bezradnosť. Kam sa vlastne uberá vojna o Irán, o čo ide Spojeným štátom a ako ju pocítime my - tu v Európe? Téma dnešného denného podcastu s Andrejom Žiarovským.Sledujete Aktuality Nahlas, dnes s Andrejom Žiarovským, pekný deň a pokoj v duši praje Braňo Dobšinský.

Day 1,462.Today, as Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine enters its fifth year, we report live from Kyiv the morning after world leaders gathered in the Ukrainian capital to reaffirm their support for President Zelensky. With a new round of Ukraine-Russia-US peace talks scheduled in Geneva and fresh Russian aerial attacks across the country, we ask whether there is any tangible movement – aside from continued Ukrainian advances in the south. We also examine reports that Russia is sending migrants into Europe through covert routes as part of a hybrid strategy, and consider why Kyiv has not been targeted in the air war for several consecutive days. Plus, memories from our correspondents of being in Ukraine when the invasion began, and outrunning the expected Russian blitzkrieg.ContributorsFrancis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Journalist and Producer). @adeliepjz on X.Venetia Rainey (Co-host Battle Lines podcast). @venetiarainey on X.Roland Oliphant (Co-host Battle Lines podcast). @RolandOliphant on X.James Rothwell (Berlin Correspondent). @JamesERothwell on X.NOW AVAILABLE IN VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://youtu.be/1fIYPjtdNa8?si=B7tHxw3CxQGAy3OG CONTENT REFERENCED:Four years ago, I outran what I thought was a blitzkrieg. The Russian army has still not caught up (Roland Oliphant in The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/02/24/four-years-ago-i-outran-what-i-thought-was-a-blitzkrieg/Russia sends migrants into Europe through secret tunnels (James Rothwell in The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/25/russia-sends-migrants-into-europe-through-secret-tunnels/ Nato will strike ‘deep inside Russia' if Putin hits Baltics (James Rothwell in The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/16/nato-air-strikes-deep-in-russia-if-putin-hits-baltics/ Russian whistleblower's sudden death in Surrey ‘needs reinvestigating' (James Rothwell in The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/15/russian-whistleblower-sudden-death-needs-reinvestigating-uk/ WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible.Subscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

A cutting-edge investigation of how Russia makes war. Russian strategy in the twenty-first century has been described in terms of 'hybrid' warfare, an approach characterised by measures short of war, such as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. But as the invasion of Ukraine has brutally demonstrated, conventional armed violence remains a key element of Russian power. In Blitzkrieg and the Russian Art of War (Manchester UP, 2025), Andrew Monaghan offers a high-level view of Russian thinking about warfare. Drawing on extensive Russian sources, he addresses important questions that have been overlooked by most Western commentators: what is the military leadership's distinctive idea of twenty-first-century blitzkrieg? How does it understand holistic territorial defence? How does it manage the shifting balance between offence and defence? Introducing key concepts from Russian military thinking, Blitzkrieg and the Russian art of war is a crucial resource for understanding Russia's resurgent role on the global stage and the devastating threat the country poses to the international order. Andrew Monaghan is Academic Visitor at St Antony's College, Oxford and a Senior Research Fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Programme at The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House. Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar with research areas spanning Civilizational Sciences, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, Military History, War Studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, and Russian and East European history. He served as the editor of the International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations (ISCSC) newsletter from 2016 to 2018 and is currently the Book Review Editor for Comparative Civilizations Review. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A cutting-edge investigation of how Russia makes war. Russian strategy in the twenty-first century has been described in terms of 'hybrid' warfare, an approach characterised by measures short of war, such as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. But as the invasion of Ukraine has brutally demonstrated, conventional armed violence remains a key element of Russian power. In Blitzkrieg and the Russian Art of War (Manchester UP, 2025), Andrew Monaghan offers a high-level view of Russian thinking about warfare. Drawing on extensive Russian sources, he addresses important questions that have been overlooked by most Western commentators: what is the military leadership's distinctive idea of twenty-first-century blitzkrieg? How does it understand holistic territorial defence? How does it manage the shifting balance between offence and defence? Introducing key concepts from Russian military thinking, Blitzkrieg and the Russian art of war is a crucial resource for understanding Russia's resurgent role on the global stage and the devastating threat the country poses to the international order. Andrew Monaghan is Academic Visitor at St Antony's College, Oxford and a Senior Research Fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Programme at The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House. Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar with research areas spanning Civilizational Sciences, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, Military History, War Studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, and Russian and East European history. He served as the editor of the International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations (ISCSC) newsletter from 2016 to 2018 and is currently the Book Review Editor for Comparative Civilizations Review. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

A cutting-edge investigation of how Russia makes war. Russian strategy in the twenty-first century has been described in terms of 'hybrid' warfare, an approach characterised by measures short of war, such as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. But as the invasion of Ukraine has brutally demonstrated, conventional armed violence remains a key element of Russian power. In Blitzkrieg and the Russian Art of War (Manchester UP, 2025), Andrew Monaghan offers a high-level view of Russian thinking about warfare. Drawing on extensive Russian sources, he addresses important questions that have been overlooked by most Western commentators: what is the military leadership's distinctive idea of twenty-first-century blitzkrieg? How does it understand holistic territorial defence? How does it manage the shifting balance between offence and defence? Introducing key concepts from Russian military thinking, Blitzkrieg and the Russian art of war is a crucial resource for understanding Russia's resurgent role on the global stage and the devastating threat the country poses to the international order. Andrew Monaghan is Academic Visitor at St Antony's College, Oxford and a Senior Research Fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Programme at The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House. Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar with research areas spanning Civilizational Sciences, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, Military History, War Studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, and Russian and East European history. He served as the editor of the International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations (ISCSC) newsletter from 2016 to 2018 and is currently the Book Review Editor for Comparative Civilizations Review. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies

A cutting-edge investigation of how Russia makes war. Russian strategy in the twenty-first century has been described in terms of 'hybrid' warfare, an approach characterised by measures short of war, such as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. But as the invasion of Ukraine has brutally demonstrated, conventional armed violence remains a key element of Russian power. In Blitzkrieg and the Russian Art of War (Manchester UP, 2025), Andrew Monaghan offers a high-level view of Russian thinking about warfare. Drawing on extensive Russian sources, he addresses important questions that have been overlooked by most Western commentators: what is the military leadership's distinctive idea of twenty-first-century blitzkrieg? How does it understand holistic territorial defence? How does it manage the shifting balance between offence and defence? Introducing key concepts from Russian military thinking, Blitzkrieg and the Russian art of war is a crucial resource for understanding Russia's resurgent role on the global stage and the devastating threat the country poses to the international order. Andrew Monaghan is Academic Visitor at St Antony's College, Oxford and a Senior Research Fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Programme at The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House. Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar with research areas spanning Civilizational Sciences, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, Military History, War Studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, and Russian and East European history. He served as the editor of the International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations (ISCSC) newsletter from 2016 to 2018 and is currently the Book Review Editor for Comparative Civilizations Review. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

Welcome to episode 573 of The Podcast Under the Stairs which is a crossover with my new podcast the B-Movie Blitzkrieg Podcast featuring yours truly & The Baz.If you didnt know…I spent a lot of last year working on this new podcast with The Baz. And what better way to introduce you to it than drop you in at episode 16 (which is released today on its own feed & YouTube)Enjoy and make sure to check out The B-Movie Blitzkrieg Podcast. Hit the link below and let the chaos continue. B-Movie Blitzkrieg Podcast LinksYOUTUBE: https://www.youtube.com/@BMovieBlitzkriegSpotify Podcasts: https://open.spotify.com/show/2hZul6ZQsZaL5Uhff8RS8J?si=5916d0866ee94fc1Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/au/podcast/b-movie-blitzkrieg/id1818986998Our new RSS Feed: ⁠https://anchor.fm/s/13ba6ef0/podcast/rss⁠Check out the show on ⁠Anchor⁠, ⁠iTunes⁠, ⁠TuneIn⁠ & on ⁠Stitcher Radio⁠.Please leave us feedback on ⁠iTunes⁠, podcastunderthestairs@gmail.com and follow us on ⁠Facebook⁠.Timecode For Episode 573:00:00:00 - PRE SHOW00:02:57 - THEME SONG00:03:42 - INTRO00:08:46 - PLOT00:12:17 - TOP 5 RAD/SAD/BAD MOMENTS00:22:50 - BEST/WORST LINES00:26:32 - PLOTHOLES00:29:24 - SCORE00:31:09 - CLOSE

Ep 356 – Spring Stampede 1999 “The Good. The Bad. The Showdown” People put their working boots on 0:27 - Welcome 13:04 - SS Opening 13:36 - Blitzkrieg vs Juventud Guerrera to become the #1 contender for the WCW Crusierweight Championship 17:21 - Hak (w/ Chastity) vs Bam Bam Bigelow in a Hardcore match 21:25 - Scotty Riggs vs Mikey Whipwreck 24:12 - Konnan vs Disco Inferno 26:14 - Kidman vs Rey Mysterio Jr for the WCW World Cruiserweight Championship 31:52 - The Four Horsemen (Chris Benoit/Dean Malenko) (w/ “The Enforcer” Arn Anderson) vs Raven and Perry Saturn 39:04 - Scott Steiner vs Booker T in the Finals for the vacant WCW United States Championship 44:17 - Kevin Nash (w/ Lex Luger and Miss Elizabeth) vs Goldberg 47:19 – “The Nature Boy” Ric Flair vs Diamond Dallas Page vs Hollywood Hogan vs Sting in a Four Corners match for the WCW World Heavyweight Championship with Macho Man Randy Savage (w/Gorgeous George) as the special guest referee 54:44 - Overall Thoughts 57:16 - Smarking It Up 1:11:08 - Ready to Rumble 1:17:26 - Goodbyes Music from this week's show is “Nine Lives” by Zack Tempest and “Self High Five” by Jimmy Hart/JJ Maguire Rate and review us on iTunes, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you find your podcasts Email – WrestlingHistoryX@gmail.com X – WrestlingHistoX

In this episode, Aaron Zelin returns to Conflicted to unpack the extraordinary collapse of the Syrian Democratic Forces' position in northeast Syria over the past week — and what the fallout could mean for Syria's fragile post-Assad order. Aaron explains: Why the March 2025 framework agreement ultimately failed Why Sunni Arab tribes abandoned the SDF — and how Damascus prepared the ground How and why fighting erupted in Kurdish neighbourhoods of Aleppo The rapid fall of SDF-held areas in Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, and Hasakah What happened at ISIS prisons and detention camps during the collapse Why claims of ‘Kurdish abandonment' by the United States are misleading The PKK factor — and the risk of a new insurgency or terrorism campaign What Syria's consolidation means for ISIS, regional stability, and the country's future Follow Aaron on X: https://x.com/azelin This episode includes BONUS MATERIAL after the credits ONLY for subscribers to the Conflicted Community. Join the Conflicted Community here: https://conflicted.supportingcast.fm  Find us on X: https://x.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted And Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/conflictedpod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Conflicted is a Message Heard production. Executive Producers: Jake Warren & Max Warren. This episode was produced and edited by Thomas Small. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Trump & Putin - the despots at war with our worldIn this week's Lowdown, Nick Cohen talks to Professor Sam Greene - the Director of the Russia Institute at King's College London about Vladamir Putin and Donald Trump, and how about how much longer Russia can endure the continuing carnage and humiliation of its seemingly never ending aggression against Ukraine.What Putin intended to be a few days of Blitzkrieg in February 2022 will soon enter its fifth gruesome year and has already lasted longer than the so-called "Great Patriotic War" - which is how the Russians describe World War 2. That war led to more than 20 million Soviet Union deaths. The current slaughter is sending 1,000 Russian soldiers a week to the cemetery or the casualty ward.How much longer can Putin last? Sam Greene and Nick Cohen examine the resilience of Putin's corrupt authoritarian regime despite current challenges, analysing how the system maintains stability through widespread compliance and fear among citizens while retaining imperial assumptions about Russian dominance. They also discuss Russia's political future after Putin, considering the potential for authoritarian systems to evolve while maintaining control, and compare this to similar dynamics in the United States. Sam reveals that Putin has now equalled the number of political prisoners incarcerated by Cold War era Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev.Putin and Trump - Parallels in Russia and USSam and Nick discuss the parallels between authoritarianism in Russia and the United States, focusing on how both regimes exert control through fear and compliance rather than direct force. Sam highlights the complacency of elites and institutions in the US noting how they accommodate the current administration's demands, similar to the Russian system where power is concentrated and opposition is silenced. They also touch on the effectiveness of Western sanctions against Russian oligarchs, which initially aimed to encourage a shift towards rule of law but ultimately failed as the oligarchs prioritised profit over safety. Their chat concludes with a reflection on the potential for political change, emphasising that authoritarian systems often change only after they have already begun to unravel.Read all about it!Professor Sam Greene @samagreene is Director of the Russia Institute @KingsRussia of King's College London. Sam has authored or co-authored two main books: "Moscow in Movement: Power & Opposition in Putin's Russia" (2014) and "Putin v. the People: The Perilous Politics of a Divided Russia" (2019, co-authored with Graeme Robertson). Sam's Substack - TL;DRussia - is a must read for anyone wanting to keep up with events in Putin's Russia.Nick Cohen's @NichCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Duncan, Eddie and Lee return with another episode of Shoot and Scoot, the Flames of War, Checkpoint Charlie and Team Yankee wargaming podcast. This episode we talk about what we have been painting and playing and take a look at the early war "Blitzkrieg" book.

"Zed's dead, baby. Zed's dead."In this episode of The Eastern Border, we dive into the surreal start of 2026. While the world watches the US conduct a "Blitzkrieg" operation in Venezuela to snatch Nicolas Maduro, the Kremlin is strangely silent. Why? Because the "Jungle Law" Vladimir Putin prayed for has finally arrived—and he's realizing he isn't the biggest predator in the forest.Also, please, donate to the Cars4Ukraine:https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/christmas-tree-trucks-2025-the-eastern-borderSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Obviously, we love doing this show. For so many awesome reasons. One of our negative duties we take upon ourselves is the announcements and dedications for those of our fallen Metal comrades. Now its Year's End and we decided we wanted to dedicate this episode saying "Horns Up" for those who left us. Its a tough listen but well worth it. In our "News, Views and Tunes", we discuss vinyl reissues and the Spotify "scrapping" incident. Musically, we crank some Blitzkrieg, Mortician, Necrophagia, Heavy Load, Ragnarok, Virus, Lawnmower Deth, Sudden Impact and we introduce Swedish metallers Blazon Stone in our "Indie Spotlight". Horns Up!    

When Hitler's eye fell on Norway and Denmark, how did he and the Nazis enact their terrible plan of conquest? How did the Allies respond to this western campaign? And, how did the French fare against the furious German attack…? Join Dominic and Tom as they discuss the next bombastic phase of the Nazis at war. Join The Rest Is History Club: Unlock the full experience of the show – with exclusive bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to every series and live show tickets, a members-only newsletter, discounted books from the show, and access to our private Discord chatroom. Sign up directly at therestishistory.com For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com _______ Hive. Know your power. Visit https://hivehome.com to find out more. _______ Whether you're hosting or guesting this Christmas, you need the UK's best mobile network and broadband technology, only from EE. _______ Get our exclusive NordVPN deal here ➼ https://nordvpn.com/restishistory It's risk-free with Nord's 30-day money-back guarantee ✅ _______ Twitter: @TheRestHistory @holland_tom @dcsandbrook Video Editor: Jack Meek / Harry Swan Social Producer: Harry Balden Assistant Producer: Aaliyah Akude Producer: Tabby Syrett Senior Producer: Theo Young-Smith Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Happy birthday to us! 4 years and 50 episodes!This episode features an interview with Joe Neva of Neva Wargames as well as a look at Desert Blitzkrieg from Compass Games.A few things mentioned in this episode:Live Cardboard #20, looking back and forwardMy time at BottosconRob Bottos interview Desert Blitzkrieg unboxingwww.nevawargames.comKo-FiSign up to support the show monthly, or with a one-time donationCube4Me Storage SolutionsCube4Me are a revolution in trays for games. Multiple sizes, configurations, and depths!Noble Knight GamesThe best place to find out of print games without paying Ebay prices!Disclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show

Hello everyone, a big thanks to all of you who joined the patreon and voted for this to be the next episode, you all are awesome. This is a part 2 about Hirohito's responsibility during the wars of 1931-1945, so if you have not heard part 1, perhaps go do so, or maybe you just don't care about 1931-1940 and just want to hear about the 1941-1945 period, hell by all means enjoy.   So last time we kind of left it on a bit of a dramatic cliff hanger. I spoke about Emperor Hirohito's involvement in what was called at the time the “China Incident”. It was not an official declared war until December of 1941. We left off in 1940, Hirohito was struggling with a situation of juggling two things: 1) how the hell to finally end the China War 2) how to do it without receiving horrible ramifications from the international world. On July 22nd of 1940, Konoe was back and formed a second cabinet. Notably General Hideki Tojo went from vice to army Minister during this time. If you guys ever want a podcast on Hideki Tojo, let me know, he is one rather bizarre figure that's for sure. Konoe tackled his job by holding an imperial HQ government liaison conference. For 90 minutes everyone worked on a new national policy designed to exploit the international situation, IE: Germany bulldozing europe.  The result was a document on national policy dated July 27th. It shifted focus to the “southern area” IE: southeast asia and the Pacific if the China war did not end quickly. Its basis was to exploit the foreign nations that had their hands full in europe, France, Britain and the Netherlands. It called for an invasion of French Indochina to establish bases to launch assaults against the Dutch East Indies for natural resources if diplomatic means failed. It acknowledged if the Dutch East Indies were seized through military means, Japan would also seek to fight Britain, but not the US, instead Japan would prepare for a possible war with the Americans. To all of this Hirohito approved. The army also kept pressuring its desire to ally with Germany. Throughout 1939-1940 Hirohito rejected this idea, not because of any ideological differences, it was because of Germans anti aggression pact with the USSR. If Japan were to ally to Germany, Hirohito wanted it to be mutually to fight the USSR. The Navy likewise opposed allying to Germany because they believed it would force Britain and the US to increase their aid to Chiang Kai-shek.   However the Blitzkrieg changed everything. Everyone was shocked at how well Germany was doing. Prince Chichibu repeatedly argued with Hirohito to change his mind over the alliance idea. Then suddenly the Navy changed their mind and began favoring an alliance. This changed came about in June of 1940 when the France fell. The Navy changed their mind based on a few factors, a major component was the belief if Germany and the USSR were allied, than at least Japan would not have to worry about the USSR and could focus on the pacific. Both the IJA and the IJN believed Hitler would soon take Britain and thus there was a huge desire to join the new international order on the winning side. A third factor was a new clause in negotiations with Germany and Japan, that if they allied Japan would not automatically be drawn into a war with Britain against her will. Some in the navy also believed perhaps Germany could help their diplomatic situation with the Americans. So the army and navy were now both demanding an alliance with Germany, it was all up to hirohito.    At an imperial briefing on June 19th of 1940, Hirohito asked chief of staff Prince Kan'in and the Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” Such as question revealed Hirohito's perception at the time that Germany was on the verge of victory and that he was gradually considering the deployment of troops in French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies as neither parent nation were in a position to defend their holdings. In regards to the China war, the Japanese sought to end leaks of materials getting into China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicated Britain would not accept closing the movement of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military acknowledged it would probably be required to invade Hong Kong and thus declare war on Britain. Upon hearing of this Hirohito remarked “Should that happen, I am sure America will use the method of an embargo, don't you agree?” To this his lord of the privy seal, Kido reassured him stating “the nation must be fully resolved to resist to proceed cautiously and not to be dragged into events precipitated by the overseas agencies”. Konoe's second cabinet resolved to end the China war, construct a new order in greater east asia and to complete war preparations as a national defense state. On July 27th at a liaison conference a document was adopted, affirming a course of advancing to the south and to ally with Germany. Japan would incorporate the Dutch East Indies, British Malaya and other resource rich areas of Southeast Asia into its new order while simultaneously bolstering its relationship with the Axis states. After hearing and reading everything, Hirohito sanctioned it all. Thus Hirohito had sanctioned the preliminary actions that would set Japan into a collision course with the US.   In September Japan began sending troops into northern French Indochina after concluding its Tripartite alliance with Germany and Italy. Now Hirohito was briefed beforehand by Army Minister Tojo and other chiefs of staff about securing bases in northern French indochina. Hirohito agreed to this under the belief acquiring such bases would stop more leaked materials going into China and thus contribute to the fall of Chongqing. But Hirohito also sanctioned it under the full knowledge it was preparing the Nanshin-ron advance and that carried a risk of going to war with Britain and by proxy the US. Naturally he wanted to thwart any war breaking out with the US by it seems his officials had convinced him they could manage most of their plans without aggravating the US.   On July 29th with the German offensive aimed at finishing off Britain, Hirohito summoned his chiefs and vice chiefs of staff to the imperial HQ. He began to question the prospects of war with the US. Prince Fushimi replied “[u]nless we complete our domestic preparations, particularly the preparation of our material resources, I do not think we should lightly start war even if there is a good opportunity to do so.” Hirohito then asked if  “the Army were planning to occupy points in India, Australia, and New Zealand.” But overall Hirohito seemed to be the most concerned about the US, Germany and the USSR. “Could Japan, obtain a victory in a naval battle with the United States as we once did in the Battle of the Japan Sea? . . . I heard that the United States will ban exports of oil and scrap iron [to Japan]. We can probably obtain oil from other sources, but don't you think we will have a problem with scrap iron?” In regards to the USSR “If a Japan-Soviet nonaggression treaty is made and we advance to the south, the navy will become the main actor. Has the army given thought to reducing the size of its forces in that case? . . . How do you assess the future national power of Germany? . . . Both Germany and the Soviet Union are untrustworthy countries. Don't you think there will be a problem if one of them betrays us and takes advantage of our exhaustion fighting the United States?I]t seems as though you people are thinking of implementing this plan by force because there is a good opportunity at this moment for resolving the southern problem even though some dangers are involved. . . . What does a good opportunity mean? [To this question Sawada replied: “For example, if a German landing in England commences.”] In that case wouldn't the United States move to aid Britain? . . . Well, I've heard enough. I take it, in short, that you people are trying to resolve the southern problem by availing yourselves of today's good opportunities.”   You can tell Hirohito understood the very real threat of an Anglo-American alliance and was very cautious. It seemed to Hirohito, that his officials were trying to take the limelight off the abysmal situation in China but emphasizing a southern advance. Well Americans response to the Japanese movement into northern French indochina was to see it as a direct threat. Something I have not paid much attention to was Hirohito's decision making being the direct result of trying to mediate between competing entities, ie: the IJA and IJN. At this point in time the IJA and IJN top officials had the power to simply stop governmental functions from occurring altogether whenever they were displeased with a decision. As you can imagine the IJA and IJN were also competing for resources and political power. Thus Hirohito spent a lot of time and effort trying to formulate decisions that at a minimum kept the governance going.    In the end Hirohito sanctioned Imperial HQ army order number 458, ordering the area army to begin the entry into French Indochina. Thus once again Hirohito sanctioned aggression aboard. America began what it called a “moral embargo” on aircraft parts, scrap iron and aviation gasoline. This was one of many gradual steps America took to incrementally sanction Japan, while aiding China to keep it bogged down. Japan's direct response was joining the Axis with a clause “to assist one another with all political, economic and military means if attacked by a power at present not involved in the European War or in the Sino-Japanese conflict”. This clause was designed specifically to check Britain and the US. Hirohito knew this was a turning point carrying the possibility of war with the US. Later he would blame some officials and even his brothers Chichibu and Takamatsu, but not his own actions sanctioning the Axis pact.    Speaking of his brothers, at this time Chichibu got severely ill with tuberculosis and as a result retired from active public life, now Prince Takamatsu stood as next regent. Thus Takamatsu would begin reading reports and advise Hirohito. Takamatsu like Chichibu approved the Tripartite Pact and found his brother Hirohito's performance lacking. Meanwhile Britain responded to the Tripartite pact by opening up the Burma road and America made a loan to Chiang Kai-shek.   The Soviets came to Japan for a neutrality pact and sweetened the deal by offering Soviet coal and oil concessions in North Sakhalin. Hirohito ratified the treaty on April 25th of 1941. 5 weeks later on June 5th, the Japanese ambassador to Berlin, General Oshima Hiroshi reported to Hirohito and the high command that Hitler was about to invade the Soviets. The Army high command sprang into action drafting plans to open a war with the Soviets while simultaneously advancing south into French Indochina. But many in the military also sought to wait until the time was ripe, and a rift emerged. Operation barbarossa commenced and on June 23rd the IJN high command gave their opinion that Japan should seize all military bases and airfields in southern French Indochina even at the risk of war with Britain and America. Can you say boy that escalated quickly?   There was obvious temptation to invade Siberia towards Lake Baikal, but at the same time the western powers were tightening sanctions on Japan, she needed resources. At this point Japan had been stuck in China for 4 years and 5 months, the army had expanded from 17 divisions totalling 250,000 men in july of 1937 to 51 divisions at 2.1 million men in December 8th of 1941. On July 2nd, 10 tens into Operation barbarossa, Konoe summoned an imperial conference to debate actions going forward. The consensus was that southern French Indochina needed to be taken and that it probably would not provoke the US going to war with Japan. Hirohito sanctioned it and on July 30th made a major operational intervention by advising General Sugiyama to build up forces in Manchukuo to prevent the Soviet Far Eastern Army.   Japan negotiated with Vichy France to allow Japanese troops to occupy southern parts of French Indochina. What was to be originally just 40,000 IJA forces turned into 185,000 and in response America increased sanctions and began preparing the Philippines for war. Roosevelt froze Japanese assets in the US on July 26th and by August the 1st a total embargo of oil and gasoline exports to Japan. Konoe's cabinet, the military high command, pretty much everyone was shocked by how harsh the economic sanctions were. Emperor Hirohito told Sugiyama to halt mobilizing forces in Manchukuo and the army basically dropped all plans of attacking the USSR. A month after the US oil embargo suddenly the army had changed its mind to go all in on the southern advance. Britain likewise began sanctions against Japan and both Britain and the US managed to convince the Dutch to follow suit by refusing to sell oil to Japan. The Dutch even took it a step further and followed Americans lead in freezing Japanese assets.    Konoe was in full panic mode, be believed his ambassador to washington was a moron and sought to go in person to speak to Roosevelt. At 11:40am on August 4th Konoe spoke to Hirohito about the plan, but Washington kept making up excuses prolonging any meeting from taking place. Meanwhile Washington was building up its navy, and the IJN were stressing, in the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.    On september 3rd at a liaison conference it was decided Japan was to prepare for a war against the US, UK and Netherlands while simultaneously pursuing diplomacy. If diplomacy failed by early October the decision for war would be made. Konoe presented everything to Hirohito on September 5th and requested an imperial conference on the matter. The most important decision of his life was about to be made.    Now take a second to feel the moment. Germany's invasion of the USSR was in its 6th week and not producing a decisive victory; Britain was still in the fight and the Japanese ambassador to London reported back Britain would allow Japan to maintain its great power status and exert influence in asia if they stayed out of the European War and “re-examined their current policy”. An olive branch. Hirohito had options is what I am arguing. He could stale things, he could mobilize units into Manchukuo to simply threaten the Soviet border, he could simply stay out of new wars, even it the China war would get worse, but try to profit from the situation in Europe. He could stop the southern advance, lose the chance to seize the resource in southeast asia, but perhaps the US, UK and Netherlands would lift some sanctions.   After speaking back and forth with Konoe while scolding Sugiyama here is a bit of their conversation:    Emperor: In the event we must finally open hostilities, will our operations have a probability of victory?  Sugiyama: Yes, they will.  Emperor: At the time of the China Incident, the army told me that we could achieve peace immediately after dealing them one blow with three divisions. Sugiyama, you were army minister at that time. . . .  Sugiyama: China is a vast area with many ways in and many ways out, and we met unexpectedly big difficulties. . . . [ellipses in original]  Emperor: Didn't I caution you each time about those matters? Sugiyama, are you lying to me? Nagano: If Your Majesty will grant me permission, I would like to make a statement.  Emperor: Go ahead.  Nagano: There is no 100 percent probability of victory for the troops stationed there. . . . Sun Tzu says that in war between states of similar strength, it is very difficult to calculate victory. Assume, however, there is a sick person and we leave him alone; he will definitely die. But if the doctor's diagnosis offers a seventy percent chance of survival, provided the patient is operated on, then don't you think one must try surgery? And if, after the surgery, the patient dies, one must say that was meant to be. This indeed is the situation we face today. . . . If we waste time, let the days pass, and are forced to fight after it it is too late to fight, then we won't be able to do a thing about it.  Emperor: All right, I understand. [He answered in a better mood.]  Konoe: Shall I make changes in tomorrow's agenda? How would you like me to go about it? Emperor: There is no need to change anything.   There is no need to change anything. Konoe grabbed Hirohito for a private audience afterwards and tried to get Hirohito to revise the outline, but Hirohito ignored this. Hirohito at that point could have stopped or at least slowed down the countdown to all out war. Hirohito instead did not want to displease the pro-war factions in his military, perhaps he saw them as a threat to his authority. Hirohito was not at all pleased with the policy plan. When he was shown in on september 5th, he looked extremely irritated and blew up on Sugiyama and the army high command as a whole. 20 minutes before the Imperial conference on September 6th, Hirohito spoke with his lord of the privy Kido and told him he was going to raise some questions at the meeting. Kido told him that it would be best to leave the questions at the very end, basically he was advising to allow for things to go through. Thus Hirohito sat through the meeting and sanction the preparations for war. Here is a conversation between Hirohito and the Chiefs of the general staff:   Emperor: You may go ahead and mobilize. But if the Konoe-Roosevelt talks go well, you'll stop, won't you?  Chief of the General Staff: Indeed, your majesty, we will.  Emperor: I will ask you one more time: Is there any possibility that the north [that is, the Soviet Union] may move against us while we are engaged in the south [emphasis added]?  Chief of the General Staff: I cannot say that will absolutely not occur. However, because of the season it is inconceivable that large forces will be able to attack us   Meanwhile Konoe's deadline to reach a diplomatic resolution with the US was fast approaching. On October 13th Hirohito told Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.” The next day Konoe held his last cabinet meeting and Army minister Tojo took the lionshare of talking:   For the past six months, ever since April, the foreign minister has made painstaking efforts to adjust relations [with the United States.] Although I respect him for that, we remain deadlocked. . . . Our decision was “to start the war . . . if by early October we cannot thoroughly achieve our demands through negotiations.” Today is the fourteenth. . . . We are mobilizing hundreds of thousands of soldiers. Others are being moved from China and Manchuria, and we have requisitioned two million tons of ships, causing difficulties for many people. As I speak ships are en route to their destinations. I would not mind stopping them, and indeed would have to stop them, if there was a way for a diplomatic breakthrough. . . . The heart of the matter is the [imposition on us of] withdrawal [from Indochina and China]. ...If we yield to America's demands, it will destroy the fruits of the China Incident. Manchukuo will be endangered and our control of Korea undermined   And so Konoe resigned two days later, but before he did his last official action was to recommend Prince Higashikuni to succeed him, in fact he got Tojo to do the same. Prince Higashikuni was deemed capable of controlling both the Army and Navy. And what did Hirohito say to this? He said no, and appointed Hideki Tojo. Why? As going back to the beginning of this series, to protect the Kokutai. He did not want a member of the royal family to hold the seat as Prime Minister during a time when war might be declared, a war that Japan might lose, which would toss the responsibility onto the imperial house. It was a threat to the Kokutai. Hirohito chose Tojo because Tojo was 100% loyal subject to the emperor. Tojo was the perfect fall guy if one ever existed.    Between November 8-15th, Hirohito received a full rundown of the Pearl Harbor surprise attack plan and sanctioned it. The deadline to reach a diplomatic solution with the US was set for midnight December 1st.    Hirohito ever since the Mukden Incident had expressed fear that not taking warlike actions, not pumping up the kokutai or not suppressing dissent would jeopardize the imperial system of government and damage the imperial institution itself. For Hirohito domestic conflicts were more dangerous than external ones, because they carried the risk of eroding the monarchy. As the time approached for his finally decision on declaring war, Hirohito requested a last round of discussion. The carriers enroute to Pearl harbor departed on november 27th, while on December 1st, 19 leaders, the entire Tojo cabinet and Emperor met. Tojo pulled a rather cheeky maneuver, he reported the response from America, the famous Hull note by stating “the United States . . . has demanded that we withdraw troops from all of China [emphasis added],” but in fact, Hull had used only the word “China.” Hara asked “I would like to know,whether Manchukuo is included in the term ‘China'? Did our two ambassadors confirm this point?” Togo's reply to this was “However . . . the American proposal [early in the negotiations on] April 16 stated that they would recognize the state of Manchukuo, so Manchukuo would not be part of China. . . . On the other hand . . . there has been a change in their position . . . they look upon Chungking as the one and only legitimate regime, and . . . they want to destroy the Nanking regime, [so] they may retract what they have said previously” A nonsensical gibberish answer, intentionally done to make everyone think America did in fact include Manchukuo, thus forcing everyone to see the demands as impossible to comply with. Togo finished the meeting : “Once His Majesty decides to commence hostilities, we will all strive to meet our obligations to him, bring the government and the military ever closer together, resolve that the nation united will go on to victory, make an all-out effort to achieve our war aims, and set his majesty's mind at ease. I now adjourn the meeting.” Hirohito simply nodded. Sugiyama remarked that the emperor did not show the slightest sign of anxiety, in fact he looked like he was in a good mood.   Hirohito's naval aid Jo Eiichiro wrote minutes on the first day of the pacific war, recording the emperors actions. 4 A.M. (Japan time): Japan issued a final ultimatum to the United States. 3:30 A.M.: the Hawaiian surprise attack was successful. 5:30 A.M.: Singapore bombed. Great results. Air attacks on Davao, Guam, Wake. 7:10 A.M.: All the above was reported to the emperor. The American gunboat Wake was captured on the Shanghai front. The British gunboat Petrel was sunk. From 7:15 to 7:30 the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the war situation. At 7:30 the prime minister informally reported to the emperor on the imperial rescript declaring war. (Cabinet meeting from 7 A.M.). At 7:35 the chief of the Army General Staff reported on the war situation. At 10:45 the emperor attended an emergency meeting of the privy council. At 11:00 A.M. the imperial rescript declaring war was promulgated. 11:40 A.M. Hirohito conferred with Kido for about twenty minutes.] At 2:00 P.M. the emperor summoned the army and navy ministers and bestowed an imperial rescript on them. The army minister, representing both services, replied to the emperor. [At 3:05 P.M. the emperor had a second meeting with Kido, lasting for about twenty minutes.] At 4:30 P.M. the chiefs of staff formally reported on the draft of the Tripartite (Germany-Italy-Japan) Military Pact. At 8:30 P.M. the chief of the Navy General Staff reported on the achievements of the Hawaii air attack. . . . Throughout the day the emperor wore his naval uniform and seemed to be in a splendid mood.   Hirohito believed Germany would win, thus if with their help he believed Japan could thwart off the US until a negotiated peace. Having made his choice, Hirohito devoted himself to presiding over and guiding the war to victory at all costs. He was a extremely cautious person, every single campaign he looked for what could go wrong, made worse case scenario predictions and was very suspicious of reports from his high officials. He was notably very harsh and critical on said high commanders. Although he did not visit the war theaters as did other commanders in chief, he exercised and controlled influence on theater operations, both in the planning and execution whenever he chose to do so. As was the same case with the China war before it, he issued the highest military orders of the Imperial HQ, performed audited conferences and led to decisions transmitted in his name. He received generals and admirals to the imperial palace who gave full reports of the battlefront. He visited bases, battleships, various army and naval headquarters. He inspected military schools, you know the full shebang.    After 26 months of war, the naval air force had lost 26,006 aircraft, nearly a third of its total power, thousands of veteran pilots were dead. Hundreds of thousands of tons of warship was sunk, the merchant and transport fleet was crippled. Late 1943 saw the Americans turning the initiative of the war, Japan was on the defensive. Guadalcanal had been the major turning point. During the staled battle for the philippines, Hirohito pressed upon Army chief of staff Sugiyama to increase troop strength to knock out Bataan. The problem persisted, on February 9th and 26th Hirohito pressed Sugiyama again about getting more troops to take Bataan.   Hirohito was confronted with the prisoner of war issue after the doolittle raid. When the pilots were caught, Togo initially opposed executions, but many in the IJA sought all 8 men executed. Hirohito chose to intervene and commuted the execution of 5 out of the 8. Why just 5, no one knows to this day, but its theorized it was to demonstrate his benevolence while simultaneously giving a bit of what the army wanted.    The CBI theater took the lionshare of his attention in 1942, he continuously pressed up Sugiyama when a final blow would be delivered against Chongqing. When the Midway disaster occurred, Hirohito was given a full report of what happened, but he chose to hid the extent of the loss from the IJA. In fact in response to the Guadalcanal campaign he was heard once asking “I wonder if this is not the start of the AmericanBritish counteroffensive?” He urged his commanders to increase offensive activities and to toss all weapons possible at the enemy, because Japan needed more time to secure its reserves of vital oil, rubber and iron. When he heard the first report of the Ichiki detachment being wiped out, he simply stated “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” With numerous reports pouring in about the men dying from tropical disease and starvation, Hirohito kept demanding greater efforts from them. Hirohito continuously applied pressure on his naval and land commanders to recapture the island. On September 15th, November 5th and November 11th he called for more IJA troops and aircraft to be allocated to it. Sugiyama was nervous about sending more IJA pilots as they were inexperienced in transoceanic combat and he sought to reinforce the north china army to hit Chongqing. Hirohito demanded it a second time and Sugiyama replied the IJA had deployed its air power instead to New Guinea and Rabaul. Hirohito continuously hammered the issue despite the high level commanders disagreeing with it. By late november it was clear guadalcanal was a lost cause.    At an imperial HQ conference on December 31st of 1942, the chiefs of staff reported they would cancel the attempts to recapture guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned it but stated “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” Hirohito forced the issue and it was decided the new strategic points would be in the solomons north of New Georgia and the Stanley range on New Guinea. Hirohito in fact threatened not to authorize the withdrawal of men from Guadalcanal until such a plan was made. Hirohito would go on to oppose the withdrawal from the Munda airfield on New Georgia since it contradicted the new defensive line. As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern solomons was crumbling, Hirohito continued to demand the navy fight decisive battles to regain the initiative so ships could begin transports supplies to the countless soldiers trapped on islands without them. When Hirohito heard of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd he stated  “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for awhile.” “Do this for me” would become his signature message.    In August of 1943 as the fall of the solomons progressed, Hirohito lambasted “Isn't there someplace where we can strike the United States? . . . When and where on earth are you [people] ever going to put up a good fight? And when are you ever going to fight a decisive battle?Well, this time, after suffering all these defeats, why don't you study how not to let the Americans keep saying ‘We won! We won!'[emphasis added]”” Hirohito berated his chiefs of staff and in the face of mounting defeats he remained undismayed, rigidly self disciplined and aggressive as ever. When he received a report on September 21st of 1943 that the allies were heading for Finschhafen he replied “Being ready to defend isn't enough. We have to do the attacking.”   When the Americans destroyed the main naval anchorage at Truk forcing the navy to evacuate it, leaving behind numerous tanks, the dream of fighting one great decisive naval battle in the central pacific was over.    On February 21st of 1944, Hirohito took the unprecedented action to force Sugiyama to resign so Tojo could assume his position, alongside that of army minister and prime minister. He did this to end dissent. Hirohito and Tojo oversaw the haymaker attempts in 1944, like operation Ichi-go and the Imphal campaign fall into ruins. It looked like the Philippines, Taiwan, Okinawa, the Bonin islands and eventually the home islands would be invaded. When Saipan fell, the home islands had at last come into range of the dreaded B-29 Super flying fortresses. Hirohito had warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” For two days his chiefs of staff explained the dire situation on Saipan was hopeless, but Hirohito ignored their advice and ordered Admiral Shimada to recapture it, the first department of the navy general staff immediately poured themselves into the problem. Day and night they worked, until a draft plan was created on June 21st, 3 days later the combined fleet gave opposition. Tojo and Shimada formally reported to Hirohito the recapture plan needed to be canceled. Hirohito refused to accept the loss of Saipan and ordered his chief aide General Hasunuma to convene in his presence the board of field marshals and fleet admirals. They all met on the 25th, upon which they all unanimously stated the reports indicating Saipan was a lost cause were valid, Hirohito simply told them to put it in writing and he left the room.    Hirohito finally decided to withdraw his support of Tojo, allowing Tojo's numerous enemies to take down his cabinet on July 18th 1944. But Hirohito was undaunted in determination to steal victory from the allies. Imperial HQ on October 18th ordered a decisive naval battle and the battle of Leyte Gulf was it. After the war Hirohito would go on the record stating “Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I agreed to the showdown battle of Leyte thinking that if we attacked at Leyte and America flinched, then we would probably be able to find room to negotiate.” This statement shows the facts as they were, Hirohito and his chiefs of staff forced the field commander, General Tomoyuki Yamashita to engage the American invasion force in a place Yamashita did not want to fight nor prepared adequate defenses. It was a horrible loss.   The Kamikaze attacks increased as Japan's desperation wore on. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?”  On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    Konoe re-entered the stage writing to Hirohito pleading with him to order a surrender because from his perspective “The Soviet Union is Japan's biggest threat. Defeat was inevitable, but more to be feared than defeat was the destruction of the Kokutai. Sue quickly for peace, before a Communist revolution occurred that would make preservation of the kokutai impossible”. Hirohito was taken aback by this, as he shared his military's hope that the Soviets would help Japan reach a peace settlement. So he rejected the advice of Konoe. Hirohito remarked “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.” Then Japan's intelligence units reported the Soviets were going to break the neutrality pact and join the war once the Germans were done. Meanwhile Tokyo was turned to rubble on March 9th 1945 by 334 B-29's dropping firebombs, 40% of the capital was destroyed, up to 100,000 were dead. Hirohito remained undaunted. 60 Japanese cities were leveled by firebomb campaigns. Europe's war finished. Then the battle for Okinawa was lost, suddenly Hirohito began looking for ways to end the war.   On June 22nd Hirohito personally informed the supreme war leadership council his desire to see diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. A special envoy was sent to Moscow, while Hirohito publicly issued an imperial rescript ordering the nation “to smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations and achieve the goals of the war”. B-29's began dropping leaflets with joint declarations issued by the US, UK and China requesting the citizens of Japan demand their government surrender. Prefectural governors, police chiefs and officers began submitting home ministry reports on the rapid deterioration of the nations spirit.   Germany signed the unconditional surrender documents on May 7th and 8th of 1945, Japan was alone. Newly installed President Truman declared on May 8th, Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people, but the unconditional surrender principles remained unaltered. The Japanese meanwhile were awaiting word from the Soviets. The Americans unleashed their first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on August 6th of 1945 killing up to 140,000 people. Then on August 8th the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and began an invasion of Manchuria. On August 9th the second atomic bomb hit Nagasaki killing around 40,000 people.   Thus began the surrender clock as I like to say. After the first atomic bomb, Hirohito said and did nothing about the surrender terms. Hirohito then authorized Togo to notify the world on August 10th that Japan would accept the allied terms of surrender with one condition “that the said declaration does not comprise any demand which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler.” The next day, Secretary of State Byrnes replied by alluding to the subordination of the emperors authority to the supreme commander of the allied powers. It was ambiguous as hell. The Japanese leaders erupted into arguments, and on August 14th, Hirohito went before a microphone and recorded his capitulation announcement which aired on August 15th to all in Japan, they surrendered. Why did it take so long?   The peace talks between the Japanese and Soviets went on through June, July and early August. Japan offered the Soviets limited territorial concessions and they refused to accept the envoy on July 22nd because the Japanese were being too ambiguous in their terms. There was continuous back and forth between the intelligence of Moscow and Japan trying to figure out the stance of the other, but then Stalin heard about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, he was shocked and ordered an invasion of Manchuria in response. In the meantime the Japanese were tossing all sorts of concessions at Moscow, they stated they would allow Japanese to be used as forced laborers in Siberia, a form of reparation as it were, that they would demobilize the military and so on. The response was the invasion of Manchuria.    Hirohito knew prior to the bombing of Hiroshima that the cabinet was divided on accepting the Potsdam terms. Hirohito also knew he and he alone could unify governmental affairs and military command. Why then did he wait until the evening of August 9th to surrender?   The reality of the matter is its complicated, numerous variables at play, but let me try to pick at it. The people of japan under the firebomb campaigns were becoming hostile towards the military, the government and many began to criticize the emperor. Hirohito was given reports from the Home Ministry from governors and police chiefs all over Japan revealing people were speaking of the emperor as an incompetent leader who was responsible for worsening the war situation. Does that sound like a threat to the Kokutai? People were starving en masse, the atomic bomb is flashy, but what really was killing the Japanese, it was starvation. The home islands were blockaded and the sea approaches mined as pertaining to the optimally named “operation starvation”. Hirohito knew full well how bad his people were suffering but he did not surrender for so long.   After Hiroshima was bombed, Hirohito delayed for 2 days before telling Kido at 10am on August 9th “quickly control the situation, the Soviet Union has declared war and today began hostilities against us”. Now here is a piece of Hirohito's surrender proclamation to the citizens of Japan    “Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable ”.   Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai. Did you know there was a rescript of this proclamation that was made to the entire IJA and IJN? Yes Emperor Hirohito gave out two different proclamations for surrender, here is what the armed forces heard.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The proclamation does not speak of the atomic weapons, but emphasizes the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. Hirohito was presented as a benevolent sage and an apolitical ruler that had ended the war. Hirohito sought to justify the surrender upon the bombs to the public, but did he believe so, did his armed forces believe so? People debate to this day why the surrender occurred, I love the fact there are two message offered because both are true. Hirohito's decision to surrender was based on numerous variables, the atomic bombs, the invasion of Manchuria by the soviets, but above all else, what really was important to the man, the emperor, the god? The kokutai. The Soviets were more of a threat to the kokutai, thus Hirohito jumped into the arms of the Americans. The language between the Americans and Japanese in the communications for unconditional surrender were ambiguous, but Hirohito and the high commanders knew there was zero chance of the kokutai surviving if the Soviets invaded Japan, perhaps the Americans would allow it to continue, which is just what they ended up doing. The entire purpose of this series would to emphasize how Hirohito definitely had a active role in the war of 1931-1945, he had numerous occasions where he could put the hammer down to stop the situation from escalating. But in the end when his back was against the wall, he did what he did to cling on to the Kokutai.   I shall leave you with this. On August 12th, as Hirohito came to inform the imperial family of his decision to surrender, Prince Asaka asked him whether the war would continue if the Kokutai could not be preserved, what do you think he said? “Of Course”. 

Return to Terror! Celebrating 82 Years of “The Return of the Vampire“! Sink your teeth into this week's episode of Scary Spirits! Hosts Karen and Greg are raising a glass to the 82nd anniversary of the spooky 1943 classic, “The Return of the Vampire,” which premiered on November 11th. This overlooked gem stars Bela Lugosi in a chilling post-Universal Dracula role! We're diving deep into the film's eerie atmosphere, wartime horror influences, and why this forgotten vampire feature deserves a second look. And what's a celebration without a themed drink? We're discussing all the scares while sipping a truly special and potent “Blitzkrieg” cocktail. Tune in for: In-depth Vampire Movie Analysis Classic Horror Film insights The recipe and review of our Themed Cocktail A nod to the legendary Bela Lugosi! Whether you love vintage creature features or just a good themed cocktail, this episode is a bloody good time!

Clef and Tim breeze through disc golf talk to get spend a little time on sports before diving deep into musicals! Clef returns from his trip to New York and has plenty to talk about before we get into board games. We talk some recent plays including Pax Pamir, La Granja, and Blitzkrieg! Join the discord at discord.gg/s8hYtWkMS3 and visit punchboardparadise.com for more info on PPCon 2026! Board Game talk starts at 52:50. It's A LOT of musical talk.

In The Book of Trump: Chapter 36, Ghost welcomes retired Army Lt. Colonel Oakland McCulloch for a masterclass on warfighting, both kinetic and psychological. Using the Marine Corps' FMFM-1 Warfighting Manual as a guide, they explore how timeless military strategy applies to today's information battlespace. From Sun Tzu's principles of speed and deception to the art of “maneuver warfare,” Oak breaks down how Trump's leadership mirrors tactical command philosophy, trusting his field operatives, shaping the battlefield, and exploiting enemy gaps through narrative tempo. The two dive into the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), the rise of drone warfare, and how modern technology has transformed the meaning of conflict. They connect historical lessons, from Blitzkrieg to the Civil War, to Trump's 21st-century campaign of perception and persuasion. A sharp, strategic, and surprisingly philosophical discussion on how the principles of war reveal the playbook for peace.

With the Mareth Line battle still uncertain and Freyberg's left flank attack still pending, Gen. Patton is called on again to attack. But the 10th Panzer Division comes at Patton's 1st US Infantry Division. The Americans are about to be tested again. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Air Date 10/10/2025 The strategy that Trump and the masterminds behind Project 2025 are following is to move as fast as possible to implement their agenda because they know perfectly well how unpopular it is and will be as time goes on. It's hard to argue that anything good will come of this but I'm going to try during my comments anyway. Be part of the show! Leave us a message or text at 202-999-3991, message us on Signal at the handle bestoftheleft.01, or email Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com Full Show Notes Check out our new show, SOLVED! on YouTube! BestOfTheLeft.com/Support (Members Get Bonus Shows + No Ads!) Join our Discord community! KEY POINTS KP 1: Checking In On The Federal Workforce As The Government Shuts Down - 1A - Air Date 10-1-25 KP 2: How Trump Is Using The Shutdown To Punish Blue States - Brian Lehrer A Daily Podcast - Air Date 10-3-25 KP 3: The Vought Doctrine Make It Hurt - Velshi - Air Date 10-5-25 KP 4: SCOTUS Rulings BACKFIRE on THEMSELVES Part 1 - Legal AF - Air Date 8-2-25 KP 5: Trumps Battle With The Federal Reserve Part 1 - 1A - Air Date 9-10-2025 KP 6: The Trump Administration's SCOTUS Winning Streak Part 1 - Strict Scrutiny - Air Date 9-29-25 KP 7: Hegseth Declares War On the Military + Trump Declares War On You Part 1 - Straight White American Jesus - Air Date 10-3-25 (01:04:39) NOTE FROM THE EDITOR On what Trump's lightning attack on America could mean for the future DEEPER DIVES (01:48:40) SECTION B: SHUTDOWN & PROJECT 2025 (02:30:24) SECTION C: AUTHORITARIAN'S HAMMER SHOW IMAGE CREDITS Description: Illustrated image in pop art style of Donald Trump smirking in front of a red banner and sunburst imagery with “Project 2025” on the banner on either side of his head. Base Image Credit: “Donald-trump-divided-country-usa” by tweetyspics, Pixabay | Pixabay License | Changes: Text overlay added   Produced by Jay! Tomlinson Visit us at BestOfTheLeft.com Listen Anywhere! BestOfTheLeft.com/Listen Listen Anywhere! Follow BotL: Bluesky | Mastodon | Threads | X

The Third World War we warned about feels closer at hand than the last time we spoke, and deterrent actions that could have been taken were largely ignored. We're now in a rerun of the cold war, but this time it's much hotter, there are no rules to bound and limit the offensive actions of Russia, and it no longer seems to care whether we think of it as a barbarous nation or not. We've left it to five to midnight to act – is it too late to turn the tide, and are we even prepared to act now? ----------Partner on this video: KYIV OF MINE Watch the trailer now: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=arJUcE1rxY0'Kyiv of Mine' is a documentary series about Ukraine's beautiful capital, Kyiv. The film production began in 2018, and much has changed since then. It is now 2025, and this story is far from over.https://www.youtube.com/@UCz6UbVKfqutH-N7WXnC5Ykg https://www.kyivofmine.com/#theprojectKyiv of Mine is fast paced, beautifully filmed, humorous, fun, insightful, heartbreaking, moving, hopeful. The very antithesis in fact of a doom-laden and worthy wartime documentary. This is a work that is extraordinarily uplifting. My friend Operator Starsky says the film is “Made with so much love. The film series will make you laugh and cry.” ----------This is super important. There are so many Battalions in Ukraine, fighting to defend our freedoms, but lack basics such as vehicles. These are destroyed on a regular basis, and lack of transport is costs lives, and Ukrainian territory. Once again Silicon Curtain has teamed up with Car4Ukraine and a group of wonderful creators to provide much-needed assistance: https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/autumn-harvest-silicon-curtainAutumn Harvest: Silicon Curtain (Goal€22,000)We'll be supporting troops in Pokrovsk, Kharkiv, and other regions where the trucks are needed the most. 93rd Brigade "Kholodnyi Yar", Black Raven Unmanned Systems Battalionhttps://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/autumn-harvest-silicon-curtain----------Sir Richard Shirreff is Co-founder and Managing Partner at Strategia Worldwide. After graduating from Oxford, he served in the British Army for 37 years commanding soldiers on operations or in combat at every level from platoon to division and rising to the highest rank before retiring from the Army as NATO's Deputy Supreme Commander Europe. Richard is co-Founder and Managing Partner of Strategia Worldwide. In 2016 his novel ‘2017: War with Russia' was published in the UK, USA, and Poland. He is an honorary Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.----------LINKS:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Shirreff https://twitter.com/RichardShirreff https://www.strategiaworldwide.com/our-people/sir-richard-shirreffhttps://www.globsec.org/who-we-are/our-people/gen-ret-sir-richard-shirreff https://www.brookings.edu/events/is-armed-conflict-with-russia-a-real-possibility/ ----------DESCRIPTION:The Fragile State of Global Peace: An Urgent Call to Action with Sir Richard Shirreff In this episode, Jonathan welcomes back Sir Richard Shirreff , co-founder and managing partner at Strategia Worldwide and former Deputy Supreme Commander at NATO. Together, they delve into the precarious state of global peace, drawing parallels to a renewed Cold War scenario. The discussion highlights escalating tensions with Russia, the challenges facing NATO, and the significant threat to European security. Sir Richard underscores the urgent need for Europe to bolster its own defenses in the face of dwindling US support. They discuss the critical importance of supporting Ukraine's war efforts, as well as the potential long-term involvement of China. This episode is a stark reminder of the fragility of democracy and the vital importance of military readiness in an increasingly unstable world.----------

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous ! https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous ! https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous ! https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous !https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous ! https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pour écouter l'émission en entier, sans pub, abonnez-vous ! https://m.audiomeans.fr/s/S-tavkjvmo Le carburant secret du IIIè Reich - L'Allemagne nazie sous amphétaminesEt si l'Allemagne nazie n'avait pas seulement été guidée par l'idéologie… mais aussi par la chimie ?Dans cet épisode saisissant, découvrez l'autre moteur du Troisième Reich : des soldats lancés dans la Blitzkrieg sous méthamphétamines, des expériences secrètes mêlant cocaïne et opiacés, et un Hitler maintenu debout par des injections quotidiennes.Inspiré du livre-choc de Norman Ohler L'Extase totale, ce récit plonge dans les veines du régime nazi et révèle une histoire cachée, glaçante, qui change à jamais notre regard sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

The Maginot Line was one of the most ambitious defensive projects of the 1930s. Built along France's eastern border, this vast system of underground forts, tunnels, and bunkers included hospitals, kitchens, telephone exchanges, electric railways, and turrets that could rise from the ground to strike at attackers. Designed to withstand artillery and even chemical weapons, it represented the cutting edge of military engineering. Yet when Germany invaded in May 1940, France fell in just six weeks. The Maginot Line has since become a byword for failure — an expensive defensive shield that seemed useless against Blitzkrieg. But was it really such a mistake, or have we misunderstood its role in the Second World War? In this episode of the WW2 Podcast, I'm joined by Professor Kevin Passmore, author of The Maginot Line: A New History. Together, we explore how the defences were built, how they performed in 1940, and what the Maginot Line can really tell us about the fall of France.   patreon.com/ww2podcast  

Norman Ohler is a historian and author of "Blitzed: Drugs in the Third Reich," a book that investigates the role of psychoactive drugs, particularly stimulants such as methamphetamine, in the military history of World War II. It is a book that two legendary historians Ian Kershaw and Antony Beevor give very high praise for its depth of research. Norman also wrote "Tripped: Nazi Germany, the CIA, and the Dawn of the Psychedelic Age", and he is working on a new book "Stoned Sapiens" looking at the history of human civilization through the lens of drugs. Thank you for listening ❤ Check out our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep481-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/norman-ohler-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback - give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA - submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ama Hiring - join our team: https://lexfridman.com/hiring Other - other ways to get in touch: https://lexfridman.com/contact EPISODE LINKS: Stoned Sapiens Substack: https://substack.com/@stonedsapiens Norman's X: https://x.com/normanohler Norman's Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/normanohler Norman's YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@Norman-Ohler Norman's Website: https://www.normanohler.de Norman's books: https://amzn.to/46uNS18 Blitzed: https://amzn.to/4mmY2XC The Bohemians: https://amzn.to/3KubPhK Tripped: https://amzn.to/4nEy7eX SPONSORS: To support this podcast, check out our sponsors & get discounts: UPLIFT Desk: Standing desks and office ergonomics. Go to https://upliftdesk.com/lex Fin: AI agent for customer service. Go to https://fin.ai/lex Shopify: Sell stuff online. Go to https://shopify.com/lex LMNT: Zero-sugar electrolyte drink mix. Go to https://drinkLMNT.com/lex Hampton: Community for high-growth founders and CEOs. Go to https://joinhampton.com/lex OUTLINE: (00:00) - Introduction (01:09) - Sponsors, Comments, and Reflections (09:00) - Drugs in post-WWI Germany (19:18) - Nazi rise to power (23:45) - Hitler's drug use (29:37) - Response to historian criticism (46:16) - Pervitin (1:00:15) - Blitzkrieg and meth (1:18:52) - Erwin Rommel (Crystal Fox) (1:23:02) - Dunkirk (1:31:06) - Hitler's drug addiction (1:47:03) - Methamphetamine (1:48:57) - Invasion of Soviet Union (2:07:54) - Cocaine (2:16:49) - Hitler's last days (2:36:48) - German resistance against Nazis (2:58:59) - Totalitarianism (3:04:09) - Stoned Sapiens - Drugs in human history (3:19:20) - Religion (3:30:09) - LSD, CIA, and MKUltra (3:55:39) - Writing on drugs (4:08:40) - Berlin night clubs (4:19:14) - Greatest book ever written

Apple, like all successful companies, became successful by maximizing profits and minimizing costs. However, to achieve this, they sold their soul to America's biggest adversary: the Chinese Communist Party. The story of how this transpired is chronicled in exceptional detail by my guest, Patrick McGee, who joins me to discuss his book “Apple in China: The Capture of the World's Greatest Company” and explains whether or not he believes Trump can return manufacturing to America. - - -  Today's Sponsor: Balance of Nature - Go to https://balanceofnature.com and use promo code KLAVAN for 35% off your first order PLUS get a free bottle of Fiber and Spice.

Michael Savage explores the question of whether Donald Trump is moving too fast in his policies and actions. Savage welcomes comments from listeners and shares various perspectives on Trump's rapid changes. He compares Trump's tactics to a Blitzkrieg strategy, likening it to overwhelming an opponent in boxing.

It's Hack to the future (but worse!) Three bleary-eyed Hacks assemble this morning to break down Trump's speech—because, apparently, the laws of gravity and politics no longer apply. Axe, Murphy, and Heilemann dissect Democrats' great appreciation for Musk, debate Elon's possible motives, unravel a parliament of fluffers, and, of course, gold chainsaws. It's a total and complete blabfest you won't want to miss!