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Federico comenta la operación con la que el PSOE consiguió controlar el Tribunal de Cuentas por el interés de Casado de cargarse a Ayuso.
Analizamos junto a Rubén Arranz y Alejandro Vara el nombramiento de Enriqueta Chicano al frente del Tribunal de Cuentas.
Le Journal en français facile du lundi 22 septembre 2025, 18 h 00 à Paris. Retrouvez votre épisode avec la transcription synchronisée et des exercices pédagogiques pour progresser en français : http://rfi.my/C276.A
1. Sube de tono la guerra dentro del PNP y el gobierno entre la gobernadora y Rivera Schatz 2. Tres de los miembros de la junta botados por Trump demandan en el Tribunal federal 3. Consenso generalizado sobre atraso en obras de reconstrucción tras María 4. LUMA se lleva el caso de DACO al Tribunal Federal 5. Déficit en la UPR 6. Pablo José presenta legislación federal para evitar que cambien reglas de “net metering” a los que tienen placas solares 7. Trump aumenta sus amenazas a la libertad de expresión y prensa 8. Nuevamente amenaza de cierre del gobierno federal 9. DEPORTES ZONA-5, con Federico LópezSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Reunimos as meritíssimas e vossas excelências Jennifer Prioli Mendes, Y Lucia, Frimes de Moraes e Jairmearrependi Barrosa para instaurar o Supremo Tribunal Foderal.Um réu? Todo mundo.Um veredito? Sou contra.Uma prova? Nossa palavra.Um condenado? Bozo.O Tribunal das Pequeníssimas Causas está oficialmente aberto — e vamos seguir o voto do relatore. Será que formamos maioria? Você está convocade para participar deste júri.Apoie este podcast NA ORELO!https://orelo.cc/jogueinogrupo...Ou no APOIA-SE:https://apoia.se/jogueinogrupopodcast Envie seu e-mail para:jogueinogrupo@gmail.comAssista o episódio em vídeo no youtube: / @podcastjogueinogrupo Siga o Joguei no Grupo: www.instagram.com/jogueinogrupoSiga a Jenny Prioli: www.instagram.com/jennyprioliSiga o Controle Y: www.instagram.com/controle_y
Forman parte de una demanda contra la influencer conservadora estadounidense Candace Owens, quien afirma que Brigitte Macron nació biológicamente hombre.
O novo episódio do podcast STJ No Seu Dia já está disponível e aborda um tema que mexe com aspectos afetivos, jurídicos e sociais das relações familiares: os critérios legais para a retificação do registro civil após exame de DNA negativo, quando já existe vínculo de paternidade socioafetiva.Em conversa com o jornalista Thiago Gomide, a advogada especialista em Direito de Família Letícia Ferrarini comenta uma recente decisão da Terceira Turma do Superior Tribunal de Justiça (STJ), que reafirmou a impossibilidade de exclusão do nome do pai do registro de nascimento apenas com base na ausência de vínculo biológico, quando houver prova de relação afetiva construída ao longo do tempo.Durante o bate-papo, Letícia Ferrarini esclarece o conceito de paternidade socioafetiva, os requisitos cumulativos exigidos para a anulação do registro – entre eles, a demonstração de vício de consentimento e a inexistência de laços de afeto – e os fundamentos jurídicos que garantem a proteção dessas relações no ordenamento brasileiro.STJ No Seu Dia Produzido pela Coordenadoria de TV e Rádio do STJ, o podcast traz entrevistas com linguagem simples e acessível sobre questões institucionais e/ou jurisprudenciais do Tribunal da Cidadania.O conteúdo é veiculado às sextas-feiras, às 21h30, na Rádio Justiça (104,7 FM – Brasília) e também está disponível no canal do STJ no Spotify e em outras plataformas de áudio.
12 - Westminster Gaza Tribunal documents genocide by Australian Citizens Party
Juan Zavala, Diputado de Movimiento Ciudadano
#TRS #Senado #gabrielanicole Tribunal determina que la menor acusada de asesinar a Gabriela Nicole Pratts no es procesable en este momento | Abogados se oponen al Proyecto del Senado #38 el cual permite que menores puedan ser procesados como adultos en algunos delitos | Departamento de Recursos Naturales rechaza el diseño propuesto para desarrollar el proyecto Esencia en Cabo Rojo ¡Conéctate, comenta y comparte! #periodismoindependiente #periodismodigital #periodismoinvestigativo tiktok.com: @bonitaradio Facebook: bonitaradio Instagram: bonitaradio X: Bonita_Radio
Tous les mercredis et vendredis, c'est le "Tribunal de Manu sur NRJ".
#TRS #Senado #gabrielanicole Tribunal determina que la menor acusada de asesinar a Gabriela Nicole Pratts no es procesable en este momento | Abogados se oponen al Proyecto del Senado #38 el cual permite que menores puedan ser procesados como adultos en algunos delitos | Departamento de Recursos Naturales rechaza el diseño propuesto para desarrollar el proyecto Esencia en Cabo Rojo ¡Conéctate, comenta y comparte! #periodismoindependiente #periodismodigital #periodismoinvestigativo tiktok.com: @bonitaradio Facebook: bonitaradio Instagram: bonitaradio X: Bonita_Radio
UK employment law is evolving - are you prepared? In our latest podcast, Susie Munro, senior legal editor at Brightmine, looks at three recent tribunal cases relating to probationary periods, and discusses the upcoming introduction of a day-one right to claim unfair dismissal. We share actionable insights, real tribunal stories and practical steps to help your organisation stay compliant and competitive. Listen now to future-proof your HR strategy! Read the transcript Related resources On your radar - Employment Rights Bill updates and HR mythbusting Webinar: Getting probationary periods right as Employment Rights Bill changes loom Probationary periods: Tribunal round-up
Tribunal de Cundinamarca acaba de suspender provisionalmente el nombramiento de Juan Carlos Florián como ministro de la Igualdad.Cuál es el plan de recuperación del CaucaBenedetti en audiencia preparatoria en su contra ante la Corte Suprema
O ex-delegado-geral da Polícia Civil de São Paulo Ruy Ferraz Fontes, de 64 anos, foi executado a tiros de fuzil no início da noite de ontem, ao sair da Prefeitura de Praia Grande (SP), onde trabalhava como secretário de Administração. Fontes foi seguido pelos assassinos em um SUV preto. Imagens de câmeras de segurança mostram o carro do ex-delegado em alta velocidade, provavelmente em fuga, até colidir com um ônibus e capotar. Os bandidos desembarcaram do SUV com fuzis em punho e mataram o ex-delegado. Fontes ganhou notoriedade pela atuação contra o Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC). Em 2006, indiciou toda a cúpula da facção, incluindo o líder Marco Willians Herbas Camacho, o Marcola. O governo paulista anunciou a formação de uma força-tarefa com a Polícia Civil e o Ministério Público para investigar o crime. Em entrevista à Rádio Eldorado, a desembargadora Ivana David, do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo, ressaltou que Fontes sempre teve um histórico de combate ao crime organizado. “Ele conseguiu identificar o primeiro esboço do que era a facção criminosa nos anos 2000”. Embora ressaltando que as investigações ainda estão em andamento, ela apontou a necessidade de respostas do Estado e de leis para proteger autoridades quando elas deixam seus cargos. “O crime organizado não esquece. O crime organizado não desiste. Perdeu todo o respeito pelo Estado”, afirmou.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Cette dame qui a décidé de venir au procès avec son propre tribunal, provoque un fou rire collectif sur le plateau de "Ça peut vous arriver". De quoi faire oublier le "Ferme-la", adressé à Julien Courbet quelques minutes plus tôt... Tous les jours, retrouvez en podcast les meilleurs moments de l'émission "Ça peut vous arriver", sur RTL.fr et sur toutes vos plateformes préférées. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
O ex-delegado-geral da Polícia Civil de São Paulo Ruy Ferraz Fontes, de 64 anos, foi executado a tiros de fuzil no início da noite de ontem, ao sair da Prefeitura de Praia Grande (SP), onde trabalhava como secretário de Administração. Fontes foi seguido pelos assassinos em um SUV preto. Imagens de câmeras de segurança mostram o carro do ex-delegado em alta velocidade, provavelmente em fuga, até colidir com um ônibus e capotar. Os bandidos desembarcaram do SUV com fuzis em punho e mataram o ex-delegado. Fontes ganhou notoriedade pela atuação contra o Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC). Em 2006, indiciou toda a cúpula da facção, incluindo o líder Marco Willians Herbas Camacho, o Marcola. O governo paulista anunciou a formação de uma força-tarefa com a Polícia Civil e o Ministério Público para investigar o crime. Em entrevista à Rádio Eldorado, a desembargadora Ivana David, do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo, ressaltou que Fontes sempre teve um histórico de combate ao crime organizado. “Ele conseguiu identificar o primeiro esboço do que era a facção criminosa nos anos 2000”. Embora ressaltando que as investigações ainda estão em andamento, ela apontou a necessidade de respostas do Estado e de leis para proteger autoridades quando elas deixam seus cargos. “O crime organizado não esquece. O crime organizado não desiste. Perdeu todo o respeito pelo Estado”, afirmou.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
durée : 00:15:36 - Journal de 8 h - Soupçonnés d'avoir aidé des personnes, malades ou non, à se procurer un produit mortel, douze militants de l'aide à mourir, membres d'Ultime Liberté, sont jugés à partir de ce lundi devant le tribunal de Paris.
durée : 00:15:36 - Journal de 8 h - Soupçonnés d'avoir aidé des personnes, malades ou non, à se procurer un produit mortel, douze militants de l'aide à mourir, membres d'Ultime Liberté, sont jugés à partir de ce lundi devant le tribunal de Paris.
durée : 00:15:36 - Journal de 8 h - Soupçonnés d'avoir aidé des personnes, malades ou non, à se procurer un produit mortel, douze militants de l'aide à mourir, membres d'Ultime Liberté, sont jugés à partir de ce lundi devant le tribunal de Paris.
Resumen informativo con las noticias más destacadas de Colombia del lunes 15 de septiembre de 2025 a las cinco de la tarde.
J'ai eu l'immense honneur de recevoir Johann Soufi, avocat en droit pénal international auprès des Nations Unies, pour un échange aussi passionnant que bouleversant.Dans cet épisode, Johann revient sur son parcours hors du commun, sa vocation profonde pour le droit, et les affaires majeures sur lesquelles il a travaillé, notamment au Tribunal pour le Rwanda, l'un des épisodes les plus sombres de l'Histoire contemporaine.Mais Johann, c'est aussi un homme de terrain. Il a vécu à Gaza entre 2020 et 2022, et son témoignage rare et précieux vient éclairer de manière directe ce que vivent les civils, loin des plateaux télé et des débats théoriques.On a parlé du droit international, de son rôle essentiel… mais aussi de sa paralysie face à certains crimes.Et bien sûr, on ne pouvait pas ne pas lui demander son regard sur le génocide en cours à Gaza, et sur ce sentiment glaçant d'impuissance du droit international face à l'horreur.
Veracruz recibe millonaria inversión en infraestructura carretera Puebla contará con Centros LIBRE en cada municipioTribunal federal autoriza revocación de estatus migratorio en EUMás información en nuestro podcast
Welcome back to Season 7 of Tales of the Tribunal! After a short August break, we're back with another global voice shaping the practice of international arbitration: Kevin Nash, Director General of the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA). Kevin's career spans Canada, Asia, and now London, where he's helping lead one of the world's most prominent arbitral institutions into a new era. In this episode, Kevin shares: His journey from Western Canada to Singapore and now London Lessons from team sports that apply directly to leadership in arbitration The LCIA's priorities around AI, diversity, and potential rule changes Why transparency in institutional data matters—and what LCIA is doing about it Advice for students and young practitioners navigating their careers Plus, a few book and music recommendations you might not expect
durée : 00:03:01 - Dans le prétoire - Devant la chambre des comparutions immédiates du tribunal correctionnel de Paris, les dossiers s'enchainent avec souvent le même dénominateur commun : la consommation d'alcool, sans laquelle Adel, Patrick et Karim ne se seraient jamais retrouvés face à des juges. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
Esta semana destacamos a situação na província de Cabo Delgado, concretamente no distrito de Mocimboa da Praia, com o registo de pelo menos quatro mortos na sequência de ataques terroristas. Luísa Meque, a presidente do Instituto Nacional de Gestão de Risco e Redução de Desastres, traçou "um quadro negro da situação humanitária naquele território". Esta semana começamos por Moçambique onde grupos terroristas voltaram a atacar o distrito de Mocímboa da Praia, em Cabo Delgado, no norte. Há registo de, pelo menos, quatro vítimas mortais. Recorde-se que mais de seis mil pessoas morreram no norte de Moçambique desde o início da insurgência, em 2017. A presidente do Instituto Nacional de Gestão de Risco e Redução de Desastres, Luísa Meque, traçou um quadro negro da situação humanitária na província de Cabo Delgado. Por seu turno o governador da província de Cabo Delgado, Valige Tauabo, apelou a uma maior colaboração entre a população e as forças de defesa e segurança. Ainda em Moçambique, o presidente Daniel Chapo garante a inclusão de todos no diálogo político nacional, assegurando que nenhum cidadão será excluído do processo, que visa restaurar a estabilidade no país após as eleições de 2024. A cerimónia contou com a presença de diversas figuras da política nacional, entre as quais o ex-candidato presidencial Venâncio Mondlane. Em declarações no evento, Mondlane reivindicou a integração do seu partido- Anamola- no processo de diálogo, acrescentando que a carta enviada com esse pedido ainda não teve resposta... Em Cabo Verde os trabalhadores da CV Handling agendaram uma greve de 3 dias, que poderia afectar os aeroportos da cidade da Praia e das ilhas da Boa Vista e de São Vicente, bem como os aeródromos das ilhas do Fogo e Maio. Conforme o delegado do Sindicato dos Transportes, Telecomunicações, Hotelaria e Turismo ((Sitthur) na CV Handling, Ailton Martins, a greve foi equacionada porque a administração da empresa de prestação de serviços de assistência em escala nos aeroportos de Cabo Verde se tem demonstrado intransigente recusando negociar o caderno reivindicativo dos trabalhadores. Ainda em Cabo Verde e igualmente no plano laboral os professores descartam novos adiamentos em relação à actualização salarial no âmbito do Plano de carreiras, funções e remunerações. Exigem também o pagamento dos retroactivos. Jorge Cardoso, presidente do Sindicato Nacional dos Professores disse que os professores aguardam que já no salário de Setembro sejam aplicados os aumentos previstos, juntamente com os retroactivos do mês de Janeiro deste ano... Em Angola a greve dos jornalistas dos órgãos públicos de comunicação social foi suspensa pelo Tribunal de Comarca de Luanda. André Mussamo, porta-voz do Sindicato dos Jornalistas Angolanos (SJA) pede, porém, calma à classe e anuncia novas negociações com o governo, mas alerta para a situação difícil com que se depara a classe. Em Addis Abeba, na Etiópia, decorreu esta semana a segunda Cimeira Africana sobre o Clima. África quer transformar a crise climática numa oportunidade económica, uma vez que o continente detém 60 por cento do potencial solar mundial e cerca de 40 por cento do potencial global em energias renováveis. José Luis, oficial jurídico e gestor de grupos de trabalho da Plataforma Juvenil para a Acção Climática de Moçambique está a participar no encontro e apela a uma maior diplomacia africana de forma a assegurar o financiamento específico para o continente.
Pela primeira vez um ex-presidente brasileiro foi condenado judicialmente por envolvimento numa conspiração para derrubar a democracia. A maioria dos juízes do Supremo Tribunal Federal votou a favor da condenação de Jair Bolsonaro. Condenado a 27 anos e três meses, é culpado de vários crimes, entre os quais golpe de Estado. Em Portugal, a corrida a Belém volta a baralhar-se com a entrada de Catarina Martins, antiga líder do Bloco de Esquerda. Ouça a análise de Pedro Delgado Alves e José Eduardo Martins no Antes Pelo Contrário em podcast, emitido na SIC Notícias a 11 de setembro. Para ver a versão vídeo deste episódio, clique aquiSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
In this discussion we talk with Professor Corinna Mullin who is a member of the Anti-Imperialist Scholars Collective. Corinna Mullin is an anti-imperialist academic who teaches political science and economics. Her research examines the historical legacies of colonialism and the role of capitalist expansion and imperialist imbrications in producing peripheral state “security dependency,” with a focus on unequal exchange, super-exploitation, resource extraction, and other forms of surplus value drain/transfer as well as resistance. Corinna has also researched and published academic works on border imperialism, struggles around the colonial-capitalist university, fascism, multipolarity, and national liberation, with a focus on the Maghreb, West Asia, and Turtle Island. Corinna was a member of the Steering Committee for the International Peoples' Tribunal on U.S. Imperialism and organizes with CUNY for Palestine and Labor for Palestine. She serves on the Steering Committee of the Professional Staff Congress (PSC)-CUNY's International Committee and is a member of the Delegate Assembly. Full bio from AISC. In this discussion we primarily discuss her piece, Zionism, Imperialism, and the Struggle Against Global Fascism: Palestine as the ‘Hornet's Nest' of US Empire from the Anti-Imperialist Scholars Collective blog The Pen Is My Machete And a little bit on her piece The ‘War on Terror' as Primitive Accumulation in Tunisia: US-Led Imperialism and the Post-2010-2011 Revolt/Security Conjuncture from Middle East Critique Also I say more about this in the episode, but Dr. Mullin was fired from CUNY as a result of her stance and organizing with respect to Palestine. We will include a statement from AISC on this and a Statement in Solidarity with CUNY Faculty and Students Facing McCarthyite Retaliation for Palestine Solidarity which we have signed. There are also a number of other calls to action for faculty and students at CUNY that we will include in the show description. Corinna talks about those at the end of the episode and we strongly encourage folks to support those calls to action it only takes a minute of your time. In this discussion Dr. Mullin talks a little bit about Dr. Ali Kadri's The Accumulation of Waste: A Political Economy of Systemic Destruction and it just so happens that we have a study group on that exact book starting on October 1st, it's available to everyone who supports the show, whether through patreon, BuyMeACoffee or as a YouTube member of the show. Details on that study group and how to join it are linked in the show description. But just to note that there are only about 40 spots left in the group as we publish this, so if you want to join us, make sure you do so ASAP to reserve your space. Calls to Action: "Hadeeqa Arzoo Malik is being made an example of for the sake of setting the tone across the nation at public universities, as they seek further control over the student movement for Palestine. City College President Vincent Boudreau has already denied her appeal for a drop to the charges, without even an acknowledgement to the 2,000+ calls and emails from the community that demanded her reinstatement. Now, it is time to escalate both our tactics against CUNY and whom we pressure— Take it to the Board of Trustees. Your rage is needed to make it loud and clear that CUNY's repression will not go uninterrupted. CALL CUNY STUDENT AFFAIRS: 646-664-8800 EMAIL THE BOT: https://tinyurl.com/Defendhadeeqaarzoo" Free Tarek Bazrouk! Tarek is a 20-year-old Palestinian from NYC, unjustly convicted of federal charges stemming from his participation in protests against the genocide in Gaza. "Demand Immediate Reinstatement of Terminated Adjunct Faculty and Defend Academic Freedom Send a letter to Brooklyn College President Michelle Anderson, CUNY Chancellor Félix Matos Rodríguez, and CUNY Board Chairperson William Thompson urging them to reinstate the fired adjunct faculty and protect the rights of CUNY students and workers who stand in solidarity with Palestine. The targeting of these individuals is part of a broader assault on higher education and academic freedom. Their fight is our fight—silencing them is an attack on us all. Send your letter here ➔" Sanctuary & Popular University Network (SPUN statement & instagram) Related conversations: War is the Basis of Accumulation with Ali Kadri Charisse Burden-Stelly on Black Scare/Red Scare Link to the latest issue of Middle East Critique & the conversation with Matteo Capasso “Attica Is an Ongoing Structure of Revolt” - Orisanmi Burton on Tip of the Spear, Black Radicalism, Prison Rebellion, and the Long Attica Revolt Heading Towards Invasion? The US Empire's Campaign Against Venezuela with José Luis Granados Ceja Palestine's Great Flood with Max Ajl
The Tribunal breaks down episode seven of The Challenge 41: Vets and New Threats. They discuss single Nany, the points system being revealed, and Brits playing basketball.
No “Estadão Analisa” desta quinta-feira, 11, Carlos Andreazza comenta sobre o julgamento do ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro (PL) e de outros sete réus acusados de integrar o núcleo central da trama golpista. O voto do ministro Luiz Fux, que acolheu grande parte das preliminares, o que levaria à anulação do julgamento, e também rejeitou a maioria das imputações aos réus tem mais efeito político do que jurídico. Ministro que tinha condenado presos do 8 de Janeiro sem qualquer questionamento, teve postura bem distinta com os réus mais poderosos do núcleo crucial. Quando recebeu a denúncia, Fux também divergiu na questão da competência da Primeira Turma do STF para julgar o caso. A nova divergência aí, portanto, não é surpreendente. Contudo, o tom foi muito acima das apostas. É como se o Tribunal estivesse em julgamento. Assine por R$1,90/mês e tenha acesso ilimitado ao conteúdo do Estadão.Acesse: https://bit.ly/oferta-estadao O 'Estadão Analisa' é transmitido ao vivo de segunda a sexta-feira, às 7h, no Youtube e redes sociais do Estadão. Também disponível no agregador de podcasts de sua preferência. Apresentação: Carlos AndreazzaEdição/Produção: Jefferson PerlebergCoordenação: Manuella Menezes e Everton OliveiraSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
What happens when a legal system designed for small claims is used to tackle complex issues involving international companies and constitutional requirements? Barrister and Solicitor Michael Mulligan takes us inside a fascinating recent case that exposes serious flaws in British Columbia's Civil Resolution Tribunal system.Originally created to efficiently handle disputes under $5,000 and minor strata disagreements, the CRT has been expanded into areas far beyond its capabilities. The recent decision involving Twitter/X reveals a troubling reality: secret decisions and unenforceable orders against international companies, with no authority to address constitutional challenges, and vulnerability to exploitation through AI-generated submissions. The tribunal found itself ordering a Texas company to mail a $100,000 penalty to a Victoria PO box - an exercise in futility that undermines confidence in our justice system.The conversation then shifts to a cautionary tale about insurance coverage that every homeowner needs to hear. A family lost hundreds of thousands in coverage when their house burned down from a prayer candle fire - not because of any wrongdoing related to the fire, but because they failed to disclose an abandoned marijuana grow operation in a distant outbuilding. This case demonstrates the critical "utmost good faith" principle in insurance: failing to notify your insurer in writing about any material change in risk can void your coverage completely, even when that change has nothing to do with your claim. Consider all the renovations, changes, or activities on your property that might constitute "material changes in risk" - your financial security may depend on proper disclosure.Follow this link for a transcript of the show and links to the cases discussed.
1. Se conmemoran 24 años de los ataques terroristas en Estados Unidos y el derrocamiento de la democracia en Chile donde se estableció una dictadura. Y la historia de la violencia se repite.2. El asesinato ayer de Charlie Kirk, carismático activista de derecha y aliado cercano del presidente Trump, desata el odio en Puerto Rico. Kirk recibió un disparo mientras daba un discurso en la Universidad del Valle de Utah.3. Difunden audio donde el vicepresidente del Senado, Carmelo Ríos, explica cómo es la colisión entre Gobierno y los empresarios constructores y desarrolladores de proyectos de ultra lujo, como Esencia.4. Vecinos de San Juan van al Tribunal para detener construcción en el Escambrón5. Colegio de Abogados y Abogadas de Puerto Rico rechaza la remilitarización de Puerto Rico6. Insultan a Donald Trump a nombre de Puerto Rico [cuando ciudadano colonizador es más radical que el ciudadano colonizado]7. Administración Trump anuncia recorte millonario e inmediato a universidades en Puerto Rico y Estados Unidos8. Desempleo en Maricao supera el 28%, y otros 10 municipios rebasan el 10%Este es un programa independiente y sindicalizado. Esto significa que este programa se produce de manera independiente, pero se transmite de manera sindicalizada, o sea, por las emisoras y cadenas de radio que son más fuertes en sus respectivas regiones. También se transmite por sus plataformas digitales, aplicaciones para dispositivos móviles y redes sociales. Estas emisoras de radio son:1. Cadena WIAC - WYAC 930 AM Cabo Rojo- Mayagüez2. Cadena WIAC – WISA 1390 AM Isabela3. Cadena WIAC – WIAC 740 AM Área norte y zona metropolitana4. WLRP 1460 AM Radio Raíces La voz del Pepino en San Sebastián5. X61 – 610 AM en Patillas6. X61 – 94.3 FM Patillas y todo el sureste7. WPAB 550 AM - Ponce8. ECO 93.1 FM – En todo Puerto Rico9. WOQI 1020 AM – Radio Casa Pueblo desde Adjuntas 10. Mundo Latino PR.com, la emisora web de música tropical y comentarioUna vez sale del aire, el programa queda grabado y está disponible en las plataformas de podcasts tales como Spotify, Soundcloud, Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts y otras plataformas https://anchor.fm/sandrarodriguezcottoTambién nos pueden seguir en:REDES SOCIALES: Facebook, X (Twitter), Instagram, Threads, LinkedIn, Tumblr, TikTokBLOG: En Blanco y Negro con Sandra http://enblancoynegromedia.blogspot.comSUSCRIPCIÓN: Substack, plataforma de suscripción de prensa independientehttps://substack.com/@sandrarodriguezcottoOTROS MEDIOS DIGITALES: ¡Ey! Boricua, Revista Seguros. Revista Crónicas y otrosEstas son algunas de las noticias que tenemos hoy En Blanco y Negro con Sandra.
En #HoyEsRisco del jueves 11 de septiembre, el Policía Segundo Sergio Ángel Soriano Buendía, narró cómo fue que acudió a resctara a la señora Alicia Matías y su nieta Sule, víctimas de la explosión de una pipa de gas en el bajopuente de La Concordia en la alcaldía Iztapalapa, que ha dejado al menos 8 personas muertas y 90 lesionadas.María Isabel Cruz Bernal, fundadora del colectivo de búsqueda de personas desaparecidas Sabuesos Guerreras, habló sobre la elección de Martha Lidia Pérez como la nueva titular de la Comisión Nacional de Búsqueda de Personas. Celebramos el nombramiento porque es una persona sensible y ha trabajado con las familias de buscadoras y le pedimos se empape más y salir a campo para conocer más del tema. En la sección de teatro con Marina de Tavira, se habló de Mariana Gándara y Los Últimos días de Judas Iscariote. En cabina estuvo Hans Backoff, director de la compañía vinícola Monte Xanic, hablando de vinos y las estrategias de la empresa en este 2025. Finalmente, en los deportes con Marion Reimers, comentaron sobre Imane Khelif, quien ha presentado un recurso ante el Tribunal de Arbitraje Deportivo (TAS) contra la decisión del organismo boxístico de aplicar un test preliminar de verificación de sexo para participar en sus competiciones.
Die Kommentarspalte als Tribunal, der Like-Button als Brandbeschleuniger: Auf Social-Media-Plattformen kann sich aus einem harmlosen Beitrag innerhalb weniger Stunden ein digitaler Pranger entwickeln. Wer ins Visier gerät, erlebt nicht nur seelische Gewalt – sondern oft auch reale Bedrohungen. In dieser Spezial-Doppelfolge dreht sich alles um Straftaten, die im Netz beginnen und verheerende Auswirkungen auf die Betroffenen haben: Cybermobbing. Model Lijana Kaggwa musste selbst erleben, was es heißt, zur Zielscheibe von Hetze im Internet zu werden. Sie berichtet Rudi Cerne und Nicola Haenisch-Korus im Podcast darüber, wie sich ihr Leben nach einer TV-Show in einen Albtraum verwandelte. Plötzlich war sie nicht mehr nur eine Kandidatin auf dem Bildschirm, sondern Projektionsfläche für Wut und Hass tausender Social-Media-Nutzer. Kurz darauf erlebte sie Übergriffe auf der Straße, Morddrohungen und die ständige Angst, dass Worte in Taten umschlagen könnten. Doch Cybermobbing richtet sich nicht nur an Personen des öffentlichen Lebens – es kann jeden treffen. Die Cyberpsychologin Dr. Catarina Katzer erklärt, warum digitaler Hass bei den Betroffenen tiefe Narben hinterlässt und warum es so schwer ist, aus dieser Gewaltspirale zu entkommen. Oberstaatsanwalt Dr. Benjamin Krause von der Zentralstelle zur Bekämpfung der Internetkriminalität schildert, wo Meinungsfreiheit endet und eine Straftat beginnt – und wie schwer es oft ist, diese Grenze juristisch klar zu ziehen. *** Links zum Thema Cybermobbing: Cybermobbing-Hilfe e.V. Cybermobbing - was tun? Hilfe und Tipps von klicksafe Cybermobbing - neue Form der Gewalt | polizei-beratung.de cyber-mobbing-informationen-data.pdf Anonyme und kostenlose Anlaufstellen bei suizidalen Gedanken: Telefonseelsorge (rund um die Uhr): 0 800 / 111 0 111 und 0 800 / 111 0 222 Kinder- und Jugendtelefon Nummer gegen Kummer (Montag – Samstag, 14-20 Uhr): 116 111 Info-Telefon Depression: 0800 / 33 44 533 https://www.deutsche-depressionshilfe.de/start *** Moderation: Rudi Cerne, Nicola Haenisch-Korus Gäste und Experten: Lijana Kaggwa, Cyberpsychologin Dr. Catarina Katzer, OStA Dr. Benjamin Krause Autorin: Corinna Prinz, Katharina Jakob, Tim Rascher Audioproduktion & Technik: Felix Wittmann, Sebastian Muxeneder Produktionsleitung Securitel: Marion Biefeld Produktionsleitung Bumm Film: Melanie Graf, Nina Kuhn Produktionsmanagement ZDF: Julian Best Leitung Digitale Redaktion Securitel: Nicola Haenisch-Korus Produzent Securitel: René Carl Produzent Bumm Film: Nico Krappweis Redaktion Securitel: Katharina Jakob, Corinna Prinz, Tim Rascher Redaktion ZDF: Sonja Roy, Kirsten Zielonka Regie Bumm Film: Alexa Waschkau
En este episodio tengo el honor de conversar con Domingo Pérez, instructor de tiro, tirador competitivo y único instructor en Puerto Rico avalado por ValorTec en Florida. Además de su trayectoria en el mundo del tiro, Domingo es abogado con vasta experiencia en la ley de armas de Puerto Rico, lo que le permite aportar una visión única sobre la defensa legal cuando un ciudadano se ve obligado a protegerse.Hablamos de su faceta como match director y range master en RL Shooting Club, su rol en la comunidad de tiro y cómo combina la parte deportiva, legal y educativa para fortalecer la cultura de armas responsable en la isla.Un episodio cargado de experiencia, anécdotas y conocimiento que no te puedes perder.
Tous les mercredis et vendredis, c'est le "Tribunal de Manu sur NRJ".
Last time we spoke about the surrender of Japan. Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender on August 15, prompting mixed public reactions: grief, shock, and sympathy for the Emperor, tempered by fear of hardship and occupation. The government's response included resignations and suicide as new leadership was brought in under Prime Minister Higashikuni, with Mamoru Shigemitsu as Foreign Minister and Kawabe Torashiro heading a delegation to Manila. General MacArthur directed the occupation plan, “Blacklist,” prioritizing rapid, phased entry into key Japanese areas and Korea, while demobilizing enemy forces. The surrender ceremony occurred aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, with Wainwright, Percival, Nimitz, and UN representatives in attendance. Civilians and soldiers across Asia began surrendering, and postwar rehabilitation, Indochina and Vietnam's independence movements, and Southeast Asian transitions rapidly unfolded as Allied forces established control. This episode is the Aftermath of the Pacific War Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945. The Pacific War has ended. Peace has been restored by the Allies and most of the places conquered by the Japanese Empire have been liberated. In this post-war period, new challenges would be faced for those who won the war; and from the ashes of an empire, a defeated nation was also seeking to rebuild. As the Japanese demobilized their armed forces, many young boys were set to return to their homeland, even if they had previously thought that they wouldn't survive the ordeal. And yet, there were some cases of isolated men that would continue to fight for decades even, unaware that the war had already ended. As we last saw, after the Japanese surrender, General MacArthur's forces began the occupation of the Japanese home islands, while their overseas empire was being dismantled by the Allies. To handle civil administration, MacArthur established the Military Government Section, commanded by Brigadier-General William Crist, staffed by hundreds of US experts trained in civil governance who were reassigned from Okinawa and the Philippines. As the occupation began, Americans dispatched tactical units and Military Government Teams to each prefecture to ensure that policies were faithfully carried out. By mid-September, General Eichelberger's 8th Army had taken over the Tokyo Bay region and began deploying to occupy Hokkaido and the northern half of Honshu. Then General Krueger's 6th Army arrived in late September, taking southern Honshu and Shikoku, with its base in Kyoto. In December, 6th Army was relieved of its occupation duties; in January 1946, it was deactivated, leaving the 8th Army as the main garrison force. By late 1945, about 430,000 American soldiers were garrisoned across Japan. President Truman approved inviting Allied involvement on American terms, with occupation armies integrated into a US command structure. Yet with the Chinese civil war and Russia's reluctance to place its forces under MacArthur's control, only Australia, Britain, India, and New Zealand sent brigades, more than 40,000 troops in southwestern Japan. Japanese troops were gradually disarmed by order of their own commanders, so the stigma of surrender would be less keenly felt by the individual soldier. In the homeland, about 1.5 million men were discharged and returned home by the end of August. Demobilization overseas, however, proceeded, not quickly, but as a long, difficult process of repatriation. In compliance with General Order No. 1, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters disbanded on September 13 and was superseded by the Japanese War Department to manage demobilization. By November 1, the homeland had demobilized 2,228,761 personnel, roughly 97% of the Homeland Army. Yet some 6,413,215 men remained to be repatriated from overseas. On December 1, the Japanese War Ministry dissolved, and the First Demobilization Ministry took its place. The Second Demobilization Ministry was established to handle IJN demobilization, with 1,299,868 sailors, 81% of the Navy, demobilized by December 17. Japanese warships and merchant ships had their weapons rendered inoperative, and suicide craft were destroyed. Forty percent of naval vessels were allocated to evacuations in the Philippines, and 60% to evacuations of other Pacific islands. This effort eventually repatriated about 823,984 men to Japan by February 15, 1946. As repatriation accelerated, by October 15 only 1,909,401 men remained to be repatriated, most of them in the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Higashikuni Cabinet and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru managed to persuade MacArthur not to impose direct military rule or martial law over all of Japan. Instead, the occupation would be indirect, guided by the Japanese government under the Emperor's direction. An early decision to feed occupation forces from American supplies, and to allow the Japanese to use their own limited food stores, helped ease a core fear: that Imperial forces would impose forced deliveries on the people they conquered. On September 17, MacArthur transferred his headquarters from Yokohama to Tokyo, setting up primary offices on the sixth floor of the Dai-Ichi Mutual Life Insurance Building, an imposing edifice overlooking the moat and the Imperial palace grounds in Hibiya, a symbolic heart of the nation. While the average soldier did not fit the rapacious image of wartime Japanese propagandists, occupation personnel often behaved like neo-colonial overlords. The conquerors claimed privileges unimaginable to most Japanese. Entire trains and train compartments, fitted with dining cars, were set aside for the exclusive use of occupation forces. These silenced, half-empty trains sped past crowded platforms, provoking ire as Japanese passengers were forced to enter and exit packed cars through punched-out windows, or perch on carriage roofs, couplings, and running boards, often with tragic consequences. The luxury express coaches became irresistible targets for anonymous stone-throwers. During the war, retrenchment measures had closed restaurants, cabarets, beer halls, geisha houses, and theatres in Tokyo and other large cities. Now, a vast leisure industry sprang up to cater to the needs of the foreign occupants. Reopened restaurants and theatres, along with train stations, buses, and streetcars, were sometimes kept off limits to Allied personnel, partly for security, partly to avoid burdening Japanese resources, but a costly service infrastructure was built to the occupiers' specifications. Facilities reserved for occupation troops bore large signs reading “Japanese Keep Out” or “For Allied Personnel Only.” In downtown Tokyo, important public buildings requisitioned for occupation use had separate entrances for Americans and Japanese. The effect? A subtle but clear colour bar between the predominantly white conquerors and the conquered “Asiatic” Japanese. Although MacArthur was ready to work through the Japanese government, he lacked the organizational infrastructure to administer a nation of 74 million. Consequently, on October 2, MacArthur dissolved the Military Government Section and inaugurated General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, a separate headquarters focused on civil affairs and operating in tandem with the Army high command. SCAP immediately assumed responsibility for administering the Japanese home islands. It commandeered every large building not burned down to house thousands of civilians and requisitioned vast tracts of prime real estate to quarter several hundred thousand troops in the Tokyo–Yokohama area alone. Amidst the rise of American privilege, entire buildings were refurbished as officers' clubs, replete with slot machines and gambling parlours installed at occupation expense. The Stars and Stripes were hoisted over Tokyo, while the display of the Rising Sun was banned; and the downtown area, known as “Little America,” was transformed into a US enclave. The enclave mentality of this cocooned existence was reinforced by the arrival within the first six months of roughly 700 American families. At the peak of the occupation, about 14,800 families employed some 25,000 Japanese servants to ease the “rigours” of overseas duty. Even enlisted men in the sparse quonset-hut towns around the city lived like kings compared with ordinary Japanese. Japanese workers cleaned barracks, did kitchen chores, and handled other base duties. The lowest private earned a 25% hardship bonus until these special allotments were discontinued in 1949. Most military families quickly adjusted to a pampered lifestyle that went beyond maids and “boys,” including cooks, laundresses, babysitters, gardeners, and masseuses. Perks included spacious quarters with swimming pools, central heating, hot running water, and modern plumbing. Two observers compared GHQ to the British Raj at its height. George F. Kennan, head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, warned during his 1948 mission to Japan that Americans had monopolized “everything that smacks of comfort or elegance or luxury,” criticizing what he called the “American brand of philistinism” and the “monumental imperviousness” of MacArthur's staff to the Japanese suffering. This conqueror's mentality also showed in the bullying attitudes many top occupation officials displayed toward the Japanese with whom they dealt. Major Faubion Bowers, MacArthur's military secretary, later said, “I and nearly all the occupation people I knew were extremely conceited and extremely arrogant and used our power every inch of the way.” Initially, there were spasms of defiance against the occupation forces, such as anonymous stone-throwing, while armed robbery and minor assaults against occupation personnel were rife in the weeks and months after capitulation. Yet active resistance was neither widespread nor organized. The Americans successfully completed their initial deployment without violence, an astonishing feat given a heavily armed and vastly superior enemy operating on home terrain. The average citizen regarded the occupation as akin to force majeure, the unfortunate but inevitable aftermath of a natural calamity. Japan lay prostrate. Industrial output had fallen to about 10% of pre-war levels, and as late as 1946, more than 13 million remained unemployed. Nearly 40% of Japan's urban areas had been turned to rubble, and some 9 million people were homeless. The war-displaced, many of them orphans, slept in doorways and hallways, in bombed-out ruins, dugouts and packing crates, under bridges or on pavements, and crowded the hallways of train and subway stations. As winter 1945 descended, with food, fuel, and clothing scarce, people froze to death. Bonfires lit the streets to ward off the chill. "The only warm hands I have shaken thus far in Japan belonged to Americans," Mark Gayn noted in December 1945. "The Japanese do not have much of a chance to thaw out, and their hands are cold and red." Unable to afford shoes, many wore straw sandals; those with geta felt themselves privileged. The sight of a man wearing a woman's high-buttoned shoes in winter epitomized the daily struggle to stay dry and warm. Shantytowns built of scrap wood, rusted metal, and scavenged odds and ends sprang up everywhere, resembling vast junk yards. The poorest searched smouldering refuse heaps for castoffs that might be bartered for a scrap to eat or wear. Black markets (yami'ichi) run by Japanese, Koreans, and For-mosans mushroomed to replace collapsed distribution channels and cash in on inflated prices. Tokyo became "a world of scarcity in which every nail, every rag, and even a tangerine peel [had a] market value." Psychologically numbed, disoriented, and disillusioned with their leaders, demobilized veterans and civilians alike struggled to get their bearings, shed militaristic ideologies, and begin to embrace new values. In the vacuum of defeat, the Japanese people appeared ready to reject the past and grasp at the straw held out by the former enemy. Relations between occupier and occupied were not smooth, however. American troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Much of the violence was directed against women, with the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advance units. When US paratroopers landed in Sapporo, an orgy of looting, sexual violence, and drunken brawling ensued. Newspaper accounts reported 931 serious offences by GIs in the Yokohama area during the first week of occupation, including 487 armed robberies, 411 thefts of currency or goods, 9 rapes, 5 break-ins, 3 cases of assault and battery, and 16 other acts of lawlessness. In the first 10 days of occupation, there were 1,336 reported rapes by US soldiers in Kanagawa Prefecture alone. Americans were not the only perpetrators. A former prostitute recalled that when Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they “dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.” Such behaviour was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by occupation forces was quickly suppressed. On September 10, 1945, SCAP issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of reports and statistics "inimical to the objectives of the occupation." In the sole instance of self-help General Eichelberger records in his memoirs, when locals formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, 8th Army ordered armored vehicles into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms. Misbehavior ranged from black-market activity, petty theft, reckless driving, and disorderly conduct to vandalism, arson, murder, and rape. Soldiers and sailors often broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape, and even murder were widely reported. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent; victims, shunned as outcasts, sometimes turned to prostitution in desperation, while others took their own lives to avoid bringing shame to their families. Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for these offenses and convicted even fewer; Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely, and restitution for victims was rare. Fearing the worst, Japanese authorities had already prepared countermeasures against the supposed rapacity of foreign soldiers. Imperial troops in East Asia and the Pacific had behaved brutally toward women, so the government established “sexual comfort-stations” manned by geisha, bar hostesses, and prostitutes to “satisfy the lust of the Occupation forces,” as the Higashikuni Cabinet put it. A budget of 100 million yen was set aside for these Recreation and Amusement Associations, financed initially with public funds but run as private enterprises under police supervision. Through these, the government hoped to protect the daughters of the well-born and middle class by turning to lower-class women to satisfy the soldiers' sexual appetites. By the end of 1945, brothel operators had rounded up an estimated 20,000 young women and herded them into RAA establishments nationwide. Eventually, as many as 70,000 are said to have ended up in the state-run sex industry. Thankfully, as military discipline took hold and fresh troops replaced the Allied veterans responsible for the early crime wave, violence subsided and the occupier's patronising behavior and the ugly misdeeds of a lawless few were gradually overlooked. However, fraternisation was frowned upon by both sides, and segregation was practiced in principle, with the Japanese excluded from areas reserved for Allied personnel until September 1949, when MacArthur lifted virtually all restrictions on friendly association, stating that he was “establishing the same relations between occupation personnel and the Japanese population as exists between troops stationed in the United States and the American people.” In principle, the Occupation's administrative structure was highly complex. The Far Eastern Commission, based in Washington, included representatives from all 13 countries that had fought against Japan and was established in 1946 to formulate basic principles. The Allied Council for Japan was created in the same year to assist in developing and implementing surrender terms and in administering the country. It consisted of representatives from the USA, the USSR, Nationalist China, and the British Commonwealth. Although both bodies were active at first, they were largely ineffectual due to unwieldy decision-making, disagreements between the national delegations (especially the USA and USSR), and the obstructionism of General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, SCAP, the executive authority of the occupation, effectively ruled Japan from 1945 to 1952. And since it took orders only from the US government, the Occupation became primarily an American affair. The US occupation program, effectively carried out by SCAP, was revolutionary and rested on a two-pronged approach. To ensure Japan would never again become a menace to the United States or to world peace, SCAP pursued disarmament and demilitarization, with continuing control over Japan's capacity to make war. This involved destroying military supplies and installations, demobilizing more than five million Japanese soldiers, and thoroughly discrediting the military establishment. Accordingly, SCAP ordered the purge of tens of thousands of designated persons from public service positions, including accused war criminals, military officers, leaders of ultranationalist societies, leaders in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, business leaders tied to overseas expansion, governors of former Japanese colonies, and national leaders who had steered Japan into war. In addition, MacArthur's International Military Tribunal for the Far East established a military court in Tokyo. It had jurisdiction over those charged with Class A crimes, top leaders who had planned and directed the war. Also considered were Class B charges, covering conventional war crimes, and Class C charges, covering crimes against humanity. Yet the military court in Tokyo wouldn't be the only one. More than 5,700 lower-ranking personnel were charged with conventional war crimes in separate trials convened by Australia, China, France, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Of the 5,700 Japanese individuals indicted for Class B war crimes, 984 were sentenced to death; 475 received life sentences; 2,944 were given more limited prison terms; 1,018 were acquitted; and 279 were never brought to trial or not sentenced. Among these, many, like General Ando Rikichi and Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, chose to commit suicide before facing prosecution. Notable cases include Lieutenant-General Tani Hisao, who was sentenced to death by the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal for his role in the Nanjing Massacre; Lieutenant-General Sakai Takashi, who was executed in Nanjing for the murder of British and Chinese civilians during the occupation of Hong Kong. General Okamura Yasuji was convicted of war crimes by the Tribunal, yet he was immediately protected by the personal order of Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek, who kept him as a military adviser for the Kuomintang. In the Manila trials, General Yamashita Tomoyuki was sentenced to death as he was in overall command during the Sook Ching massacre, the Rape of Manila, and other atrocities. Lieutenant-General Homma Masaharu was likewise executed in Manila for atrocities committed by troops under his command during the Bataan Death March. General Imamura Hitoshi was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he considered the punishment too light and even had a replica of the prison built in his garden, remaining there until his death in 1968. Lieutenant-General Kanda Masatane received a 14-year sentence for war crimes on Bougainville, though he served only four years. Lieutenant-General Adachi Hatazo was sentenced to life imprisonment for war crimes in New Guinea and subsequently committed suicide on September 10, 1947. Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro received three years of forced labour for using a hospital ship to transport troops. Lieutenant-General Baba Masao was sentenced to death for ordering the Sandakan Death Marches, during which over 2,200 Australian and British prisoners of war perished. Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake was sentenced to death by a Dutch military tribunal for unspecified war crimes. Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu was executed in Guam for ordering the Wake Island massacre, in which 98 American civilians were murdered. Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae was condemned to death in Guam for permitting subordinates to execute three downed American airmen captured in Palau, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1951 and he was released in 1953. Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio was sentenced to death in Guam for his role in the Chichijima Incident, in which eight American airmen were cannibalized. By mid-1945, due to the Allied naval blockade, the 25,000 Japanese troops on Chichijima had run low on supplies. However, although the daily rice ration had been reduced from 400 grams per person per day to 240 grams, the troops were not at risk of starvation. In February and March 1945, in what would later be called the Chichijima incident, Tachibana Yoshio's senior staff turned to cannibalism. Nine American airmen had escaped from their planes after being shot down during bombing raids on Chichijima, eight of whom were captured. The ninth, the only one to evade capture, was future US President George H. W. Bush, then a 20-year-old pilot. Over several months, the prisoners were executed, and reportedly by the order of Major Matoba Sueyo, their bodies were butchered by the division's medical orderlies, with the livers and other organs consumed by the senior staff, including Matoba's superior Tachibana. In the Yokohama War Crimes Trials, Lieutenant-Generals Inada Masazumi and Yokoyama Isamu were convicted for their complicity in vivisection and other human medical experiments performed at Kyushu Imperial University on downed Allied airmen. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, which began in May 1946 and lasted two and a half years, resulted in the execution by hanging of Generals Doihara Kenji and Itagaki Seishiro, and former Prime Ministers Hirota Koki and Tojo Hideki, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace, specifically for the escalation of the Pacific War and for permitting the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war. Also sentenced to death were Lieutenant-General Muto Akira for his role in the Nanjing and Manila massacres; General Kimura Heitaro for planning the war strategy in China and Southeast Asia and for laxity in preventing atrocities against prisoners of war in Burma; and General Matsui Iwane for his involvement in the Rape of Nanjing. The seven defendants who were sentenced to death were executed at Sugamo Prison in Ikebukuro on December 23, 1948. Sixteen others were sentenced to life imprisonment, including the last Field Marshal Hata Shunroku, Generals Araki Sadao, Minami Hiro, and Umezu Shojiro, Admiral Shimada Shigetaro, former Prime Ministers Hiranuma Kiichiro and Koiso Kuniaki, Marquis Kido Koichi, and Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro, a major instigator of the second Sino-Japanese War. Additionally, former Foreign Ministers Togo Shigenori and Shigemitsu Mamoru received seven- and twenty-year sentences, respectively. The Soviet Union and Chinese Communist forces also held trials of Japanese war criminals, including the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials, which tried and found guilty some members of Japan's bacteriological and chemical warfare unit known as Unit 731. However, those who surrendered to the Americans were never brought to trial, as MacArthur granted immunity to Lieutenant-General Ishii Shiro and all members of the bacteriological research units in exchange for germ-w warfare data derived from human experimentation. If you would like to learn more about what I like to call Japan's Operation Paper clip, whereupon the US grabbed many scientists from Unit 731, check out my exclusive podcast. The SCAP-turn to democratization began with the drafting of a new constitution in 1947, addressing Japan's enduring feudal social structure. In the charter, sovereignty was vested in the people, and the emperor was designated a “symbol of the state and the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power.” Because the emperor now possessed fewer powers than European constitutional monarchs, some have gone so far as to say that Japan became “a republic in fact if not in name.” Yet the retention of the emperor was, in fact, a compromise that suited both those who wanted to preserve the essence of the nation for stability and those who demanded that the emperor system, though not necessarily the emperor, should be expunged. In line with the democratic spirit of the new constitution, the peerage was abolished and the two-chamber Diet, to which the cabinet was now responsible, became the highest organ of state. The judiciary was made independent and local autonomy was granted in vital areas of jurisdiction such as education and the police. Moreover, the constitution stipulated that “the people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human rights,” that they “shall be respected as individuals,” and that “their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall … be the supreme consideration in legislation.” Its 29 articles guaranteed basic human rights: equality, freedom from discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status or family origin, freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Finally, in its most controversial section, Article 9, the “peace clause,” Japan “renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation” and vowed not to maintain any military forces and “other war potential.” To instill a thoroughly democratic ethos, reforms touched every facet of society. The dissolution of the zaibatsu decentralised economic power; the 1945 Labour Union Law and the 1946 Labour Relations Act guaranteed workers the right to collective action; the 1947 Labour Standards Law established basic working standards for men and women; and the revised Civil Code of 1948 abolished the patriarchal household and enshrined sexual equality. Reflecting core American principles, SCAP introduced a 6-3-3 schooling system, six years of compulsory elementary education, three years of junior high, and an optional three years of senior high, along with the aim of secular, locally controlled education. More crucially, ideological reform followed: censorship of feudal material in media, revision of textbooks, and prohibition of ideas glorifying war, dying for the emperor, or venerating war heroes. With women enfranchised and young people shaped to counter militarism and ultranationalism, rural Japan was transformed to undermine lingering class divisions. The land reform program provided for the purchase of all land held by absentee landlords, allowed resident landlords and owner-farmers to retain a set amount of land, and required that the remaining land be sold to the government so it could be offered to existing tenants. In 1948, amid the intensifying tensions of the Cold War that would soon culminate in the Korean War, the occupation's focus shifted from demilitarization and democratization toward economic rehabilitation and, ultimately, the remilitarization of Japan, an shift now known as the “Reverse Course.” The country was thus rebuilt as the Pacific region's primary bulwark against the spread of Communism. An Economic Stabilisation Programme was introduced, including a five-year plan to coordinate production and target capital through the Reconstruction Finance Bank. In 1949, the anti-inflationary Dodge Plan was adopted, advocating balanced budgets, fixing the exchange rate at 360 yen to the dollar, and ending broad government intervention. Additionally, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry was formed and supported the formation of conglomerates centered around banks, which encouraged the reemergence of a somewhat weakened set of zaibatsu, including Mitsui and Mitsubishi. By the end of the Occupation era, Japan was on the verge of surpassing its 1934–1936 levels of economic growth. Equally important was Japan's rearmament in alignment with American foreign policy: a National Police Reserve of about 75,000 was created with the outbreak of the Korean War; by 1952 it had expanded to 110,000 and was renamed the Self-Defense Force after the inclusion of an air force. However, the Reverse Course also facilitated the reestablishment of conservative politics and the rollback of gains made by women and the reforms of local autonomy and education. As the Occupation progressed, the Americans permitted greater Japanese initiative, and power gradually shifted from the reformers to the moderates. By 1949, the purge of the right came under review, and many who had been condemned began returning to influence, if not to the Diet, then to behind-the-scenes power. At the same time, Japanese authorities, with MacArthur's support, began purging left-wing activists. In June 1950, for example, the central office of the Japan Communist Party and the editorial board of The Red Flag were purged. The gains made by women also seemed to be reversed. Women were elected to 8% of available seats in the first lower-house election in 1946, but to only 2% in 1952, a trend not reversed until the so-called Madonna Boom of the 1980s. Although the number of women voting continued to rise, female politicisation remained more superficial than might be imagined. Women's employment also appeared little affected by labour legislation: though women formed nearly 40% of the labor force in 1952, they earned only 45% as much as men. Indeed, women's attitudes toward labor were influenced less by the new ethos of fulfilling individual potential than by traditional views of family and workplace responsibilities. In the areas of local autonomy and education, substantial modifications were made to the reforms. Because local authorities lacked sufficient power to tax, they were unable to realise their extensive powers, and, as a result, key responsibilities were transferred back to national jurisdiction. In 1951, for example, 90% of villages and towns placed their police forces under the control of the newly formed National Police Agency. Central control over education was also gradually reasserted; in 1951, the Yoshida government attempted to reintroduce ethics classes, proposed tighter central oversight of textbooks, and recommended abolishing local school board elections. By the end of the decade, all these changes had been implemented. The Soviet occupation of the Kurile Islands and the Habomai Islets was completed with Russian troops fully deployed by September 5. Immediately after the onset of the occupation, amid a climate of insecurity and fear marked by reports of sporadic rape and physical assault and widespread looting by occupying troops, an estimated 4,000 islanders fled to Hokkaido rather than face an uncertain repatriation. As Soviet forces moved in, they seized or destroyed telephone and telegraph installations and halted ship movements into and out of the islands, leaving residents without adequate food and other winter provisions. Yet, unlike Manchuria, where Japanese civilians faced widespread sexual violence and pillage, systematic violence against the civilian population on the Kuriles appears to have been exceptional. A series of military government proclamations assured islanders of safety so long as they did not resist Soviet rule and carried on normally; however, these orders also prohibited activities not explicitly authorized by the Red Army, which imposed many hardships on civilians. Residents endured harsh conditions under Soviet rule until late 1948, when Japanese repatriation out of the Kurils was completed. The Kuriles posed a special diplomatic problem, as the occupation of the southernmost islands—the Northern Territories—ignited a long-standing dispute between Tokyo and Moscow that continues to impede the normalisation of relations today. Although the Kuriles were promised to the Soviet Union in the Yalta agreement, Japan and the United States argued that this did not apply to the Northern Territories, since they were not part of the Kurile Islands. A substantial dispute regarding the status of the Kurile Islands arose between the United States and the Soviet Union during the preparation of the Treaty of San Francisco, which was intended as a permanent peace treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers of World War II. The treaty was ultimately signed by 49 nations in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, and came into force on April 28, 1952. It ended Japan's role as an imperial power, allocated compensation to Allied nations and former prisoners of war who had suffered Japanese war crimes, ended the Allied post-war occupation of Japan, and returned full sovereignty to Japan. Effectively, the document officially renounced Japan's treaty rights derived from the Boxer Protocol of 1901 and its rights to Korea, Formosa and the Pescadores, the Kurile Islands, the Spratly Islands, Antarctica, and South Sakhalin. Japan's South Seas Mandate, namely the Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, and Caroline Islands, had already been formally revoked by the United Nations on July 18, 1947, making the United States responsible for administration of those islands under a UN trusteeship agreement that established the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In turn, the Bonin, Volcano, and Ryukyu Islands were progressively restored to Japan between 1953 and 1972, along with the Senkaku Islands, which were disputed by both Communist and Nationalist China. In addition, alongside the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan and the United States signed a Security Treaty that established a long-lasting military alliance between them. Although Japan renounced its rights to the Kuriles, the U.S. State Department later clarified that “the Habomai Islands and Shikotan ... are properly part of Hokkaido and that Japan is entitled to sovereignty over them,” hence why the Soviets refused to sign the treaty. Britain and the United States agreed that territorial rights would not be granted to nations that did not sign the Treaty of San Francisco, and as a result the Kurile Islands were not formally recognized as Soviet territory. A separate peace treaty, the Treaty of Taipei (formally the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty), was signed in Taipei on April 28, 1952 between Japan and the Kuomintang, and on June 9 of that year the Treaty of Peace Between Japan and India followed. Finally, Japan and the Soviet Union ended their formal state of war with the Soviet–Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, though this did not settle the Kurile Islands dispute. Even after these formal steps, Japan as a nation was not in a formal state of war, and many Japanese continued to believe the war was ongoing; those who held out after the surrender came to be known as Japanese holdouts. Captain Oba Sakae and his medical company participated in the Saipan campaign beginning on July 7, 1944, and took part in what would become the largest banzai charge of the Pacific War. After 15 hours of intense hand-to-hand combat, almost 4,300 Japanese soldiers were dead, and Oba and his men were presumed among them. In reality, however, he survived the battle and gradually assumed command of over a hundred additional soldiers. Only five men from his original unit survived the battle, two of whom died in the following months. Oba then led over 200 Japanese civilians deeper into the jungles to evade capture, organizing them into mountain caves and hidden jungle villages. When the soldiers were not assisting the civilians with survival tasks, Oba and his men continued their battle against the garrison of US Marines. He used the 1,552‑ft Mount Tapochau as their primary base, which offered an unobstructed 360-degree view of the island. From their base camp on the western slope of the mountain, Oba and his men occasionally conducted guerrilla-style raids on American positions. Due to the speed and stealth of these operations, and the Marines' frustrated attempts to find him, the Saipan Marines eventually referred to Oba as “The Fox.” Oba and his men held out on the island for 512 days, or about 16 months. On November 27, 1945, former Major-General Amo Umahachi was able to draw out some of the Japanese in hiding by singing the anthem of the Japanese infantry branch. Amo was then able to present documents from the defunct IGHQ to Oba ordering him and his 46 remaining men to surrender themselves to the Americans. On December 1, the Japanese soldiers gathered on Tapochau and sang a song of departure to the spirits of the war dead; Oba led his people out of the jungle and they presented themselves to the Marines of the 18th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company. With great formality and commensurate dignity, Oba surrendered his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Howard G. Kirgis, and his men surrendered their arms and colors. On January 2, 1946, 20 Japanese soldiers hiding in a tunnel at Corregidor Island surrendered after learning the war had ended from a newspaper found while collecting water. In that same month, 120 Japanese were routed after a battle in the mountains 150 miles south of Manila. In April, during a seven-week campaign to clear Lubang Island, 41 more Japanese emerged from the jungle, unaware that the war had ended; however, a group of four Japanese continued to resist. In early 1947, Lieutenant Yamaguchi Ei and his band of 33 soldiers renewed fighting with the small Marine garrison on Peleliu, prompting reinforcements under Rear-Admiral Charles Pownall to be brought to the island to hunt down the guerrilla group. Along with them came former Rear-Admiral Sumikawa Michio, who ultimately convinced Yamaguchi to surrender in April after almost three years of guerrilla warfare. Also in April, seven Japanese emerged from Palawan Island and fifteen armed stragglers emerged from Luzon. In January 1948, 200 troops surrendered on Mindanao; and on May 12, the Associated Press reported that two unnamed Japanese soldiers had surrendered to civilian policemen in Guam the day before. On January 6, 1949, two former IJN soldiers, machine gunners Matsudo Rikio and Yamakage Kufuku, were discovered on Iwo Jima and surrendered peacefully. In March 1950, Private Akatsu Yūichi surrendered in the village of Looc, leaving only three Japanese still resisting on Lubang. By 1951 a group of Japanese on Anatahan Island refused to believe that the war was over and resisted every attempt by the Navy to remove them. This group was first discovered in February 1945, when several Chamorros from Saipan were sent to the island to recover the bodies of a Saipan-based B-29. The Chamorros reported that there were about thirty Japanese survivors from three ships sunk in June 1944, one of which was an Okinawan woman. Personal aggravations developed from the close confines of a small group on a small island and from tuba drinking; among the holdouts, 6 of 11 deaths were the result of violence, and one man displayed 13 knife wounds. The presence of only one woman, Higa Kazuko, caused considerable difficulty as she would transfer her affections among at least four men after each of them mysteriously disappeared, purportedly “swallowed by the waves while fishing.” According to the more sensational versions of the Anatahan tale, 11 of the 30 navy sailors stranded on the island died due to violent struggles over her affections. In July 1950, Higa went to the beach when an American vessel appeared offshore and finally asked to be removed from the island. She was taken to Saipan aboard the Miss Susie and, upon arrival, told authorities that the men on the island did not believe the war was over. As the Japanese government showed interest in the situation on Anatahan, the families of the holdouts were contacted in Japan and urged by the Navy to write letters stating that the war was over and that the holdouts should surrender. The letters were dropped by air on June 26 and ultimately convinced the holdouts to give themselves up. Thus, six years after the end of World War II, “Operation Removal” commenced from Saipan under the command of Lt. Commander James B. Johnson, USNR, aboard the Navy Tug USS Cocopa. Johnson and an interpreter went ashore by rubber boat and formally accepted the surrender on the morning of June 30, 1951. The Anatahan femme fatale story later inspired the 1953 Japanese film Anatahan and the 1998 novel Cage on the Sea. In 1953, Murata Susumu, the last holdout on Tinian, was finally captured. The next year, on May 7, Corporal Sumada Shoichi was killed in a clash with Filipino soldiers, leaving only two Japanese still resisting on Lubang. In November 1955, Seaman Kinoshita Noboru was captured in the Luzon jungle but soon after committed suicide rather than “return to Japan in defeat.” That same year, four Japanese airmen surrendered at Hollandia in Dutch New Guinea; and in 1956, nine soldiers were located and sent home from Morotai, while four men surrendered on Mindoro. In May 1960, Sergeant Ito Masashi became one of the last Japanese to surrender at Guam after the capture of his comrade Private Minagawa Bunzo, but the final surrender at Guam would come later with Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi. Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi survived in the jungles of Guam by living for years in an elaborately dug hole, subsisting on snails and lizards, a fate that, while undignified, showcased his ingenuity and resilience and earned him a warm welcome on his return to Japan. His capture was not heroic in the traditional sense: he was found half-starving by a group of villagers while foraging for shrimp in a stream, and the broader context included his awareness as early as 1952 that the war had ended. He explained that the wartime bushido code, emphasizing self-sacrifice or suicide rather than self-preservation, had left him fearing that repatriation would label him a deserter and likely lead to execution. Emerging from the jungle, Yokoi also became a vocal critic of Japan's wartime leadership, including Emperor Hirohito, which fits a view of him as a product of, and a prisoner within, his own education, military training, and the censorship and propaganda of the era. When asked by a young nephew how he survived so long on an island just a short distance from a major American airbase, he replied simply, “I was really good at hide and seek.” That same year, Private Kozuka Kinshichi was killed in a shootout with Philippine police in October, leaving Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo still resisting on Lubang. Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo had been on Lubang since 1944, a few months before the Americans retook the Philippines. The last instructions he had received from his immediate superior ordered him to retreat to the interior of the island and harass the Allied occupying forces until the IJA eventually returned. Despite efforts by the Philippine Army, letters and newspapers left for him, radio broadcasts, and even a plea from Onoda's brother, he did not believe the war was over. On February 20, 1974, Onoda encountered a young Japanese university dropout named Suzuki Norio, who was traveling the world and had told friends that he planned to “look for Lieutenant Onoda, a panda, and the abominable snowman, in that order.” The two became friends, but Onoda stated that he was waiting for orders from one of his commanders. On March 9, 1974, Onoda went to an agreed-upon place and found a note left by Suzuki. Suzuki had brought along Onoda's former commander, Major Taniguchi, who delivered the oral orders for Onoda to surrender. Intelligence Officer 2nd Lt. Onoda Hiroo thus emerged from Lubang's jungle with his .25 caliber rifle, 500 rounds of ammunition, and several hand grenades. He surrendered 29 years after Japan's formal surrender, and 15 years after being declared legally dead in Japan. When he accepted that the war was over, he wept openly. He received a hero's welcome upon his return to Japan in 1974. The Japanese government offered him a large sum of money in back pay, which he refused. When money was pressed on him by well-wishers, he donated it to Yasukuni Shrine. Onoda was reportedly unhappy with the attention and what he saw as the withering of traditional Japanese values. He wrote No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War, a best-selling autobiography published in 1974. Yet the last Japanese to surrender would be Private Nakamura Teruo, an Amis aborigine from Formosa and a member of the Takasago Volunteers. Private Nakamura Teruo spent the tail end of World War II with a dwindling band on Morotai, repeatedly dispersing and reassembling in the jungle as they hunted for food. The group suffered continuous losses to starvation and disease, and survivors described Nakamura as highly self-sufficient. He left to live alone somewhere in the Morotai highlands between 1946 and 1947, rejoined the main group in 1950, and then disappeared again a few years later. Nakamura hinted in print that he fled into the jungle because he feared the other holdouts might murder him. He survives for decades beyond the war, eventually being found by 11 Indonesian soldiers. The emergence of an indigenous Taiwanese soldier among the search party embarrassed Japan as it sought to move past its imperial past. Many Japanese felt Nakamura deserved compensation for decades of loyalty, only to learn that his back pay for three decades of service amounted to 68,000 yen. Nakamura's experience of peace was complex. When a journalist asked how he felt about “wasting” three decades of his life on Morotai, he replied that the years had not been wasted; he had been serving his country. Yet the country he returned to was Taiwan, and upon disembarking in Taipei in early January 1975, he learned that his wife had a son he had never met and that she had remarried a decade after his official death. Nakamura eventually lived with a daughter, and his story concluded with a bittersweet note when his wife reconsidered and reconciled with him. Several Japanese soldiers joined local Communist and insurgent groups after the war to avoid surrender. Notably, in 1956 and 1958, two soldiers returned to Japan after service in China's People's Liberation Army. Two others who defected with a larger group to the Malayan Communist Party around 1945 laid down their arms in 1989 and repatriated the next year, becoming among the last to return home. That is all for today, but fear not I will provide a few more goodies over the next few weeks. I will be releasing some of my exclusive podcast episodes from my youtube membership and patreon that are about pacific war subjects. Like I promised the first one will be on why Emperor Hirohito surrendered. Until then if you need your fix you know where to find me: eastern front week by week, fall and rise of china, echoes of war or on my Youtube membership of patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.
Marie-Josée a dû se rendre au tribunal car elle a dépassé les délais pour quitter une maison que son propriétaire souhaite vendre. Elle a ressenti un profond sentiment de honte et de solitude face à cette situation, mais a trouvé du soutien auprès de l'émission et des auditeurs. Chaque soir, en direct, Caroline Dublanche accueille les auditeurs pour 2h30 d'échanges et de confidences. Pour participer, contactez l'émission au 09 69 39 10 11 (prix d'un appel local) ou sur parlonsnous@rtl.frHébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Confira na edição do Jornal da Record desta segunda (8): Em reunião do Brics, presidente Lula afirma que o bloco é vítima de práticas comerciais ilegais. Luís Roberto Barroso, diz que julgamentos no Supremo são baseados em provas. Tribunal retoma julgamento de Bolsonaro e mais 7 réus nesta terça-feira (9) em meio a pressão por anistia. Na CPMI do INSS, ex-ministro da previdência admite falha para conter descontos ilegais. Atentado a tiros em ponto de ônibus deixa mortos e feridos em Jerusalém. O adeus a Angela Ro Ro, uma das vozes mais marcantes da música brasileira.
Couple arrested on accusation of 'hot boxing' in a car with a 2-year-old in the backseat, Man is accused of punching the bride after being cut off from alcohol at wedding reception, Headline of the Week contender #1: Calling your boss a "dick head" not a sackable offense, tribunal rules
Marina promete cero impunidad tras captura de elementos por huachicol Tribunal Supremo de Israel ordena mejorar condiciones de presos palestinosEn promedio, las personas pasan 6 horas con 37 minutos conectadas a internetMás información en nuestro podcast
The Tribunal breaks down episodes five and six of The Challenge 41: Vets and New Threats. They discuss Ben Davis' field goal kicking, CT's ladder climbing, and Turbo's arguing.
Tous les mercredis et vendredis, c'est le "Tribunal de Manu sur NRJ".
Angola: Sindicalistas lamentam decisão de Tribunal de suspender a greve geral convocada pelos jornalistas. Moçambique: Ministério Público investiga alegações de irregularidades envolvendo ministro da Agricultura. Peditórios do novo partido ANAMOLA são eticamente corretos?
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“ICE intentará interrumpir picnics comunitarios y desfiles”: autoridades de Chicago dan mensaje a comunidad migrante.Tribunal de apelaciones bloquea usar la ley de enemigos para casos de pandillas.Trump dice que sin intervención de la Guardia Nacional no habría Juegos Olímpicos en LA.El Secretario de Estado de EE.UU. Marco Rubio, inicia gira en México.Emplearán abogados militares como jueces temporales de inmigración.Caso Epstein: Comité de Supervisión de la Cámara Baja libera más de 33,000 páginas del archivo.Hombre acusado de asesinato por la muerte de un niño de 11 años.Denuncian que persisten los abusos en "Alcatraz de los Caimanes".Las remesas a México caen en 5.5% en 2025.Cae turismo en Estados Unidos por aranceles y políticas migratorias.Declaran "no culpable" a Cardi B de agresión a una guardia de seguridad.Escucha de lunes a viernes el ‘Noticiero Univision Edición Nocturna' con Elián Zidán.
TEPJF instala nuevo pleno con siete magistrados y activa salas regionalesCDMX proyecta “7:19” con cinedebate sobre memoria sísmica y cultura preventivaEU recurre a militares como jueces migratorios ante saturación judicialMás información en nuestro Podcast
Tous les mercredis et vendredis, c'est le "Tribunal de Manu sur NRJ".
Dunedin uni students who come into conflict with their landlords over the filthy state of their flats, or whose bonds are withheld for no apparent reason, have said the Tenancy Tribunal is not fit for purpose. Among them is second year University of Otago student Zoe Eckhoff, who recently won a Tenancy Tribunal case after finding her newly-leased flat in a shocking state. However, she said she was only able able to do this because she had the support of her parents and was able to hire a lawyer. Now the University's Vice Chancellor, Grant Robertson, is among those calling for change. Bella Craig reports.
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