Podcasts about Rock Against Racism

For this episode we're joined by veteran music scribe Phil Sutcliffe to discuss his years on Sounds, Q and MOJO. We start by hearing about our guest's Beatles-obsessed adolescence in the North London suburb of Barnet, then follow him up to Manchester University and his subsequent apprenticeship on the Newcastle Evening Chronicle. Phil explains how he got his foot in the door at Sounds in 1974, initially reviewing gigs on Tyneside before moving back to London to become one of the weekly magazine's key '70s writers. We discuss the paper's transition from Gentle Giant and Back Street Crawler to the Damned and the Sex Pistols — and to the interviews Phil did with County Durham punks Penetration and beloved Salford bard John Cooper Clarke.  From JCC's visit to the Oxford Poetry Festival in 1980, we turn our attention to the week's featured act — politicised post-punks Gang of Four — and thence to the more controversially reactionary Eric Clapton. Clips from John Hutchinson's 1981 audio interview with the guitar "God" prompt conversation about his musical evolution and the infamous 1976 outburst that inspired the launch of Rock Against Racism. After Mark quotes from newly-added library pieces about Joe Harriott (1964), Miles Davis (1969) and Al Green (1973), Jasper takes us out with his thoughts on articles about Courtney Love (1991), Snoop Dogg (2003) and Cardi B (2019). Please note that this episode was recorded before we learned of the very sad passings of former Gang Of Four bassist Dave Allen and Malian superstar Amadou Bagayoko — along with Phil Sutcliffe's fellow Sounds contributor Sandy Robertson. Many thanks to special guest Phil Sutcliffe. Pieces discussed: The Beatles: I Was A Beatlemaniac, Penetration: Anarchy In County Durham, The Bard Of Beasley Street At The Seat Of Learning, Gang of Four: Dialectics Meet Disco, Gang Of Four: The Revolution Lightens Up, Andy Gill meets Andy Gill, Eric Clapton audio, Eric Clapton: Out of the Darkness, Joe Harriott: Jazz Abstractionist, Miles Davis: In a Silent Way, Hole: Calling the Tune, Snoop Dogg and Welcome to the Cardi Party.

"From Steel Pulse to Wu-Tang: A Festival of Musical Diversity"Larry Mishkin discusses a review of various experiences and performances, starting with a cannabis event called "Miracle in Mundelein," which took place over the past weekend. The main focus of the review is a discussion of a Grateful Dead show from September 9, 1987, at the Providence Civic Center in Rhode Island. The show was notable for being the second night of a three-show run, marking the opening of the Grateful Dead's 1987 East Coast fall tour.Key highlights include:"Hey Pocky Way" Performance: This was the first time the Grateful Dead performed the song "Hey Pocky Way," which is originally by the Meters, a New Orleans funk band. The song became a fan favorite, primarily due to the influence of Brent Mydland, the band's keyboardist. However, the song fell out of rotation after Brent's death in 1990."Jack Straw" Performance: Another song featured was "Jack Straw," a Grateful Dead classic written by Bob Weir and Robert Hunter. It was originally performed in 1971 and became a staple in the band's setlists. The song was performed in the second spot of the setlist during the 1987 show, indicating the band's tendency to feature it early in their concerts.Music News Segment: The transcript also includes a segment on music news, which starts with a brief history of the band Cheap Trick, particularly their song "I Want You to Want Me."Review of the Miracle in Mundelein Festival: The review shifts to discussing the recent "Miracle in Mundelein" festival, where several acts performed:Steel Pulse: A roots reggae band from Birmingham, England, who delivered a lively and energetic performance.The Soul Rebels: A New Orleans brass band known for their energetic live shows and collaborations with major artists. Their set featured Raekwon and GZA from the Wu-Tang Clan, adding a strong hip-hop element to the performance.Wiz Khalifa: The headliner of the event, Wiz Khalifa, is praised for his stage presence and connection with the audience. The review notes his strong advocacy for cannabis and how his music resonated well with the crowd.Overall, the review captures the blend of nostalgia with the Grateful Dead's classic performances and the fresh, dynamic energy of the Miracle in Mundelein festival, highlighting both the music and the culture of cannabis.https://www.cheaptrick.com/ Grateful DeadSeptember 9, 1987 (37 years ago)Providence Civic CenterProvidence, Rhode IslandGrateful Dead Live at Providence Civic Center on 1987-09-09 : Free Borrow & Streaming : Internet Archive Second night of a three show run, the opening shows of 1987 East Cost fall tour.  INTRO:                                 Hey Pocky Way                                                Track #1                                                :35 – 2:03 First time ever played Hey Pocky Way was written by George Porter Jr., Leo Nocentelli, Art Neville & Joseph Modeliste, founding members of The Meters, an American funk band formed in 1965 in New Orleans by Modeliste (drums), Porter Jr. (bass), Nocentelli (guitar) and Neville (keyboards). The band performed and recorded their own music from the late 1960s until 1977 and played an influential role as backing musicians for other artists, including Lee Dorsey, Robert Palmer, Dr. John, and Allen Toussaint. Song was released on Rejuvenation the band's fifth studio album in 1974. In 2003, the album was ranked number 138 on Rolling Stone magazine's list of the 500 greatest albums of all time,[6] and 139 in a 2012 revised list. Beginning with this show, the Dead began to feature Hey Pocky Way, usually as a show opener.  Sung by Brent who really got into it with both his keyboard playing and strong singing, it  became a fan favorite.  But as a Brent influenced tune, it died when he did. Played:  25 timesFirst:  September 9, 1987 at Providence Civic Center, Providence, RI, USALast: July 22, 1990 at World Music Theatre, Tinley Park, IL, USA (Brent's second to last show)  SHOW No. 1:                    Jack Straw                                                Track #2                                                4:00 – 5:50 "Jack Straw"  written by Bob Weir and Robert Hunter. The track first appeared on the album Europe '72. The song was first performed in concert on October 19, 1971, in Minneapolis, Minnesota at new keyboardist Keith Godchaux's first appearance with the band. In the song's earliest performances (c. 1971–72), Weir sang all of the vocals. By the time the 'Europe 72' version was recorded, (at the Olympia Theater in Paris on 5-03-72), Weir and Jerry Garcia were switching up the vocals - as they had on April 26th when 'Hundred Year Hall' was recorded. The song appeared in both the first and second sets until the band's short hiatus in 1974-1975. After re-forming, the song almost exclusively appeared in the first set. After Brent Mydland joined the band in 1979, the song almost exclusively opened the band's first set. The band also often extended the jam after the second verse after Mydland's joining, often extending the song to over six minutes. Dead and Company have also further extended the song, often adding an abstract opening jam prior to the song's first verse.[1] Bob Weir stated in a 2004 interview that the song's lyrics were partly based on John Steinbeck's novel Of Mice and Men.[2] The song's themes include riding the rails, the Great Depression, and hobo (homeless) camps of the era. Jack Straw is also—perhaps coincidentally—the name of the original plantation owner, who lived controversially with his gay lover, Peter Ochello, in Tennessee Williams's play Cat on a Hot Tin Roof.[3] Always a great song to hear in concert, the fans loved it and it was always an omen of good things to come in the show. Played:  477 timesFirst:  October 19, 1971 at Northrop Auditorium, Minneapolis, MN, USALast:  July 8, 1995 at Soldier Field in Chicago MUSIC NEWS Miracle In Mundelein – second year of the festival in Mundelein a suburb northwest of Chicago.  Missed last year with JRAD but made it this year on Saturday with my sons Jonathan and Daniel, Jonathan's fiancé, Bella and Daniel's buddy AJ.  Different theme to this year's music focusing on hip hop and rap, not part of my regular music, but certainly a key genre for Daniel and AJ who filled me on details during the show. Acts:Steel Pulse - Steel Pulse are a roots reggae band from the Handsworth area of Birmingham, England. They originally formed at Handsworth Wood Boys School, and were composed of David Hinds (lead vocals, guitar), Basil Gabbidon (lead guitar, vocals), and Ronald McQueen (bass); along with Basil's brother Colin briefly on drums and Mykaell Riley (vocals, percussion). Steel Pulse were the first non-Jamaican act to win the Grammy Award for Best Reggae Album. They were initially refused live dates in Caribbean venues in Birmingham due to their Rastafarian beliefs. During the popularization of punk rock in the mid-1970's, Steel Pulse began to play punk venues such as the Hope and Anchor in London and The Electric Circus in Manchester in 1976.[1] Aligning themselves closely with the Rock Against Racism organization and featuring in its first music festival in early 1978, they chose to tour with sympathetic elements of the punk movement,[1] including the Stranglers and XTC. Eventually they found a more natural home in support slots for Burning Spear, which brought them to the attention of Island Records. Fun set that was in progress when we arrived, great sound and lots of energy that kept the crowd moving. The Soul Rebels - The Soul Rebels (also Soul Rebels Brass Band, Soul Rebels or The Rebels) are an eight-piece New Orleans based brass ensemble that incorporate elements of soul, jazz, funk, hip-hop, rock and pop music within a contemporary brass band framework.  Starting out as a local New Orleans favorite, The Soul Rebels have evolved into collaborating live with major artists in all worlds of music including:Katy PerryNasMetallicaGreen DayTrombone ShortyProdigyString Cheese IncidentUmphrey's McGeeGalacticSuzanne VegaEurythmicsLettuceGov't Mule                                               And many more The band has built its career around an eclectic live show that harnesses the power of horns and percussion in a funky party-like atmosphere. The band routinely plays over 250 shows a year. They have been described by the Village Voice as "the missing link between Public Enemy and Louis Armstrong.  The Soul Rebels consist of percussionists and founding members Lumar LeBlanc and Derrick Moss, trumpet players Julian Gosin and Marcus Hubbard, trombonists Corey Peyton and Paul Robertson, saxophonist Erion Williams, and sousaphonist Manuel Perkins Jr.                                                 On Saturday, they featured Raekwon and GZA from Wu Tang Clan.                                      RAEKWON - Corey Woods[2] (born January 12, 1970),[3][4] better known by his stage name Raekwon (/reɪˈkwɒn/, ray-KWON), is an American rapper. He rose to prominence as a founding member of the hip-hop group Wu-Tang Clan, which achieved mainstream success following the release of their debut album, Enter the Wu-Tang (36 Chambers), in 1993. Raekwon would subsequently pursue a solo career, releasing his first solo album, entitled Only Built 4 Cuban Linx..., in 1995. The album received critical acclaim, and is regarded by many critics as one of the greatest hip-hop albums of all time, as well as a staple of 1990s rap.                                     Raekwon attributes the name Raekwon to the Five-Percent Nation, an offshoot of the Nation of Islam, when he was a "young kid."[11] He converted to Islam in 2009.                                     Growing up, he witnessed his mother being hit and abused by different men, an experience which he said "affected [him] a lot."[10] As a young man, his mother kicked him out of their Park Hill home when Raekwon got into an argument with her boyfriend and his mother sided with the boyfriend. During this time, he spiraled into a pattern of hopelessness and violent behavior.[8] He became addicted to cocaine and crack cocaine until he became aware of how the crack epidemic was affecting those around him, at which point "it was an automatic stop."[10]Raekwon and rap partner Ghostface Killah attended junior high school together on Staten Island.[14] Raekwon attended New Dorp High School, where he befriended rappers Remedy, Method Man and Inspectah Deck.[15]             Woods first rapped as Sha Raider. In 1992, he joined the Wu-Tang Clan, an originally nine-member rap group drawing mainly from the Staten Island but also from the Brooklyn boroughs of New York City. He rapped as Raekwon The Chef, and also used the aliases Lex Diamonds, Shallah Raekwon, and Louis Rich. After being caught in a crossfire and accidentally shot four times, Raekwon began rapping in earnest. He later described being shot as an "important eye opener." In September 2009, MTV ranked Raekwon tenth among "hottest" rappers. In December, HipHopDx's 2009 awards named Only Built For Cuban Linx... Pt. II album of the year, calling it "the Hip Hop equivalent to The Godfather 2, with Rae as revitalized as Marlon was". Raekwon won Emcee of the Year—the prior year, Nas won—while HipHopDX staff explained, Raekwon brought it back to lyrical, dope rap. He released an album that spoke to teens, twenty-somethings, thirty-somethings, and beyond. Without compromising, the Chef made an edgy Hip Hop record that refused to bastardize the catalog he laid down 15 years ago. On top of that, Rae (along with Ghostface) was a go-to for numerous rappers making albums, ranging from the Playaz Circle to Jadakiss to BK One. That's beyond real, as was a year filled with performing in arenas, clubs and even churches. When it came to mastering the ceremony, Rae had 'em all following the leader.[28]— HipHopDX GZA - Gary Eldridge Grice[2] (born August 22, 1966), better known by his stage names GZA (/ˈdʒɪzə/JIZ-ə) and The Genius,[3] is an American rapper. A founding member of the hip hop group Wu-Tang Clan, GZA is the group's "spiritual head", being both the first member in the group to receive a record deal and being the oldest member.[4] He has appeared on his fellow Wu-Tang members' solo projects, and has maintained a successful solo career starting with his second album Liquid Swords (1995). His lyrical style often dismisses typical rap story lines in favor of science and wide-ranging philosophies and has been characterized as "armed with sharp metaphors and a smooth flow".[5][6][7][8] An analysis of GZA's lyrics found that he has the second largest vocabulary in popular hip hop music.[9][10] He teamed up with an education group to promote science education in New York City through hip hop. In 1992, GZA joined the Wu-Tang Clan, a group of nine, formed by his cousin RZA. GZA had some high-profile appearances on the group's debut album, Enter the Wu-Tang (36 Chambers) (1993), including a solo track, "Clan in da Front".[22] This, combined with appearances on other Clan members' albums such as Return to the 36 Chambers: The Dirty Version (1995) and Only Built 4 Cuban Linx... (1995) brought him much recognition. According to Method Man, "we form like Voltron and GZA happens to be the head".                         The combination of the Soul Rebels beat and Raekwon's and GZA's rapping made for an exceptional set of music that caught me off guard but was worth the price of admission.  With lots of cannabis references scattered throughout their lyrics and stage talk, they were a perfect match for this festival. Wiz Khalifa - Cameron Jibril Thomaz (born September 8, 1987),[2] better known by his stage name Wiz Khalifa, is an American rapper from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He signed with the local independent label Rostrum Records to release his debut studio album, Show and Prove (2006). His contract entered a short-lived joint venture with Warner Bros. Records the following year. His Eurodance-influenced 2008 single, "Say Yeah" received urban radio airplay and entered both the Rhythmic Top 40 and Hot Rap Songs charts, becoming his first minor hit.[3] Outside of music, Thomaz has delved into acting with television roles in Dickinson and The Eric Andre Show, the lead role alongside Snoop Dogg in the 2012 stoner comedy film Mac & Devin Go to High School, and voice roles in the animated series American Dad!, Duncanville, and Big City Greens. Thomaz founded the record label Taylor Gang Entertainment in 2008, through which he has signed artists including Juicy J, Ty Dolla Sign, and Berner. Known for his abundant usage of cannabis, Thomaz launched his own cannabis brand, Khalifa Kush, in 2016, which expanded for release in nationwide dispensaries in 2022. His stage name is derived from Khalifa, an Arabic word meaning "successor", and wisdom, which was shortened to Wiz when Khalifa was a young boy.[10] Khalifa stated to Spinner.com that the name also came from being called "young Wiz 'cause I was good at everything I did, and my granddad is Muslim, so he gave me that name; he felt like that's what I was doing with my music." He got a tattoo of his stage name on his 17th birthday.[11][12] By the age of 15, he was regularly recording his music at a local studio called I.D. Labs.[13] Impressed by the young teen's talent, E. Dan, the owner of the studio offered Khalifa an intern job at the studio in exchange for free recording time. Dan, being a veteran of the Pittsburgh hip-hop scene, would help develop and mentor the young artist early on in his career. He was the headliner and lived up to the billing.  Great tunes, great stage presence, great spokesperson for cannabis.  My first experience with his music and it was very positive. A great musical education for me with my tutors, Daniel and AJ. More in MJ News  Herbie Flowers  RIPJerry Miller  RIPGoose this week at the Salt Shed, Thursday and Friday   SHOW No. 2:                    Greatest Story Ever Told                                                Track #9                                                3:25 – end                                                 INTO                                                 Devil With a Blue Dress                                                Track #10                                                0:00 – 1:33 Greatest Story – written by Hunter/Bobby/Mickey, originally called “The Pump Song” on Mickey Hart's 1972 album Rolling Thunder.  As the opening tune of Ace, it is called Greatest Story Ever Told.  But this isn't about that song.  Here, it is the lead-in to a first set couple of “extras” thrown in for some fun. "Devil with a Blue Dress On" (also known as "Devil with the Blue Dress") is a song written by Shorty Long and William "Mickey" Stevenson, first performed by Long and released as a single in 1964. A later version recorded by Mitch Ryder and The Detroit Wheels in 1966 peaked at No. 4 on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100.  "Devil with the Blue Dress" was originally released as Shorty Long's debut single on Motown in 1964, but the single failed to chart. The song describes a femme fatale in a blue dress and not an actual devil.[2] Two years later, Mitch Ryder and The Detroit Wheels recorded the song at Bell Sound Studios in New York City[3] as a medley with an original arrangement of Little Richard's "Good Golly, Miss Molly". Their version, released on their album, “Breakout . . . . !”,  was notably more up-tempo than Long's more blues-influenced rendition.[2] Reaching No. 4 on the Hot 100, their version of the track would end up becoming their most well-known and highest charting hit in the United States. Rolling Stone Magazine ranked it No. 428 on their list of Top 500 Songs of All Time. Basically, another great cover to showcase Brent's singing and keyboard skills.  This was the first of 3 times the Dead covered the song.  Another fun diversion by the band that kept the Deadheads guessing and not wanting to ever miss a show. The transition out of Greatest Story is seamless and makes it so you can't hear the end of Greatest Story without hearing the signature beat of Devil making it a “natural” fit. Played – 3 timesFirst:  September 9, 1987 at Providence Civic Center, Providence, RI, USALast:  October 4, 1987 at Shoreline Amphitheatre, Mountain View, CA, USA  SHOW No. 3:                    Good Golly Miss Molly                                                Track #11                                                0:00 – end                                                 INTO                                                 Devil With a Blue Dress                                                Track #12                                                0:00 – 0:51"Good Golly, Miss Molly" is a rock 'n' roll song first recorded in 1956 by American musician Little Richard and released in January 1958 as single on the Specialty label, and later on the album, Little Richard in July 1958.[1] The song, a jump blues, was written by John Marascalco and producer Robert "Bumps" Blackwell. Although it was first recorded by Little Richard, Blackwell produced another version by the Valiants, who imitated the fast first version recorded by Little Richard, not released at that time. Although the Valiants' version was released first (in 1957), Little Richard had the hit, reaching No. 4.[2] Like all his early hits, it quickly became a rock 'n' roll standard and has subsequently been recorded by hundreds of artists. The song is ranked No. 92 on the Rolling Stone magazine's list of the 500 Greatest Songs of All Time. Little Richard first heard the phrase "Good golly, Miss Molly" from a Southern DJ named Jimmy Pennick.[4] He modified the lyrics into the more suggestive "Good golly, Miss Molly/You sure like to ball." Little Richard himself later claimed that he took Ike Turner's piano intro from his influential 1951 rock and roll song "Rocket 88", and used it for "Good Golly, Miss Molly".[5] "I always liked that record," Richard recalled, "and I used to use the riff in my act, so when we were looking for a lead-in to 'Good Golly, Miss Molly', I did that and it fit." In 1966, Mitch Ryder and the Detroit Wheels incorporated "Good Golly Miss Molly" into their version of "Devil with a Blue Dress On". Their version scored a major hit, not only in Ryder's native Detroit, but nationwide, placing at No. 4 on the Billboard Top 100. As with Devil, a Brent thing.  Unfortunately, it was only around for a month.  Then vanished from the Dead's playlist thereafter.  Played:  3 times, makes senseFirst:  September 9, 1987 at Providence Civic Center, Providence, RI, USALast:  October 4, 1987 at Shoreline Amphitheatre, Mountain View, CA, USA  MJ NEWS:             Miracle in Mudelein – a great event sponsored by Rise Dispensaries and Rhythm cultivators.  Second year, featuring great music, excellent food and drink and too many booths for dabbing from various types of rigs including a Studenglass Gravity Bong – my first time using one and it is not your father's four foot Graffix bong!  Daniel and AJ were all over it and as it turned out, the wait in line was well worth the experience.  Rather than try to explain it to you, just Google Gravity Bong and see for yourself!  Great high.             Miracle is that Lake County, a more conservative leaning county, and Mundelein permitted the event.  Attendees can bring in their own flower or extracts (supposedly only if purchased at an Illinois dispensary), smoking accessories, etc.  Rise also was selling products at the show.             A wonderful thing to attend an event and not have to hide and smuggle in your cannabis.  People lighting up everywhere, offering to share, talking strains, etc.  Police were there to keep order and otherwise let it all go on.  Very professional.             Excellent mellow crowd (what else would you expect?).  Well run.  Shot joints out of a canon.  A wonderful day and experience for those who enjoy cannabis, especially not having to hide it or pretend you don't have any when everyone knows attendees are smuggling it in anyway.             A great way to promote cannabis and help normalize it within the community.  And a fun event to be able to share with my boys, Bella and AJ.  Fun had by all.  SHOW No. 4:                    Not Fade Away                                                Track #24 (NOTE – this song is listed as Track #23 AND #24, be sure to use #24)                                                0:00 – end "Not Fade Away" is a song credited to Buddy Holly (originally under his first and middle names, Charles Hardin) and Norman Petty (although Petty's co-writing credit is likely to have been a formality[3]) and first recorded by Holly and his band, the Crickets. Holly and the Crickets recorded the song in Clovis, New Mexico, on May 27, 1957, the same day the song "Everyday" was recorded.[1] The rhythmic pattern of "Not Fade Away" is a variant of the Bo Diddley beat, "Not Fade Away" was originally released as the B-side of the hit single "Oh, Boy!" on 10.27.1957 and was included on the album The "Chirping" Crickets (1957). The Crickets' recording never charted as a single. In 2004, this song was ranked number 107 on Rolling Stone's list of "The 500 Greatest Songs of All Time". The song is closely associated with the Grateful Dead as one of their signature tunes—one which the band transformed from Holly's 1950s boy/girl romanticism to one reflecting the 1960s' more spiritual universal love. Their 1971 recording of the song is included on their second live album, Skull and Roses, paired with Going Down The Road Feeling Bad, a regular happening in the early ‘70's. Primarily a second set tune that used to show up in the second half of the second set after Drums-Space.  Beginning in 1983, the Dead began to play it as the second set closer, trailing off with “Love is real will not fade away” as they exited the stage.  A few years later, the Deadheads starting chanting the line as the Dead left the stage and in some cases, kept it up until the band reappeared for their encore, when the band would pick back up on the beat and play it for another minute or so before their encore tune, such as with this show.    Great example of the Deadheads making their mark on the show and the band being tuned in enough to play along with it.  Although sometimes if the Dead took too long to come out for the encore, the chanting would start to fade off.  And sometimes even when the chant made it all the way to the band's return on stage, the band would ignore it and just dive straight into their encore.  Fun when it all came together like this show. Played:  561 timesFirst:  February 19, 1969 at Fillmore West, San Francisco, CA, USALast:  July 5, 1995 at Riverport Amphitheatre in Maryland Heights, MO (St. Louis) OUTRO:                               The Mighty Quinn                                                Track #25                                                2:11 – 3:48 Bob Dylan wrote and first recorded the song in 1967 during the Basement Tapes sessions, but did not release a version for another three years.  The song's first release was in January 1968 as "Mighty Quinn" in a version by the British band Manfred Mann, from their album Mighty Garvey, and became a great success. A demo of 14 of the 1967 Basement Tapes recordings, including the first of two takes of "Quinn the Eskimo (The Mighty Quinn)", was produced in 1968, but was not intended for release. Recordings taken from the demos began appearing on bootlegs, starting with Great White Wonder,[7] a double-album bootleg that came out in July 1969. The first official release of the song was in 1970 on Dylan's Self Portrait album,[14] a live recording from 1969's Isle of Wight Festival. The live version (titled "The Mighty Quinn (Quinn the Eskimo)") was also selected in 1971 for the second compilation of Dylan's career, Bob Dylan's Greatest Hits Vol. II. Covered by:  the Hollies, Leon Russell and Phish, among others. Although they never played the song with Bob Dylan, the Grateful Dead started playing "The Mighty Quinn" in concert in 1985. It became a favorite encore among the Grateful Dead's fans, and remained so to the end of their career. Last verses, end with, “when Quinn the Eskimo gets here, everybody's gonna want to doze” but the Deadheads heard it as “dose” and always gave it a big cheer. Played:  59 timesFirst:  December 30, 1985 at Oakland-Alameda County Coliseum Arena, Oakland, CA, USALast:  July 2, 1995 at Deer Creek Music Center, Noblesville, IN, USA  Shoutouts: Lary Vinocur – birthdayElena Mishkin – birthday .Produced by PodConx Deadhead Cannabis Show - https://podconx.com/podcasts/deadhead-cannabis-showLarry Mishkin - https://podconx.com/guests/larry-mishkinRob Hunt - https://podconx.com/guests/rob-huntJay Blakesberg - https://podconx.com/guests/jay-blakesbergSound Designed by Jamie Humiston - https://www.linkedin.com/in/jamie-humiston-91718b1b3/Recorded on Squadcast

On the August 29 edition of the Music History Today podcast, Rock Against Racism is formed, George joins the Quarrymen, and we've got a lust for life. Plus, there are some huge birthdays, including Bird, Dinah, and the King of Pop. For more music history, subscribe to my Spotify Channel or subscribe to the audio version of my music history podcasts, wherever you get your podcasts from ALL MUSIC HISTORY TODAY  PODCAST NETWORK LINKS - ⁠https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday⁠ --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

On this week's episode of the Music History In Depth Podcast, a musical organization is started to combat racism from a couple of very surprising sources and no, we're not talking about present day politics. Plus, since that topic runs long and is depressing as all hell, we're going to do two segments with lots of birthdays, including one for a king, one for a knight, and a bunch of legends and Rock and Roll Hall of Fame inductees. For more music history, subscribe to my Spotify Channel or subscribe to the audio version of my music history podcasts, wherever you get your podcasts from ALL MUSIC HISTORY TODAY  PODCAST NETWORK LINKS - ⁠https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday⁠ --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

This week, we talk to DANIEL RACHEL, the author of TOO MUCH TOO YOUNG, THE 2 TONE RECORDS STORY,  about the 1981 2 Tone concert film DANCE CRAZE. We discuss the film's volatile production, how the film's genesis started at a swimming pool in L.A., Jerry Dammers unwavering work ethic, seeing people skanking in the aisles at the movie screening, the short life span of The Selecter and The Body Snatchers, how the film sneaks in concert footage shot in New Jersey vs. the UK, the moment Daniel noticed that 2 Tone had swept the playground, the dimantleing of the scene by the British music press, the skinhead movement and the violence within the scene, the genius of Terry Hall and Pauline Black, the non-Ska bands that continued on the 2 tone label, how the ska bands had the best band logos, the fashion of the scene, seeing a multi-racial band on TV, tribal musical groups moving across the British musical landscape, The Mods, the short time span of pop music movements, stealing lyric sheets from a Virgin Megastore, how original director Joe Massot was kicked off the film and also screwed up his intitial shoot of Led Zeppelin's The Song Remains The Same movie, Garvick Losey's involvment with the film, how Jerry Dammers and Madness were initially wary of making the film, how the soundtrack contains recordings that were not from the movie (or even the same band lineup), the punk vs. ska astecthic,The Specials' tour with The Clash and how the band found their idenity on it, how the inventor of the Steadycam was one of the cmaera opperators for this film, how the bands would fake violence on stage to stop the violence in the audience, Rock Against Racism, The Stranglers, then negative response from the bands when the film was initially releaesd, what it was like figuring out the More Specials LP, Funboy Three & Special AKA, and Chris breaks Daniel by asking his final question.So lip up fatty and get into this week's episode of Revolutions Per Movie!DANIEL RACHEL:https://danielrachel.com/Book tour w/ Daniel Rachel:https://danielrachel.com/events/REVOLUTIONS PER MOVIE:Host Chris Slusarenko (Eyelids, Guided By Voices, owner of Clinton Street Video rental store) is joined by actors, musicians, comedians, writers & directors who each week pick out their favorite music documentary, musical, music-themed fiction film or music videos to discuss. Fun, weird, and insightful, Revolutions Per Movie is your deep dive into our life-long obsessions where music and film collide.Revolutions Per Movies releases new episodes every Thursday. If you like the show, please subscribe, rate, and review it on your favorite podcast app.The show is also a completely independent affair, so the best way to support it is through our Patreon at patreon.com/revolutionspermovie. By joining, you can get weekly bonus episodes, physical goods such as Flexidiscs, and other exclusive goods.SOCIALS:@revolutionspermovieX, BlueSky: @revpermovieTHEME by Eyelids 'My Caved In Mind'www.musicofeyelids.bandcamp.comARTWORK by Jeff T. Owenshttps://linktr.ee/mymetalhand Click here to get EXCLUSIVE BONUS WEEKLY Revolutions Per Movie content on our Patreon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

UB40, a reggae band from Birmingham, UK, emerged in the late 70s from humble beginnings, with members scraping by on unemployment benefits. The band's original lineup consisted of friends from Moseley School of Art and local schools: Robin and Ali Campbell, Earl Falconer, Brian Travers, Jimmy Brown, Norman Hassan, and later, Michael Virtue and Astro. They named themselves after the unemployment benefit form "UB40" and quickly became known for their left-wing political stance, aligning themselves with causes like Rock Against Racism and anti-National Front protests. In 1980, UB40's debut single "King b/w Food For Thought" reached the UK Top 5, setting the stage for their success. Their first album, Signing Off (1980), was a blend of reggae, dub, and politically charged lyrics, reaching No. 2 in the UK and staying in the charts for 72 weeks. By 1981, their second album, Present Arms, solidified their reputation, with the hit single "One In Ten" becoming an anthem for the unemployed and a protest against the UK government's policies. UB40's third album, UB44 (1982), marked a transition, but it was Labour of Love (1983) that truly catapulted them to international fame. This album of reggae covers, including the iconic "Red Red Wine," became their first UK No. 1 album and produced their first US No. 1 single. This success established UB40 as reggae ambassadors, introducing reggae to new audiences worldwide. Throughout the 1980s, UB40 continued to release successful albums, including Geffery Morgan (1984), Rat In The Kitchen (1986), and UB40 (1988). Their collaborations with Chrissie Hynde on "I Got You Babe" and "Breakfast In Bed" were also hits. The late 80s and early 90s saw the band achieve global success with Labour Of Love II and Promises and Lies, the latter featuring "Can't Help Falling In Love," which became another US No. 1 hit. In the mid-90s, the band took a break, with members pursuing solo projects. However, they returned with Guns In The Ghetto and Labour Of Love III , continuing to tour extensively. Their influence and success were underscored by their contribution to the England rugby team's 2003 World Cup campaign with "Swing Low" and the Grammy-nominated Who You Fighting For (2005), which featured politically charged songs and love ballads. In 2008, Ali Campbell left the band to pursue a solo career, replaced by his brother Duncan Campbell. The band continued to release albums and tour, with TwentyFourSeven receiving critical acclaim. Despite Astro's departure in 2013, UB40 continued to tour successfully, playing sold-out shows across the UK, Europe, and beyond. UB40's enduring appeal lies in their ability to blend reggae with socially conscious lyrics, making them one of the most influential reggae bands in history. Their journey from Birmingham's working-class roots to global stardom is a testament to their talent, resilience, and commitment to their music and message. To celebrate their 45th anniversary, the band has just released the album UB45. Joining us this week to share the story of their rise to international fame is original member, drummer Jimmy Brown. For more head to their website https://ub40.global/

In 1979, 2 Tone Records (formed by Coventry, England art student and Specials keyboardist/songwriter Jerry Dammers) exploded into the consciousness of music lovers in Britain, the US, and beyond, as albums by the Specials, the Selecter, Madness, the Beat, and the Bodysnatchers burst onto the charts and a youth movement was born. 2 Tone was black and white: a multiracial force of British and Caribbean musicians singing about social issues, racism, class, and gender struggles. It spoke of injustices in society and fought against right-wing extremism. It was exuberant and eclectic: white youths learning to dance to the infectious rhythm of ska and reggae, crossed with punk attitude, to create an original hybrid. This week's Third Lad, Daniel Rachel, has penned the definitive story of the label that, for a brief, bright burning moment, shaped British, American, and world culture. Too Much Too Young: The 2 Tone Records Story is out now from White Rabbit (UK) and Akashic Books (US). Daniel Rachel is a Birmingham-born, best-selling author whose previous works include Isle of Noises: Conversations with Great British Songwriters; Walls Come Tumbling Down: The Music and Politics of Rock Against Racism, 2 Tone, and Red Wedge; Don't Look Back in Anger: The Rise and Fall of Cool Britannia; The Lost Album of the Beatles: What If the Beatles Hadn't Split Up?; One for the Road: The Life & Lyrics of Simon Fowler & Ocean Colour Scene; and Oasis: Knebworth: Two Nights That Will Live Forever. He is also co-author of Ranking Roger's autobiography, I Just Can't Stop It: My Life in the Beat. In 2021, Rachel was a guest curator of the "2 Tone Lives & Legacies" exhibition as part of Coventry Cultural City 2021, and he curated the anniversary edition of the Selecter's debut album, Too Much Pressure. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In 1979, 2 Tone Records (formed by Coventry, England art student and Specials keyboardist/songwriter Jerry Dammers) exploded into the consciousness of music lovers in Britain, the US, and beyond, as albums by the Specials, the Selecter, Madness, the Beat, and the Bodysnatchers burst onto the charts and a youth movement was born. 2 Tone was black and white: a multiracial force of British and Caribbean musicians singing about social issues, racism, class, and gender struggles. It spoke of injustices in society and fought against right-wing extremism. It was exuberant and eclectic: white youths learning to dance to the infectious rhythm of ska and reggae, crossed with punk attitude, to create an original hybrid. This week's Third Lad, Daniel Rachel, has penned the definitive story of the label that, for a brief, bright burning moment, shaped British, American, and world culture. Too Much Too Young: The 2 Tone Records Story is out now from White Rabbit (UK) and Akashic Books (US). Daniel Rachel is a Birmingham-born, best-selling author whose previous works include Isle of Noises: Conversations with Great British Songwriters; Walls Come Tumbling Down: The Music and Politics of Rock Against Racism, 2 Tone, and Red Wedge; Don't Look Back in Anger: The Rise and Fall of Cool Britannia; The Lost Album of the Beatles: What If the Beatles Hadn't Split Up?; One for the Road: The Life & Lyrics of Simon Fowler & Ocean Colour Scene; and Oasis: Knebworth: Two Nights That Will Live Forever. He is also co-author of Ranking Roger's autobiography, I Just Can't Stop It: My Life in the Beat. In 2021, Rachel was a guest curator of the "2 Tone Lives & Legacies" exhibition as part of Coventry Cultural City 2021, and he curated the anniversary edition of the Selecter's debut album, Too Much Pressure. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Episode 233 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg recalls his days as a young neo-Yippie in the 1980s. A remnant faction of the 1960s counterculture group adopted a punk aesthetic for the Reagan era, launched the US branch of the Rock Against Racism movement, brought chaos to the streets at Republican and Democratic political conventions, defied the police in open cannabis "smoke-ins"—and won a landmark Supreme Court ruling for free speech. The Yippie clubhouse at 9 Bleecker Street, the hub for all these activities, has long since succumbed to the gentrification of the East Village, but it survived long enough to provide inspiration to a new generation of radical youth during Occupy Wall Street. Listen on SoundCloud or via Patreon. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex Production by Chris Rywalt We ask listeners to donate just $1 per weekly podcast via Patreon -- or $2 for our new special offer! We now have 64 subscribers. If you appreciate our work, please become Number 65!

Director and actor Simon McBurney, one of the founders of the ground breaking theatre company Complicité, reveals his creative inspirations and influences. For over four decades McBurney has created innovative and experimental works, from immersive staging to the reinvention of classic texts. His works include A Disappearing Number, The Encounter and Mnemonic, a landmark production which has been recently revived at The National Theatre. Simon McBurney tells John Wilson about his childhood in Cambridge where his father, an archaeologist, helped foster an early fascination with time and memory. For This Cultural Life he chooses the 1969 Ken Loach film Kes as a formative influence, offering an insight to a childhood very different to his own middle class upbringing. He recalls seeing the band The Clash whilst at Cambridge University, an experience that had a profound impact on his own creativity and political engagement through the arts. He also chooses the writer and critic John Berger as an inspirational figure, and recalls collaborating with Berger on the immersive Artangel project The Vertical Line in 1999. Simon McBurney also describes how the experience of meeting indigenous Amazonian people inspired his 2016 Complicité show The Encounter. Producer: Edwina PitmanArchive clips from: Kes, Ken Loach, 1969 The Clash Live at Rock Against Racism, Victoria Park, 1978 The Dead Class, Tadeusz Kantor, 1976 Friday Night...Saturday Morning: Cambridge Footlights, BBC1, Nov 1979 Ways of Seeing, Episode 1, BBC2, Jan 1972 The Vertical Line, Complicité, BBC Radio 4, 1999 The Encounter, Complicité, Barbican Theatre, May 2018 Face to Face, BBC2, Oct 1995 Mission: Impossible – Rogue Nation, Christopher McQuarrie, 2015

On this week's episode of the Music History in Depth Podcast we deep dive into Mozart's The Marriage of Figaro, we discuss a tale of two men during the Payola scandal, Clapton and Bowie inspire the Rock against Racism Concert, and we celebrate the life of the godfather of soul, Mr. James Brown. ALL MUSIC HISTORY TODAY  PODCAST NETWORK LINKS - https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

On today's show, the legend of Keith Moon continues, Bing Crosby signals the end of a war, & Led Zeppelin breaks a record. ALL MUSIC HISTORY TODAY  PODCAST NETWORK LINKS - https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

It's legend time again around here at the LIFERS podcast. Of all the bands to emerge from the punk explosion of the late ‘70s, few were as adept at fusing melody and fury in quite the same way that the great Stiff Little Fingers were. Seminal in every way, SLF would go on to influence Naked Raygun, Green Day, and pretty much every punk band that ever cared to carry a tune. This week we welcome the voice of that band —a one Mr. Jake Burns— to tell us about growing up in Belfast, seeing Rory Gallagher on TV, soccer, getting a call from Pete Townsend, touring with the Tom Robinson Band, Eric Clapton and Rock Against Racism, soccer, KT's Kids, Sir Kenny Branagh, moving to Chicago, moving to West Virginia, soccer, and how to cut down on touring without quitting.

Being the further adventures of English musician broadcaster and LGTBQ activist TOM ROBINSON, as he gets deeply involved in the gay counterculture of London in the '70s whilst on his journey to having a huge hit with the song 2-4-6-8 Motorway We hear about the genesis of another hit - (Sing if You're)Glad to Be Gay - a remarkable, unprecedented protest song that climbed into public consciousness in the late 70s (despite the best efforts of some in the establshment), and about Tom's later hit War Baby. We talk about the desperate times in between, about his activism - not only for the queer commmuity but as part of the Rock Against Racism movement - and how he had to face one his greatest challenges in coming out for a second time, risking the disapproval of the very community he had fought for for many years…   And we learn about Stonewall, the UK's 'Sus Law' and get some terriffic tips for songwriters aspiring stars..   For More on Tom For More on Glad to Be Gay #homosexuality #sex #suslaw #section28 #stonewall #glf #gayliberationfront #bisexuality #pride #pridemarch  #london #queer #gayliberation #quaker #sexuality #gay #tomrobinson #gladtobegay #suicide #counterculture #cafesociety #comingout #homesexuality #morality 

Steve Cook, a grand strategist, a conceptual thinker, and a creative rebel. Steve shares his incredible life story, from his childhood in London as a homeless punk, to his education in a radical art school, to his career in advertising, strategy, and social impact. Steve reveals how he overcame trauma, violence, and injustice, and how he developed his unique brain that sees patterns, links, and contexts in a broken society. Steve also talks about his passion for social justice, his vision for a democracy, and his advice for raising enthusiastic children. Steve and Matt have a fascinating and inspiring conversation that will challenge your assumptions, expand your horizons, and ignite your imagination.Chapters:00:00:00 - Introduction to Steve Cook: From Homeless Punk to Grand Strategist00:02:01 - Exploring London's Punk Scene: Steve's Early Life00:06:21 - Reflecting on Rock Against Racism and Social Activism00:09:25 - Journey to Radical Art School: Education and Creative Growth00:11:14 - Overcoming Trauma: Surviving a Devastating Car Crash00:15:26 - Breaking into the Advertising World: A Rebel's Perspective00:19:04 - Decoding Steve's Mind: Seeing Patterns in a Fractured World00:23:28 - Family Life: Raising Enthusiastic Children Amidst Challenges00:27:36 - Nurturing Creativity and Individuality in Kids00:30:37 - Challenging Societal Conformity: A Maverick's View00:33:48 - Recognizing Systemic Failures: A Strategist's Insight00:34:24 - Advocating for Social Justice and Democratic Change00:37:56 - Language as a Tool for Empowerment and Change00:44:15 - The Essence of Collaboration and Collective Creativity00:46:21 - Empowering Ordinary People to Drive Social Change00:52:59 - Influences of Literature and Music on Steve's Life00:54:38 - Embracing Eternal Optimism: Finding Hope in AdversityLinks And Resources:LinkedIn BlogThe Daunted on MediumThe Undaunted Recommended Books:Catch 22 by Joseph Heller Art of War by Sun TzuThanks so much for joining us this week. Want to subscribe to Eternal Optimist? Have some feedback you'd like to share? Connect with us on iTunes and leave us a review!

This week we have a reading of 'The Shell to Sea Campaign and its Legacy' by campaigner, freelance journalist and photographer William Hederman. William takes us through the history of the Sheel to Sea campaign and draws a thread between this campaign and its successes and what we can learn from the campaign today. ---- Rupture Issue 10 out - The theme of the issue is AN IRELAND FOR ALL and features articles on the causes of the rise of a far-right in Ireland, lessons from Sweden, Germany and the Rock Against Racism movement of the 80s and more . If you would like to subscribe to the magazine go to ⁠https://rupture.ie/subscribe⁠ --- Rupture Radio is a weekly podcast looking at news, politics and culture from a socialist perspective. It is produced by members of the RISE network within People before Profit, and is linked to Rupture - Ireland's Eco-Socialist Magazine. Check out the magazine at ⁠rupture.ie ⁠ Anyone who would like to support the podcast can do so on our Patreon. Sign up today at ⁠https://www.patreon.com/ruptureradio⁠ Any comments or queries please send them to LeftInsidePod@gmail.com or get in touch on ⁠Twitter⁠. See you next week, cheers! Social media: Rupture Radio ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureRadio_⁠ Rupture Magazine ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureMag --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message

On this Joe Keithley (Joey “Shithead”) Interview: How Joe went from playing Pete Seeger & Woody Guthrie folk songs to cranking out fast-paced hardcore… Story behind his first Greenpeace march, the hostility of most clubs early on in D.O.A.'s career, booking a European tour by snail mail (100% true!), breaking wide open in San Francisco, Rock Against Racism, how hardcore has changed, playing with Pete Seeger, standing up for human rights and getting acknowledged for it, politically… his persistence and determination to get elected to political office, not letting defeat after defeat hold him back… his greatest political accomplishments (VERY COOL), the origins of his work ethic, his favorite guitars, top 3 Desert Island Discs (you'll NEVER guess!), best lessons he's learned from getting older, toughest decisions he's had to make, and why in the end… he's a pretty lucky guy!  GREAT hang, super cool conversation with a really interesting and intelligent guy, who happens to be a musical legend! Discover How to Get Your Music Licensed & Placed in TV, Movies, Video Games & Streaming Services: https://MusicReboot.com Support this show: https://www.everyonelovesguitar.com/support   Joe Keithley is the leader, lead guitarist, and vocalist of Canada's legendary political punk band D.O.A. D.O.A is often referred to as one of the "founders" of hardcore punk, along with bands like Black Flag, Dead Kennedys, Bad Brains and a few others. Over the last 40 years, D.O.A. has released 16 LPs, sold a million records and played over 4,000 shows on five different continents. Joe is also a solo artist and his latest LP, just released, is called Stand Joe's been an activist since he was 16 years old. He's stood up for causes like police brutality, sexism, warmongering, racism, the environment, first nations, unions and many other causes, by organizing and playing at well over 300 benefit concerts. Joe's also authored two books, “I Shithead, A Life in Punk” and “Talk - Action = 0” In 2018, Joe was elected the city councillor in Burnaby, Canada which is just outside of Vancouver, and was re-elected in October 2022. Joe is also a member of the Canadian Independent Music Hall of Fame & he the owner of Sudden Death Records (SuddenDeath.com) Subscribe & Website:  https://www.everyonelovesguitar.com/subscribe Cool Guitar, Music & ELG T-Shirts!: https://www.GuitarMerch.com

Missed the live talk on November 7th in Dublin? No worries – we've got you covered! Join us this week for an exclusive recap of the engaging discussion with esteemed historian and author Paul Le Blanc. Delve into the insights from his latest book, "Lenin: Responding to Catastrophe, Forging Revolution." Le Blanc, a distinguished scholar in socialist and Marxist history, provides unique perspectives on Lenin's leadership during a time of crisis. How did Lenin navigate the challenges of his era, and what lessons can we draw from his experiences? You can purchase a copy of Le Blanc's book from Pluto Press here ---- Rupture Issue 10 out - The theme of the issue is AN IRELAND FOR ALL and features articles on the causes of the rise of a far-right in Ireland, lessons from Sweden, Germany and the Rock Against Racism movement of the 80s and more . If you would like to subscribe to the  magazine go to ⁠https://rupture.ie/subscribe⁠ --- Rupture Radio is a weekly podcast looking at news, politics and culture from a socialist perspective. It is produced by members of the RISE network within People before Profit, and is linked to Rupture - Ireland's Eco-Socialist Magazine. Check out the magazine at ⁠rupture.ie ⁠ Anyone who would like to support the podcast can do so on our Patreon. Sign up today at ⁠https://www.patreon.com/ruptureradio⁠ Any comments or queries please send them to LeftInsidePod@gmail.com or get in touch on ⁠Twitter⁠. See you next week, cheers! Social media: Rupture Radio ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureRadio_⁠ Rupture Magazine ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureMag_ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message

In this episode we feature a reading of the article "Should we ally with 'green capitalists'? No'" by RISE member Diana O' Dwyer in which she explores the current climate crisis and the dilemma faced by socialists over whether or not to support reforms driven by capitalists in the fight against climate change, or is this a short sighted strategy that compromises long term goals for short term gains? This article argues against such allyship, focusing on capitalisms inherent inability to deal with the climate crisis. Instead we should be fighting for an alternate, eco-socialist strategy built on uniting the transformative power of the global working class and the importance of uniting various movements for environmental, economic and social justice change. ----- The article can be read in full here You can Read John Barry's counter-arguement 'Maybe' here This article originally appeared in issue 3 of Rupture which can be purchased here ----- Rupture Issue 10 out - The theme of the issue is AN IRELAND FOR ALL and features articles on the causes of the rise of a far-right in Ireland, lessons from Sweden, Germany and the Rock Against Racism movement of the 80s and more . If you would like to subscribe to the  magazine go to ⁠https://rupture.ie/subscribe⁠ --- Rupture Radio is a weekly podcast looking at news, politics and culture from a socialist perspective. It is produced by members of the RISE network within People before Profit, and is linked to Rupture - Ireland's Eco-Socialist Magazine. Check out the magazine at ⁠rupture.ie ⁠ Anyone who would like to support the podcast can do so on our Patreon. Sign up today at ⁠https://www.patreon.com/ruptureradio⁠ Any comments or queries please send them to LeftInsidePod@gmail.com or get in touch on ⁠Twitter⁠. See you next week, cheers! Social media: Rupture Radio ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureRadio_⁠ Rupture Magazine ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureMag_ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message

Lloyd James in conversation with David Eastaugh English punk rock band formed in 1977. An openly left-wing and anti-fascist band, they performed at rallies for Rock Against Racism and the Anti-Nazi League, and at Right to Work marches. https://naevus.bandcamp.com/ Naevus is a British experimental rock group. Formed in London in 1998 by Lloyd James (vocals, acoustic guitar) and Joanne Owen (bass, accordion), Naevus were often categorised as part of the ‘neo-folk' genre. Their music has also drawn comparison with acts such as Swans and Wire, and often includes elements of industrial music. 

On this episode of rupture radio we're joined by Madeleine Johansson to discuss her article in rupture issue 10 about the rise of the far right in Sweden and what we in Ireland can learn from this troubling development Madeleine is an activist, author and councilor for People Before Profit She is a member of the Red network and has recently published a new book 'Reform or revolution: Sweden, socialism and the welfare state' which you can purchase here You can also check out the red network podcast here Madeleine's social media: Twitter Facebook Rupture Issue 10 out - The theme of the issue is AN IRELAND FOR ALL and features articles on the causes of the rise of a far-right in Ireland, lessons from Sweden, Germany and the Rock Against Racism movement of the 80s and more . If you would like to subscribe to the magazine go to Subscribe — Rupture Rupture Radio is a weekly podcast looking at news, politics and culture from a socialist perspective. It is produced by members of the RISE network within People before Profit, and is linked to Rupture - Ireland's Eco-Socialist Magazine. Check out the magazine at Rupture.ie Anyone who would like to support the podcast can do so on our Patreon. Sign up today at Patreon Any comments or queries please send them to LeftInsidePod@gmail.com or get in touch on twitter See you next week, cheers! Social media: Rupture Radio https://twitter.com/RuptureRadio_ Rupture Magazine https://twitter.com/RuptureMag_ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message

We're back, baby. This week we have a full panel to unspin the news. We have Paul Murphy, Nicole McCarthy, Kay Keane and Rupture editor Cian Prendiville to discuss the news of the week. The topics this week include: Israels war on Gaza, the Irish governments damp squib of a budget for 2024 and a short snippet about the recent congress of Brazil's broad ecosocialist party PSOL. Read more on these topics here: https://rupture.ie/articles/palestinian-people-have-a-right-to-resist-the-occupation-irish-politician-cuts-through-israeli-spin https://rupture.ie/articles/budget-2024-five-things-the-government-hope-you-didnt-notice https://rupture.ie/articles/psol-conference-review ----- Rupture Issue 10 out - The theme of the issue is AN IRELAND FOR ALL and features articles on the causes of the rise of a far-right in Ireland, lessons from Sweden, Germany and the Rock Against Racism movement of the 80s and more . If you would like to subscribe to the  magazine go to ⁠https://rupture.ie/subscribe⁠ --- Rupture Radio is a weekly podcast looking at news, politics and culture from a socialist perspective. It is produced by members of the RISE network within People before Profit, and is linked to Rupture - Ireland's Eco-Socialist Magazine. Check out the magazine at ⁠rupture.ie ⁠ Anyone who would like to support the podcast can do so on our Patreon. Sign up today at ⁠https://www.patreon.com/ruptureradio⁠ Any comments or queries please send them to LeftInsidePod@gmail.com or get in touch on ⁠Twitter⁠. See you next week, cheers! Social media: Rupture Radio ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureRadio_⁠ Rupture Magazine ⁠https://twitter.com/RuptureMag_ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ruptureradio/message

On this episode of The Adventures of Pipeman, we're joined by special guest Kristen Van Cott from Rock Against Racism at Aftershock. Rock Against Racism was revamped 20 years after the tragic death of George Floyd, collaborating with visual and audio artists to spread their message. Pipeman speaks on the ongoing hate through racism and antisemitism that is still prevalent in most of our communes today. The pair discusses how hate and racism are taught traits and how children do not judge based on prejudice until they are taught to hate. You can help out the organization by following along their Instagram @RockAgainstRacism and donating at RockAgainstRacism.com!Take some zany and serious journeys with The Pipeman aka Dean K. Piper, CST on The Adventures of Pipeman also known as Pipeman Radio syndicated globally “Where Who Knows And Anything Goes”. Listen to & Watch a show dedicated to motivation, business, empowerment, inspiration, music, comedy, celebrities, shock jock radio, various topics, and entertainment. The Adventures of Pipeman is hosted by Dean K. Piper, CST aka “The Pipeman” who has been said to be hybrid of Tony Robbins, Batman, and Howard Stern. The Adventures of Pipeman has received many awards, media features, and has been ranked for multiple categories as one of the Top 6 Live Radio Shows & Podcasts in the world. Pipeman Radio also consists of multiple podcasts showing the many sides of Pipeman. These include The Adventures of Pipeman, Pipeman in the Pit, and Positively Pipeman and more. You can find all of the Pipeman Podcasts anywhere you listen to podcasts. With thousands of episodes that focus on Intertainment which combines information and entertainment there is something for everyone including over 5000 interviews with celebrities, music artists/bands, authors, speakers, coaches, entrepreneurs, and all kinds of professionals.Then there is The Pipeman Radio Tour where Pipeman travels the country and world doing press coverage for Major Business Events, Conferences, Conventions, Music Festivals, Concerts, Award Shows, and Red Carpets. One of the top publicists in music has named Pipeman the “King of All Festivals.” So join the Pipeman as he brings “The Pipeman Radio Tour” to life right before your ears and eyes.The Adventures of Pipeman Podcasts are heard on The Adventures of Pipeman Site, Pipeman Radio, Talk 4 Media, Talk 4 Podcasting, iHeartRadio, Pandora, Amazon Music, Audible, Spotify, Apple Podcast, Google Podcasts and over 100 other podcast outlets where you listen to Podcasts. The following are the different podcasts to check out and subscribe to:• The Adventures of Pipeman• Pipeman Radio• Pipeman in the Pit• Positively PipemanFollow @pipemanradio on all social media outletsVisit Pipeman Radio on the Web at linktr.ee/pipemanradio , theadventuresofpipeman.com, pipemanradio.com, talk4media.com, w4cy.com, talk4tv.com, talk4podcasting.comDownload The Pipeman Radio APPPhone/Text Contact – 561-506-4031Email Contact – dean@talk4media.com The Adventures of Pipeman is broadcast live daily at 8AM ET.The Adventures of Pipeman TV Show is viewed on Talk 4 TV (www.talk4tv.com).The Adventures of Pipeman Radio Show is broadcast on W4CY Radio (www.w4cy.com) and K4HD Radio (www.k4hd.com – Hollywood Talk Radio part of Talk 4 Radio (www.talk4radio.com) on the Talk 4 Media Network (www.talk4media.com). The Adventures of Pipeman Podcast is also available on www.theadventuresofpipeman.com and www.pipemanradio.com Talk 4 Media (www.talk4media.com), Talk 4 Podcasting (www.talk4podcasting.com), iHeartRadio, Amazon Music, Pandora, Spotify, Audible, and over 100 other podcast outlets.

On this episode of The Adventures of Pipeman, we're joined by special guest Kristen Van Cott from Rock Against Racism at Aftershock. Rock Against Racism was revamped 20 years after the tragic death of George Floyd, collaborating with visual and audio artists to spread their message. Pipeman speaks on the ongoing hate through racism and antisemitism that is still prevalent in most of our communes today. The pair discusses how hate and racism are taught traits and how children do not judge based on prejudice until they are taught to hate. You can help out the organization by following along their Instagram @RockAgainstRacism and donating at RockAgainstRacism.com!Pipeman in the Pit is a music and interview segment of The Adventures of Pipeman Radio Show (#pipemanradio) and from The King of All Festivals while on The Pipeman Radio Tour. Pipeman in the Pit features all kinds of music and interviews with bands & music artists especially in the genres of Heavy Metal, Rock, Hard Rock, Classic Rock, Punk Rock, Goth, Industrial, Alternative, Thrash Metal & Indie Music. Pipeman in the Pit also features press coverage of events, concerts, & music festivals. Pipeman Productions is an artist management company that sponsors the show introducing new local & national talent showcasing new artists & indie artists.Then there is The Pipeman Radio Tour where Pipeman travels the country and world doing press coverage for Major Business Events, Conferences, Conventions, Music Festivals, Concerts, Award Shows, and Red Carpets. One of the top publicists in music has named Pipeman the “King of All Festivals.” So join the Pipeman as he brings “The Pipeman Radio Tour” to life right before your ears and eyes.Pipeman in the Pit Podcasts are heard on Pipeman Radio, Talk 4 Media, Talk 4 Podcasting, iHeartRadio, Pandora, Amazon Music, Audible, Spotify, Apple Podcast, Google Podcasts and over 100 other podcast outlets where you listen to Podcasts. The following are the different podcasts to check out and subscribe to:•The Adventures of Pipeman•Pipeman Radio•Pipeman in the Pit•Positively PipemanFollow @pipemanradio on all social media outletsVisit Pipeman Radio on the Web at linktr.ee/pipemanradio, theadventuresofpipeman.com, pipemanradio.com, talk4media.com, w4cy.com, talk4tv.com, talk4podcasting.comDownload The Pipeman Radio APPPhone/Text Contact – 561-506-4031Email Contact – dean@talk4media.com The Adventures of Pipeman is broadcast live daily at 8AM ET.The Adventures of Pipeman TV Show is viewed on Talk 4 TV (www.talk4tv.com).The Adventures of Pipeman Radio Show is broadcast on W4CY Radio (www.w4cy.com) and K4HD Radio (www.k4hd.com) – Hollywood Talk Radio part of Talk 4 Radio (www.talk4radio.com) on the Talk 4 Media Network (www.talk4media.com). Pipeman in the Pit Podcasts are also available on Pipeman Radio (www.pipemanradio.com), Talk 4 Media (www.talk4media.com), Talk 4 Podcasting (www.talk4podcasting.com), iHeartRadio, Amazon Music, Pandora, Spotify, Audible, and over 100 other podcast outlets.

On the August 29 edition of the Music History Today podcast, Rock Against Racism is formed, George joins the Quarrymen, and we've got a lust for life. Plus, there are some huge birthdays, including Bird, Dinah, and the King of Pop. ALL MY MUSIC HISTORY TODAY PODCAST LINKS - https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday CHECK OUT MY OTHER PODCAST, THE MUSIC HALLS OF FAME PODCAST: LINKS - https://allmylinks.com/musichallsoffamepodcast --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

I'm very grateful to Ieuan Franklin - lecturer in History and Politics at Bournemouth University - for joining me on this one. In this episode, we talk about the Rock Against Racism movement of the late 1970s. What was the National Front and why did its followers join it?How did Rock Against Racism get started and challenge the National Front's rhetoric of intolerance and exclusion? And finally, what have been the enduring legacies of the movement?We discuss all this and more (whilst also dropping in some late 70s punk and reggae music recommendations to add to your playlist!)Suggestions for further watching and reading:White Riot: https://player.bfi.org.uk/rentals/film/watch-white-riot-2019-onlineHuddle R. & Saunders, R. (2021). Reminiscences of RAR: Rock Against Racism (1976-1982), BookmarksRachel, D. (2016). Walls Come Tumbling Down: The Music and Politics of Rock Against Racism, 2 Tone and Red Wedge, Publisher.Renton, D. (2018). Never Again: Rock Against Racism and the Anti-Nazi League 1976-1982 (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315145037

Owen Blackhurst, Seb White, James Bird, and Tommy Stewart catch up this week to talk about mad Mexican shirts, Brave Crabs, lucha libre, Leyton Orient, dead foxes, Walton & Hersham, Sham 69, Rock Against Racism, Ravel Morrison, Atlas F.C., Wayne Rooney, BC & AD, Ronnie Whelan, garden sheds, Ray Houghton, Diego Armando Maradona at White Hart Lane, Canadian radio appearances, Martyn Tyler, being back in the skips, Alessandro Del Piero as you've never seen him before, embracing the mundane and doing nothing.Subscribe to CLUB MUNDIAL nowhttps://mundialmag.coSign up for the Newsletterhttps://mundialmag.co/newsletterFollow MUNDIAL on Twitter - @mundialmagFollow MUNDIAL on Instagram - @mundialmag Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Hillary and Tina cover the death of Lin Newborn and Daniel Shersty and the Punk Rock Movement. The Punk Rock Movement was born from the working-class spirit of rebellion. BUT it stood firmly opposed to other punks who embraced white supremacist ideologies Sources Hillary's Story BFI The punks that took on prejudice: White Riot and the 1970s Rock Against Racism movement (https://www.bfi.org.uk/features/white-riot-rock-against-racism)--by Stephanie Phillips Equality-Empowerment PUNK AS AN ANTI-RACIST CULTURAL POLICY (https://www.equality-empowerment.com/post/punk-as-an-anti-racist-cultural-policy) GQ Nazi Punks Fk Off: How Black Flag, Bad Brains, and More Took Back Their Scene from White Supremacists (https://www.gq.com/story/punks-and-nazis-oral-history)--Steve Knopper LA Public Library @thelindalindas video performance--via Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/p/CPExF-YrYl5/?utm_source=ig_embed&ig_rid=ac353c4a-0ab4-483e-bb87-d4b7515a437b) Las Vegas Review-Journal Woman gets 15-year federal prison term in skinhead murder case- (https://www.reviewjournal.com/local/local-las-vegas/woman-gets-15-year-federal-prison-term-in-skinhead-murder-case/)-by Jeff German Las Vegas Sun Neo-Nazi charged in slaying of anti-racist activists (https://lasvegassun.com/news/2000/nov/24/neo-nazi-charged-in-slaying-of-anti-racist-activis/)--by Kim Smith Plea deal reveals new details in 1998 slayings of anti-racism activists (https://lasvegassun.com/news/2014/may/23/plea-deal-reveals-new-details-1998-slayings-anti-r/)--by Bethany Barnes Office of Public Affairs Three Individuals Charged with 1998 Racially-Motivated Murders of Two Men in Las Vegas (https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/three-individuals-charged-1998-racially-motivated-murders-two-men-las-vegas) Orlando Weekly Death in the desert (https://www.orlandoweekly.com/news/death-in-the-desert-2263332)--by Lynda Edwards Pitchfork A History of Anti-Fascist Punk Around the World in 9 Songs (https://pitchfork.com/thepitch/1460-a-history-of-anti-fascist-punk-around-the-world-in-9-songs/)--by Jes Skolnik Rolling Stone ‘White Riot': When Punk Rock Fought the Nazis and Won (https://www.rollingstone.com/tv-movies/tv-movie-reviews/white-riot-movie-review-rock-against-racism-1074089/)--by David Fear Wikipedia Daniel Shersty (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_Shersty) Lin Newborn (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lin_Newborn) Rock Against Racism (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rock_Against_Racism) Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Skinheads_Against_Racial_Prejudice) Photos Lin Newborn (https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a4/Lin_%22Spit%22_Newborn_%28R.I.P.%29.jpg)--by Gandhi Jones via Public Domain Daniel Shersty (https://www.reviewjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/web1_daniel-shersty_15.jpg?h=560)--courtesy of Mary Ann Clate via Review Journal Rock Against Racism (https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e1/Rock_Against_Racism_1978.jpg/1920px-Rock_Against_Racism_1978.jpg)--by Sarah Wyld CC BY SA 3.0 via Wikipedia The Clash on stage at Carnival Against Racism in 1978 (https://core-cms.bfi.org.uk/sites/default/files/styles/responsive/public/1440/0/0/2020-08/white-riot-2019-the-clash-on-stage_1.jpg)--by Syd Shelton via BFI

45 years ago, tens of thousands of people marched through London for the Rock Against Racism concert featuring some of the biggest names in music at the time. Matt speaks to organiser Roger Huddle, singer-songwriter Tom Robinson, and Billy Bragg who was in the crowd.Plus: Columnists James Marriott and Jenni Russell discuss the resignation of BBC chairman Richard Sharp, gambling reforms targetted at young people and the return of Grange Hill. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode we welcome author and Guardian journalist Andy Beckett to RBP's Hammersmith HQ and ask him to discuss politics and pop from the late '70s to the present day. Andy talks about his first musical passions as a teenager in the early '80s, as well as about Rock Against Racism, Red Wedge and the politicised postpunk era in general. He recalls his first pieces for The Independent in the early '90s and explains how his broader interest in popular culture informs his perspective as an op-ed columnist and the author of When the Lights Went Out and Promised You a Miracle. In a week that saw Finland joining NATO and the indictment of Donald Trump, we ask what musicians can and can't do to change the world. The imminent new album from proto-Woke duo Everything But The Girl gives us an opportunity to address the enduring political ideals of Ben Watt and Tracey Thorn, plus we travel back to 1981 via clips from an audio interview with The Beat's David Steele and Ranking Roger, who talk to John Tobler about youth unemployment and the menace of nuclear weapons. After we've paid our respects to departed legends Seymour Stein and Ryuichi Sakamoto, Mark talks us through his new additions to the RBP library, including pieces about the Beatles' Sgt. Pepper, Joan Armatrading, Talking Heads and Sun Ra. Jasper then wraps up the episode with his thoughts on a 2002 live review of Queens of the Stone Age and a 2015 piece exploring the influence of Spaghetti Westerns on reggae. Many thanks to special guest Andy Beckett. Pieces discussed: Andy Beckett on Dylan, on Simon Reynolds' Rip It Up, on The Face, Everything But The Girl, Peter Paul and Mary, War Between the Generations, Enoch Clapton, Red Wedge, Where are the political pop stars?, The Beat audio, Ryuichi Sakamoto, Seymour Stein, Sgt. Pepper, Joan Armatrading, Talking Heads, Sun Ra, Queens of the Stone Age and dub spaghetti. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Chicago would become a major ska town in the 90s as the home of Jump Up Records, Slapstick, and Fireside Bowl. But before any of this took off, there was Heavy Manners, a Chicago ska/reggae band that formed in 1980. Within a few years, Heavy Manners were the biggest band (of any genre) in town, but they weren't able to create the same kind of passionate following outside of Chicago. So, in 1984, they threw in the towel. Today we speak to Heavy Manners lead singer Kate Fagan. Before forming the band, she released the underground hit single, "I Don't Wanna Be Too Cool," which has become a sought-after punk collector's item. On Feb 24, 2023, Captured Tracks Records put out a long-awaited reissue of "I Don't Wanna Be Too Cool," along with several previously unreleased Kate Fagan tracks.We talked about Heavy Manners and Kate's work with Rock Against Racism in Chicago. (She once booked Patti Smith at an event!). We talk about Heavy Manners getting to open for The Clash, The English Beat and Peter Tosh--they eventually cut some tracks with Tosh and Bob Marley's engineer Dennis Thompson. And we talk about some of Heavy Manners' famous fans like filmmaker John Hughes, actor John Cusack, and Ministry's frontman Al Jourgensen. We also talk about Chicago's overall music scene in the 70s and 80s, Kate's musical, The Kissing Concept, and discuss some great non-religious Christmas songs. Lots of opinions!  Support the show

In this episode we welcome author and Guardian journalist Andy Beckett to RBP's Hammersmith HQ and ask him to discuss politics and pop from the late '70s to the present day. Andy talks about his first musical passions as a teenager in the early '80s, as well as about Rock Against Racism, Red Wedge and the politicised postpunk era in general. He recalls his first pieces for The Independent in the early '90s and explains how his broader interest in popular culture informs his perspective as an op-ed columnist and the author of When the Lights Went Out and Promised You a Miracle. In a week that saw Finland joining NATO and the indictment of Donald Trump, we ask what musicians can and can't do to change the world. The imminent new album from proto-Woke duo Everything But The Girl gives us an opportunity to address the enduring political ideals of Ben Watt and Tracey Thorn, plus we travel back to 1981 via clips from an audio interview with The Beat's David Steele and Ranking Roger, who talk to John Tobler about youth unemployment and the menace of nuclear weapons. After we've paid our respects to departed legends Seymour Stein and Ryuichi Sakamoto, Mark talks us through his new additions to the RBP library, including pieces about the Beatles' Sgt. Pepper, Joan Armatrading, Talking Heads and Sun Ra. Jasper then wraps up the episode with his thoughts on a 2002 live review of Queens of the Stone Age and a 2015 piece exploring the influence of Spaghetti Westerns on reggae. Many thanks to special guest Andy Beckett. Pieces discussed: Andy Beckett on Dylan, on Simon Reynolds' Rip It Up, on The Face, Everything But The Girl, Peter Paul and Mary, War Between the Generations, Enoch Clapton, Red Wedge, Where are the political pop stars?, The Beat audio, Ryuichi Sakamoto, Seymour Stein, Sgt. Pepper, Joan Armatrading, Talking Heads, Sun Ra, Queens of the Stone Age and dub spaghetti.

On Episode 129 of The Paul Weller Fan Podcast, I am joined by another absolute legend in the music industry - Photographer, Virginia Turbett.The British rock music and social reportage photographer is best known for her photographs of bands, fans and street culture as she captured the music, the fans and fashion of the punk, heavy metal, mod, new romantic, reggae, 2-tone and electro pop scenes in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s.Her first photo assignment was the Sex Pistols shooting their Pretty Vacant video. She spent the next ten years photographing for Sounds, Smash Hits, The Face and ID magazines.Her work took her to the USA and Europe photographing for features on hundreds of bands and solo artists including The Jam, The Clash, Blondie, Iggy Pop, Prince, U2, Andy Warhol, Frank Zappa, Nick Cave, Depeche Mode, Madness, David Bowie and Duran Duran.Virginia also has a huge archive of social reportage work. She photographed people from many walks of life often in areas of the country suffering deprivation, unemployment and the impending end of industries that had sustained their communities eg. the closure of shipyards on the Clyde and the final days of Billingsgate Market. She covered many political events including Rock Against Racism, Anti Nazi League, Right to Work, demonstrations, marches, and conferences.Find out more in the show notes for this podcast on my website and if you want to support the podcast financially, you can buy me a virtual coffee at paulwellerfanpodcast.com/store Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this special about Black History Month, URN's The Pulse hosts an interview with Roger Huddle, one of the founding members of Rock Against Racism.

Emily T. Nielsen of Punk Rock & Paintbrushes + Cory Brennan of Rock Against Racism sat down with Joshua Toomey and the Talk Toomey podcast at Louder Than Life to talk about their respective endeavors. Emily details the art collective that is Punk Rock & Paintbrushes, how it travels globally around art galleries and the festival circuit, and its ties to non-profit organizations at each event, this weekend that organization being Cory's Rock Against Racism. Brennan discusses the movement's origins in the 1970s and how that and recent events in the world inspired him to relight the flame of the initiative back in 2020, and he explains how the organization aims to bring the community together in support of the cause. Emily goes on to outline how the two entities overlap and how Punk Rock & Paintbrushes begins working with artists and giving them a platform to display their work. To finish up, there's discussion on how the States' festival scene is blooming into more of a complete cultural display rather than just a collection of bands playing a show, and there's brief talk on the upcoming Knotfest South America events.https://www.punkrockart.com/https://rockagainstracism.com/ Subscribe to KNOTFEST YouTube for exclusive performances & in-depth interviews with the most exciting artists in aggressive music, deep dives into iconic artists' discography, and more. Website: http://www.knotfest.com​​​​​​​​ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/KNOTFEST​​​​ Twitter: https://twitter.com/KNOTFEST​​​​​​​​ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/knotfest​​#interview #louderthanlife #punkrock&paintbrushes #rockagainstracism

On this episode of The Adventures of Pipeman, Pipeman is joined by Emily from Punk Rock and Paintbrushes and Cory from Rock Against Racism live at Louder Than Life in Louisville, Kentucky! Emily and Cory speak about their Art Exhibit and how they're displaying the visual art of career musicians and their communities. Pipeman, Emily and Cory give us an insight into their Rock against Racism non-profit and how musicians have huge platforms that they can use to educate and spread positivity. Pipeman, Emily and Cory speak about how everyone becomes one big community and family at Louder than Life and how amazing that feels when you're there, present and in the moment with amazing music and amazing people. Emily shares some of the non-profit slogans and the artists who created them such as Embrace Difference and Stand for Unity! You can find Punk Rock and Paintbrushes on all social medias: www.instagram.com/punkrockandpaintbrushes/ Make sure to show your support by checking out their websites: www.punkrockart.com/merch/ and www.rockagainstracism.com Take some zany and serious journeys with The Pipeman aka Dean K. Piper, CST on The Adventures of Pipeman also known as Pipeman Radio syndicated globally “Where Who Knows And Anything Goes”. Listen to & Watch a show dedicated to motivation, business, empowerment, inspiration, music, comedy, celebrities, shock jock radio, various topics, and entertainment. The Adventures of Pipeman is hosted by Dean K. Piper, CST aka “The Pipeman” who has been said to be hybrid of Tony Robbins, Batman, and Howard Stern. The Adventures of Pipeman has received many awards, media features, and has been ranked for multiple categories as one of the Top 6 Live Radio Shows & Podcasts in the world. Pipeman Radio also consists of multiple podcasts showing the many sides of Pipeman. These include The Adventures of Pipeman, Pipeman in the Pit, and Positively Pipeman and more. You can find all of the Pipeman Podcasts anywhere you listen to podcasts. With thousands of episodes that focus on Intertainment which combines information and entertainment there is something for everyone including over 5000 interviews with celebrities, music artists/bands, authors, speakers, coaches, entrepreneurs, and all kinds of professionals.Then there is The Pipeman Radio Tour where Pipeman travels the country and world doing press coverage for Major Business Events, Conferences, Conventions, Music Festivals, Concerts, Award Shows, and Red Carpets. One of the top publicists in music has named Pipeman the “King of All Festivals.” So join the Pipeman as he brings “The Pipeman Radio Tour” to life right before your ears and eyes.The Adventures of Pipeman Podcasts are heard on The Adventures of Pipeman Site, Pipeman Radio, Talk 4 Media, Talk 4 Podcasting, iHeartRadio, Pandora, Amazon Music, Audible, Spotify, Apple Podcast, Google Podcasts and over 100 other podcast outlets where you listen to Podcasts. The following are the different podcasts to check out and subscribe to:• The Adventures of Pipeman• Pipeman Radio• Pipeman in the Pit• Positively PipemanFollow @pipemanradio on all social media outletsVisit Pipeman Radio on the Web at linktr.ee/pipemanradio, theadventuresofpipeman.com, pipemanradio.com, talk4media.com, w4cy.com, talk4tv.com, talk4podcasting.comDownload The Pipeman Radio APPPhone/Text Contact – 561-506-4031Email Contact – dean@talk4media.com The Adventures of Pipeman is broadcast live daily at 8AM ET.The Adventures of Pipeman TV Show is viewed on Talk 4 TV (www.talk4tv.com).The Adventures of Pipeman Radio Show is broadcast on W4CY Radio (www.w4cy.com) and K4HD Radio (www.k4hd.com) – Hollywood Talk Radio part of Talk 4 Radio (www.talk4radio.com) on the Talk 4 Media Network (www.talk4media.com). The Adventures of Pipeman Podcast is also available on www.theadventuresofpipeman.com, Talk 4 Media (www.talk4media.com), Talk 4 Podcasting (www.talk4podcasting.com), iHeartRadio, Amazon Music, Pandora, Spotify, Audible, and over 100 other podcast outlets.

On the August 29 edition of the Music History Today podcast, Rock Against Racism is formed, George joins the Quarrymen, and we've got a lust for life. Plus, there are some huge birthdays, including Bird, Dinah, and the King of Pop. ALL MY LINKS - https://allmylinks.com/musichistorytoday --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/musichistorytodaypodcast/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/musichistorytodaypodcast/support

Mike Isaacson: If your free speech requires an audience, might I suggest a therapist? [Theme song] Nazi SS UFOsLizards wearing human clothesHinduism's secret codesThese are nazi lies Race and IQ are in genesWarfare keeps the nation cleanWhiteness is an AIDS vaccineThese are nazi lies Hollow earth, white genocideMuslim's rampant femicideShooting suspects named Sam HydeHiter lived and no Jews died Army, navy, and the copsSecret service, special opsThey protect us, not sweatshopsThese are nazi lies Mike: Welcome once again to The Nazi Lies Podcast. I am joined by two historians today. With us is Evan Smith, lecturer at Flinders University in Adelaide, and David Renton, who taught at a number of universities in the UK and South Africa before leaving the academy to practice law, though he still finds time to research and write. Each of them has a book about today's topic: the free speech crisis. Dr. Smith's book, No Platform: A History of Anti-Fascism, Universities and the Limits of Free Speech, chronicles the No Platform policy of the National Union of Students in the UK from its foundation in 1974 to the present day. Dr. Renton's book, No Free Speech for Fascists: Exploring ‘No Platform' in History, Law and Politics, tells a much longer story of the interplay of radical leftist groups, organized fascists, and the state in shaping the UK's speech landscape and their significance in politics and law. Both are out from Routledge. I have absolutely no idea how we've managed to make the time zones work between the three of us, but welcome both of you to the podcast. Evan Smith: Thank you. David Renton: Thanks, Mike. Mike: So David, I want to start with you because your book goes all the way back to the 1640s to tell its history. So what made you start your story in the 1640s, and what did contention over speech look like before Fascism? David: Well, I wanted to start all that time back more than 300 years ago, because this is the moment when you first start to see something like the modern left and right emerge. You have in Britain, a party of order that supports the state and the king, but you also have a party which stands for more democracy and a more equal distribution of wealth. And essentially, from this point onwards in British, European, American politics, you see those same sites recreating themselves. And what happens again, and again, and again from that point onwards for hundreds of years until certainly say 50 years ago, you have essentially the people who are calling for free speech, whether that's the levellers in 1640s, Tom Paine 100 years later, J.S. Mill in the 19th Century. The left is always the people in favor of free speech. In terms of the right, if you want a kind of the first philosopher of conservatism, someone like Edmund Burke, he's not involved in the 1640s. He's a bit later, about a century and a half later. But you know, he supports conservatism. So what's his attitude towards free speech? It's really simple. He says, people who disagree with him should be jailed. There should be laws made to make it harder for them to have defenses. And more and more of them should be put in jail without even having a trial. That's the conservative position on free speech for centuries. And then what we get starting to happen in the late 20th century, something completely different which is a kind of overturning of what's been this huge, long history where it's always the left that's in favor of free speech, and it's always the right that's against it. Mike: Okay. Now, your contention is that before the appearance of Fascism, socialist radicals were solidly in favor of free speech for all. Fascism changed that, and Evan, maybe you can jump in here since this is where your book starts. What was new about Fascism that made socialists rethink their position on speech? Evan: So fascism was essentially anti-democratic and it was believed that nothing could be reasoned with because it was beyond the realms of reasonable, democratic politics. It was a violence, and the subjugation of its opponents was at the very core of fascism. And that the socialist left thought that fascism was a deeply violent movement that moved beyond the traditional realm of political discourse. So, there was no reasoning with fascists, you could only defeat them. Mike: So, let's start with David first, but I want to get both of you on this. What was the response to Fascism like before the end of World War II? David: Well, what you do is you get the left speaking out against fascism, hold demonstrations against fascism, and having to articulate a rationale of why they're against fascism. One of the things I quote in my book is a kind of famous exchange that takes place in 1937 when a poet named Nancy Cunard collected together the writers, intellectuals, and philosophers who she saw as the great inspiration to– the most important writers and so on that day. And she asked them what side they were taking on fascism. What's really interesting if you read their accounts, whether it's people like the poet W.H. Auden, novelist Gerald Bullitt, the philosopher C.E.M Joad, they all say they're against fascism, but they all put their arguments against fascism in terms of increased speech. So C.E.M Joad writes, "Fascism suppresses truth. That's why we're against fascism." Or the novelist Owen Jameson talks about fascism as a doctrine which exalts violence and uses incendiary bombs to fight ideas. So you get this thing within the left where people grasp that in order to fight off this violence and vicious enemy, they have to be opposed to it. And that means, for example, even to some extent making an exception to what's been for centuries this uniform left-wing notion: you have to protect everyone's free speech. Well people start grasping, we can't protect the fascist free speech, they're gonna use it to suppress us. So the Left makes an exception to what's been its absolute defense of free speech, but it makes this exception for the sake of protecting speech for everybody. Mike: Okay. Evan, do you want to add anything to the history of socialists and fascists before the end of World War Two? Evan: Yeah. So just kind of setting up a few things which will become important later on, and particularly because David and I are both historians of antifascism in Britain, is that there's several different ways in which antifascism emerges in the interwar period and several different tactics. One tactic is preventing fascists from marching from having a presence in public. So things like the Battle of Cable Street in 1936 is a very famous incident where the socialists and other protesters stopped the fascists from marching. There's also heckling and disrupting of fascist meetings. So this was big meetings like Olympia in June 1934, but then also smaller ones like individual fascist meetings around the country were disrupted by antifascists. There was also some that are on the left who also called for greater state intervention, usually in the form of labor councils not allowing fascists to congregate in public halls and stuff like that. So these kinds of arguments that fascism needs to be confronted, disrupted, obfuscated, starts to be developed in the 1930s. And it's where those kinds of free speech arguments emerge in the later period. Mike: Now immediately after the Second World War, fascist movements were shells of their former selves. They had almost no street presence and their organizations usually couldn't pull very many members. Still, the response to fascism when it did pop up was equally as vehement as when they organized into paramilitary formations with membership in the thousands. Something had qualitatively changed in the mind of the public regarding fascism. What did the immediate postwar response to public fascist speech look like, and what was the justification? Evan, let's start with you and then David you can add anything he misses. Evan: David probably could tell the story in a lot more detail. In the immediate post-war period in Britain, Oswald Mosley tries to revive the fascist movement under the title The Union Movement, but before that there's several kind of pro-fascist reading groups that emerge. And in response to this is kind of a disgust that fascists who had recently been imprisoned in Britain and their fellow travellers in the Nazis and the Italian Fascists and the continental fascists had been, you know, it ended in the Holocaust. There was this disgust that fascists could be organizing again in public in Britain, and that's where it mobilizes a new kind of generation of antifascists who are inspired by the 1930s to say "Never again, this won't happen on our streets." And the most important group and this is The 43 Group, which was a mixture of Jewish and communist radicals, which probably David can tell you a little bit about. David: I'd be happy to but I think before we get to 43 Group, it's kind of worth just pausing because the point Mike's left is kind of around the end of the Second World War. One thing which happens during the Second World War is of course Britain's at war with Germany. So what you start to get is Evan talked about how in the 1930s, you already have this argument like, “Should stopping fascism be something that's done by mass movements, or should it be done by the state?” In the Second World War the state has to confront that question, too, because it's got in fascism a homegrown enemy, and the British state looks at how all over Europe these states were toppled really quickly following fascist advance, and very often a pro-fascist powerful section of the ruling class had been the means by which an invading fascism then found some local ally that's enabled it to take over the state and hold the state. So the British state in 1940 actually takes a decision to intern Oswald Mosley and 800 or so of Britain's leading fascists who get jailed initially in prisons in London, then ultimately on the Isle of Man. Now, the reason why I'm going into this is because the first test of what the ordinary people in Britain think about the potential re-emergence of fascism comes even before the Second World War's ended. When Oswald Mosley is released from internment, he says he has conditioned phlebitis, he's very incapacitated, and is never going to be politically active again. And the British state buys this. And this creates–and an actual fact–the biggest single protest movement in Britain in the entire Second World War, where you get hundreds of people in certain factories going on strike against Oswald Mosley's release, and high hundreds of thousands of people signed petitions demanding that he's reinterned, and you start to get people having demonstrations saying Mosley ought to go back to jail. That kind of sets the whole context of what's going to happen after the end of the Second World War. Mosley comes out and he's terrified of public opinion; he's terrified about being seen in public. He's convinced that if you hold meetings you're going to see that cycle going on again. So for several years, the fascists barely dare hold public meetings, and they certainly don't dare hold meetings with Mosley speaking. They test the water a bit, and they have some things work for them. Evan's mentioned the 43 Group so I'll just say a couple sentences about them. The 43 Group are important in terms of what becomes later. They're not a vast number of people, but they have an absolute focus on closing down any fascist meeting. We're gonna hear later in this discussion about the phrase "No Platform" and where it comes from, but you know, in the 1940s when fascist wanted to hold meetings, the platform means literally getting together a paste table and standing on it, or standing on a tiny little ladder just to take you a couple of foot above the rest of your audience. The 43 Group specialize in a tactic which is literally knocking over those platforms. And because British fascism remained so isolated and unpopular in the aftermath of the Second World War, you know, there are 43 Group activists and organizers who look at London and say, "All right, if there going to be 12 or 13 public meetings in London this weekend, we know where they're going to be. If we can knock over every single one of those other platforms, then literally there'll be no fascists to have any chance to find an audience or put a public message in Britain." That's kind of before you get the term 'No Platform' but it's almost in essence the purest form of No Platforming. It's people being able to say, "If we get organized as a movement outside the state relying on ordinary people's opposition to fascism, we can close down every single example of fascist expression in the city and in this country." Mike: Okay. So through the 50's and 60's, there were two things happening simultaneously. On the one hand, there was the largely left wing student-led free speech movement. And on the other hand, there was a new generation of fascists who were rebuilding the fascist movement in a variety of ways. So let's start with the free speech movement. David, you deal with this more in your book. What spurred the free speech movement to happen? David: Yeah. Look in the 50s and 60s, the free speech movement is coming from the left. That's going to change, we know it's going to change like 20 or 30 years later, but up to this point we're still essentially in the same dance of forces that I outlined right at the start. That the left's in favor of free speech, the right is against it. And the right's closing down unwanted ideas and opinion. In the 50s and 60s, and I'm just going to focus on Britain and America, very often this took the form of either radicals doing some sort of peace organising–and obviously that cut against the whole basic structure of the Cold War–or it took the form of people who maybe not even necessarily radicals at all, just trying to raise understanding and consciousness about people's bodies and about sex. So for the Right, their counterattack was to label movements like for example in the early 60s on the campus of Berkeley, and then there's originally a kind of anti-war movement that very quickly just in order to have the right to organize, becomes free speech movements. And the Right then counter attacks against it saying, "Essentially, this is just a bunch of beats or kind of proto-hippies. And what they want to do is I want to get everyone interested in drugs, and they want to get everyone interested in sexuality, and they want everyone interested in all these sorts of things." So their counterattack, Reagan terms this, The Filthy Speech Movement. In the late 60s obviously in states, we have the trial of the Chicago 7, and here you have the Oz trial, which is when a group of radicals here, again that their point of view is very similar, kind of hippie-ish, anti-war milieu. But one thing is about their magazines, which again it seems very hard to imagine today but this is true, that part of the way that their their magazine sells is through essentially soft pornographic images. And there's this weird combination of soft porn together with far left politics. They'll get put on trial in the Oz trial and that's very plainly an attempt– our equivalent of the Chicago 7 to kind of close down radical speech and to get into the public mind this idea that the radicals are in favor of free speech, they're in favor of extreme left-wing politics, and they're in favor of obscenity, and all these things are somehow kind of the same thing. Now, the point I just wanted to end on is that all these big set piece trials–another one to use beforehand is the Lady Chatterley's Lover trial, the Oz trial, the Chicago 7 trial, all of these essentially end with the right losing the battle of ideas, not so much the far right but center right. And people just saying, "We pitched ourselves on the side of being against free speech, and this isn't working. If we're going to reinvent right-wing thought, make some center right-wing ideas desirable and acceptable in this new generation of people, whatever they are, then we can't keep on being the ones who are taking away people's funds, closing down ideas. We've got to let these radicals talk themselves out, and we've got to reposition ourselves as being, maybe reluctantly, but the right takes the decision off of this. The right has to be in favor of free speech too. Mike: All right. And also at this time, the far right was rebuilding. In the UK, they shifted their focus from overt antisemitism and fascism to nebulously populist anti-Black racism. The problem for them, of course, was that practically no one was fooled by this shift because it was all the same people. So, what was going on with the far right leading into the 70s? Evan, do you want to start? Evan: Yeah. So after Mosley is defeated in Britain by the 43 Group and the kind of antifascism after the war, he moves shortly to Ireland and then comes back to the UK. Interestingly, he uses universities and particularly debates with the Oxford Union, the Cambridge Union, and other kind of university societies, to find a new audience because they can't organize on the streets. So he uses–throughout the '50s and the '60s–these kind of university platforms to try and build a fascist movement. At the same time, there are people who were kind of also around in the '30s and the '40s who are moving to build a new fascist movement. It doesn't really get going into '67 when the National Front is formed from several different groups that come together, and they're really pushed into the popular consciousness because of Enoch Powell and his Rivers of Blood Speech. Enoch Powell was a Tory politician. He had been the Minister for Health in the Conservative government, and then in '68 he launches this Rivers of Blood Speech which is very much anti-immigration. This legitimizes a lot of anti-immigrationist attitudes, and part of that is that the National Front rides his coattails appealing to people who are conservatives but disaffected with the mainstream conservatism and what they saw as not being hard enough in immigration, and that they try to build off the support of the disaffected right; so, people who were supporting Enoch Powell, supporting the Monday Club which is another hard right faction in the conservatives. And in that period up until about the mid 1970s, that's the National Front's raison d'etre; it's about attracting anti-immigrationists, conservatives to build up the movement as an electoral force rather than a street force which comes later in the '70s. Mike: There was also the Apartheid movement, or the pro-Apartheid movement, that they were building on at this time as well, right? Evan: Yeah. So at this time there's apartheid in South Africa. In 1965, the Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia has a unilateral declaration of independence from Britain to maintain White minority rule. And a lot of these people who are around Powell, the Monday Club, the National Front, against decolonization more broadly, and also then support White minority rule in southern Africa. So a lot of these people end up vocalizing support for South Africa, vocalizing support for Rhodesia, and that kind of thing. And it's a mixture of anti-communism and opposition to multiracial democracy. That's another thing which they try to take on to campus in later years. Mike: So finally we get to No Platform. Now, Evan, you contend that No Platform was less than a new direction in antifascist politics than a formalization of tactics that had developed organically on the left. Can you talk a bit about that? Evan: Yeah, I'll give a quick, very brief, lead up to No Platform and to what's been happening in the late '60s. So Enoch Powell who we mentioned, he comes to try and speak on campus several times throughout the late 60s and early 70s. These are often disrupted by students that there's an argument that, "Why should Enoch Powell be allowed to come onto campus? We don't need people like that to be speaking." This happens in the late 60s. Then in '73, Hans Eysenck, who was a psychologist who was very vocal about the connection between race and IQ, he attempts to speak at the London School of Economics and his speech is disrupted by a small group of Maoists. And then also– Mike: And they physically disrupted that speech, right? That wasn't just– Evan: Yeah, they punched him and pushed him off stage and stuff like that. And a month later, Samuel Huntington who is well known now for being the Clash of Civilizations guy, he went to speak at Sussex University, and students occupied a lecture theater so he couldn't talk because they opposed his previous work with the Pentagon during the Vietnam War. This led to a moral panic beginning about the end of free speech on campus, that it's either kind of through sit-ins or through direct violence, but in the end students are intolerant. And that's happening in that five years before we get to No Platform. Mike: One thing I didn't get a good sense of from your books was what these socialist groups that were No Platforming fascists prior to the NUS policy stood for otherwise. Can we talk about the factionalization of the left in the UK in the 60s and 70s? David, maybe you can help us out on this one. David: Yeah, sure. The point to grasp, which is that the whole center of British discourse in the ‘70s was way to the left of where it is in Britain today, let alone anywhere else in the world. That from, say, ‘64 to ‘70, we had a Labour government, and around the Labour Party. We had really, really strong social movements. You know, we had something like roughly 50% of British workers were members of trade unions. We'll get on later to the Students Union, that again was a movement in which hundreds of thousands of people participated. Two particular groups that are going to be important for our discussion are the International Socialists and International Marxist Group, but maybe if I kind of go through the British left sort of by size starting from largest till we get down to them. So the largest wing we've got on the British left is Labour Party. This is a party with maybe about half a million members, but kind of 20 million affiliated members through trade unions, and it's gonna be in and out of government. Then you've got the Communist Party which is getting quite old as an organization and is obviously tied through Cold War politics to the Soviet Union. And then you get these smaller groups like the IS, the IMG. And they're Trotskyist groups so they're in the far left of labor politics as revolutionaries, but they have quite a significant social heft, much more so than the far left in Britain today because, for example, their members are involved in editing magazines like Oz. There is a moment where there's a relatively easy means for ideas to merge in the far left and then get transmitted to the Labour Party and potentially even to Labour ministers and into government. Mike: Okay, do you want to talk about the International Marxist Group and the International Socialists? Evan: Do you want me to do that or David? Mike: Yes, that'd be great. Evan: Okay. So as David mentioned, there's the Communist Party and then there's the International Socialists and the International Marxist Group. The International Marxist Group are kind of heavily based in the student movement. They're like the traditional student radicals. Tariq Ali is probably the most famous member at this stage. And they have this counter cultural attitude in a way. International Socialists are a different form of Trotskyism, and they're much more about, not so much interested in the student movement, but kind of like a rank and file trade unionism that kind of stuff, opposition to both capitalism and Soviet communism. And the IS, the IMG, and sections of the Communist Party all coalesce in the student movement, which forms the basis for pushing through a No Platform policy in the Nationalist Union of Students in 1974. Mike: Okay. So in 1974, the National Union of Students passes their No Platform policy. Now before we get into that, what is the National Union of Students? Because we don't have an analogue to that in the US. Evan, you want to tackle this one? Evan: Yeah. Basically, every university has a student union or a form of student union–some kind of student body–and the National Union of Students is the national organization, the peak body which organizes the student unions on all the various campuses around the country. Most of the student unions are affiliated to the NUS but some aren't. The NUS is a kind of democratic body and oversees student policy, but individual student unions can opt in or opt out of whether they follow NUS guidelines. And I think what needs to be understood is that the NUS was a massive organization back in those days. You know, hundreds of thousands of people via the student unions become members of the NUS. And as David was saying, the political discourse is much bigger in the '60s and '70s through bodies like this as well as things like the trade union movement. The student movement has engaged hundreds of thousands of students across Britain about these policies much more than we see anything post the 1970s. David: If I could just add a sentence or two there, that's all right. I mean, really to get a good sense of scale of this, if you look at, obviously you have the big set piece annual conventions or conferences of the National Union of Students. Actually, it doesn't even just have one a year, it has two a year. Of these two conferences, if you just think about when the delegates are being elected to them how much discussion is taking place in local universities. If you go back to some local university meetings, it's sometimes very common that you see votes of 300 students going one way, 400 another, 700 going one way in some of the larger universities. So there's an absolute ferment of discussion around these ideas. Which means that when there are set piece motions to pass, they have a democratic credibility. And they've had thousands of people debating and discussing them. It's not just like someone going on to one conference or getting something through narrowly on a show of hands. There's a feeling that these debates are the culmination of what's been a series of debates in each local university. And we've got over 100 of them in Britain. Mike: Okay, how much is the student union's presence felt on campus by the average student? Evan: That'd be massive. David: Should I do this? Because I'm a bit older than Evan and I went to university in the UK. And it's a system which is slowly being dismantled but when I was student, which is like 30 years ago, this was still largely in place. In almost every university, the exceptions are Oxford and Cambridge, but in every other university in Britain, almost all social activity takes place on a single site on campus. And that single site invariably is owned by the student's union. So your students union has a bar, has halls, it's where– They're the plumb venues on campus if you want to have speakers or if you want to have– Again, say when punk happened a couple of years later, loads and loads of the famous punk performances were taking place in the student union hall in different universities. One of the things we're going to get onto quite soon is the whole question of No Platform and what it meant to students. What I want to convey is that for loads of students having this discussion, when they're saying who should be allowed on campus or who shouldn't be allowed on campus, what's the limits? They feel they've got a say because there are a relatively small number of places where people will speak. Those places are controlled by the students' union. They're owned and run by the students' union. It's literally their buildings, their halls, they feel they've got a right to set who is allowed, who's actually chosen, and who also shouldn't be invited. Mike: Okay, cool. Thank you. Thank you for that. That's a lot more than I knew about student unions. Okay. Evan, this is the bread and butter of your book. How did No Platform come about in the NUS? Evan: So, what part of the fascist movement is doing, the far-right movement, is that it is starting to stray on campus. I talked about the major focus of the National Front is about appealing to disaffected Tories in this stage, but they are interfering in student affairs; they're disrupting student protests; they're trying to intimidate student politics. And in 1973, the National Front tried to set up students' association on several campuses in Britain And there's a concern about the fascist presence on campus. So those three left-wing groups– the IMG, the IS and the Communist Party–agree at the student union level that student unions should not allow fascists and racists to use student buildings, student services, clubs that are affiliated to the student union. They shouldn't be allowed to access these. And that's where they say about No Platform is that the student union should deny a platform to fascists and racists. And in 1974 when they put this policy to a vote and it's successful, they add, "We're going to fight them by any means necessary," because they've taken that inspiration from the antifascism of the '30s and '40s. Mike: Okay. Now opinion was clearly divided within the NUS. No Platform did not pass unanimously. So Evan, what was opinion like within the NUS regarding No Platform? Evan: Well, it passed, but there was opposition. There was opposition from the Federation of Conservative Students, but there was also opposition from other student unions who felt that No Platform was anti-free speech, so much so that in April 1974 it becomes policy, but in June 1974, they have to have another debate about whether this policy should go ahead. It wins again, but this is the same time as it happens on the same day that the police crackdown on anti-fascist demonstration in Red Lion Square in London. There's an argument that fascism is being propped up by the police and is a very real threat, so that we can't give any quarter to fascism. We need to build this No Platform policy because it is what's standing in between society and the violence of fascism. Mike: Okay. I do want to get into this issue of free speech because the US has a First Amendment which guarantees free speech, but that doesn't exist in Britain. So what basis is there for free speech in the law? I think, David, you could probably answer this best because you're a lawyer. David: [laughs] Thank you. In short, none. The basic difference between the UK and the US– Legally, we're both common law countries. But the thing that really changes in the US is this is then overlaid with the Constitution, which takes priority. So once something has been in the Constitution, that's it. It's part of your fundamental law, and the limits to it are going to be narrow. Obviously, there's a process. It's one of the things I do try and talk about in my book that the Supreme Court has to discover, has to find free speech in the American Constitution. Because again, up until the Second World War, essentially America has this in the Constitution, but it's not particularly seen as something that's important or significant or a key part of the Constitution. The whole awe and  mysticism of the First Amendment as a First Amendment is definitely something that's happened really in the last 40-50 years. Again, I don't want to go into this because it's not quite what you're getting at. But certainly, in the '20s for example, you get many of the big American decisions on free speech which shaped American law today. What everyone forgets is in every single one of them, the Supreme Court goes on to find some reason why free speech doesn't apply. So then it becomes this doctrine which is tremendously important to be ushered out and for lip service be given to, just vast chunks of people, communists, people who are in favor of encouraging abortion, contraception, whatever, they're obviously outside free speech, and you have to come up with some sophisticated justifications for that. In Britain, we don't have a constitution. We don't have laws with that primary significance. We do kind of have a weak free speech tradition, and that's kind of important for some things like there's a European Convention on Human Rights that's largely drafted by British lawyers and that tries to create in Articles 10 and 11 a general support on free speech. So they think there are things in English legal tradition, in our common law tradition, which encourage free speech.  But if we've got it as a core principle of the UK law today, we've got it because of things like that like the European Convention on Human Rights. We haven't got it because at any point in the last 30, or 50, or 70 or 100 years, British judges or politicians thought this was a really essential principle of law. We're getting it these days but largely by importing it from the United States, and that means we're importing the worst ideological version of free speech rather than what free speech ought to be, which is actually protecting the rights of most people to speak. And if you've got some exceptions, some really worked out well thought exceptions for coherent and rational reasons. That's not what we've got now in Britain, and it's not what we've really ever had. Mike: Evan, you do a good job of documenting how No Platform was applied. The experience appears to be far from uniform. Let's talk about that a little bit. Evan: Yeah, so there's like a debate happening about who No Platform should be applied to because it states– The official policy is that No Platform for racists and fascists, and there's a debate of who is a racist enough to be denied a platform. There's agreement so a group like the National Front is definitely to be No Platform. Then there's a gray area about the Monday Club. The Monday Club is a hard right faction within the conservatives. But there's a transmission of people and ideas between National Front and the Monday Club. Then there's government ministers because the British immigration system is a racist system. The Home Office is seen as a racist institution. So there's a debate of whether government politicians should be allowed to have a platform because they uphold institutional racism. We see this at different stages is that a person from the Monday Club tries to speak at Oxford and is chased out of the building. Keith Joseph, who's one of the proto-Thatcherites in the Conservative Party, comes to speak at LSE in the 1977-78 and that there is a push to say that he can't be allowed to speak because of the Conservative Party's immigration policies and so forth like that. So throughout the '70s, there is a debate of the minimalist approach with a group like the International Socialists saying that no, outright fascists are the only ones to be No Platformed. Then IMG and other groups are saying, "Actually, what about the Monday Club? What about the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children? What about Conservative Ministers? Are these people, aren't they also sharing that kind of discriminatory agenda that shouldn't be allowed a platform?" Mike: Okay, and there were some objections within the National Union of Students to some applications of No Platform, right? Evan: Yeah, well, not so much in the '70s. But once you get into the '80s, there's a big push for it. But probably the biggest issue in the '70s is that the application of No Platform to pro-Israel groups and Jewish student groups. In 1975, there's a UN resolution that Zionism is a form of racism, and that several student groups say, "Well, pro-Israel groups are Zionists. If Zionism is a form of racism and No Platform should be applied to racists or fascists, shouldn't they the pro-Israel groups then be denied a platform? Should pro-Israel groups be disaffiliated from student unions, etc.?" Several student unions do this at the local level, but there's a backlash from the NUS at the national level so much so the NUS actually suspends No Platform for about six months. It is reintroduced with an explicit piece of it saying that if No Platform is reinstituted, it can't be applied to Zionists groups, to pro-Israel groups, to Jewish societies. But a reason that they can't, the NUS can't withhold No Platform as a policy in the late 1970s is because they've been playing catch up because by this time, the Anti-Nazi League, Rock Against Racism are major mass movements of people because the National Front is seen as a major problem, and the NUS has to have some kind of anti-Fascist, anti-racist response. They can't sit on their hands because they're going dragged along by the Anti-Nazi League. Mike: One thing that you talked about in your book, David, is that simultaneous to No Platform was this movement for hate speech prohibitions. Talk about how these movements differed. David: Well, I think the best way to convey it is if we go back to the motion that was actually passed at the National Union of Students spring conference in May '74. If you don't mind, I'll just begin by reading it out. Conference recognizes the need to refuse any assistance, financial or otherwise, to openly racist or fascist organizations or societies (e.g., Monday Club, National Front, Action Party, Union Movement, National Democratic Party) and to deny them a platform. What I want to try and convey is that when you think about how you got this coalition within the National Union of Students in support of that motion, there were like two or three different ideas being signaled in that one motion. And if you then apply them, particularly what's happening as we're talking 50 years later now, if you apply them through the subsequent 50 years of activism, they do point in quite different directions. To just start up, “conference recognizes the need to refuse any assistance” dadadada. What's really been good at here, I'm sure some of the people who passed No Platform promotion just had this idea, right? What we are, we're a movement of students' unions. We're a movement of buildings which are run by students and are for students. People have said to themselves, all this motion is really committing us to do is to say that we won't give any assistance to racist or fascist organizations. So what that means in practice is in our buildings, in our halls, we won't invite them in. Now, it may be that, say, the university will invite a conservative minister or the university will allow some far-right person to have a platform in election time. But the key idea, one key idea that's going on with this, just those things won't happen in our students' unions. They're our buildings; they're our halls. To use a term that hasn't really been coined yet, but this is in people's heads, is the idea of a safe space. It's just, student unions are our safe space. We don't need to worry about who exactly these terrible people are. Whoever and whatever they are, we don't want them on our patch. That's idea number one. Idea number two is that this is really about stopping fascists. It's not about any other form of discrimination. I'll come on to idea three in a moment. With idea three, this is about fascist organizations. You can see in a sense the motion is talking to people, people coming on and saying like I might not even be particularly left wing, but I don't like fascists. Evan talked about say for example, Zionist organizations. Could a Zionist organization, which is militantly antifascist, could they vote this motion? Yes. And how they'd sell it to themselves is this is only about fascism. So you can see this in the phrase, this is about refusing systems to “openly racist or fascist organizations,” and then look at the organizations which are listed: the National Front, well yeah, they're fascists; the Union Movement, yeah, they're fascists; the National Democratic Party, they're another little fascist splinter group.And then the only one there that isn't necessarily exactly fascist is the Monday Club who are a bunch of Tories who've been in the press constantly in the last two years when this motion is written for their alliance with National Front holding demonstrations and meetings together. So some people, this is just about protecting their space. Some people, this is about excluding fascists and no one else. But then look again at the motion, you'll see another word in there. “Conference recognizes the need to refuse any assistance to openly racist or fascist organizations.” So right from the start, there's a debate, what does this word racist mean in the motion? Now, one way you could read the motion is like this. From today, we can all see that groups like the National Front are fascists. Their leaders can spend most of the rest of the decade appearing constantly in literature produced by anti-fascist groups, identifying them as fascist, naming them as fascist, then we have to have a mass movement against fascism and nazism. But the point is in 1974, that hadn't happened yet. In most people's heads, groups like the National Front was still, the best way to describe them that no one could disagree to at least say they were openly racist. That was how they described themselves. So you could ban the National Front without needing to have a theological discussion about whether they fitted exactly within your definition of fascism. But the point I really want to convey is that the motion succeeds because it blurs the difference between saying anything can be banned because it's fascist specifically or anything can be banned because it's racist or fascist. This isn't immediately apparent in 1974, but what becomes pretty apparent over time is for example as Evan's documented already, even before 1974, there have been non-fascists, there have been conservatives going around student unions speaking in pretty racist terms. All right, so can they be banned? If the answer is this goes to racists or fascists, then definitely they can be banned. But now wait a second. Is there anyone else in British politics who's racist? Well, at this point, both main political parties are standing for election on platforms of excluding people from Britain effectively on the basis of the color of their skin. All right, so you can ban all the main political parties in Britain. All right, well, how about the newspapers? Well, every single newspaper in Britain, even the pro-Labour ones, is running front page articles supporting the British government. All right, so you could ban all newspapers in Britain. Well, how about the television channel? Well, we've only got three, but the best-selling comedies on all of them are comedies which make fun of people because they're foreigners and because they're Black. You can list them all. There's dozens of these horrible programs, which for most people in Britain now are unwatchable. But they're all of national culture in Britain in the early '70s. Alright, so you say, all right, so students we could ban every television channel in Britain, every newspaper in Britain, and every political party in Britain, except maybe one or two on the far left. It's like, wait a second people, I've only been doing racism. Well, let's take seriously the notion, if we're against all forms of racism, how can we be against racism without also being against sexism? Without being against homophobia? So the thing about No Platform is there's really only two ways you can read it in the end, and certainly once you apply it outside the 1970s today. Number one, you can say this is a relatively tightly drawn motion, which is trying to pin the blame on fascists as something which is growing tremendously fast in early 1970s and trying to keep them out. Maybe it'd be good to keep other people out too, but it's not trying to keep everyone out. Or you've got, what we're confronting today which is essentially this is an attempt to prevent students from suffering the misery, the hatred, the fury of hate speech. This is an attempt to keep all hate speech off campus, but with no definition or limit on hate speech. Acceptance of hate speech 50 years later might be much more widely understood than it is in early '70s. So you've got warring in this one motion two completely different notions of who it's right politically to refuse platforms to. That's going to get tested out in real life, but it's not been resolved by the 1974 motion, which in a sense looks both ways. Either the people want to keep the ban narrow or the people want to keep it broad, either of them can look at that motion and say yeah, this is the motion which gives the basis to what we're trying to do. Mike: Okay. I do want to get back to the notion of the maximalist versus the precisionist view of No Platform. But first before that, I want to talk about the Anti-Nazi League and Rock Against Racism to just get more of a broader context than just the students in Britain in terms of antifascism. David, do you want to talk about that? David: Okay. Well, I guess because another of my books is about Rock Against Racism and the Anti-Nazi League, so I'll try and do this really short. I'll make two points. First is that these movements which currently ended in the 1970s are really very large. They're probably one of the two largest street movements in post-war British history. The only other one that's candidate for that is the anti-war movement, whether that's in the '80s or the early 2000s. But they're on that same scale as amongst the largest mass movements in British history. In terms of Rock Against Racism, the Anti-Nazi League, the total number of people involved in them is massive; it's around half a million to a million people. They're single most famous events, two huge three carnivals in London in 1977, which each have hundreds of thousands of people attending them and bring together the most exciting bands. They are the likes of The Clash, etc, etc. It's a movement which involves people graffitiing against Nazis, painting out far-right graffiti. It's a movement which is expressed in streets in terms of set piece confrontations, clashes with far-right, Lewisham in ‘76, Southall in ‘79. These are just huge movements which involve a whole generation of people very much associated with the emergence of punk music and when for a period in time in Britain are against that kind of visceral street racism, which National Front represents. I should say that they have slightly different attitudes, each of them towards the issue of free speech, but there's a massive interchange of personnel. They're very large. The same organizations involved in each, and they include an older version of the same activist who you've seen in student union politics in '74 as were they you could say they graduate into involvement in the mass movements like Rock Against Racism and the Anti-Nazi League. Now, I want to say specifically about the Anti-Nazi League and free speech. The Anti-Nazi League takes from student politics this idea of No Platform and tries to base a whole mass movement around it. The idea is very simply, the National Front should not be allowed a platform to speak, to organize, to win converts anywhere. Probably with the Anti-Nazi League, the most important expressions of this is two things. Firstly, when the National Front tries to hold election meetings, which they do particularly in the run up to '79 election, and those are picketed, people demonstrated outside of them  A lot of them are the weekend in schools. One at Southall is in a town hall. These just lead to repeated clashes between the Anti-Nazi League and the National Front. The other thing which the Anti-Nazi League takes seriously is trying to organize workers into closing off opportunities for the National Front spread their propaganda. For example, their attempts to get postal workers to refuse to deliver election materials to the National Front. Or again, there's something which it's only possible to imagine in the '70s; you couldn't imagine it today. The National Front is entitled to election broadcasts because it's standing parliament. Then the technical workers at the main TV stations go on strike and refuse to let these broadcasts go out. So in all these ways, there's this idea around the Anti-Nazi League of No Platform. But No Platform is No Platform for fascists. It's the National Front should not get a chance to spread its election message. It's not yet that kind of broader notion of, in essence, anything which is hate speech is unacceptable. In a sense, it can't be. Because when you're talking about students' unions and their original No Platform motion and so forth, at the core of it is they're trying to control their own campuses. There's a notion of students' power. The Anti-Nazi League, it may be huge mass movement and may have hundreds of thousands people involved in it, but no one in Anti-Nazi League thinks that this organization represents such a large majority that they could literally control the content of every single TV station, the content of every single newspaper. You can try and drive the National Front out, but if people in that movement had said right, we actually want to literally carve out every expression of racism and every expression of sexism from society, that would have been a yet bigger task by another enormous degrees of scale. Mike: Okay, I do want to talk a little bit more about Rock Against Racism just particularly how it was founded, what led to its founding. I think it gives a good sense of where Britain was at, politically. David: Right. Rock Against Racism was founded in 1976. The two main events which are going on in the heads of the organizers when they launched it, number one, David Bowie's weird fascist turn, his interview with Playboy magazine in which he talks about Hitler being the first rock and roll superstar, the moment where he was photographed returning from tours in America and comes to Victoria Station and appears to give a Nazi salute. The reason why with Bowie it matters is because he's a hero. Bowie seems to represent the emergence of a new kind of masculinity, new kind of attitude with sexuality. If someone like that is so damaged that he's going around saying Hitler is the greatest, that's really terrifying to Bowie fans and for a wider set of people. The other person who leads directly to the launch of Rock Against Racism is Eric Clapton. He interrupts a gig in Birmingham in summer '76 to just start giving this big drunken rant about how some foreigner pinched his missus' bum and how Enoch Powell is the greatest ever. The reason why people find Eric Clapton so contemptible and why this leads to such a mass movement is weirdly it's the opposite of Bowie that no one amongst the young cool kids regards Clapton as a hero. But being this number one star and he's clearly spent his career stealing off Black music and now he's going to support that horror of Enoch Powell as well, it just all seems so absolutely ridiculous and outrageous that people launch an open letter to the press and that gets thousands of people involved. But since you've asked me about Rock Against Racism, I do want to say Rock Against Racism does have a weirdly and certainly different attitude towards free speech to the Anti-Nazi League. And this isn't necessarily something that was apparent at the time. It's only kind of apparent now when you look back at it. But one of the really interesting things about Rock Against Racism is that because it was a movement of young people who were trying to reclaim music and make cultural form that could overturn British politics and change the world, is that they didn't turn around and say, "We just want to cut off all the racists and treat them as bad and shoot them out into space," kind of as what the Anti-Nazi League's trying to do to fascists. Rock Against Racism grasped that if you're going to try and change this cultural milieu which is music, you actually had to have a bit of a discussion and debate and an argument with the racists, but they tried to have it on their own terms. So concretely, what people would do is Rock Against Racism courted one particular band called Sham 69, who were one of the most popular young skinhead bands, but also had a bunch of neo-nazis amongst their roadies and things like that. They actually put on gigs Sham 69, put them on student union halls, surrounded them with Black acts. Knew that these people were going to bring skinheads into the things, had them performing under Rock Against Racism banner, and almost forced the band to get into the state of practical warfare with their own fans to try and say to them, "We don't want you to be nazis anymore. We want you to stop this." That dynamic, it was incredibly brave, was incredibly bold. It was really destructive for some of the individuals involved like Jimmy Pursey, the lead singer of Sham 69. Effectively saying to them, "Right, we want you to put on a gig every week where you're going to get bottled by your own fans, and you're going to end up like punching them, just to get them to stop being racist." But we can't see any other way of shifting this milieu of young people who we see as our potential allies. There were lots of sort of local things like that with Rock Against Racism. It wasn't about creating a safe space in which bad ideas couldn't come in; it was about going onto the enemy's ideological trend and going, "Right, on this trend, we can have an argument. We can win this argument." So it is really quite an interesting cultural attempt to change the politics of the street. Mike: Okay, now you two have very different ideas of what No Platform is in its essence. Evan, you believe that No Platform was shifting in scope from its inception and it is properly directed at any institutional platform afforded to vociferous bigots. While David you believe that No Platform is only properly applied against fascists, and going beyond that is a dangerous form of mission creep. Now, I absolutely hate debates. [laughter] I think the format does more to close off discussion than to draw out information on the topic at hand. So, what I don't want to happen is have you two arguing with each other about your positions on No Platform (and maybe me, because I have yet a third position). David: Okay Mike, honestly, we've known each other for years. We've always been– Mike: Yeah, yeah, yeah. David: –your listeners will pick up, there's loads we agree on, too. So I'm sure we can deal without that rubbish debate. [Evan laughs] Mike: All right. So what I'd like to do is ground this discussion as much as possible in history rather than abstract moral principles. So in that interest, can each of you talk a bit about the individuals and groups that have taken the position on No Platform that you have, and how they've defended their positions? David let's start with you. What groups were there insisting that No Platform was necessary but its necessity was limited to overt fascists? David: Well, I think in practice, that was the approach of Rock Against Racism. They took a very different attitude towards people who were tough ideological fascists, to the people who were around them who were definitely racist, but who were capable of being argued out of that. I mean, I've given the example of the policy of trying to have a debate with Sham 69 or use them as a mechanism to change their audience. What I want to convey is in every Rock Against Racism group around the country, they were often attempts to something very similar. People talk about Birmingham and Leeds, whether it be sort of local Rock Against Racism groups, they might put on– might get a big band from some other city once a month, but three weeks out of four, all they're doing is they're putting on a local some kind of music night, and they might get a hundred people there. But they'd go out of the way to invite people who they saw as wavering supporters of The National Front. But the point is this wasn't like– We all know how bad faith debates work. It's something like it's two big ego speakers who disagree with each other, giving them half an hour each to debate and know their audience is already persuaded that one of them's an asshole, one of them's great. This isn't what they were trying to do. They were trying to win over one by one wavering racists by putting them in an environment where they were surrounded by anti-racists. So it was about trying to create a climate where you could shift some people who had hateful ideas in their head, but were also capable of being pulled away from them. They didn't do set piece debates with fascists because they knew that the set piece debates with fascists, the fascists weren't going to listen to what they were going to say anyway. But what they did do is they did try to shift people in their local area to try and create a different atmosphere in their local area. And they had that attitude towards individual wavering racists, but they never had that attitude towards the fascist leaders. The fascist leaders as far as they're concerned, very, very simple, we got to close up the platform to them. We got to deprive them of a chance. Another example, Rock Against Racism, how it kind of made those sorts of distinctions. I always think with Rock Against Racism you know, they had a go at Clapton. They weren't at all surprised when he refused to apologize. But with Bowie, there was always a sense, "We want to create space for Bowie. We want to get Bowie back because Bowie's winnable." That's one of the things about that movement, is that the absolute uncrossable line was fascism. But if people could be pulled back away from that and away from the ideas associated with that, then they wanted to create the space to make that happen. Mike: Okay, and Evan, what groups took the Maximalist approach to No Platform and what was their reasoning? Evan: Yeah. So I think the discussion happens once the National Front goes away as the kind of the major threat. So the 1979 election, the National Front does dismally, and we can partially attribute that to the Anti-Nazi League and Rock Against Racism, kind of this popular antifascist movement. But there's also that Margaret Thatcher comes to power, and there's an argument that's made by historians is that she has pulled away the racist vote away from the National Front back to the conservatives. It's really kind of a realignment of leftwing politics under Thatcher because it's a much more confrontational conservative government, but there's also kind of these other issues which are kind of the new social movements and what we would now term as identity politics, they're forming in the sixties and seventies and are really big issues in the 1980s. So kind of like feminism, gay rights, andthat,  there's an argument among some of the students that if we have a No Platform for racism and fascism, why don't we have a No Platform for sexism? Why don't we have a No Platform for homophobia? And there are certain student unions who try to do this. So LSE in 1981, they endorse a No Platform for sexist as part of a wider fight against sexism, sexual harassment, sexual violence on campus is that misogynist speakers shouldn't be allowed to have a presence on campus. Several student unions kind of have this also for against homophobia, and as a part of this really divisive issue in the mid 1980s, the conservative government is quite homophobic. Section 28 clause 28 is coming in in the late eighties. It's a whole kind of homophobia of AIDS. There's instances where students object to local Tory politicians who were kind of outwardly, explicitly homophobic, that they should be not allowed to speak on stage. Then also bubbling along in the background is kind of the supporters of apartheid, so South African diplomats or kind of other people who support the South African regime including Conservative politicians, is that several times throughout the 1980s, they are invited to speak on campus, and there's kind of a massive backlash against this. Sometimes the No Platform policy is invoked. Sometimes it's just simple disruption or kind of pickets or vigils against them. But once fascism is kind of not the main issue, and all these different kind of politics is going on in the eighties, is that there's argument that No Platform for fascism and racism was important, but fascism and racism is only one form of hate speech; it's only one form of discrimination; it's only one form of kind of bodily violence; and we should take them all into consideration. Mike: Okay. Now there's been a fair bit of backlash against No Platform in kind of any of its forms from various sectors, so let's talk a bit about that. Let's start with the fascist themselves. So their response kind of changed somewhat over time in response to No Platform. David, you talk about this. David: Yeah. In the early ‘70s in Britain or I suppose in the late ‘70s too, what's extraordinary is how little use fascist make out of saying, "We are being attacked, free speech applies. We've got to have the right to be heard." I made the point earlier that Britain doesn't have a strong legal culture of free speech. We do have some culture of free speech. And again, it's not that the fascists never use these terms at all, they use them, but they use them very half-heartedly. Their dominant approach is to say, "We are being attacked by the left. The left don't understand we have better fighters than them. If they attack us on the streets, we'll fight back. In the end, we'll be the ones who win in a kind of battle of machismo, street fighting power." Now A, that doesn't happen because actually they lose some set piece confrontations, mostly at Lewisham in 1977. But it's interesting that they don't do the kind of thing which you'd expect the far right to do today, which is to say, like the British far right does today, they constantly say, "We're under attack. Free speech demands that we be heard. We're the only people who take free speech seriously." There's a continuous process in the British far right these days of endlessly going on social media every time anyone even disagrees with them a little bit, they immediately have their faces taped up and present themselves as the victim of this terrible conspiracy when in the mid-'70s when there really were people trying to put the far right out of business, that isn't what the far right did. I think, in essence, a whole bunch of things have to change. You have to get kind of a hardening of the free speech discourse in the United States; you have to have things like the attack on political correctness; the move by the American center-right from being kind of equivocal on free speech to being extremely pro-free speech; and you need to get the importation into Britain of essentially the same kind of free speech discourse as you have in States. Once we get all of that, the British far right eventually twigs that it's a far more effective way of presenting themselves and winning supporters by posing as the world's biggest defenders of free speech.  But in the ‘70s, they haven't learned that lesson yet, and their response is much more leaden and ineffective. In essence, they say, "No Platform's terrible because it's bullying us." But what they never have the gumption to say is, "Actually, we are the far right. We are a bunch of people putting bold and dangerous and exciting ideas, and if we are silenced, then all bold and dangerous and difficult ideas will be silenced too." That's something which a different generation of writers will get to and will give them all sorts of successes. But in the ‘70s, they haven't found it yet. Mike: Okay. Now fascists also had some uneasy allies as far as No Platform is concerned among Tories and libertarians. So let's talk about the Tories first, what was their opposition to No Platform about? Evan, you talk about this quite a bit in your book. Evan: Yeah. So the conservative opposition to No Platform is essentially saying that it's a stock standard thing that the left call everyone fascist. So they apply it to broadly and is that in the ‘80s, there's a bunch of conservative politicians to try to go onto campus, try to speak, and there's massive protests. They say that, "Look, this is part of an intolerant left, that they can't see the distinction between fascism and a Conservative MP. They don't want to allow anyone to have free speech beyond that kind of small narrow left wing bubble." In 1986, there is an attempt, after a kind of a wave of protest in '85, '86, there is an attempt by the government to implement some kind of protection for free speech on campus. This becomes part of the Education Act of 1986, that the university has certain obligations to ensure, where practical, free speech applies and no speech is denied. But then it's got all kind of it can't violate the Racial Discrimination Act, the Public Order Act, all those kind of things. Also, quite crucially for today, that 1986 act didn't explicitly apply to student unions. So student unions argued for the last 30 years that they are exempt from any legislation and that they were legally allowed to pursue their No Platform policy.

本期我和老林聊了牙买加音乐在英国的发展，从 sound system 进入英国开始，牙买加音乐其实是塑造 UK sound 最关键的核心，它的影响力极其深远，并且在很多阶段都与美国流行乐的平行进化是不同的审美体系。 老林专门为这次节目整理了一份“Jamaican music in UK”文档，

In the past, Love That Album has avoided getting political. The albums being focused on for the most part didn't require the conversations to get embroiled in the very furnace that keeps people blathering on talk-back radio and social media – mostly in uncivilised fashion. That all changes for this episode. If you don't like talk about what a pack of dickheads (I use less polite terminology on the actual show) fascists really are and the political masters who enable them....you might wanna skip this show. Otherwise......welcome to episode 156 of Love That Album. It seems like we're still in a dark era for humanity with wars and bigotry continuously being part of every day life across this broken planet. In England back in the 70s, the National Front were gaining supporters from both ends of the class system. There was a very real chance that their racist ideology was going to be allowed into mainstream government – not just staying in the fringes of society. The Rock Against Racism movement was born to fight this ideology – particularly after the likes of Eric Clapton and David Bowie started saying things in public that would have been frightening to immigrants and Holocaust survivors. It was into this environment that songwriter and activist Tom Robinson brought his music into the public arena. He and his band (aptly named The Tom Robinson Band) brought a tough combination of pub and punk rock mixed with unambiguous lyrics explaining that if people didn't confront the fascists, then life as they knew it was over. I am privileged to be joined by podcaster and punk historian Tom Austin-Morgan to discuss the debut album by the TRB, Power In The Darkness. The album is confronting lyrically, but Robinson is smart enough to know that if you back up your messages with catchy hooks and singalong choruses, you'll have a better chance of getting your message across. Tom and I discuss Tom's music in a broader sense, but the necessity is that we have to discuss the political environment of England in the 70s to give the album context. We really couldn't have done the album justice without providing the history. I'm super grateful to Tom for providing his time and expertise. I highly recommend his excellent show “Banned Biographies”. The show focuses on the history of the original era of British punk – both by documentary style episodes and interviews with those who were there. Trust me – you need this show in your life. You can find it at all the usual places you get podcasts, or you can find it at https://www.bannedbiographies.com/ You can check the show's socials out at: Twitter: @BannedBiogs Facebook: @BannedBiographies Instagram: @bannedbiographies Download this episode of LTA from your podcast app of choice.The wider back catalogue of episodes can also be found at http://lovethatalbumpodcast.blogspot.com Love That Album is proudly part of the Pantheon Podcast network. Go to http://pantheonpodcasts.com to check out all their great shows. You can send me feedback at rrrkitchen@yahoo.com.au (written or mp3 voicemail) or join the Facebook group at http://www.facebook.com/groups/lovethatalbum If you'd consider writing an iTunes review I'd be immensely grateful. However, it'd be even better if you told a friend about the podcast and Pantheon – at a barbecue, over coffee, on social media….whatever way you choose, consider me grateful. Proudly Pantheon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the past, Love That Album has avoided getting political. The albums being focused on for the most part didn't require the conversations to get embroiled in the very furnace that keeps people blathering on talk-back radio and social media – mostly in uncivilised fashion.That all changes for this episode. If you don't like talk about what a pack of dickheads (I use less polite terminology on the actual show) fascists really are and the political masters who enable them....you might wanna skip this show.Otherwise......welcome to episode 156 of Love That Album.It seems like we're still in a dark era for humanity with wars and bigotry continuously being part of every day life across this broken planet. In England back in the 70s, the National Front were gaining supporters from both ends of the class system. There was a very real chance that their racist ideology was going to be allowed into mainstream government – not just staying in the fringes of society. The Rock Against Racism movement was born to fight this ideology – particularly after the likes of Eric Clapton and David Bowie started saying things in public that would have been frightening to immigrants and Holocaust survivors.It was into this environment that songwriter and activist Tom Robinson brought his music into the public arena. He and his band (aptly named The Tom Robinson Band) brought a tough combination of pub and punk rock mixed with unambiguous lyrics explaining that if people didn't confront the fascists, then life as they knew it was over.I am privileged to be joined by podcaster and punk historian Tom Austin-Morgan to discuss the debut album by the TRB, Power In The Darkness. The album is confronting lyrically, but Robinson is smart enough to know that if you back up your messages with catchy hooks and singalong choruses, you'll have a better chance of getting your message across. Tom and I discuss Tom's music in a broader sense, but the necessity is that we have to discuss the political environment of England in the 70s to give the album context. We really couldn't have done the album justice without providing the history.I'm super grateful to Tom for providing his time and expertise. I highly recommend his excellent show “Banned Biographies”. The show focuses on the history of the original era of British punk – both by documentary style episodes and interviews with those who were there. Trust me – you need this show in your life. You can find it at all the usual places you get podcasts, or you can find it at https://www.bannedbiographies.com/ You can check the show's socials out at:Twitter: @BannedBiogsFacebook: @BannedBiographiesInstagram: @bannedbiographiesDownload this episode of LTA from your podcast app of choice.The wider back catalogue of episodes can also be found at http://lovethatalbumpodcast.blogspot.comLove That Album is proudly part of the Pantheon Podcast network. Go to http://pantheonpodcasts.com to check out all their great shows.You can send me feedback at rrrkitchen@yahoo.com.au (written or mp3 voicemail) or join the Facebook group at http://www.facebook.com/groups/lovethatalbumIf you'd consider writing an iTunes review I'd be immensely grateful. However, it'd be even better if you told a friend about the podcast and Pantheon – at a barbecue, over coffee, on social media….whatever way you choose, consider me grateful.Proudly Pantheon.

Once again, Tom Austin-Morgan, your host is back to let you know what's been going on this month since the last two episodes went out, what's going on the world of punk rock and what you can expect from next months episode. Firstly, I'd like to extend my grateful thanks to both Them Fantasies and The Sewer Cats. Both conversations were really interesting, enlightening and fun, I hope you'll agree, and despite the fact that the music they make is poles apart, both bands' conviction in their art and enthusiasm when talking about it were utterly infectious and inspiring.  Previous guest, Louise Aubrie, has relocated to LA to start writing and recording new material. Meanwhile, she's released a new video for the song Dark from the album Antonio which she came on the show to talk about last year. Check it out in the back catalogue. I've guested on the Love That Album podcast, which is a brilliant show that I've listened to for years. The host, Maurice, and a guest – in this case me – discuss a variety of great albums from the rock, jazz or folk genres in some depth.  The episode is available now, which is apt because it corresponds with the 44th anniversary of the first Rock Against Racism concert at Victoria Park on the 30th April 1978 which featured, among others, the Tom Robinson Band. The episode is about their first album Power In The Darkness, although it also deals with the political and environmental history of the time because a lot of that fed into the themes of the album. It was a delightful chat with someone who has such a wealth of knowledge and made me feel most welcome, do go and find Love That Album podcast and listen not just to the episode I'm on, but rifle through the back catalogue, there'll certainly be a lot you'll be familiar with, but there are some great surprises to be had too. Thanks Maurice! I review just the one album this month; Wet Leg's debut, self-titled album that came out at he beginning on the month. Is it full of repetitive, flash in the pan indie nothingness or is it as goods as I hoped it would be? By sure to get in touch on social media or email and do to Apple Music to leave a rating and review, it's the podcast's second birthday, after all! Until next time, take care and stay safe. Contact Twitter: @BannedBiogs Facebook: @BannedBiographies Instagram: @bannedbiographies E-mail: bannedbiographies@gmail.com

In the past, Love That Album has avoided getting political. The albums being focused on for the most part didn't require the conversations to get embroiled in the very furnace that keeps people blathering on talk-back radio and social media – mostly in uncivilised fashion. That all changes for this episode. If you don't like talk about what a pack of dickheads (I use less polite terminology on the actual show) fascists really are and the political masters who enable them....you might wanna skip this show. Otherwise......welcome to episode 156 of Love That Album. It seems like we're still in a dark era for humanity with wars and bigotry continuously being part of every day life across this broken planet. In England back in the 70s, the National Front were gaining supporters from both ends of the class system. There was a very real chance that their racist ideology was going to be allowed into mainstream government – not just staying in the fringes of society. The Rock Against Racism movement was born to fight this ideology – particularly after the likes of Eric Clapton and David Bowie started saying things in public that would have been frightening to immigrants and Holocaust survivors. It was into this environment that songwriter and activist Tom Robinson brought his music into the public arena. He and his band (aptly named The Tom Robinson Band) brought a tough combination of pub and punk rock mixed with unambiguous lyrics explaining that if people didn't confront the fascists, then life as they knew it was over. I am privileged to be joined by podcaster and punk historian Tom Austin-Morgan to discuss the debut album by the TRB, Power In The Darkness. The album is confronting lyrically, but Robinson is smart enough to know that if you back up your messages with catchy hooks and singalong choruses, you'll have a better chance of getting your message across. Tom and I discuss Tom's music in a broader sense, but the necessity is that we have to discuss the political environment of England in the 70s to give the album context. We really couldn't have done the album justice without providing the history. I'm super grateful to Tom for providing his time and expertise. I highly recommend his excellent show “Banned Biographies”. The show focuses on the history of the original era of British punk – both by documentary style episodes and interviews with those who were there. Trust me – you need this show in your life. You can find it at all the usual places you get podcasts, or you can find it at https://www.bannedbiographies.com/ You can check the show's socials out at: Twitter: @BannedBiogs Facebook: @BannedBiographies Instagram: @bannedbiographies Download this episode of LTA from your podcast app of choice.The wider back catalogue of episodes can also be found at http://lovethatalbumpodcast.blogspot.com Love That Album is proudly part of the Pantheon Podcast network. Go to http://pantheonpodcasts.com to check out all their great shows. You can send me feedback at rrrkitchen@yahoo.com.au (written or mp3 voicemail) or join the Facebook group at http://www.facebook.com/groups/lovethatalbum If you'd consider writing an iTunes review I'd be immensely grateful. However, it'd be even better if you told a friend about the podcast and Pantheon – at a barbecue, over coffee, on social media….whatever way you choose, consider me grateful. Proudly Pantheon.

In the past, Love That Album has avoided getting political. The albums being focused on for the most part didn't require the conversations to get embroiled in the very furnace that keeps people blathering on talk-back radio and social media – mostly in uncivilised fashion.That all changes for this episode. If you don't like talk about what a pack of dickheads (I use less polite terminology on the actual show) fascists really are and the political masters who enable them....you might wanna skip this show.Otherwise......welcome to episode 156 of Love That Album.It seems like we're still in a dark era for humanity with wars and bigotry continuously being part of every day life across this broken planet. In England back in the 70s, the National Front were gaining supporters from both ends of the class system. There was a very real chance that their racist ideology was going to be allowed into mainstream government – not just staying in the fringes of society. The Rock Against Racism movement was born to fight this ideology – particularly after the likes of Eric Clapton and David Bowie started saying things in public that would have been frightening to immigrants and Holocaust survivors.It was into this environment that songwriter and activist Tom Robinson brought his music into the public arena. He and his band (aptly named The Tom Robinson Band) brought a tough combination of pub and punk rock mixed with unambiguous lyrics explaining that if people didn't confront the fascists, then life as they knew it was over.I am privileged to be joined by podcaster and punk historian Tom Austin-Morgan to discuss the debut album by the TRB, Power In The Darkness. The album is confronting lyrically, but Robinson is smart enough to know that if you back up your messages with catchy hooks and singalong choruses, you'll have a better chance of getting your message across. Tom and I discuss Tom's music in a broader sense, but the necessity is that we have to discuss the political environment of England in the 70s to give the album context. We really couldn't have done the album justice without providing the history.I'm super grateful to Tom for providing his time and expertise. I highly recommend his excellent show “Banned Biographies”. The show focuses on the history of the original era of British punk – both by documentary style episodes and interviews with those who were there. Trust me – you need this show in your life. You can find it at all the usual places you get podcasts, or you can find it at https://www.bannedbiographies.com/ You can check the show's socials out at:Twitter: @BannedBiogsFacebook: @BannedBiographiesInstagram: @bannedbiographiesDownload this episode of LTA from your podcast app of choice.The wider back catalogue of episodes can also be found at http://lovethatalbumpodcast.blogspot.comLove That Album is proudly part of the Pantheon Podcast network. Go to http://pantheonpodcasts.com to check out all their great shows.You can send me feedback at rrrkitchen@yahoo.com.au (written or mp3 voicemail) or join the Facebook group at http://www.facebook.com/groups/lovethatalbumIf you'd consider writing an iTunes review I'd be immensely grateful. However, it'd be even better if you told a friend about the podcast and Pantheon – at a barbecue, over coffee, on social media….whatever way you choose, consider me grateful.Proudly Pantheon.

We return to Grosse Point, Michigan for this soundtrack treat from 1997. Who else but Joe Strummer could have put together this delight? Faith No More! Violent Femmes! Guns N' Roses! The Specials! The Clash! The (English) Beat! This belter of an OST takes us to the Rock Against Racism concerts, 'legal issues' and behaviour that almost makes Martin Blank look like one of the good guys. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/societyowesmeagenxpodcast/message

A tale that is as relevant today as it was at its origin. In response to some unsavory racists in the UK, many musicians took to their platforms to protest the toxic political ideals that were rampant during the 70s. Punks took to creating a movement that brought people together in unity and fight fascism. It's the ultimate ranting episode, buckle up for a hot topic while we call out "rock heroes" with some pretty crappy viewpoints. It's not all bad though, plenty of musicians stand up for whats right and make some killed tunes along the way! Want to support your favorite beer drinkin' babes? Check out our Patreon!Lookin' to rep our swag? Check out our merch store, available at TeePublic!Audio Player

The late 70s moving into the 80s was a time ruled by conservative government in the UK. There were clashes with government ideology and the NF was scarily making its collective voice heard. Musicians reacted in different ways. There was the Rock Against Racism march with a huge concert featuring The Clash and other great punk acts of the day. As well as punk music, the other style that brought black and white people together was ska – a revival of the music made popular in Jamaica in the 1960s. The main acts spearheading the second wave of ska were The Specials, The Beat, The Selecter and MadnessWelcome to episode 84 of See Hear Podcast.Madness were less overtly political than their contemporaries, but by writing personal songs about daily life and how people living in England were coping, they still fit in as a political band. Of course at the time, their image was all about having “the nutty sound”, so people would dance to their hugely catchy and popular tunes. Often, the subject matter was darker than people remember.Bernie was absent, but Tim and I were thrilled to go one step beyond and speak to the directors of a new 3 part documentary about Madness called “Before We Was We”. Bill Jones and Ben Timlett joined us to talk about the making of the documentary, the band's music, petty crime and the NF controversy. Also, as an added bonus, we got the time to talk about an earlier documentary the gents made called An Accidental Studio about Handmade Films, the company George Harrison established just so he could watch an obscure film directed by Bill's dad....“Before We Was We: Madness by Madness” will debut on the AMC network on May 1, 2021. Keep an eye out for viewing opportunities beyond that. Our gratitude to Bill and Ben for their time and excellent conversation. Many laffs ensued.If you've been enjoying the show, please consider giving us a favourable review on iTunes and let your friends know that our show exists. If you don't enjoy the show, please tell your friends to tune in anyway.See Hear is proudly part of the Pantheon Network of music podcasts. Check out all the other wonderful shows at http://pantheonpodcasts.com The list of new shows is always increasing.Send us feedback via email at seehearpodcast@gmail.comJoin the Facebook group at http://facebook.com/groups/seehearpodcastCheck out the Instagram page at www.instagram.com/seehearpodcast/?hl=enYou can download the show by searching for See Hear podcast on iTunes, Spotify or Stitcher…..or whatever podcast app you favour.

The late 70s moving into the 80s was a time ruled by conservative government in the UK. There were clashes with government ideology and the NF was scarily making its collective voice heard. Musicians reacted in different ways. There was the Rock Against Racism march with a huge concert featuring The Clash and other great punk acts of the day. As well as punk music, the other style that brought black and white people together was ska – a revival of the music made popular in Jamaica in the 1960s. The main acts spearheading the second wave of ska were The Specials, The Beat, The Selecter and MadnessWelcome to episode 84 of See Hear Podcast.Madness were less overtly political than their contemporaries, but by writing personal songs about daily life and how people living in England were coping, they still fit in as a political band. Of course at the time, their image was all about having “the nutty sound”, so people would dance to their hugely catchy and popular tunes. Often, the subject matter was darker than people remember.Bernie was absent, but Tim and I were thrilled to go one step beyond and speak to the directors of a new 3 part documentary about Madness called “Before We Was We”. Bill Jones and Ben Timlett joined us to talk about the making of the documentary, the band's music, petty crime and the NF controversy. Also, as an added bonus, we got the time to talk about an earlier documentary the gents made called An Accidental Studio about Handmade Films, the company George Harrison established just so he could watch an obscure film directed by Bill's dad....“Before We Was We: Madness by Madness” will debut on the AMC network on May 1, 2021. Keep an eye out for viewing opportunities beyond that. Our gratitude to Bill and Ben for their time and excellent conversation. Many laffs ensued.If you've been enjoying the show, please consider giving us a favourable review on iTunes and let your friends know that our show exists. If you don't enjoy the show, please tell your friends to tune in anyway.See Hear is proudly part of the Pantheon Network of music podcasts. Check out all the other wonderful shows at http://pantheonpodcasts.com The list of new shows is always increasing.Send us feedback via email at seehearpodcast@gmail.comJoin the Facebook group at http://facebook.com/groups/seehearpodcastCheck out the Instagram page at www.instagram.com/seehearpodcast/?hl=enYou can download the show by searching for See Hear podcast on iTunes, Spotify or Stitcher…..or whatever podcast app you favour.

Discover the secret history of the brothers Ramone before they actually became brothers and learn just how John Lydon turned into Johnny Rotten. Plus Rough Trade Records and Rock Against Racism feature.

Kyle speaks with Indiana R&B legend Lonnie Lester, also a conversation with Ariana Beedie of FAF Collective, who will share her thoughts on the aborted Rock Against Racism festival.