Podcasts about forces

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reports on Iran striking back after Trump ordered the United States to attack Iran. Get 20% off all IQBAR products. Text TRUTH to 64000. (Message and data rates may apply) Visit https://meidasplus.com for more! Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts:MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcastLegal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-afMissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trialThe PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcastCult Conversations: The Influence Continuum with Dr. Steve Hassan: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassanThe Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-showThe Ken Harbaugh Show: https://meidasnews.com/tag/the-ken-harbaugh-showMajority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellmanUncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

From Apple News In Conversation: When New Yorker staff writer Jay Caspian Kang sat down to do his taxes, one question surfaced: Should he still be saving for his 9-year-old daughter’s college fund? What followed was a deeply reported series about the growing crisis in American higher education and the forces behind it — from AI to soaring tuition to a collapse in public trust in institutions. Kang speaks with Apple News In Conversation guest host David Greene about what colleges are actually for, whether they’re still delivering on their promises, and what the future of higher education might look like.

Iran's state media claims their forces targeted several American army deployments in the region, although there is no indication yet that anything has been hit. Plus, Vice President Vance at the Nixon Library said Watergate wouldn't be as big of a story in today's world, suggesting Richard Nixon, just like Trump, was a victim. Air date: June 26, 2026 Guests: Lt. Gen. Karen Gibson (Ret.) Beth Sanner Timothy Naftali Jeff Toobin Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

​​Nations are rethinking how much control they need over their space infrastructure and what real sovereignty looks like in practice. Boston Consulting Group's Alessio Bonucci explores the industrial limits, geopolitical pressures and shifting partnerships shaping space sovereignty in Europe and beyond.​ 

La justice et les sanctions internationales peuvent-elles sauver le Soudan ?La guerre au Soudan vient d'entrer dans sa troisième année. Très peu traité dans les médias mainstream, le conflit a jeté sur les routes plus de 12 millions de déplacés et généré la pire crise humanitaire au monde. Depuis quelques semaines, plusieurs collectifs tentent de porter devant la justice les responsables de cette crise : au Kenya, une plainte a été déposée contre dix responsables des Forces de soutien rapide (FSR), l'une des parties au conflit, quand plusieurs victimes ont déposé une requête auprès de la Haute représentante de l'Union européenne pour les Affaires étrangères pour l'ouverture d'une enquête sur les liens entre les Émirats arabes unis, premier acheteur d'armes françaises, et les mêmes FSR, soupçonnés de crimes contre l'humanité.

Au Soudan, il y a un risque imminent « d'atrocités de masse », à El-Obeid, affirme le département d'État américain dans un communiqué publié dans la soirée du 22 juin. El-Obeid, c'est la capitale de la région du Kordofan du Nord. Elle est assiégée par les rebelles des Forces de soutien rapide, les FSR. Et la grande crainte du secrétaire général de l'ONU, Antonio Guterres, c'est que « les horreurs d'El-Facher, en octobre dernier, se répètent à El-Obeid ». Que faut-il redouter précisément ? Roland Marchal est chercheur à Sciences Po Paris et au CERI. Il répond aux questions de Christophe Boisbouvier.  RFI : l'ONU affirme qu'une concentration récente de troupes de la rébellion des Forces de Soutien Rapide laisse craindre une offensive imminente sur El-Obeid. Est-ce que vous avez les mêmes informations ? Roland Marchal : Oui, on le sait effectivement. Les observateurs soudanais, depuis pratiquement une semaine, mentionnent l 'arrivée au nord d'El-Obeid de troupes qui viennent soit de la frontière libyenne, soit du Darfour et qui constituent aujourd'hui une masse, disons, combattante, pour attaquer la capitale du Kordofan du Nord. Et pourquoi visent-ils cette ville de quelque un million d'habitants de El Obeid ?  Parce qu'El-Obeid est la capitale historique du Kordofan, avant de devenir celle du Kordofan du Nord, et surtout le dernier grand verrou stratégique qui ouvrirait la route vers Khartoum, mais aussi vers la province du Nil Blanc, donc plus au sud de la capitale soudanaise, ce qui permettrait aux Forces de Soutien Rapide, si elles réussissaient, de reprendre pied dans les régions agricoles les plus riches du pays et peut être, à terme, de faire la jonction avec les troupes qui se battent dans la province du Nil Bleu. Ce qui, évidemment, constituerait une défaite stratégique importante pour les forces armées régulières et le gouvernement qui, aujourd'hui, est à Khartoum. Le secrétaire général de l'ONU, Antonio Guterres, déclare : « Nous ne devons pas permettre que les horreurs d'El-Fasher se répètent à El-Obeid » ? Alors, compte tenu de l'histoire de cette guerre, on peut évidemment craindre beaucoup. Cependant, un analyste doit quand même rappeler que la perception d'El-Obeid par les Forces de Soutien Rapide est quand même très différente de celle d'El-Fasher. El-Fasher était la capitale du groupe Zaghawa, qui a fourni l'essentiel des combattants aux forces conjointes alliées, des forces régulières qui se sont battues avec détermination dans tout le Darfour contre les Forces de Soutien Rapide, et qui se battent aujourd'hui également au Kordofan, et qui constituent sans doute l'un des alliés militaires les plus importants des forces armées régulières. Donc, l'identification d'El-Fasher comme la capitale de nos ennemis les plus jurés ne fonctionne pas pour El-Obeid. On peut imaginer, mais en étant optimiste ou très optimiste même, que du coup, les violences contre les populations civiles ne seront pas de la même intensité. Ceci dit, depuis ces dernières semaines, on voit les Forces de Soutien Rapide multiplier les frappes sur des infrastructures d'El-Obeid, des infrastructures civiles qui visiblement visent à terroriser la population et à l'inciter à fuir la capitale du Kordofan du Nord pour rejoindre Khartoum ou quelque autre endroit, de façon à ce qu'El-Obeid soit plus facile à prendre. En février dernier, une mission d'enquête de l'ONU a fait état d'actes de génocide commis en octobre dernier par les Forces de Soutien Rapide à El-Fasher. Est ce que cette accusation très grave peut dissuader le général Hemedti de commettre de nouvelles atrocités ? Écoutez, je ne crois pas que les atrocités qui ont été commises à El-Fasher, et autour d'El-Fasher, étaient au sens plein ordonnées par le général Hemedti. Lui a des ambitions politiques nationales dont on peut penser ce qu'on veut par ailleurs, mais il sait très bien que la communauté internationale intègre tout à fait ces violences dans son passif et que ces actes de génocide constitueront demain une difficulté très grande dans son approche de la communauté internationale. Donc, lui, certainement a été plus prudent, plus réservé. Le problème, c'est évidemment sa capacité de contrôler ses propres troupes, alors qu'à El-Fasher, c'était vraiment une vengeance historique contre le groupe Zaghawa. Vendredi dernier, l'envoyé spécial d'Antonio Guterres au Soudan a appelé au téléphone le général Hemedti pour lui demander d'éviter toute action qui pourrait aggraver la situation humanitaire. Est-ce que vous savez ce qu'a répondu le chef des Forces de Soutien Rapide ? Le général Hemedti a été, comme il sait l'être, quelqu'un de très responsable, à l'écoute des demandes de la communauté internationale. Il a évidemment souscrit à toutes ses demandes. Il a annoncé que ses troupes organiseraient et autoriseraient la sortie des civils de la capitale du Kordofan du Nord. Et que ces civils seraient protégés, qu'il n'y aurait pas de violence systématique contre ceux-ci. Mais si vous voulez, encore une fois, depuis le début de la guerre, le général Hemedti a multiplié les assurances sur le bon comportement de ses troupes. Et sauf à penser qu'il est un menteur irréductible, on peut imaginer qu'il a été, à certains moments, de bonne foi et qu'il a été trompé par ses propres troupes. Samedi dernier, le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU a appelé, je cite, « tous les membres de l'ONU à s'abstenir de toute ingérence dans les affaires intérieures du Soudan ». Mais donc, les alliés des Émirats arabes unis que sont les Américains et les Français n'arrivent pas à être entendus par les Emiratis ? Je crois qu'ils sont entendus. Mais les Emiratis ont la volonté, en tous les cas, de changer sans doute la nature du pouvoir aujourd'hui au Soudan, ce qui les rend extrêmement réticents.

Carolina defeated Oklahoma 6-2 in Omaha to force a Game Three in the CWS championship seriesSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

By the end of 1940 Hitler had authorised the invasion of the USSR, with the intention of securing agricultural land and raw materials, alongside the eradication of ...

Happy National Cookie Dough Day!Ladies and gentlemen, what a Sunday, Happy Father's Day to all the GOAT Dads out there! Episode 408 is stuffed to the gills with USA! The World Cup is absolutely dominating the internet and USA soccer is right at the center of it with a shellacking of Australia, The Hurricanes had their Stanley Cup parade, the Home Run Derby is totally back with rule changes.As for golf, The U.S. Open took place this weekend on Long Island, New York at Shinnecock where Wyndham Clark does it again to win his 2nd major, with a wire to wire campaign fighting off Scottie and Sam Burns. The G.U.Y.S were MIA this weekend but we are back to ANOTHER one weak link in the Make the Cut Parlay!!We will still throw out some Hang The Banners, Shambles Meter, and talk Other Relevant Sports News. We've got it all, let's laugh!Look alive folks!Follow us on:HOF Bets: https://hof-bets.app.link/millygoats (Promo Code: MILLYGOATS)Twitter - https://www.twitter.com/MillyGoatsInstagram - https://www.instagram.com/TheMillyGoatsYouTube - https://www.youtube.com/@TheMillyGoatsTwitch - https://www.twitch.tv/TheMillyGoatsPodcastTikTok - https://www.tiktok.com/@TheMillyGoatsApple Pod - https://rb.gy/0meu1Spotify Pod - https://t.ly/ZUfObWeb - https://themillygoats.godaddysites.com/

Wil Ravelo spent years as a Green Beret developing the kind of environmental awareness, threat assessment discipline, and rapid decision-making under pressure that most people will never need and most operators carry with them for the rest of their lives, and when he transitioned into law enforcement and eventually SWAT, he discovered that the tools were the same even when the rules of engagement were entirely different. This episode is a deep dive into how elite military training rewires the way you perceive and process a threat environment, what translates from a Special Forces deployment to a domestic hostage situation, and how Wil learned to calibrate the speed and intensity of his threat response to fit a civilian law enforcement context without dulling the instincts that kept him alive overseas. If you want to understand how the highest-performing operators in the world think about space, movement, pattern recognition, and the decision cycle, this conversation is the blueprint.

Wil Ravelo's trajectory from Green Beret to police officer to SWAT operator is not just a career story, it is a forensic psychology case study in identity continuity, adaptive functioning under chronic stress, and what it looks like when a person successfully channels the hypervigilance, threat assessment instincts, and operational discipline of Special Forces into a new institutional structure without losing the psychological coherence that made them effective in the first place. This episode examines the psychological architecture behind elite military and law enforcement performance, exploring how warriors like Wil navigate the transition between combat identity and civilian professional identity while managing the residual neurological and psychological imprinting that comes from years of high-stakes operational service. Drawing on the lived experience of a man who has operated at the highest levels of both worlds, we explore what forensic psychology tells us about resilience, professional identity formation, and the hidden psychological cost of being built for violence in a society that rarely knows what to do with the people it trained.

A home explosion in northwestern Illinois injured one person and forced hundreds of residents to evacuate Monday morning after authorities detected elevated gas levels throughout a manufactured home community.

Karina vous dévoile les décisions de justice les plus improbables.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Et si les choses que tu n'aimes pas chez toi n'étaient pas des défauts à corriger, mais des forces qui n'ont pas encore trouvé leur place ? Dans cet épisode, on parle de nos singularités et de la façon dont certaines de nos plus grandes qualités naissent parfois de ce qui nous a fait souffrir. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Wil Ravelo served as a Green Beret, one of the most elite and demanding military designations in the United States Army, before transitioning out of the military and taking that same warrior mindset directly into law enforcement, eventually earning his place on a SWAT team where the operational demands looked different but the mental framework remained the same. This episode is a raw, unfiltered conversation about what it actually takes to make that transition, how Special Forces training shapes the way you think, move, and lead in every high-stakes environment that comes after it, and what most people outside the community never understand about the psychological cost of carrying that level of training into civilian life. Wil breaks down the realities of both worlds, what transfers, what doesn't, and what it means to keep serving when the uniform changes.

John's working to be a positive force, recognizing it's all in the giving not how it's received. He wishes all the dads out there a happy Father's Day, and wonders if a bag of mulch is as heavy as the Stanley Cup. 

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Last week, the Reserve Bank kept interest rates on hold but the decision was followed by a warning that a future rate rise was on the table because prices are still rising too fast. It came as the US and Iran signed an initial agreement to end more than three months of war, which had sent global supply chains into chaos. Meanwhile, Australians are feeling the pinch and deepening economic disaffection has coincided with rising support for Pauline Hanson's rightwing One Nation party. Nour Haydar speaks with Greg Jericho about why so many Australians are feeling pessimistic about the economy

AI pricing is changing fast. OpenAI, Anthropic, and Microsoft's GitHub are all moving away from flat-rate subscriptions toward usage-based billing, and the shift is going to hit anyone whose business runs heavily on AI tools. Anthropic has already shifted some business customers to actual-usage billing. GitHub launched a new usage-based system that kicks in after monthly allotments run out. OpenAI executives have publicly floated pricing AI more like electricity or water, where heavier users pay more for slide decks, longer agent runs, code debugging, and email drafting.This episode breaks down the AI pricing shock hitting OpenAI, Anthropic, and Microsoft, what it means for businesses already building on these tools, and which alternatives are starting to look attractive. The driver is straightforward. AI labs are burning cash on chips, data centers, and talent at a rate that flat-rate subscriptions can't support. OpenAI reported a $14 billion projected loss for 2026. Anthropic just filed for IPO at a $965 billion valuation. Microsoft is spending tens of billions on AI infrastructure. The math on a $20-a-month subscription that produces unlimited GPT-5 output doesn't work anymore.The corporate response is already visible. Walmart capped staff use of its in-house AI agent. Uber is limiting monthly employee spending to $1,500 per AI coding tool. Companies that rolled out generative AI broadly in 2024 and 2025 are now reading the meters, because the same prompt that cost $0.02 in 2024 can cost $2 today on a reasoning model.The lower-cost alternatives are gaining real attention. Alibaba's Qwen and DeepSeek both run at a fraction of OpenAI and Anthropic pricing, and both have closed the quality gap enough that routing simpler tasks to a cheaper model is a defensible engineering decision. The question for every business spending on AI is which tasks need a frontier model and which can run on a model that costs 90% less for the same output.What this means for AI strategy in 2026. Flat-rate pricing was a customer acquisition tactic that worked when the labs were trying to win mindshare. Usage-based pricing reflects what AI actually costs to deliver, and it's the model the industry will settle on. For developers, freelancers, and small businesses using ChatGPT, Claude, GitHub Copilot, and Cursor every day, the bill is about to look different. For agencies and consultants billing clients for AI work, the margin model needs a rebuild.We cover the OpenAI, Anthropic, and GitHub pricing changes in detail, how Walmart and Uber are responding, why Qwen and DeepSeek matter more this quarter than they did last quarter, and what the shift to electricity-style AI pricing means for the cost of doing business in the AI economy.Keywords: AI pricing, OpenAI pricing, Anthropic billing, GitHub Copilot pricing, usage-based AI, token pricing, AI subscription, ChatGPT pricing, Claude pricing, Qwen, DeepSeek, Walmart AI, Uber AI, GPT-5 cost, AI ROI, AI infrastructure cost.

On en sait un peu plus sur l'attaque terroriste qui a visé, jeudi 18 juin 2026, une base militaire située au sein de l'aéroport international Diori Hamani de Niamey. Au soir des faits, l'armée nigérienne a communiqué un bilan officiel après plusieurs heures d'opérations de ratissage. Revendiquée par le Groupe de soutien à l'islam et aux musulmans (JNIM), affilié à Al-Qaïda, l'attaque a été repoussée par les Forces de défense et de sécurité après plus de deux heures de violents affrontements.

Stijn Schmitz welcomes back Colonel Douglas Macgregor to the show. Douglas is a Retired U.S. Army Colonel and a Decorated Combat Veteran. In their discussion, Macgregor assesses the leaked 14-point MOU between Iran and the United States as an admission of strategic defeat, signaling that Iran has emerged victorious from the conflict. He emphasizes that the war is not over, predicting Israel will soon resume its offensive, prompting an Iranian counterattack and forcing President Trump to reengage militarily, albeit briefly, before ultimately disengaging. Macgregor argues that the United States was doomed to lose due to Iran's mastery of integrated surveillance and strike capabilities, which render traditional naval and air superiority ineffective without robust ground forces, a capability he claims the U.S. currently lacks. Shifting to economic implications, Macgregor advises a focus on energy, metals, minerals, fertilizer, and food as the only secure investments in the current climate, dismissing AI and SpaceX as speculative bubbles. He warns that the Strait of Hormuz remains at risk, ensuring oil prices will surge again as global demand outpaces supply, with countries racing to build strategic reserves. The depletion of the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve and the potential for further conflict will drive inflation and economic instability, likening the coming effects to a tsunami. He foresees a structural reset where American military hegemony retreats, leading to the collapse of artificial state boundaries in the Middle East and the rise of Iran and Turkey as dominant regional powers, which will reshape alliances and likely end Israel’s long-term viability. Macgregor also discusses the financial front, projecting that gold will reemerge as the ultimate reserve currency, with prices potentially reaching $10,000, while Bitcoin may serve as a transactional alternative to the dollar. He underscores that the geopolitical shifts will redirect American focus inward, forcing a painful but necessary reorientation toward domestic prosperity and core industries. Overall, his analysis presents a bleak near-term outlook marked by military defeat, economic disruption, and profound global realignment. Timestamps: 00:00:00 – Introduction 00:00:45 – Iran US MOU Assessment 00:06:00 – Energy Metals Commodity Focus 00:08:50 – Oil Prices and Reserves 00:11:50 – Rise of Iran & Turkey 00:20:14 – Trump Pressures & MOU 00:23:30 – Gold and Bitcoin Outlook 00:27:56 – U.S. Strategic Petro Reserve 00:31:38 – Sulphuric Acid, Urea, & Ag. 00:34:47 – Use of Ground Forces? 00:37:08 – Gold In A Tsunami 00:38:50 – Purchasing Power Gold & BTC 00:40:01 – Substack and Final Remarks 00:42:11 – Concluding Thoughts Guest Links: Website: https://douglasmacgregor.com X: https://x.com/DougAMacgregor YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@douglasmacgregorTV Articles: https://breakingdefense.com/author/doug-macgregor/ Substack: https://substack.com/@coloneldoug Douglas Macgregor is a decorated combat veteran, an author of five books, a PhD, and a defense and foreign policy consultant. Macgregor was commissioned in the Regular Army in 1976 after 1 year at VMI and 4 years at West Point. In 2004, Macgregor retired with the rank of Colonel. In 2020, the President appointed Macgregor to serve as Senior Advisor to the Secretary of Defense, a post he held until President Trump left office. He holds an MA in comparative politics and a PhD in international relations from the University of Virginia. Macgregor is widely known inside the U.S., Europe, Israel, Russia, China and Korea for both his leadership in the Battle of 73 Easting, the U.S. Army's largest tank battle since World War II, and for his ground breaking books on military transformation: Breaking the Phalanx (Praeger, 1997) and Transformation under Fire (Praeger, 2003). Macgregor's recommendations for change in Force Design and “integrated all arms-all effects” operations have profoundly influenced force development in Israel, Russia and China. In 2010, Macgregor traveled to Seoul, Korea to advise the ROK Ministry of Defense on force design. In 2019, Transformation under Fire was selected by Lt. Gen. Aviv Kohavi, Chief of the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), as the intellectual basis for IDF transformation. His fifth book, Margin of Victory: Five Battles that Changed the Face of Modern War from Naval Institute Press is available in Chinese, as well as, English and will soon appear in Hebrew. In 28 years of service Macgregor taught in the Department of Social Sciences at West Point, commanded the 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry, and served as the Director of the Joint Operations Center at SHAPE during the 1999 Kosovo Air Campaign for which he was awarded the Defense Superior Service medal. In January 2002, at Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's insistence the USCENTCOM Commander listened to Colonel Macgregor's concept for the offensive to seize Baghdad. The plan was largely adopted, but assumed no occupation of Iraq by U.S. Forces. Macgregor has also testified as an expert witness before the Senate and House Armed Services Committees and appeared as a defense analyst on Fox News, CNN, BBC, Sky News and public radio. He is fluent in German.

Former President Barack Obama at the opening of his presidential center in Chicago calls on Americans to look to the future, saying, 'We want to find a way to look toward each other again, not further away' and 'I hope this center will serve as an affirmation of just how special, how precious, our democracy truly is'; Vice President JD Vance defends the memorandum of understanding with Iran, saying it is 'bearing fruit' as oil starts moving through the Strait of Hormuz and oil prices drop. And he says the deal is a “win-win” for the U.S. If Iran changes its behavior, it's a transformative relationship, and if not, their military and their nuclear program is still destroyed; Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announces at a NATO defense ministerial a six-month review of U.S. military forces and bases in Europe.. saying 'an era of freeriding' is over; Senate Judiciary Committee approves a bill requiring the Supreme Court to allow cameras to cover oral arguments; New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani (D) presents the NBA Champion New York Knicks with the keys to the city after a massive ticker tape parade down Broadway. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Former FBI Supervisory Special Agent and Minneapolis Division Chief Division Counsel Kyle Loven. Drawing on decades of experience in counterterrorism, national security, internal investigations, and leading in the FBI's Minneapolis office covering Minnesota, North Dakota, and South Dakota, Kyle Loven breaks down the reality of Antifa-linked extremism in the Twin Cities and its connections nationwide. From organized militant tactics and affinity groups to violent unrest, threats against law enforcement, and the challenges of enforcement in a politically charged environment. Unapologetic analysis of how Antifa networks operate in Minnesota, their role in past riots and ongoing disruptions, federal responses, and what it means for public safety, free speech, and rule of law across the U.S. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

President Trump's pressure campaign against Iran appears to have produced a framework for negotiations aimed at preventing the Islamic Republic from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Todd walks through the reported 12-point plan, explains why Iran's leadership remains a threat to regional stability, and discusses what must happen for any agreement to succeed. Todd also examines why strength and deterrence matter in foreign policy and why caution is still warranted despite encouraging developments. Plus, a look at the growing controversy in Major League Baseball as players respond to Pride Night policies by writing Bible verses on team-issued hats.

President Trump's pressure campaign against Iran appears to have produced a framework for negotiations aimed at preventing the Islamic Republic from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Todd walks through the reported 12-point plan, explains why Iran's leadership remains a threat to regional stability, and discusses what must happen for any agreement to succeed. Todd also examines why strength and deterrence matter in foreign policy and why caution is still warranted despite encouraging developments. Plus, a look at the growing controversy in Major League Baseball as players respond to Pride Night policies by writing Bible verses on team-issued hats.

In this week's Live from the Vault, Andrew Maguire is joined by Przemysław K. Radomski to examine a breakthrough in solar technology that could cut silver demand sharply, and an AI investment bubble drawing stark parallels to the dot-com era.The two precious metals experts discuss why physical silver remains structurally under-supplied despite short-term market vulnerabilities, and why the growing gap between futures pricing and real physical availability continues to widen. Check out Przemysław:https://Silver2026.comhttps://www.youtube.com/@SilverStructurehttps://www.GoldenMeadow.euSend your questions to Andy here: https://www.speakpipe.com/LFTVTimestamps: 00:00 Start03:29 Solar demand for silver - why a major technology shift is looming09:07 Why peak silver production is likely already behind us14:16 The AI bubble and its double-edged impact on silver supply and demand21:19 What the dot-com bubble crash teaches us about AI valuations today30:31 Physical versus futures markets - why real money has left COMEX36:22 How a single industrial buyer panic could send silver prices sharply higher43:00 Why trading silver on margin remains dangerous for most investors50:06 How to navigate the silver market with the right information and toolsSign up for Kinesis on desktop:https://kinesis.money/kinesis-precious-metals/?utm_source=youtube&utm_medium=video&utm_campaign=lftv_276Download the Kinesis Mobile app - available App Store and Google Play:Apple: https://kms.kinesis.money/signupGoogle: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.kinesis.kinesisappAlso, don't forget to check out our social channels where you can stay up to date with all the latest news and developments from the team.X: https://twitter.com/KinesisMonetaryFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/kinesismoney/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/kinesismoney/Telegram: https://t.me/kinesismoneyTikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@kinesismoneyThe opinions expressed in this video by Andrew Maguire and any guest are solely their own and do not reflect the official policy, position, or views of Kinesis. The information provided is for general informational purposes only and does not constitute investment advice, financial advice, or any other type of professional advice.Viewers are encouraged to seek independent financial advice tailored to their individual circumstances before making any decisions related to the gold market or other investments. Kinesis does not accept any responsibility or liability for actions taken based on the content of this video.

Beth builds a five-bucket framework for why humans act the way they do — soul blueprint, biology, environment, free will, and the wild card most people avoid. It's her most comprehensive breakdown yet, and she's keeping it paradoxically nuanced.

This episode analyzes how UFC heavyweight Ciryl Gane's exceptional spatial awareness, fluid movement, and real-time pattern recognition allow him to dominate larger opponents through superior positioning rather than raw power. Drawing direct parallels to special operations, we explore trainable skills in environmental reading, predictive intelligence, and implicit coordination that elite operators use to maintain advantage in chaotic, high-stakes environments. A clinically grounded performance psychology breakdown offering practical insights for tactical decision-makers seeking to enhance situational awareness and adaptive cognition under pressure.

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In this premiere episode of Partner Perspectives, a special miniseries within the Look Forward podcast, host Molly Mintz examines how private markets are reshaping capital formation, portfolio construction, and long-term investment strategy. Drawing on S&P Global and Vanguard's joint research, Partner Perspectives: Unlocking Potential Ahead, this conversation explores why companies are staying private longer, how private equity has expanded in scale and influence, and what today's higher-rate environment means for returns and risk.  Vanguard's Bill Stout outlines an optimistic but measured view on private equity—emphasizing that disciplined underwriting, operational execution, diversification, and manager selection matter more than ever as the era of easy exits fades.  S&P Global's Evan Gunter and Ilja Hauerhof discuss private credit's rapid expansion, the rising trend of manager concentration, and how asset-based finance has emerged as a major growth engine. In addition, they highlight risks that are shaping this market evolution—including liquidity constraints and structural complexity—and explain why greater transparency, standardized reporting, and data-driven insights will be essential to unlocking the next phase of private market growth.   Chapters:  [00:00] - Introduction to Partner Perspectives and the future of private markets  [02:55] - Bill Stout on how capital formation has shifted from public to private markets  [05:15] - The biggest risks facing private equity in a higher-rate, slower-exit environment  [07:25] - Public vs. private equity performance, illiquidity premiums, and return dispersion  [08:50] - Why Vanguard's outlook for private equity is optimistic but measured   [10:55] - The case for manager selection and diversification across strategies, vintages, and regions  [13:25] - What's next: secondaries, democratized access, and fee compression  [16:15] - Transition to private credit with Evan Gunter and Ilja Hauerhof  [17:45] - How private credit evolved after the GFC and why private companies are getting bigger  [20:35] - Concentration risk and the growing dominance of the top five credit managers  [22:45] - Asset-based finance, fund finance, and infrastructure as the next frontier  [27:35] - Key risks in private credit: liquidity, transparency, and complexity  [32:35] - Why standardized data and clearer reporting are critical for future growth  [35:15] - Final takeaways and where to find more research from S&P Global and Vanguard  This podcast was authored by a cross-section of representatives from S&P Global and in certain circumstances external guest authors. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or positions of any entities they represent and are not necessarily reflected in the products and services those entities offer. This research is a publication of S&P Global and does not comment on current or future credit ratings or credit rating methodologies. 

Mondelēz International, the company behind Cadbury, Oreo, Toblerone and Ritz, has warned that future European investment could bypass the UK if regulatory instability persists.Chief executive Dirk Van de Put says the UK is the company's second-biggest market globally and contributes more than £2.3 billion to the economy each year, supporting 12,000 jobs and spending £1.3 billion with more than 1,000 UK suppliers. But he is sharply critical of food and drink being left out of the government's industrial strategy, despite representing around a quarter of industrial turnover. He says the sector is being taken for granted and warns that repeated policy shifts have already cost Mondelēz £40 million in reformulation work that was then superseded by further changes. Asked whether future investment could go elsewhere in Europe because of government policy, he says: “Yes, of course.”Van de Put also defends Mondelēz's decision to continue operating in Russia, despite acknowledging the company pays taxes there that contribute to the war in Ukraine. He argues that withdrawal would have put 3,000 employees out of work, left 10,000 farmers without a buyer, and likely handed confiscated plants to Kremlin-linked interests that could generate even more money for the Russian state. He says: “I'm not pleased about that,” but maintains that staying was “not the most popular decision” but “the right decision”. The conflict in Ukraine is not theoretical for Mondelēz. Van de Put reveals that the company's office building in Ukraine was hit on the morning of the interview, and its factories have been struck and rebuilt twice at a cost of tens of millions. He also said staff were evacuated to neighbouring countries during the worst of the fighting. More broadly, he describes the past two years as the toughest of his 30-year career. Wars, inflation, oil prices, packaging costs, fertiliser markets and weak household budgets have created cascading pressure across the business. He says global consumer confidence is among the worst he has ever seen.The cocoa supply chain has also suffered its worst disruption in at least 40 years. Concentrated production in Ghana and Ivory Coast, endemic crop disease and back-to-back extreme weather events drove an 18 per cent fall in harvests and sent prices soaring. Two stronger crops have eased the immediate pressure, but Van de Put says the structural fragility remains and the sector needs long-term intervention from governments, companies and farming communities.He also pushes back against the backlash against processed food, saying: “The world cannot live without processed foods.” He argues that processing is essential to food preservation and global food security, though he accepts the industry must continue to make products healthier.On GLP-1 weight loss drugs, Van de Put says Mondelēz is not yet seeing a material impact, but expects the trend to reshape consumer habits over time. He sees the drugs as broadly positive and says the company is adapting through acquisitions in protein and health snacking, including Grenade, Clif Bar and Perfect Snacks, as well as developing products with more protein, fibre and cleaner ingredients.Presenter: Leanna Byrne Producer: Olie D'Albertanson Editor: Henry Jones0:00 Will and Leanna intro the podcast 03:01 Dirk Van de Put interview begins / His background as a vet 08:53 Forces shaping the business: wars, tariffs, climate, cocoa, regulation, GLP-1 drugs 13:25 Europe as a difficult market / Consumer confidence at historic lows16:28 Continuing operations in Russia / Moral decisions & taxes funding the war 21:51 Cocoa supply chain crisis, El Niño & prices 24:27 Consumer pricing, shrinkflation & recipe integrity 29:30 UK industrial strategy: food industry left out 33:00 Future investment in UK & HFSS regulation 36:07 Education vs. regulation on obesity & weight loss drugs 41:48 Acquisitions (Grenade, Clif Bar) & protein/fibre trends 43:50 Chocolate tasters & "tasting Neanderthal" confession

En RDC, le changement de Constitution proposé par le pouvoir provoque une vive réaction de l'opposition, qui y voit une manœuvre du président Tshisekedi pour faire un troisième mandat. Vendredi à Kinshasa, une manifestation de la coalition « Article 64 » s'est terminée par des affrontements. Quatre leaders de l'opposition ont été blessés. Parmi eux, il y a Delly Sesanga, qui a été ministre du Plan de 2003 à 2006 et qui préside aujourd'hui le parti Envol. En ligne de Kinshasa, il témoigne au micro de C. Boisbouvier. RFI : Vous avez été blessé lors de la manifestation du 12 juin à Kinshasa. Qu'est-ce qui vous est arrivé ? Delly Sesanga : Nous avons été ciblés par les escadrons envoyés par le régime qui a visé le leadership de la C64, pour décourager le peuple, comme ils ont peur du peuple congolais. Ils ont voulu désamorcer la mobilisation et la démonstration que l'on voulait faire devant le Palais du peuple. Et donc, il y a eu ce tir qui m'a atteint dans mon intégrité physique et qui a conduit à une incapacité à ce jour. Une sonde m'a été placée et je suis mis au repos pour au moins une dizaine de jours. Alors vous dites que vous avez été touché par un tir. Un tir de quoi ? Ce que je sais, c'est que le premier engin, qui a atterri entre mes jambes et qui visiblement faisait l'objet d'un tir ciblé, est un engin à déflagration. Parce que quand il est arrivé, il a éclaté et on a eu des éclats dans les jambes qui faisaient très mal. Et le deuxième, ça a été un tir d'une balle qui m'a éraflé au bas-ventre et a touché mes appareils urinaires et ainsi de suite. Ce qui a nécessité les soins que je subis aujourd'hui. Et savez-vous qui a tiré ces deux projectiles sur vous ? Nous avions en face de nous une police qui était accompagnée des Forces du progrès, qui est la milice de Monsieur Tshisekedi et de l'UDPS [Union pour la démocratie et le progrès social, le parti du chef de l'État, NDLR], qui est enrôlée aujourd'hui pour faire de la répression contre l'opposition. Ceux qui ont tiré sur moi portaient les tenues de la police. Mais je ne peux pas certifier qu'il s'agit des policiers parce qu'aujourd'hui nous sommes dans un chaos créé par Monsieur Tshisekedi, où la police se confond avec les Forces du progrès parce que les Forces du progrès sont aujourd'hui habillées en tenue de la police pour faire usage de la force. Donc, ce sont les deux mélangées. Monsieur Tshisekedi utilise une milice privée dans les forces armées et dans les forces de l'ordre pour assurer son entreprise de répression. Le gouvernement provincial de la ville de Kinshasa fait état d'un bilan de 20 blessés légers, dont 15 policiers et cinq manifestants. Est-ce que vous confirmez ? C'est complètement faux. On a vu d'abord des cadavres qui ont été récupérés par la police. Ce que nous lui demandons de restituer. Ensuite, le nombre de blessés est au-delà de ce chiffre donné. Rien que parmi les leaders de la C64, vous avez Ados Ndombasi qui a été blessé, vous avez moi-même. Vous avez Martin Fayulu, vous avez Jean-Marc Kabund. Et quand je prends les deux gardes du corps qui ont été évacués en même temps que moi et tous ceux qui sont dans les établissements ici sur place, on est au-delà de ces chiffres. Donc, c'est un mensonge éhonté. D'ailleurs, ce mardi, nous allons nous réunir à la conférence des présidents de la C64 et nous allons rendre public le bilan complet. Vous parlez de cadavres : y a-t-il eu des morts ? Il y a eu un corps qui a été récupéré au niveau de la police. Nous lui demandons de pouvoir restituer celui-ci. Et puis il a été fait état d'autres victimes de la répression qui ont perdu la vie. Après le sit-in que vous avez organisé devant le siège du parti de Martin Fayulu, les autorités vous reprochent d'avoir voulu marcher en direction du Palais du peuple, c'est-à-dire du Parlement, alors que vous n'y étiez pas autorisés. D'abord, ce sont des grands irresponsables parce que ces autorités de la ville, nous leur avons demandé de faire le sit-in à l'esplanade du Palais du peuple, le lieu où ils ont autorisé, il y a encore quelques semaines, les membres de la majorité à pouvoir s'y présenter. Nous sommes des citoyens congolais. On ne peut pas nous interdire, au nom de l'égalité de droit, de jouir des mêmes droits que la majorité. Donc, nous voulions être à l'esplanade du Palais du peuple. Donc, il n'a jamais été question de marcher sur le Palais du peuple, mais d'être plutôt à l'esplanade du Palais du peuple. Votre coalition de l'opposition s'appelle Article 64. Pourquoi pointez-vous en particulier cet article de la Constitution congolaise ? Parce que l'article 64, c'est le dernier refuge de tous les démocrates pour assurer le respect de l'ordre constitutionnel. Cet article fait un devoir à chaque Congolais de faire échec à toute personne qui veut prendre le pouvoir en violation de la Constitution, ou l'exercer en violation de celle-ci. Et l'entreprise que Monsieur Tshisekedi a initiée actuellement de vouloir changer de constitution pour se donner un troisième mandat à la tête de notre pays, c'est une tentative de renversement de l'ordre constitutionnel, une violation de son serment, une violation intentionnelle de la Constitution. C'est pourquoi nous nous mobilisons sur ce dernier refuge de la loi et de la Constitution, pour faire échec à son entreprise et pour pouvoir le plaquer au sol. Parce que le nombre et la durée des mandats du président de la République ne peuvent pas faire l'objet d'une révision de la Constitution. Et nous nous mobilisons pour faire en sorte que l'ordre constitutionnel dans notre pays soit respecté. À lire aussiRévision de la Constitution en RDC: le Sénat adopte la proposition de loi pour un référendum

Professor Olivier Schmitt describes the systemic challenges of military transformation, given rapidly evolving technology and NATO's distinct strategic cultures. Modern defence and security reviews highlight the deteriorating security environment and the need to prepare forces. But, as we hear from Lord King (Season 6, Episode 3), the ability to adapt will be essential; we need a mindset that allows for continuous change. This is both enabled by, and made harder within, an alliance context where members' different strategic cultures – with different civil-military relations, defence procurement and operations – present systemic dilemmas. Professor Olivier Schmitt is the Head of Research at the Institute of Military Operations at the Royal Danish Defence College. He completed his doctorate at the Department of War Studies, King's College London. His most recent book, Preparing for War: Strategy, Power and Military Change, was published by Hurst/Oxford University Press in 2026.   Further Reading: Schmitt, Olivier: Preparing for War. Strategy, Power and Military Change. (London, Hurst/Oxford University Press, 2026). Schmitt, Olivier, Sten Rynning and Amelie Theussen (eds): War Time: Temporality and the Decline of Western Military Power (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2021) Barno, David and Bensahel, Nora: Adaptation Under Fire. How Militaries change in Wartime (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020). Finkel, Meir: On Flexibility: Recovery from Technological and Doctrinal Surprise on the Battlefield (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2011). Fox, Aimee: Learning to Fight: Military Innovation and Change in the British Army, 1914-1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017). Goya, Michel: Flesh and Steel during the Great War: The Transformation of the French Army and the Invention of Modern Warfare (London: Pen and Sword, 2018). Hoffman, Frank: Mars Adapting: Military Change During War (Annapolis, Naval Institute Press, 2021).

H.W. Brands describes how, by the summer of 1939, the destruction of Poland by German and Soviet forces confirmed that war was imminent, prompting Roosevelt to invoke neutrality laws as required by Congress. Despite his desire for privacy, Lindbergh began using his celebrity status to secure national radio airtime, feeling a duty to prevent Americafrom repeating what he viewed as the "mistake" of the First World War. His father, a former congressman, had been driven out of politics for opposing American intervention in 1917, a legacy that instilled in Lindbergh a profound distrust of politics as a "mean business" where truth was rare. Lindbergh argued that Britain and France were launching a war they could not win and would eventually force the United States into a permanent presence in Europe. During this period, he consulted with figures like Herbert Hoover, who suggested forming a committee that would eventually become "America First," and visited the "House of Morgan" through his wife's family connections. British observers, such as Harold Nicolson, were less impressed, dismissing Lindbergh as a "schoolboy" who possessed technical talent but lacked a mature understanding of diplomacy and the complexities of governing a great empire. Lindbergh remained unfazed by British criticism, asserting that he was an American and that his country's interests were distinct from those of the British Empire. (2)1936

US President Donald Trump said on Monday a preliminary agreement to end the war in the Gulf has already been signed by the United States and Iran. White House officials have been giving some details about the Iran deal. They say the Strait of Hormuz will re-open on Friday - the same day the deal is formally signed in Geneva - with shipping traffic increasing gradually.Also on the programme: A wave of Russian strikes on Ukraine has killed ten people and badly damaged one of Kyiv's most sacred and historic cathedrals, we hear from historian and archaeologist Maksym Ostapenko; and scientists have found a new way to detect microplastics in the living tissue of our bodies with a laser, we speak to medical imaging lecturer Stephen Patrick, who led the research. (Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from Musandam, Oman, June 15. Credit: Reuters)

The Breggin Hour with Dr. Peter & Ginger Breggin – Seth Holehouse joins The Breggin Hour to examine Epstein revelations, MKUltra survivor testimony, compromised elites, spiritual warfare, and practical preparedness. The conversation exposes patterns of corruption while pointing toward faith, family, truth-seeking, self-reliance, and moral courage as paths to freedom in a world shaped by predatory power...

Montreal Police investigate their own amid allegations of racial profiling, discrimination and violence. A community organizer tells us people should be shocked -- but she is not surprised.An Iranian-American football fanatic says he'll be in the stadium tonight in Los Angeles as Iran plays its first FIFA World Cup match, but he won't be cheering. While Donald Trump celebrates a ceasefire, a political scientist in Jerusalem tells us why Israelis from the left, right and centre are denouncing the agreement -- and their Prime Minister. A six-year-old in Windsor, Ontario has been visiting the site of the Gordie Howe Bridge nearly every week for almost his entire life. And now...he has a message for the powers that be.15 years after its release, a Bosnian band's satirical song about immigrating to the US has become a soccer anthem. The band tells us why fans think the new version is pitch perfect.A store owner in Halifax tells us she can't keep her dapper porch geese in stock, thanks to an online revival of the replica bird trend. As It Happens, the Monday Edition. Radio that appreciates a geese offering.

Pastor Ryan Mayor 6/14/26

In this episode Brian and Jeff discuss why women are becoming one of the most important forces in the future of wealth, and why financial confidence matters just as much as financial assets. 

How does a podcast ever find its way to your ear? How is the universe actually expanding? How did we ever become okay with burning people at the stake?See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

How does a podcast ever find its way to your ear? How is the universe actually expanding? How did we ever become okay with burning people at the stake?See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Sponsor Link:This episode of SpaceTime is brought to you by NordVPN, where your online security starts. To check out our special offer for SpaceTime listeners, visit www.nordvpn.com/stuartgarySpaceTime Series 29 Episode 70 *The Small Magellanic Cloud is being ripped apart A new study reveals that the Small Magellanic Cloud, a satellite galaxy of the Milky Way, is slowly being torn apart by gravitational forces from the Large Magellanic Cloud. Researchers have utilised over a decade of observations to uncover the galaxy's dynamic state, challenging previous models of coherent rotation. *Blueprint for a lunar base NASA's plans for a lunar base at the Moon's South Pole are sparking innovative proposals for construction using local lunar materials. The Texas A&M Space Institute is leading research into using lunar regolith, a challenging construction material, to develop habitats for future lunar missions. *Meteor rocks New England A recent meteor explosion over New England has been confirmed as a sonic boom from a meteor entering the Earth's atmosphere, sending shockwaves across Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The meteor, travelling at 121,000 kilometres per hour, likely fragmented before falling into the North Atlantic Ocean. *The Science Robert Increased wildfire risks are predicted across parts of Australia, while a study reveals that Iceman Otzi's microbiome remains active even after 5,300 years. Additionally, video technology may allow for heart rate monitoring through facial recognition.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/spacetime-with-stuart-gary--2458531/support.

ESPN Forces Monica McNutt to Apologize for Taylor Swift Comments, Stephen A Smith Gets Exposed Over His Old Knicks Takes, and Nick Wright Blames Victor Wembanyama for the Spurs Collapse While Giving LeBron James a Pass Visit https://prizepicks.onelink.me/LME0/CLNS and use code CLNS to get $50 in daily fantasy lineups when you play your first $5 lineup! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

WarRoom Battleground EP 1029: Top EU Court Forces Catholic Poland To Accept “Gay Marriages” Confected In Other EU Countries

Can coaching make a big difference, especially if you are fairly accomplished and experienced?  In this episode, Mark and Darren get answers from four clients who participated in a recent OWN THE STAGE 3-DAY presentation coaching workshop. Bernadette, Glenn, Elaine, and Beth share their experiences, offer their perspective, and explain the benefits. They prove that qualified coaching can help any presenter to become unforgettable.   SNIPPETS: • Evokes your humanity • Forces you to humble yourself   • Uncovers humor   • Provides AHAs   • Makes speeches light-years better   • Helps you learn to discern   • Trains your ear   • Builds confidence in your material   • Provides a 360° experience   • Evokes conversational style   • Gets you unstuck   • Provides a great roadmap   • Helps you live impactful moments   • Gets you past your mess   Work with Mark and Darren: https://www.stagetimeuniversity.com/get-a-speaking-coach/   Check Out Stage Time University: https://www.stagetimeuniversity.com

Life is a journey. In fact, the great mystic the Baal Shem Tov teaches that each of us travels through 42 distinct journeys in the course of our lives. The 42 journeys the Jewish people traversed in the wilderness, as recorded in the Torah, are not merely ancient history; they are a map of the human soul and a mirror of our own life's voyage.Every stage, every twist and turn, every ascent and descent, every triumph and setback is part of a larger choreography. When you begin to see your life not as a series of disconnected events but as a purposeful journey, patterns begin to develop and it starts to make sense. The challenges do not disappear, but your ability to navigate them is transformed. You recognize that every step, every encounter, and every obstacle carries within it an opportunity for growth and discovery.In Part Two of our seven-part series, The 42 Journeys of Life, we continue the expedition. Having explored the first five journeys—the formative years in which our identity begins to take shape—we now enter journeys six through twelve, where we begin to develop the tools to confront adversity and discover our inner strength.Please join Rabbi Simon Jacobson for Part Two: The Forces That Try to Break You Before You Become You—an exploration of the early challenges that test us, shape us, and ultimately reveal who we are meant to become.

Last time we spoke about the One Hundred Regiment Offensive. During Phase Three of the One Hundred Regiment Offensive, CCP forces in the Taihang/Jizhong area emphasized strongpoint attacks and transportation warfare. Rather than trying to defeat Japanese units head-on, they used tactics such as night raids and ambushes to disrupt Japanese supply routes and communications. The underlying goal was to make Japanese logistics unstable, weakening their ability to maintain control and conduct effective operations. After CCP successes, the Japanese responded with large-scale "mopping-up" operations beginning October 6. As the Eighth Route Army continued resisting, it adopted flexible methods to counter the Japanese sweeps, especially rapid repositioning and targeted ambushes. One notable action described involves an ambush of a Japanese convoy that caused substantial enemy losses, demonstrating how disrupting enemy mobility could blunt the effectiveness of larger Japanese operations. Overall, the situation remained fluid, with both sides continually adapting their tactics in an ongoing contest for control across occupied North China.   #205 The Hubei-Henan Campaign of 1940-1941 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By 1940, the war had settled into a grueling stalemate, with Japanese troops occupying vast swathes of central China, including parts of Hubei, but facing persistent Chinese guerrilla and conventional resistance that prevented total consolidation. In the aftermath of the Battle of Zaoyang in the summer of 1940, Japanese forces had secured the key cities of Yichang and Shashi along the middle reaches of the Yangtze River. Yet Chinese Nationalist troops of the Fifth War Area retained firm control over the vital territories east and west of the Xiang River. Their defensive lines formed a broad arc stretching from the southwest of Yuan'an through Jingmen, north of Zhongxiang, and the rugged foothills of the Dahong Mountains, extending northwest to Suixian. These positions straddled both banks of the Xiang River, anchored on the right by the Wudang Mountains and on the left by the Tongbai range. Working in close coordination with guerrilla detachments operating in the southeast, Chinese units repeatedly harassed the Japanese garrisons that had pushed into Yichang. The constant pressure on the enemy's flanks left the Japanese forces in Yichang and Shashi dangerously exposed and hemmed in, unable to expand or consolidate their gains. To the Japanese high command, this situation had become an intolerable thorn that demanded immediate removal.   Under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese Nationalist government faced severe strains as the war with Japan escalated. Its problems were not only military, but also political and economic. Deep ideological and territorial rivalries with the CCP meant that efforts to present a single front were constantly undermined. Although the two sides officially formed a United Front in 1937, earlier violence and competition, such as the 1927 Shanghai Massacre and the CCP's Long March of 1934 – 1935 had left distrust and strategic differences in place. As a result, Nationalist resistance was harder to coordinate than it would have been under full unity. Meanwhile, the CCP strengthened its position in northern China by expanding rural strongholds. Through land reforms and the use of guerrilla warfare, the communists were able to win local support and apply pressure to Japanese forces in ways that often did not require large, conventional armies. This strategy also drew influence and manpower away from the Nationalists' more traditional, state-centered military structure.   Economically, the Nationalists were squeezed from multiple directions. The loss of China's coastal industrial regions to Japanese occupation forced the government to rely heavily on the interior, with Chongqing becoming a key base. That geographic shift left the administration more vulnerable to shortages of critical supplies, especially raw materials, fuel, and modern weapons. On top of wartime disruption, the global Great Depression intensified fiscal and logistical difficulties, limiting how quickly and effectively the Nationalists could mobilize resources for large-scale operations. By late November 1940, these weaknesses intersected with renewed Japanese pressure. Japanese commanders were also concerned about the possibility of a major Nationalist push, particularly fears of a counteroffensive by the Thirty-first Army Group under General Tang Enbo.    Determined to break the stalemate, the Japanese launched a major offensive in late November 1940. Preparations had begun in earnest early that month. Engineers repaired and expanded highways and bridges, constructed new defensive works and airfields, and stockpiled vast quantities of rations, ammunition, steel-hulled boats, and rubber rafts in the Zhongxiang area. Five regiments were concentrated near Zhongxiang, while additional troops east and west of the Xiang River brought the total strength to more than three divisions. Along the Suixian–Xiangyang Highway, Japanese forces were reinforced to divisional strength, supported by increased artillery and tank detachments. These meticulous measures left no doubt that the enemy was ready for a large-scale operation.   By 23 November the Japanese had completed their deployments and moved into assault positions. The Japanese forces assigned to the Central Hubei Operation were placed under the overall command of Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe, who directed the campaign from his headquarters in Wuhan. Sonobe's 11th Army drew on a broad mix of formations, combining units from the 3rd, 4th, 15th, 17th, 39th, and 40th Divisions. The offensive backbone for the thrust into central Hubei province was reinforced by the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, which helped supply the infantry strength needed for sustained fighting across difficult ground. In practice, this multi-division structure reflected the 11th Army's key mission in the region, acting as the main Japanese formation after the earlier Battle of Zaoyang and it emphasized coordinated divisional advances supported by attached brigades and specialized elements, including limited armored capabilities.   In terms of manpower, the Japanese force is commonly estimated at roughly 40,000 to 50,000 troops. This strength included several infantry regiments and artillery batteries, along with only limited armored elements rather than a fully armored formation. Because the operation depended on finding and exploiting opportunities quickly, it was supported by aerial reconnaissance and bombing carried out by the 3rd Air Brigade operating in central China. Infantry units formed the majority of the fighting power, while artillery was used to provide suppressive fire during advances. Air support, meanwhile, was intended to help identify and target Chinese positions—particularly along important riverine and rail corridors, where disruptions could slow resistance and complicate Chinese reinforcement or retreat.   To manage the operation across varied terrain and combat tasks, Sonobe's command used smaller combined formation often described as task forces, that could operate with some flexibility. Among them were the Kayashima Force, commanded by Major General Koichi Kayashima of the 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, consisting of the entire brigade reinforced by elements of the 40th Division. The Muragami Force, under Lieutenant General Keisaku Muragami, commander of the 39th Division, which included the full division plus supporting non-infantry units. The Hirabayashi Force, led by Lieutenant General Morito Hirabayashi of the 17th Division, formed from detachments of the 17th and 15th Divisions.The Kitana Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Kenzo Kitana of the 4th Division, incorporating portions of the 4th Division and the Kususe Armored Force. These four groups were deployed in parallel around Tangyang, Jingmen, Zhongxiang, and north of Jingshan. The Hanjima Force, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division, positioned near Suixian along the Xiangyang–Hua Highway. This task-force approach helped tailor combat power to specific mission profiles—such as flanking movements, raids, or pressure on Chinese defensive lines—while keeping the overall campaign plan under a unified command.   Equipment choices also reflected the tactical environment of Hubei. The Japanese units made use of Type 95 Ha-Go light tanks for reconnaissance and for anti-infantry roles, typically best suited to the reconnaissance, pursuit, and screening functions that were available even with constrained armor numbers. For fire support, the force relied on conventional artillery, including 75mm Type 90 guns for field engagements and 105mm howitzers for heavier bombardment where stronger explosive impact was needed. Together, these assets were intended to allow Japanese formations to maneuver around Chinese positions and apply pressure in rugged landscapes where rivers, roads, and rail lines often determined the rhythm of battle.   Logistics were a decisive factor in whether the operation could sustain momentum. Sonobe's army depended heavily on existing transportation infrastructure, particularly rail lines radiating from the Wuhan hub toward forward areas such as Suizhou and Zaoyang. These routes were critical for moving ammunition, replacements, and other supplies closer to the front as the Japanese advanced. The campaign also used river transport along the Yangtze River, including motorized barges and steamers, to deliver supplies to units operating near waterways. However, reliance on these corridors came with risks: Chinese interdiction raids could disrupt shipments, forcing convoys to be escorted and increasing the time and resources required to keep the forward units supplied. Overall, this dependence on both rail and fluvial networks highlighted a central operational challenge, maintaining secure access to transportation arteries in contested territory so that the Japanese could keep fighting effectively rather than stalling as supplies dwindled.   The Central Hubei Operation was driven by an intelligence assessment that Chinese troop movements were signaling preparations for a Nationalist counteroffensive. Acting on that interpretation, the Japanese began tightening plans and positioning forces early in the final days of November 1940. On 23 November 1940, the Japanese 11th Army under Lieutenant General Waichirō Sonobe began organizing for the offensive in central Hubei. In order to conduct a coordinated advance across the Han River, the army arranged its forces into five groups, each tasked with moving in a way that supported the broader pincer-style pressure on Chinese positions. The approach also reflected lessons drawn from the earlier Zaoyang–Yichang campaign earlier in 1940, when Japanese divisions had been able to cross the Han River at multiple points, such as Dangyang, Jiukouzhen, and Shayangzhen—to help secure access toward Yichang and the Yangtze route. Logistics were built around infrastructure the Japanese had already established during prior operations. The Hankou hub supported the 11th Army through arrangements that included munitions storage, medical facilities, and transport coordination. Supplies and reinforcements were moved using truck convoys and river crossings, while forward depots—such as those at Shayangzhen northwest of Hankou—provided additional capacity, including freight handling and field hospitals. Because the area was not secure, these supply points were also guarded against threats from guerrilla activity, which could disrupt communications and threaten personnel and equipment.   Operationally, the offensive used limited artillery and air support, reflecting Japanese constraints and directives aimed at keeping the campaign short and avoiding commitments that could stretch units beyond their logistical reach. Instead of trying to grind down Chinese defenses through prolonged bombardment, the plan prioritized speed, reconnaissance, and focused disruption. Japanese intelligence preparation relied heavily on aerial reconnaissance over the Han River valley to locate Chinese positions and infer where resistance would likely concentrate. That information enabled Japanese units to coordinate select maneuvers, including converging pressure from different directions. Where river transport mattered, coordination with naval or riverine elements supported movement and resupply, with overall oversight connected to the China Expeditionary Army.   Anticipating the coming assault, the Chinese Fifth War Area headquarters acted swiftly on instructions from the National Military Council. Orders were issued to the River West Army Group (30th and 77th Corps), the Right Army Group (44th and 67th Corps), and the Central Army Group (41st and 45th Corps) to employ a flexible defensive strategy: hold key positions firmly while committing the main strength to strike the enemy's outer flanks at the decisive moment. The 59th Corps was directed to advance toward the Xiangfan area, ready to reinforce operations on either bank of the river as the situation developed.   As commander of the Fifth War Area, Li Zongren arranged the defense to meet a likely Japanese thrust along the Han River, particularly in the approaches to Wuhan and Yichang, following the wider stalemate that settled in after the 1938 fall of Wuhan. The Fifth War Area could draw on roughly 300,000 troops, though many units were understrength, and the overall readiness varied by locality. Among the formations Li Zongren placed in the most sensitive sectors was the 31st Army Group under General Tang Enbo, which Japanese planners had identified as a potential threat to Japanese intentions in the region. In keeping with the terrain and the limits on manpower, Li's defensive design relied heavily on natural barriers—most importantly the Han River itself—and on the defensibility of rugged ground. Forces were arrayed to hold or contest riverbank positions, supported by fortifications, trenches, and smaller auxiliary elements. Divisions such as the 44th were positioned with an eye toward slowing an enemy crossing and forcing the Japanese to fight for difficult approaches rather than moving rapidly. At the same time, irregular forces and prepared defensive works were used to complicate Japanese reconnaissance and to make it harder for the attacker to coordinate a clean operational flow. Strategically, Li Zongren leaned on elastic defense rather than attempting to win decisive battles at fixed lines. Regular units were supported by guerrilla-style harassment intended to strike Japanese vulnerabilities, especially supply and transportation, between forward bases and the front. Local operations, including actions coming from areas such as Xinyang, were designed to disrupt Japanese logistics in periods when the Nationalists were still managing shortages of ammunition and medical supplies. Militias in the inter-mountainous regions further reinforced this approach: instead of seeking costly frontal engagements, they concentrated on disruption, delaying movements, and making Japanese operations slower and more expensive.   At dawn on 25 November the Japanese offensive began, with columns advancing along multiple axes. On the western Xiangyang front, more than 1,000 troops from Tangyang and over 3,000 from Jingmen struck Hengdian and Yanzhimiao, shattering the positions of the Chinese 30th Corps. Simultaneously, a column moving from Zhujiafu toward Tunglinling split into several detachments and drove deep northward into Liangshuijing, Xiajiazi, and Kuaihuopu. By nightfall the River West Army Group had regrouped along the line from Hengdian through Yanzhimiao to Kuaihuopu. On 26 November the Japanese reached Xianzhu. The following day they assaulted Liuhouji and Lijiatang in a day-long battle that ended in stalemate. At dusk the 30th Corps launched a powerful counterattack; the 27th and 31st Divisions dispatched raiding parties into the enemy's rear. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese fell back toward Jingmen and Zhongxiang, pursued by Chinese forces that inflicted heavy losses.   Along the Jingmen–Zhongxiang Highway the Japanese massed more than 3,000 troops to attack Changshoutian and Wangjiatian, encircling Changjiachi and Shahetian. The Chinese 149th Division withdrew in good order to the stronger Wangjiahe–Wulongguan line. On 26 November enemy strength grew to 4,000–5,000. One column advanced on Sanligang while the main body assaulted Peizhai, Wangjiahe, and Yunanmen. Fighting continued until dark without decisive result. On 27 November the main force of the 44th Corps counterattacked from Wangjiahe, converging with the 67th Corps advancing from the northwest. The coordinated assault inflicted severe casualties, yet the Japanese continued to fight stubbornly. On the Suixian front, more than 2,000 Japanese troops reached Liangshuikou on the morning of 25 November and launched a violent attack against the 123rd Division at Lishan. Two additional columns, each exceeding 1,000 men, pushed westward toward Hoyuantian and Qingmingpu; their numbers swelled steadily as darkness fell. On 26 November fierce combat raged against the 124th and 127th Divisions at Jinjishan and Qingmingpu. A separate force of 700–800 men advanced from Xihe via Langhetian to Tangjiafan. After clashing with the 41st Corps, the Japanese near Qingmingpu linked up with those at Jinjishan and moved toward Hoyuantian on 27 November. That night the detachment at Tangjiafan reached the vicinity of Huantan Zhen, confronting the 125th Division. Recognizing that the enemy had become dangerously dispersed, the War Area Command ordered its units to hold critical localities while the main forces exploited the mountainous terrain for ambushes. The tactic proved effective. Heavy fighting continued until 28 November, when the Japanese, unable to achieve their objectives, began a general withdrawal. Chinese forces west of Xiangyang immediately took up the pursuit. The enemy opposing the Right Army Group was routed and retreated along several routes. In the Suixian sector, Japanese units at Hoyuantian and Huantan Zhen were caught in converging attacks by the Central Army Group, driven back to high ground, and encircled. In a desperate attempt to relieve the trapped forces, the Japanese rushed 1,500–1,600 infantry and cavalry troops from Suixian and Yingshan through Shangshitian and Shatian in a flanking maneuver—only to be ambushed once more. Covered by aircraft and armor, the enemy withdrew toward Suixian and Xihe as Chinese troops pressed forward along the line from Chunchuan to Anchu, Lishan, and Gaocheng. By 30 November all Chinese Army Groups had restored their original positions.   The Central Hubei Operation produced uneven battlefield outcomes, particularly in reported casualties. Japanese accounts describe relatively limited losses, just 132 killed and 445 wounded attributed to advantages in air superiority, artillery, and armored support, even though the advance was complicated by difficult terrain. At the same time, Japanese forces faced persistent Chinese counterattacks along the Han River, which contributed to localized pressure and eventual withdrawal. The Japanese reported 6,439 Chinese killed  and 474 captured, but the evidence base is uncertain and the language of reporting suggests possible exaggeration or propaganda. Conversely, Chinese-era estimates reportedly placed Japanese losses at roughly 5,000 killed and 7,000–8,000 wounded, illustrating a substantial gap between competing narratives. Some alternate reconstructions suggest total Chinese casualties in the range of 20,000–30,000, depending on whether wounded and missing personnel are included. However, because wartime reporting was fragmented and inconsistent, there is no fully verifiable casualty ledger for all units involved.   Despite these tolls, the operation did not appear to achieve a decisive Chinese destruction of Japan's intended target force. The Chinese Fifth War Area, including elements associated with the 31st Army Group under Tang Enbo, suffered attrition but generally avoided annihilation. No major command-level losses are indicated in the surviving accounts, and unit formations were not described as collapsing permanently. On the material side, Japan reportedly seized rifles and supplies from positions that Chinese forces had encircled or abandoned in the short term, but overall equipment losses for either side were described as limited, consistent with the operation's restricted intensity.    Strategically, the operation offered Japan short-term tactical advantages—notably through localized envelopments and the temporary pressure of combined-arms support—but it failed to translate these gains into a sustained strategic result. The fighting also strained Japanese logistics in central China, especially given that the offensive was not followed by major reinforcements. At the same time, it exposed continuing vulnerabilities in rugged terrain where Chinese guerrilla activity and organized counteraction could offset superior firepower.   Ultimately, the Central Hubei Operation produced no net territorial gains. By the end of the week, Japanese troops had returned to positions that did not fundamentally alter control in central Hubei. Local clashes may have disturbed formations and disrupted movement temporarily, but the campaign did not create durable forward bases, did not change administrative control meaningfully, and did not permanently disrupt key supply corridors. The territorial status quo largely persisted: Chinese Fifth War Area forces maintained positions north of the Yangtze River, and there was no widespread abandonment of strongholds sufficient to indicate a strategic collapse.   In the months following the Japanese repulse in central Hubei in November 1940, enemy forces remained largely immobilized across the Jing-Xiang plains, their earlier ambitions checked by determined Chinese resistance. Seeking to regain momentum and draw Chinese strength away from other theaters, the Japanese high command prepared a massive offensive into southern Henan in late January 1941. By the end of the month they had concentrated an imposing array of seven infantry divisions, one independent cavalry brigade, three independent armored regiments, and one independent artillery regiment. In all, more than 150,000 infantrymen, over 8,000 cavalry, 550 artillery pieces, 300 tanks, and 200 armored cars stood ready. Over a hundred aircraft were massed at forward bases in Anyang, Xinxiang, Huaiyang, and Xinyang. From early January onward, ammunition and equipment had been laboriously shipped up the Yangtze and moved inland to Xinyang, while Japanese reconnaissance planes repeatedly overflew Chinese rear areas. Additional troops were concentrated in southern Henan itself.   On 20 January, as a preliminary move to pin down Chinese forces and facilitate the main effort in central Henan, the Japanese 18th Independent Mixed Brigade, together with elements of the 39th and 4th Divisions, launched a limited attack against the Chinese 29th and 33rd Army Groups. The principal assault, however, began on 24 January under the overall command of Lieutenant General Katsuichiro Enbu. The Japanese organized their southern Henan forces into three powerful columns: The Left Flank Force, built around the entire 3rd Division reinforced by the 8th Regiment of the 4th Division and the Mizuno Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Fusataro Hanjima of the 3rd Division. The Central Force, centered on the 17th Division (less one regiment) and strengthened by the 67th Regiment of the 15th Division and the Yoshimatsu Armored Unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Amaya of the 40th Division. The Right Flank Force, formed around the main body of the 40th Division, also under Lieutenant General Amaya.   In support of this main thrust, Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan—principally the 4th Cavalry Brigade with the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment—advanced westward from Haozhou toward Woyang. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division pushed west from Suzhou, while the Uguchi and Kobayashi Regiments of the 35th Division, accompanied by engineer, cavalry, artillery, and tank units, moved from Kaifeng, Tongxu, and Zhuxian Zhen along the north bank of the Yellow River and through the flooded areas toward Zhengzhou. These supporting columns were intended to tie down Chinese reserves and prevent reinforcement of the southern front.   The National Military Council in Chongqing correctly assessed the enemy's intention: to drive north along the Beiping-Hankou Railway with their main strength, force a decisive battle against the Chinese field armies, and rely on the northern Anhui–eastern Henan forces to strike westward in coordination. Accordingly, the Council instructed the Fifth War Area to avoid a costly frontal engagement. Instead, a small portion of its troops would offer delaying resistance along the railway, while the main force would maneuver to the enemy's flanks and rear, severing communications and launching devastating counterattacks. In compliance, the Fifth War Area left only a single division near Xiping on the Beiping-Hankou line. The bulk of its strength—carefully concealed in depth on both sides of the enemy's expected axis of advance—remained highly mobile, ready to strike the Japanese flanks or rear the moment the enemy divided his forces or pushed toward Runan, Yancheng, or Wuyang. This elastic strategy proved decisive.   At dawn on 25 January the Japanese southern Henan forces advanced in three columns. The Left Flank Force moved along the line from Xiaolindian to Gucheng and Chashan. The Central Force struck northward from the Minggang area. The Right Flank Force crossed the Huai River between Huaijiao Zhen and Chengyang under heavy air support. Japanese planes bombed Chinese positions relentlessly. True to plan, Chinese units employed only light screening forces to harass the enemy with ambushes and flank attacks, preserving their main strength for the decisive moment.   By 26 January the Japanese had reached the line from Piyang to Gaoyi, Xingtian, and Queshan. On the 27th they pressed on to Chunshui, Shahetian, and Zhumadian. At this point Chinese mobile forces sprang into action. The 13th Corps of the 31st Army Group swung northward toward Xiangheguan, while the main body of the 85th Corps moved toward Shangcai to begin an enveloping maneuver. The 68th Corps of the 11th Army Group struck the enemy rear south of Xiangheguan; the 55th Corps advanced from Tanghe to Piyang; and the 59th Corps of the 33rd Army Group pushed toward Nanyang. On 29 January the 13th Corps attacked the Japanese Left Flank Force near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian south of Wuyang, while the 85th Corps struck the Right Flank Force around Runan, southeast of Shangcai. The enemy's Central Force, advancing along and west of the railway, found the Chinese positions already evacuated and failed to trap any major units. The Japanese columns on the extreme flanks suffered over 3,000 casualties and lost six tanks in the fighting around Jieguanting.   By 31 January the enemy, desperate to rescue his exposed flank columns, reordered his forces. The Central Force executed turning movements on both sides: elements of the 15th Division swung right from Suiping through Shangcai to converge with troops moving north from Runan against the 85th Corps, while the main body of the 17th Division split into two columns and advanced from Suiping through Xiping toward Wuyang. Simultaneously, the main force of the 3rd Division and part of the 4th Division also converged on Wuyang, hoping to link with the 17th Division and crush the 13th Corps near Jieguanting and Xiaoshidian. Before the trap could close, however, the Chinese 13th and 85th Corps withdrew in good order to the area north of Ye Xian, between Yancheng and Shangshui, and north of the Sha River. When the Japanese broke through at Wuyang and Shangcai they found no major Chinese forces to destroy.   Meanwhile, Chinese troops from western Henan, the 59th, 55th, and 68th Corps, advanced from Tanghe, Piyang, and points north to strike the enemy rear at Wuyang. On 29 January the 84th Corps and local guerrillas in western Anhui recaptured Chengyang and continued the pursuit. The Japanese, having failed to concentrate superior strength or control the battlefield, now found themselves isolated. Their rear communications were severed, and they were under constant pressure from the 68th, 55th, and 59th Corps. After days of exhausting combat the enemy began to withdraw southward on the night of 2 February. Leaving only rear guards at Wuyang and Baoanzhai to tie down the 13th Corps, the main body of the 3rd Division moved from Fangcheng toward Nanyang and Zhenping. The 13th Corps immediately counterattacked, recaptured Baoanzhai and Wuyang, and pursued the enemy toward Fangcheng.   On the night of 2 February, as the Japanese main force approached Nanyang, the 17th Division together with elements of the 15th and 4th Divisions had already pushed south from Wuyang via Xiangheguan toward Piyang, hoping to link with forces moving east from Nanyang and trap the Chinese 68th, 55th, and 29th Corps. Fierce resistance by the 68th Corps near Xiangheguan inflicted heavy losses and forced the enemy to abandon large quantities of supplies. Further south, the 29th Corps exacted still greater casualties around Piyang. On the night of 7 February the trapped Japanese column split: part retreated along the Tanghe–Piyang highway, while the main body withdrew along the Tongbo–Xinyang highway toward Xinyang, leaving many dead behind. The Chinese 85th Corps pursued southeastward, while elements of the 13th, 29th, 55th, and 59th Corps harried the enemy toward Xinyang. By the time the fighting ended, all Chinese units had regained their original positions.   In coordination with the southern Henan offensive, the Japanese forces in northern Anhui and eastern Henan advanced westward in four columns on the morning of 25 January. The Ouda Regiment of the 21st Division struck west from Suzhou. The 4th Cavalry Brigade, reinforced by the Hirabayashi Tank Regiment, split into three routes from Bozhou to attack Woyang, Shanheji, and Shuangqiao, clashing bitterly with a Chinese cavalry division near Shizihe and Niqiuji. The Uguchi Regiment of the 35th Division advanced through the flooded areas from Tongxu and Zhuxian Zhen, while the Kobayashi Regiment moved westward along the north bank of the Yellow River near Zhengzhou. Japanese aircraft intensified their bombing of Chinese cities and front-line positions, including Zhoujiakou, Zhengzhou, Yancheng, Ye Xian, Xiangcheng, Wuyang, and Luoyang. On 29 January one enemy column reached Santaiji and suffered heavy losses under Chinese attack. Threatened on the left by forces near Huaiyang, two Chinese corps withdrew temporarily to the line from Fuyang to Taihe and Jieshou. On 5 February the Japanese captured Taihe and Jieshou, but a Chinese counterattack on the morning of 6 February regained both towns, forcing the enemy to retreat northeastward.   The Battle of Southern Henan, which opened on 25 January and concluded on 10 February after seventeen days of continuous fighting, ended in a clear Chinese victory. Japanese casualties exceeded 9,000; when the enemy withdrew from Nanyang more than 300 military vehicles were left burning on the battlefield. Large quantities of arms, ammunition, and supplies fell into Chinese hands. Chinese losses were significantly lighter. The enemy had hoped to force a decisive battle along the railway and shatter the Chinese armies of the Fifth War Area. Instead, skillful Chinese maneuver, timely flank attacks, and relentless pressure on the enemy's rear and communications had turned the Japanese offensive into a costly failure. The victory not only preserved the integrity of the central Chinese front but also demonstrated once again the effectiveness of elastic defense and mobile counteroffensive tactics against a numerically superior but overextended foe.   In the wake of their costly repulse in central Hubei the previous November and the even more humiliating defeat in Southern Henan between late January and early February 1941, the Japanese sought once more to regain the initiative in the spring of 1941. Their target was western Hubei, where Chinese forces continued to deny them freedom of movement along the middle Yangtze. The entire Japanese 13th Division garrisoned the Yichang salient. Its regiments were deployed in a defensive arc: the 65th Regiment and the 19th Artillery Regiment held positions east of the city at Longchuanpu, Tumenya, and Yaqueling; the 104th Regiment guarded the northwest approaches; and the 17th Cavalry Regiment patrolled the Yangchalu–Baishanao sector. On the west bank of the Yangtze, the 58th Regiment had constructed strong bridgehead fortifications between Chaojialing and Shangwulongkou, ready to support any renewed thrust westward.   Facing this entrenched enemy was the Chinese 26th Corps, entrusted with the critical mission of river defense on the west bank of the Yangtze opposite Yichang. The corps commander had organized his forces into three sectors. The 41st Division held the right zone, anchoring its line from Mujiatian and Tanjiataizi northward to the vicinity of Fanjiah u. The 32nd Division defended the left zone, stretching from Mujiatian through Ceyang to Xiangzikou. The 44th Division remained in corps reserve near Caojiafan, poised to reinforce either flank or exploit opportunities for counterattack.   On 6 March 1941 the Japanese struck. Having quietly reinforced their forces west of Yichang to more than three regiments, supported by cavalry and artillery, they opened the assault at 5:30 a.m. with a violent artillery barrage, followed immediately by infantry advances under cover of air strikes. Chinese security positions at Tanjiataizi and Chaojiadian were overrun. The enemy then hurled itself against the main line at Changgangling. Simultaneously, 600 to 700 Japanese troops, backed by planes and guns, assaulted Fanjiah u. After hours of bitter fighting both localities fell. On the morning of 7 March, Japanese aircraft again spearheaded the attack, enabling the capture of positions at Qianjiatai and Wujiaba. The enemy pressed on toward Qianjiachong and Yutaishan but was thrown back. Meanwhile, the force that had taken Fanjiah u clashed fiercely with the Chinese 44th Division around Taipingqiao; although the division was eventually compelled to withdraw to the eastern end of the bridge under relentless air attack, it continued to resist stubbornly. When the enemy seized Hut zeye from the direction of Fanjiah u, the 32nd Division fell back in good order to the line from Tunziqiao to Tuyanzhong, where it beat off further assaults. By this stage the Japanese had driven themselves into a dangerously narrow salient, exposed on both flanks.   Seizing the moment, the River Defense Force reorganized its lines. The 103rd Division of the 8th Corps relieved the sector from Mujiatang through Yingzishan to Chaotianguan, while the 26th Corps consolidated new positions at Yutaishan, Pijiashan, Qingshuiba, Guangongling, and Xiaopingshanba. The plan was clear: hold the enemy east of this line, then launch a converging counterstroke to destroy the invaders and restore the original front. On 8 March two guerrilla columns from the 41st Division struck at Changgangling and Fanjiayuan, while another detachment hit the enemy east of Pifengjian. More than 2,000 Japanese troops assaulted the 44th Division's positions from Gaolingpo and Dajiaobian toward Wanghuzizhong; determined resistance by the 44th Division, supported by elements of the 41st, brought the attack to a standstill. Later that day the enemy managed to penetrate the 32nd Division's line at Tianwangshi, forcing Chinese troops to fight a delaying action along the outskirts of the Shibai Fortress from Mingjiachong to Heitangou.   Dawn on 9 March brought renewed Chinese initiative. The 103rd Division occupied the line from Tutiling to Shizinao and advanced in several columns against the enemy. A portion of the 44th Division waged a grim holding action on the high ground flanking Guojiaba, suffering heavy losses but buying time for the main body to launch a powerful flank attack against the Japanese at Taipingqiao and Xianglingkou. By dusk Chinese forces had captured the enemy strongpoints at Dujiaoba and Dajiaobian along the highway, annihilating numerous enemy troops. The 32nd Division threw its main strength against the area northwest of Dajiaobian; heavy fighting raged around Wanghuzizhong into the afternoon until enemy reinforcements were driven off. The 41st Division, meanwhile, executed effective flank attacks that yielded significant gains. On 10 March the 103rd Division recaptured the high ground at Xiawulongkou and north of Tianzipo, while guerrillas of the 41st Division continued to harass the enemy through every gap in his lines. When positions at Hongshipo and Lungtanping held by the 44th Division were breached, the division withdrew to the western heights of Bomuping and faced the enemy anew.   At dawn on 11 March, after suffering severe casualties, the Japanese resorted to smoke screens and began withdrawing eastward along several routes. Chinese pursuit forces swiftly retook Xianglingkou, Guojiaba, Guangongling, Tianwangshi, and Dajiaobian. By 12 March the enemy had fallen back to a defensive line running from east of Taipingqiao to Hu z'ai and Huangnikeng. On 13 March Chinese units launched general counterattacks. Unable to withstand the pressure, the Japanese retreated to their original positions. The eight-day engagement thus ended exactly where it had begun.   The battle had been fought with only a portion of the available Chinese forces, yet it proved decisive. The Japanese, who had hoped to crack the river defenses and resume their westward drive, instead suffered 4,000 to 5,000 casualties. The swift and skillful Chinese counteroffensive not only restored the front but left the enemy shaken and apprehensive. Their design to push deeper into western Hubei was decisively thwarted, buying precious time for the broader Chinese war effort in the Yangtze theater and demonstrating once again that determined defense, timely reinforcement, and aggressive counteraction could blunt even the most carefully prepared Japanese offensive. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In November 1940, a Central Hubei Operation using five task forces attempted to exploit Chinese dispersal but achieved no territorial gains despite local successes. A larger January 1941 offensive into southern Henan deployed 150,000+ troops but again failed strategically. Despite Japanese tactical advantages and superior firepower, logistical constraints and rugged terrain favored mobile Chinese resistance. Both campaigns ended with Japanese withdrawals and restored Chinese positions, demonstrating that determined defense and timely counteraction could blunt large-scale Japanese operations.

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      (10) Jonathan Schanzer reports that Israeli forces have reduced Hamas control in Gaza to roughly 40%, aiming for 30%. Hamas is currently trapped in an Israeli "yellow zone" kill zone, making rearmament or offensive operations nearly impossible. Schanzer believes systematic military pressure is creating a viable theory of victory.1912