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Secondo la Squadra Congiunta Antiterrorismo del Victoria, sostenitori pro-Palestina avrebbero vandalizzato l'azienda che si trova nel quartiere di Greensborough, che produce componenti per razzi F35 (usati da Israele per attacchi contro Gaza).Seguici su Facebook e Instagram o abbonati ai nostri podcast cliccando qui.
CannCon and Ashe cover a genuinely wild congressional hearing day as Anthony Fauci shows up citing advice of counsel and looking to plead the fifth, his own attorney gets physically removed from the chamber for refusing to sit where instructed, and RFK Jr faces questions about a pardon that may not hold up to legal scrutiny. They also dig back into Fauci's diary entries for a look at how obsessed he seemed with his own celebrity during the pandemic. From there the show shifts to some fascinating funeral diplomacy in DC, with Trump hosting both Netanyahu and Zelensky, a refresher clip on F35 sales tension from the NATO summit, and a pointed comparison of how differently two world leaders were received on the tarmac. They close out drawing striking parallels between Georgia's shaky 2020 election audit and today's Venezuela situation. Plenty to unpack.
Khác với triết lý “chiến tranh nhân dân”, nơi mỗi người dân là một người lính và mọi người đều được tuyên truyền sẵn sàng chiến đấu bảo vệ Tổ quốc, nước Bỉ nói riêng và Âu châu nói chung hình như đã quên đi mối đe dọa của chiến tranh, nhất là sau khi chiến tranh lạnh chấm dứt với sự sụp đổ của bức tường Berlin và do vậy quên cả việc thao dượt những kỹ năng căn bản cho người dân của mình để đối phó với những cuộc khủng hoảng . Khi cuộc chiến giữa Ukraina và Nga ngày càng có nguy cơ mở rộng và kéo dài, cộng thêm việc Hoa Kỳ rút lại hỗ trợ quốc phòng cho châu Âu từ đầu năm nay, các nước Tây Âu mới nhận ra những thiếu sót cho sự chuẩn bị và những bất cập khi phải nhanh chóng lấp vào lỗ hổng của Mỹ. Vậy Bỉ đã có những chuẩn bị như thế nào để đối phó với những tình huống khẩn cấp ? Từ cấp vĩ mô Vương quốc Bỉ là một nước nhỏ nằm giữa Đức và Pháp, giáp với Hà Lan. Là thành viên của NATO, Bỉ đã phải tăng ngân sách quốc phòng theo yêu cầu, cũng như có chính sách gia tăng và cải tổ lực lượng quân đội. Bỉ không có chế độ nghĩa vụ quân sự bắt buộc, nên quân đội phải có những đợt quảng bá tuyển quân phục vụ tự nguyện nhằm đáp ứng cho những đòi hỏi ngày càng cao của quân đội. Về mặt vật chất, ngân sách quân sự của Bỉ trong năm nay được ưu tiên giành để mua các chiến đấu cơ F35 từ Hoa Kỳ. Việc mua các máy bay này không chỉ tiêu tốn nhiều tiền mà còn đòi hỏi phải có cả đội ngũ từ phi công cho đến các nhân viên bảo trì và chuyên viên về vũ khí. Cho đến phần của mỗi công dân Do nguy cơ chiến tranh có thể lan rộng bất cứ lúc nào và bất cứ nơi nào trên nước Bỉ, người dân được khuyến khích tự đối phó trong tình trạng khủng hoảng mà không trông chờ vào các cơ quan khẩn cấp của chính phủ. Dĩ nhiên là không có những khóa tập dượt trong các khu phố hay những khẩu hiệu, loa phóng thanh tuyên truyền ra rả để người dân nghi nhớ, mà thay vào đó là những clip video ngắn, vui nhộn được tung ra trên các phương tiện truyền thông và mạng xã hội. Chương trình này được chính cựu ngoại trưởng Bỉ Hadja Lahbib điều hành ở cấp độ châu Âu. Không biết chương trình này có giáo dục người dân ý thức được việc mình phải làm và chuẩn bị trong tình huống cụ thể ? “Bộ dụng cụ căn bản” hay “Bộ dụng cụ sinh tồn” ? Từ mùa xuân năm nay, hệ thống siêu thị Colruyt cho ra mắt bộ dụng cụ căn bản giá 29,99 euro, với lời hứa đơn giản là bạn có thể tự túc trong vòng 24 giờ. Bộ dụng cụ căn bản này gồm một món ăn sáng, món hầm kiểu kebab, mỳ Ý hương vị BBQ, ba thanh năng lượng, một gói bột pha nước uống, ba gói cà phê hòa tan, sáu miếng kẹo cao su, khăn giấy, một cái thìa và một dụng cụ nấu ăn không cần lửa. Theo siêu thị, đây là phản hồi trước yêu cầu từ chính quyền về khả năng “tự cung tự cấp trong vài ngày” trong trường hợp xảy ra khủng hoảng lớn, như mất điện, mất khí đốt, thậm chí là lũ lụt. Điều này đã xảy ra hồi mùa đông năm nay, khi cả thành phố Mons mất điện gần 2 tuần và trận lụt lịch sử gây ra nhiều thiệt hại cho vùng Wallonie mùa hè năm 2021. Tuy chưa được phổ biến rộng rãi, « bộ dụng cụ căn bản » này đã có hai luồng ý kiến. Theo thăm dò, nhiều người, rút kinh nghiệm sau dịch Covid-19, đã thường xuyên tích trữ nước uống, mỳ Ý và giấy vệ sinh trong nhà. Những người ủng hộ thì cho rằng túi đồ khẩn cấp này tiện lợi để xoay sở trong 24 giờ trong khi chờ tiếp cứu. Những người chống thì cho rằng túi đồ này chỉ toàn đồ ăn trong khi nhu cầu trong vòng 24 giờ thì đa dạng hơn ! Từ năm 2025, Trung tâm Khủng hoảng Quốc gia của Bỉ đã đề xuất một danh sách những thứ cần thiết theo tiêu chuẩn của Liên Hiệp Châu Âu, để mỗi người có thể tự chuẩn bị cho riêng mình và có thể tự xử lý trong vòng 72 giờ khi có khủng hoảng xảy ra. Bộ sơ cứu bao gồm băng gạc, kéo, thuốc sát trùng, thuốc giảm đau, v.v. ; Một chiếc radio chạy bằng pin (kèm pin dự phòng) để được thông báo về các chỉ thị từ chính quyền và diễn biến tình hình mà không cần điện ; Đèn pin hoặc đèn chiếu sáng có pin dự phòng hoặc, nếu có thể, loại có tay quay, nến, bật lửa, diêm ; Một chiếc dao đa năng kiểu Thụy Sĩ để có một vài công cụ cơ bản. Điện thoại di động kèm bộ sạc và/hoặc pin dự phòng ; Kính mắt thường dùng và một cặp kính dự phòng ; Tiền mặt để tự chi trả trong trường hợp máy ATM ngừng hoạt động ; Nước đóng chai (khoảng 6 lít/người), thực phẩm không dễ hỏng, không cần nấu chín (thanh ngũ cốc, đồ hộp, thực phẩm sấy khô, v.v.) ; Bản sao các giấy tờ quan trọng (thẻ căn cước, hợp đồng bảo hiểm, đơn thuốc, v.v.). Quần áo ấm và chăn mền (ví dụ: chăn mền sinh tồn) ; Trò chơi giúp bạn giải trí và quên đi những lo lắng ; Danh sách kiểm tra đồ dùng cá nhân trong trường hợp sơ tán. Sau khi đã chuẩn bị xong bộ dụng cụ sinh tồn, bạn nên đặt nó ở nơi dễ tiếp cận. Điều quan trọng nữa là kiểm tra nội dung bộ dụng cụ ít nhất một lần mỗi năm, chủ yếu để kiểm tra hạn sử dụng của thuốc và thực phẩm, và thay pin. Như vậy nhìn vào danh sách khuyến cáo của Trung tâm giải quyết khủng hoảng ta có thể đặt câu hỏi: Đây là những dụng cụ giúp ta “sống sót” hay là những vật dụng căn bản cần phải có trong trường hợp khẩn cấp ? Vì có những thứ ta cần mà người khác lại không. Chẳng hạn, trò chơi giải trí cần cho trẻ nhỏ ngồi yên nhưng không cần cho người lớn. Hoặc máy thu thanh radio có lẽ trong tương lai gần cũng không còn hiện diện vì các đài phát thanh theo truyền thống đang lần lượt bị đóng cửa. Mà thay vào đó, chiếc điện thoại thông minh tích hợp tất cả mọi chức năng liên lạc. Và với một nước sản xuất bia, thì có lẽ đem theo một ít bia cũng là điều hợp lý vì như Bộ trưởng quốc phòng Bỉ đã kêu gọi người dân uống bia giải khát trong những ngày nắng nóng của mùa hè. Luyện tập tại các trung tâm y tế Ngày nay, việc luyện tập phòng cháy tại các cao ốc, những nơi tập trung đông người đã trở nên thường xuyên. Có lẽ ai cũng quen với việc vào ngày giờ ấn định trong tháng, khi nghe tiếng còi báo cháy, mọi người tự động rời chỗ làm đi thang bộ xuống tập trung tại một địa điểm nào đó. Điều này tạo thói quen phản xạ khi xảy ra hỏa hoạn mà không dẫn đến hỗn loạn mất trật tự khi sơ tán. Khi xảy ra các khủng hoảng như khủng bố, hỏa hoạn, chiến tranh, v.v… các trung tâm y tế là những nơi đầu tiên đón nhận hệ quả. Số lượng người nhập viện tăng cao đột biến đòi hỏi sự đáp ứng kịp thời. Do đó, việc luyện tập thường xuyên của các đội ngũ nhân viên y tế nhằm đạt hiệu quả trong việc phối hợp nhịp nhàng giữa các cá nhân và các khoa chuyên môn và ngay cả giữa các cơ sở điều trị. Chẳng hạn, tại tỉnh Liège, có ba trung tâm y tế chính là CHU (Bệnh viện Đại học), Citadelle (Bệnh viện của Vùng) và CHC (Bệnh viện công giáo) có đủ các khoa chuyên môn. Bên cạnh đó là các bệnh viện vệ tinh của các trung tâm này nơi tiếp nhận các bệnh nhân và chuyển tiếp lên các trung tâm hay tiếp nhận trở lại những bệnh nhân sau khi được can thiệp tại các trung tâm và được chăm sóc phục hồi. Nhưng trong trường hợp khủng hoảng xảy ra, khi một lượng lớn bệnh nhân được nhập viện, chắc chắn phải có sự phối hợp hài hòa giữa các khoa để không có sự chồng chéo hay dẫm chân lên nhau. Chẳng hạn như ban tuyên úy của Bệnh viện CHC Mont Légia nơi chúng tôi làm việc. Ban tuyên úy là những người lo chăm sóc các bệnh nhân về mặt tinh thần và tôn giáo. Như vậy, chúng tôi sẽ phải phối hợp với các bác sỹ tâm lý để chăm sóc cho những bệnh nhân và người nhà bệnh nhân. Chúng tôi đã có những buổi huấn luyện, trong đó khi xảy ra chiến tranh hay bệnh viện phải đón nhận một lượng lớn bệnh nhân một cách bất thường. Vào ngày huấn luyện, nếu có mặt ở bệnh viện, chúng tôi sẽ đi thang bộ lên lầu 5 nơi có căng-tin của bệnh viện và không gian lớn đồng thời cũng tách biệt để các bệnh nhân nhẹ sau khi qua điều trị cấp cứu (Urgence) chờ được chăm sóc để qua cơn sốc với các bác sĩ tâm lý và các nhân viên của ban tuyên úy bệnh viện. Nhóm thứ hai sẽ cùng với các bác sĩ tâm lý đến Phòng từ đường (Salles des défunts) để cùng với các nhân viên ở đây chăm sóc cho thân nhân của những người xấu số. Và nhóm còn lại sẽ ở lại văn phòng để ứng phó với yêu cầu khẩn cấp đến từ bất cứ nơi nào trong bệnh viện. Đó là trường hợp đang ở tại bệnh viện. Nhưng nếu như ngày đó không phải là ngày làm việc và đang ở nhà, thì sẽ nhận được tin nhắn hay điện thoại báo cho biết phải đến một địa điểm cụ thể để ứng phó. Có lẽ không thừa khi thường xuyên có những buổi huấn luyện như vậy. Vì cơn dịch Covid-19 đã cho chúng tôi nhiều kinh nghiệm khi phối hợp với các bác sĩ tâm lý chăm sóc cho những người bệnh trong tình trạng cách ly không có người thân và gia đình bện cạnh. Cũng như một số lượng lớn bệnh nhân dồn đến làm quá tải. Điều này cũng có thể xảy ra bất cứ lúc nào. Không phải vì mối đe dọa của chiến tranh mà còn nhiều nguy cơ tiềm ẩn khác như vào mùa hè, với hàng trăm lễ hội lớn nhỏ khắp nơi. Số lượng người tụ tập lại từ vài trăm đến hàng trăm ngàn, thậm chí triệu như Liên hoan âm nhạc Francofolie năm nay trùng với giải đua xe F1 cùng diễn ra ở Spa vào cuối tháng bảy. Một sự dự phòng có lẽ cũng không thừa!
Kamila Biedrzycka gości gen. Jarosława Kraszewskiego, byłego szefa Wojsk Rakietowych i Artylerii Wojsk Lądowych. Generał przynosi doskonałe wieści dla bezpieczeństwa naszego kraju! UJAWNIA kulisy powstawania STAŁEJ BAZY WOJSK AMERYKAŃSKICH w Polsce, podając datę: "To kwestia 2-4 lat!". Gen. Kraszewski tłumaczy, dlaczego program SAFE jest kluczowy dla naszej racji stanu i dlaczego polskie fabryki zbrojeniowe wreszcie WSTAJĄ Z KOLAN, ratując sytuację, gdy USA dostają zadyszki w produkcji. Jak idzie Ukraińcom odzyskiwanie terytorium? Dlaczego Polska wciąż jest głównym celem wojny informacyjnej Kremla? Posłuchaj całej dyskusji! Oglądaj Express Biedrzyckiej na żywo w serwisie YouTube. Więcej informacji o programie na stronie Super Expressu.
While world headlines remain fixated on Tehran and Gaza, an unprecedented danger is quietly emerging under the radar—one capable of reshaping the Middle East before most analysts even realize what's happening. It's not a foreign military, a regional militia, or any of the usual suspects featured on the evening news. It's a silent, rapidly evolving crisis that threatens Israel's security, stability, and future from a completely unexpected angle. Don't wait until this hits the front pages—click below to download your exclusive report, The New Threat to Israel (And It's Not Iran or Hamas), and uncover what everyone else is missing!For more about Neil Lazarus, check out his website.
Neste programa, Nuno Rogeiro olha para a demografia da Europa e reconhece o seu envelhecimento. Para Portugal, traz uma solução, “traçar um desígnio: garantir o regresso dos portugueses no estrangeiro à diáspora". Segundo o comentador, esta será uma forma de sairmos da "armadilha diabólica” que é a imigração atual ou, como descreve, "a nova escravatura". Mas este não é o único conselho que deixa a país, traz ao programa o caso de um incêndio na Noruega e coloca a catástrofe que destruiu centenas de casas em perspetiva: “Se isto acontece neste país tão organizado, como será em Portugal agora que agosto se aproxima?”, deixa o aviso. Há ainda tempo para falar sobre o conflito entre os EUA e o Irão que entrou numa “segunda fase”. O comentador olha para o arsenal das duas potências e destaca os aviões Phantom F-4 dentro das bases iranianas. “São do tempo da guerra do Vietname e foram comprados pelo Xá da Pérsia”, explica. Fala sobre as novas peças para a redefinição do Médio Oriente, Síria e Iraque, e nota uma das posições da Chevron: “Os EUA querem transformar o Iraque no país mais moderno de exploração petrolífera de todo o Médio Oriente, segundo a empresa petrolífera”. Ouça aqui o programa em podcast, emitido na SIC Notícias a 19 de julho. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
This is a 3-part series. Best if viewed on Afterburn Defense Youtube. Part I: https://youtu.be/MgQ_X3Td8a4 Part II: https://youtu.be/GzdL6NMYDso Part III: https://youtu.be/Xc22-2RaGSY Operation Midnight Hammer through the eyes of the F-16 Wild Weasel pilots who flew it. This is the firsthand account of the 55th Fighter Squadron and the 20th Fighter Wing. These are the pilots who fly Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses, known as SEAD, the crews who went in first to suppress Iranian air defenses, and the ground support teams who made the mission possible. Part three covers the mission to strike Iran's nuclear facilities. Recorded between December 2025 and January 2026, this series preserves the experiences of the people who were there, in their own words. Air Force Officer Qualifying Test (AFOQT) Prep with AFOQT Wingman https://afoqtwingman.com/Code: AFTERBURN for 10% off
O mundo não para. Enquanto o Irão ameaça vingar a morte de Khamenei com ataques a figuras americanas e bombardeia os seus próprios vizinhos do Golfo — incluindo Omã, aliado histórico de Teerão —, Donald Trump perde a paciência com Teerão e fecha a porta à facção iraniana que recusa negociar. Em Ancara, a NATO saiu reforçada: a Turquia troca os mísseis russos S-400 por caças americanos, a Síria senta-se à mesa dos aliados ocidentais e a Ucrânia recebe uma licença histórica para fabricar os seus próprios mísseis Patriot — uma aposta no longo prazo enquanto as cidades continuam a ser atacadas por balísticos russos impossíveis de interceptar. Em Paris, a França prepara uma montra de poder aéreo no desfile da Bastilha, com aviões ucranianos a sobrevoar os Campos Elísios como símbolo político. Em África, o Daesh cresce, o Mali sangra sob uma ofensiva mecanizada e Lavrov chega a Maputo com promessas que já falharam antes. E em Lisboa, uma decisão que custará entre 2,3 e 3 mil milhões de euros aproxima-se: Portugal terá de escolher o seu próximo caça de combate — F-35, Rafale, Typhoon ou Gripen —, um avião que definirá a soberania aérea nacional durante as próximas três décadas.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Neste episódio do Eixo do Mal em podcast, discute-se o caos na correção digital dos Exames Nacionais e a reação do ministro da Educação. Em destaque está também a Cimeira da NATO, em casa de Erdogan, e o debate sobre o investimento europeu em defesa e o seu impacto numa possível (ou não) independência perante Donald Trump e os Estados Unidos. Ouça aqui a análise dos comentadoresSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Lub caij uas tej coj ntawm lub koom haum NATO koom lub rooj sab laj NATO Summit ntawm teb chaws Turkey, Meskas tus coj Donald Trump tau qhia tias nws yuav xav seb puas muag cov dav hlau tua rog F35 jet fighter rau Turkey, rau lub tsam thawj uas nws tsub nias kom tej teb chaws tub koom siab ntawm lub koom haum no siv nyiaj los pab lawv cov hauj lwm tiv thaiv teb chaws ntau tuaj ntxiv. Ua ke no los Mark Rutte uas yog tus coj lub koom haum no kuj hais tias 'kom yuav tau pab yus tus kheej thiab tsis txhob tos Meskas ua tus tswj kev ruaj ntseg rau cheeb tsam Europe'.
Dünya diplomasisinin kalbi bu hafta Ankara'da attı. Başkent, kritik NATO toplantısına ev sahipliği yaptı. Zirvede, NATO'nun geleceğini şekillendirecek önemli kararlar alındı. Çok bilinen 5'inci maddeye bağlılık yinelendi. Rusya, uzun vadeli tehdit olarak tanımlandı. Savunma harcamalarının artırılması kararı alındı. ABD Başkanı Donald Trump'ın Ankara'da Türkiye'ye yönelik yaptırımların kaldırılması gerektiğini söyleyip, F35'ler için kapıyı aralaması "Washington-Ankara ilişkilerinde yeni bir dönemin başladığı" yorumlarını beraberinde getirdi. Uluslararası basın, zirvenin Türkiye açısından önemli bir diplomatik başarı olduğunu yazdı. Kayıttayız'da bu hafta zirvenin çıktıları konuşuldu.
Ghost dives into a jam-packed NATO summit in Ankara, where Trump shows up dressed like he's attending NATO's funeral (his words, basically) and proceeds to cozy up to Erdogan over F35 jets, lifted sanctions, and some very pointed remarks about allies who didn't show up when it mattered. Meanwhile Netanyahu is not thrilled, Macron can't seem to take his sunglasses off after a bombing in Damascus, and Giorgia Meloni finds herself an unlikely folk hero across Italy's entire political spectrum. Then the show pivots hard into Colombia, where Gustavo Petro is naming names, accusing an Israeli intelligence firm of rigging the election, and calling for nationwide protests on July 20th. It is geopolitics at its most soap opera. Expect maps, government structure breakdowns, a few conspiracy-adjacent detours, and Ghost's trademark habit of reading the room better than most of the leaders he covers.
NATO zirvesi 2. günüyle devam ediyor, ancak akıllarda büyük soru işaretleri var. İttifakın yeni yol haritası neleri değiştirecek? ABD ve Avrupa arasındaki anlaşmazlıklar küresel dengeleri nasıl etkiler? Bu yeni denklemde Türkiye'nin rolü ne olacak? Uluslararası İlişkiler Uzmanı Dr. Cihan Günyel, zirvede ortaya çıkan "NATO 3.0" tablosunu ve Türkiye-ABD ilişkilerinin geleceğini anlattı.
A cimeira da NATO decorre num momento em que a Europa procura afirmar uma maior autonomia industrial no seio da Aliança, enquanto a corrida ao armamento e as tensões entre Rússia, China e Irão continuam a redesenhar o equilíbrio global e a testar os limites da segurança internacional. No Irão, ninguém acredita que o atual momento de acalmia seja definitivo, e a grande questão é perceber quem acabará por impor o ritmo dos acontecimentos. Ouça a análise de Nuno Rogeiro no Jogos de Poder, transmitido a 7 de julho.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
"האינטרסנטים", הפודקאסט הכלכלי היומי של TheMarker, עם איתן אבריאל וסמי פרץ. (03:12) התעלומה הכי גדולה כיום בשוק העבודה, ואולי בכלכלה כולה, היא מה באמת קורה בהייטק, הקטר של המשק. מצד אחד, מתרבים הדיווחים על חברות שמפטרות עובדים, בגלל מהפכת הבינה המלאכותית וללא קשר אליה, וגם ידוע שעובדים חדשים, ה"ג'וניורים", מתקשים למצוא עבודה בהשוואה לעבר. מצד שני, ברשויות המדינה ממשיכים לדווח על קצב גבוה של גיוסי כספים ושל השקעות בסטארטאפים, בעיקר בתחומי הסייבר וה-AI. לפי שירות התעסוקה, מספרם של דורשי העבודה בענף יגיע לשיא נוסף בחודש הבא ויישאר גבוה גם בסוף השנה, זאת לאחר שמגמת הצמיחה במספר המועסקים נעצרה כבר לפני שלוש שנים. ד"ר סרגיי סומקין, ראש תחום ההייטק במכון אהרן למדיניות כלכלית באוניברסיטת רייכמן, יציג איתנו את דוח מצב הענף לרבעון הראשון של 2026 וננסה להבין לאן הרוח נושבת. (22:29) אי אפשר כמובן בלי להתייחס להתלקחות המחודשת סביב ההפיכה המשטרית והכרזת הממשלה שלא תציית להחלטת בג"ץ בעניין הרכב מועצת הרשות השנייה. החל מאתמול נכנסו לדיון גם השיקולים הכלכליים, לאחר שנגיד בנק ישראל הבהיר כי "בית המשפט העליון הוא הסמכות העליונה בתחום השיפוט, ואי־אפשר לערער על כך. חייבים לציית ולשמוע לפסיקות בית המשפט העליון". השאלה הגדולה היא האם נתניהו והקואליציה העלו כאן בלון ניסוי אנטי-דמוקרטי שכבר התפוצץ, או שמדובר בצעד ראשון שגרורותיו יגיעו בהמשך. על המשמעויות החוקתיות והכלכליות הללו אנחנו נדבר עם פרופ' יניב רוזנאי, מנהל אקדמי משותף במרכז רובינשטיין לאתגרים חוקתיים באוניברסיטת רייכמן. (34:38) בזמן שהיחסים בין ישראל לארצות הברית מתקררים, והנשיא דונלד טראמפ מבהיר ש"כולם יודעים מי הבוס", הקשרים בין וושינגטון לטורקיה דווקא מתחממים. טורקיה מארחת היום את פסגת נאט"ו, וטראמפ שהגיע לפסגה כבר רומז שיאשר למכור לטורקיה מטוסי F35 ונשק מתקדם נוסף, בניגוד לבקשתה המפורשת של ישראל. אם זה לא מספיק, שר החוץ הטורקי הגדיר את ישראל כ"בעיה משותפת לכל העולם", ביטוי שנשמע באוזניים מקומיות כמו רמיזה מסוכנת במיוחד. האם אנחנו בדרך למשבר אסטרטגי חדש? נשאל את ד"ר גליה לינדנשטראוס, חוקרת בכירה במכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי ומומחית לטורקיה.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
ABD ile Avrupa arasındaki anlaşmazlıkların NATO zirvesinde belirginleşme ihtimali var mı? Türkiye'nin artan özgül ağırlığı dağılması senaryolarının gündeme geldiği ittifakın yeniden şekillenmesinde nasıl bir rol oynayacak? Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Üniversitesi Öğretim Üyesi Doç. Dr. Nuri Salık (@drnurisalik) ile konuştuk.
On the eve of America's 250th birthday, Badlands Media brings you full coverage from the base of Mount Rushmore, where South Dakota Governor Larry Rhoden, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, and President Trump take the stage under the granite gaze of four presidents to talk about, well, everything that makes this country tick. Expect soaring rhetoric about the Declaration, some genuinely moving family history from the Governor, a fired up case against communism from the President, and a victory lap through economic numbers, military wins, and inventions Americans apparently take credit for inventing all of them. There's music, there's chanting, there's an F35 flyover mention, and there's a president who clearly loves a good applause line. If you want the full ceremonial send off into America's quarter millennium mark, микрофон is open and so is your evening.
Apple TV is back with Silo Season Three and you know what that means, so is Story Archives. In this episode, Mario Busto gives his review of episode one, titled ‘Who Are You?' Where we pick up once again where we left off from season two, with Juliette Nichols inside of her home Silo 18, having survived the fire airlock but with one caveat, she has no recollection of anything that happened before then, and pretty much everything else as well. I mean, they literally Men In Black memory wiped her ass. Mario gives his take on all things Silo, the newest unlikable character Camille and her pet algo, or maybe it's the other way around? A new group called the Outsiders that are very much inside, his perspective on the dual timeline storytelling with Congressman Keene and his sister Charlotte and the mysterious conflict with Iran and whatever that substance was that went through the windshield of her F35 mid-flight. SO sit back, pour yourself a nice drink or whatever your preferred treat is and enjoy this episode of Silo, by Story Archives.Keep up with all things Story Archives Official:Website: soapbox.house Email: contact@soapbox.houseInstagram: @mariobusto Mario's Production Company: 1992films.comJoin this channel to get access to perks:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCThLu7wlygPt3VuHdSRHArQ/join
İran ve ABD arasındaki kritik pazarlıkta son durum ne? ABD Başkanı Trump, Avrupalı müttefiklerine yönelik eleştirilerini Ankara kürsüsünden dile getirecek mi? Washington'ın bölge stratejilerini ve perde arkasını, Anadolu Ajansı Amerika Haberleri Müdürü Can Hasasu ile konuştuk.
Lo que va del 2026 ha valido de prueba de fuego para la defensa europea. Si la guerra de alta intensidad en Ucrania fuera poco, las amenazas de Trump de acapararse Groenlandia y sus ataques constantes a la OTAN, dan una patada en el hormiguero en una Europa que creyó durante décadas que su socio estadounidense era fiable. Si en las capitales europeas y desde Bruselas el rearme y una estrategia conjunta parecen una evidencia, más aun ante la crisis de Ormuz, ¿qué tan real es la toma de conciencia? ¿Qué lecciones quedan de la guerra en Irán? La crisis en el estrecho de Ormuz y la guerra en Irán, que está muy lejos de haber concluido, son un caso de escuela de la encrucijada que enfrentan los europeos. Por un lado, se les cierra las puertas de las discusiones, pero por otro Estados Unidos cuenta con sus viejos aliados para garantizar la seguridad del estrecho, aunque el presidente estadounidense apostaba por una intervención más tangible, cuando países como Italia y España se negaron a que sus bases militares fueran usadas por aviones estadounisenses de camino hacia Irán. ¿Qué enseñanza les deja a los europeos esta crisis que está muy lejos de estar resuelta? "Hay un impacto directo comercial para Europa, pero también hay un impacto más amplio más fundamental de la resiliencia del orden internacional. Se discuten cosas que nunca hemos hablado, por ejemplo, poner una tarifa en el estrecho de Ormuz", explica Laura Lisboa, investigadora en Defensa, doctorante en el centro de estudios internacionales en Sciences Po. "Y el problema más fundamental para Europa es que existe un orden internacional, que favorece a los europeos, y que se está destruyendo", analiza, agregando que la imprevisibilidad de Trump deja desorientado a un bloque, que además debe manejar sus chantajes porque estima que sus aliados no pagan lo suficiente; olvidando que en la precedente cumbre de la OTAN sus miembros acordaron dedicar al menos 5% de su PIB al presupuesto de defensa de aquí al 2035 y olvida, de igual manera, que en enero amenazó con quedarse con Groenlandia. Estados Unidos, el aliado que no es de fiar "El chantaje es algo nuevo que no esperábamos. Es muy difícil porque hay presupuestos que en Europa no eran discutidos, como las garantías de seguridad de los Estados Unidos. Pensábamos que siempre serían aliados, pero hoy hay incertidumbre y creo que importa comprender que este fenómeno no viene solo de Trump y Obama. En 2010 se hablaba de que la política exterior de los Estados Unidos no sería más solo centrada en Europa y en el Medio Oriente, sino en Asia, entonces, hay una tendencia más grande que empieza antes de Trump, de recentrar la política externa americana en otros puntos del mundo". Ante este panorama, la UE y las capitales europeas intentan sacudirse su gran dependencia en armamento y en equipamiento militar hacia Estados Unidos. Desde el 2022, guerra en Ucrania, las compras hacia Estados Unidos han sido masivas: un 34% de contratos van para Estados Unidos ; el F35 es símbolo de esta dependencia en mantenimiento de la tecnología. "Son inversiones a muy largo plazo. Los países que compran, por ejemplo, armamento americano son dependientes de ellos para su utilización y su actualización. Entonces, hay que gestionar estas dependencias, pero hay que comprender que los tiempos de que estamos hablando son tiempos muy largos, con un gran impacto", subraya la investigadora. El Scaf se estrella Tiempos largos incompatibles con las urgencias de la época que tropieza con los fracasos de ciertas iniciativas europeas como el avión de combate común franco-alemán Scaf. Este avión tenía que remplazar el Rafale en Francia y el Eurofighter en Allemagne, de aquí al 2040. Pero Airbus y Dassault - los constructores y joyas de la industria armamentística europea- no llegaron a un acuerdo. Paralelamente, otras iniciativas sí progresan. Noruega, miembro de la OTAN pero no de la UE es el noveno país que se asoció al plan de disuasión nuclear francés. Hace unos meses ocho países integraron esta iniciativa francesa: Reino Unido, Alemania, Polonia, Holanda, Bélgica, Grecia, Suecia y Dinamarca. Se trata de compartir información, participar en ejercicios conjuntos y apoyarse en Francia, que sí cuenta con disuasión nuclear. A esto se puede sumar una cantidad de iniciativas bilaterales entre países europeos así como entre países miembros de la OTAN y socios externos al bloque. Si Europa y los miembros de la OTAN concuerdan en la necesidad de reforzar la defensa conjunta alejándose cada vez más de Estados Unidos, el método es el que difiere. No es sorprendente, puesto que no es lo mismo enfrentar incursiones de drones rusos en el flaco este europeo, que poseer un submarino a propulsión nuclear, como Francia. Para resarcir esas disparidades, Europa está impulsando una industria armamentística en acuerdo con los teatros de operación actuales, que exigen drones "baratos", ágiles y desechables sin descuidar la "alta costura" armamentística. Los drones, el nervio de la guerra "Especialmente en Ucrania estos drones son disruptivos en combate y son disruptivos porque son baratos, precisos y muchas veces pueden llegar a donde no se podría llegar una persona, por ejemplo en un avión. Y también presentan menos riesgos para las Fuerzas armadas. También hay otro motivo, creo, es que pueden hacer tareas que antes lo hacía armamento más pesado. Por ejemplo, si hay algo debajo del mar que hay que explorar ahora se puede enviar un dron sub acuático, pero antes teníamos que enviar un submarino que es muchísimo más caro y muchísimo más riesgoso. Pero claro, hay muchas cuestiones éticas en la utilización de estos drones: ¿Cuál es el nivel ideal de automatización? ¿Quién lo controla? ¿Quién se responsabiliza?" Preguntas altamente políticas que no se resuelven únicamente desde las fuerzas armadas, que tienen también que ser operacionales en el terreno híbrido con ataques cibernéticos, injerencia en elecciones, desinformación, propaganda: "Hablamos de un fenómeno que se intensificó en los últimos 10 o 15 años a ataques diferentes de los ataques militares convencionales. Por ejemplo, un ataque convencional sería un país que envía un misil al otro en contexto de guerra. Pero en el caso de los ataques híbridos no es fácil atribuirlos y existen muchas líneas rojas. No es fácil comprender si se trata de un ataque deliberado, una provocación o un accidente. Por ejemplo, hace un mes cayó en un edificio residencial en Armenia un misil ruso se presupone que fue un accidente, pero no es fácil determinar y tampoco es fácil determinar qué respuesta es una respuesta proporcional". Si la opinión europea está cada vez más convencida de la necesidad de soberanía y de independencia en materia de defensa, es válido preguntar si estará de acuerdo con un gasto que seguirá incrementando y si estas inversiones no se harán en detrimento de otras urgencias, como la climática. En el 2025, el continente gastó 739.000 millones de euros en Defensa, un 14% más que el año anterior y el doble que hace 10 años. "Yo creo que ese es un debate muy importante en las capitales europeas, dice Laura Lisboa. Pero no hay forma de invertir en defensa sin gastar mucho. Pero no es tan importante cuánto gastar sino cómo gastar. Y hay que pensar en qué tipo de armamento y si ese armamento es interoperable, si se puede funcionar con lo que ya tenemos y con lo de los demás países de la OTAN. Y también comprender a qué países vamos a comprar porque una vez los armamentos comprados somos dependientes por 30 o 40 años." #Escala en París también está en redes Un programa coordinado por Julia Courtois y Jesica Brumec. Realizado por Steven Helsly y Stéphane Défossez.
Lo que va del 2026 ha valido de prueba de fuego para la defensa europea. Si la guerra de alta intensidad en Ucrania fuera poco, las amenazas de Trump de acapararse Groenlandia y sus ataques constantes a la OTAN, dan una patada en el hormiguero en una Europa que creyó durante décadas que su socio estadounidense era fiable. Si en las capitales europeas y desde Bruselas el rearme y una estrategia conjunta parecen una evidencia, más aun ante la crisis de Ormuz, ¿qué tan real es la toma de conciencia? ¿Qué lecciones quedan de la guerra en Irán? La crisis en el estrecho de Ormuz y la guerra en Irán, que está muy lejos de haber concluido, son un caso de escuela de la encrucijada que enfrentan los europeos. Por un lado, se les cierra las puertas de las discusiones, pero por otro Estados Unidos cuenta con sus viejos aliados para garantizar la seguridad del estrecho, aunque el presidente estadounidense apostaba por una intervención más tangible, cuando países como Italia y España se negaron a que sus bases militares fueran usadas por aviones estadounisenses de camino hacia Irán. ¿Qué enseñanza les deja a los europeos esta crisis que está muy lejos de estar resuelta? "Hay un impacto directo comercial para Europa, pero también hay un impacto más amplio más fundamental de la resiliencia del orden internacional. Se discuten cosas que nunca hemos hablado, por ejemplo, poner una tarifa en el estrecho de Ormuz", explica Laura Lisboa, investigadora en Defensa, doctorante en el centro de estudios internacionales en Sciences Po. "Y el problema más fundamental para Europa es que existe un orden internacional, que favorece a los europeos, y que se está destruyendo", analiza, agregando que la imprevisibilidad de Trump deja desorientado a un bloque, que además debe manejar sus chantajes porque estima que sus aliados no pagan lo suficiente; olvidando que en la precedente cumbre de la OTAN sus miembros acordaron dedicar al menos 5% de su PIB al presupuesto de defensa de aquí al 2035 y olvida, de igual manera, que en enero amenazó con quedarse con Groenlandia. Estados Unidos, el aliado que no es de fiar "El chantaje es algo nuevo que no esperábamos. Es muy difícil porque hay presupuestos que en Europa no eran discutidos, como las garantías de seguridad de los Estados Unidos. Pensábamos que siempre serían aliados, pero hoy hay incertidumbre y creo que importa comprender que este fenómeno no viene solo de Trump y Obama. En 2010 se hablaba de que la política exterior de los Estados Unidos no sería más solo centrada en Europa y en el Medio Oriente, sino en Asia, entonces, hay una tendencia más grande que empieza antes de Trump, de recentrar la política externa americana en otros puntos del mundo". Ante este panorama, la UE y las capitales europeas intentan sacudirse su gran dependencia en armamento y en equipamiento militar hacia Estados Unidos. Desde el 2022, guerra en Ucrania, las compras hacia Estados Unidos han sido masivas: un 34% de contratos van para Estados Unidos ; el F35 es símbolo de esta dependencia en mantenimiento de la tecnología. "Son inversiones a muy largo plazo. Los países que compran, por ejemplo, armamento americano son dependientes de ellos para su utilización y su actualización. Entonces, hay que gestionar estas dependencias, pero hay que comprender que los tiempos de que estamos hablando son tiempos muy largos, con un gran impacto", subraya la investigadora. El Scaf se estrella Tiempos largos incompatibles con las urgencias de la época que tropieza con los fracasos de ciertas iniciativas europeas como el avión de combate común franco-alemán Scaf. Este avión tenía que remplazar el Rafale en Francia y el Eurofighter en Allemagne, de aquí al 2040. Pero Airbus y Dassault - los constructores y joyas de la industria armamentística europea- no llegaron a un acuerdo. Paralelamente, otras iniciativas sí progresan. Noruega, miembro de la OTAN pero no de la UE es el noveno país que se asoció al plan de disuasión nuclear francés. Hace unos meses ocho países integraron esta iniciativa francesa: Reino Unido, Alemania, Polonia, Holanda, Bélgica, Grecia, Suecia y Dinamarca. Se trata de compartir información, participar en ejercicios conjuntos y apoyarse en Francia, que sí cuenta con disuasión nuclear. A esto se puede sumar una cantidad de iniciativas bilaterales entre países europeos así como entre países miembros de la OTAN y socios externos al bloque. Si Europa y los miembros de la OTAN concuerdan en la necesidad de reforzar la defensa conjunta alejándose cada vez más de Estados Unidos, el método es el que difiere. No es sorprendente, puesto que no es lo mismo enfrentar incursiones de drones rusos en el flaco este europeo, que poseer un submarino a propulsión nuclear, como Francia. Para resarcir esas disparidades, Europa está impulsando una industria armamentística en acuerdo con los teatros de operación actuales, que exigen drones "baratos", ágiles y desechables sin descuidar la "alta costura" armamentística. Los drones, el nervio de la guerra "Especialmente en Ucrania estos drones son disruptivos en combate y son disruptivos porque son baratos, precisos y muchas veces pueden llegar a donde no se podría llegar una persona, por ejemplo en un avión. Y también presentan menos riesgos para las Fuerzas armadas. También hay otro motivo, creo, es que pueden hacer tareas que antes lo hacía armamento más pesado. Por ejemplo, si hay algo debajo del mar que hay que explorar ahora se puede enviar un dron sub acuático, pero antes teníamos que enviar un submarino que es muchísimo más caro y muchísimo más riesgoso. Pero claro, hay muchas cuestiones éticas en la utilización de estos drones: ¿Cuál es el nivel ideal de automatización? ¿Quién lo controla? ¿Quién se responsabiliza?" Preguntas altamente políticas que no se resuelven únicamente desde las fuerzas armadas, que tienen también que ser operacionales en el terreno híbrido con ataques cibernéticos, injerencia en elecciones, desinformación, propaganda: "Hablamos de un fenómeno que se intensificó en los últimos 10 o 15 años a ataques diferentes de los ataques militares convencionales. Por ejemplo, un ataque convencional sería un país que envía un misil al otro en contexto de guerra. Pero en el caso de los ataques híbridos no es fácil atribuirlos y existen muchas líneas rojas. No es fácil comprender si se trata de un ataque deliberado, una provocación o un accidente. Por ejemplo, hace un mes cayó en un edificio residencial en Armenia un misil ruso se presupone que fue un accidente, pero no es fácil determinar y tampoco es fácil determinar qué respuesta es una respuesta proporcional". Si la opinión europea está cada vez más convencida de la necesidad de soberanía y de independencia en materia de defensa, es válido preguntar si estará de acuerdo con un gasto que seguirá incrementando y si estas inversiones no se harán en detrimento de otras urgencias, como la climática. En el 2025, el continente gastó 739.000 millones de euros en Defensa, un 14% más que el año anterior y el doble que hace 10 años. "Yo creo que ese es un debate muy importante en las capitales europeas, dice Laura Lisboa. Pero no hay forma de invertir en defensa sin gastar mucho. Pero no es tan importante cuánto gastar sino cómo gastar. Y hay que pensar en qué tipo de armamento y si ese armamento es interoperable, si se puede funcionar con lo que ya tenemos y con lo de los demás países de la OTAN. Y también comprender a qué países vamos a comprar porque una vez los armamentos comprados somos dependientes por 30 o 40 años." #Escala en París también está en redes Un programa coordinado por Julia Courtois y Jesica Brumec. Realizado por Steven Helsly y Stéphane Défossez.
Operation Midnight Hammer through the eyes of the F-16 Wild Weasel pilots who flew it. This is the firsthand account of the 55th Fighter Squadron and the 20th Fighter Wing. These are the pilots who fly Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses, known as SEAD, the crews who went in first to suppress Iranian air defenses, and the ground support teams who made the mission possible. Part two covers the mission planning and the thoughts of the pilots and other squadron members when they thought of the upcoming mission to strike Iran's nuclear facilities. Recorded between December 2025 and January 2026, this series preserves the experiences of the people who were there, in their own words. This is Part 2 of a 3-part series. Have a story? https://theafterburnpodcast.com/contact/ Commonly used Acronyms: https://www.lowdownnews.us/p/operation-midnight-hammer Air Force Officer Qualifying Test (AFOQT) Prep with AFOQT Wingman https://afoqtwingman.com/Code: AFTERBURN for 10% off
You're reading that right, folks! Instead of our normal “several guests” we've got two warm up fights with no guest and one with the venerated Kendall Detweiler!An intelligent, autonomous F35 with unlimited ammo/fuel is sent to the year 1500AD with one mission: never get shot downShitty Superpowers: 24-hour Body Part Enlargement vs. Family Guy Cutaway TeleportationShitty Superpowers: Disgusting Body Secretion Panacea vs. 3 Homeless Guy Summoner (w/ Kendall Detweiler)Fight Court Plugs
Ankara'daki NATO zirvesine katılacağını açıklayan ABD Başkanı Trump, iki ülke arasındaki ilişkilerde nasıl bir dönemin kapısını aralayabilir? AA Amerika Haberleri Müdürü Can Hasasu ile liderler diplomasisinin perde arkasını konuştuk.
Kamila Biedrzycka gości Konrada Gołotę, wiceministra Aktywów Państwowych (Nowa Lewica). W tej bezkompromisowej rozmowie minister nie oszczędza Mariusza Błaszczaka, nazywając go wprost „królem kłamstwa i głupoty”. Jak naprawdę wygląda sytuacja z zamówieniami w ramach programu SAFE oraz odbudową zdolności eksportowych Polskiej Grupy Zbrojeniowej (PGZ)? Gołota drwi z ludzi Prezydenta, twierdząc, że cierpią na polityczne „bóle fantomowe”. Ujawnia również mocne zarzuty wobec Karola Nawrockiego – minister twierdzi, że stanowisko prezydenta ma służyć do budowania nowego projektu sejmowego. Posłuchaj całej dyskusji! Oglądaj Express Biedrzyckiej na żywo w serwisie YouTube. Więcej informacji o programie na stronie Super Expressu.
Kamila Biedrzycka gości Konrada Gołotę, wiceministra Aktywów Państwowych (Nowa Lewica). W tej bezkompromisowej rozmowie minister nie oszczędza Mariusza Błaszczaka, nazywając go wprost „królem kłamstwa i głupoty”. Jak naprawdę wygląda sytuacja z zamówieniami w ramach programu SAFE oraz odbudową zdolności eksportowych Polskiej Grupy Zbrojeniowej (PGZ)? Gołota drwi z ludzi Prezydenta, twierdząc, że cierpią na polityczne „bóle fantomowe”. Ujawnia również mocne zarzuty wobec Karola Nawrockiego – minister twierdzi, że stanowisko prezydenta ma służyć do budowania nowego projektu sejmowego. Posłuchaj całej dyskusji! Oglądaj Express Biedrzyckiej na żywo w serwisie YouTube. Więcej informacji o programie na stronie Super Expressu.
As the world's attention shifts to the Strait of Hormuz, a group of Palestinian human rights organisations have filed an application against Australia's Minister for Defence, Richard Marles. They say the government isn't being transparent about Australia's arms exports to Israel, and are asking for the release of documents related to potential sales. Defence denies the supply of Australian weapons or ammunition to Israel. Palestinian human rights lawyer, Ahmed Abofoul, was born and raised in Gaza. He spoke to Kylie Morris and Latika Bourke while he was in Australia with human rights organisation, Al-Haq, about leaving Gaza for The Hague; and what the legal application could achieve. Guest: Ahmed Abofoul, human rights lawyer and researcher with Al-HaqGet in touch:We'd love to hear from you! Email us at global.roaming@abc.net.auFind all the episodes of Global Roaming now via the ABC Listen App or wherever you get your podcasts.
#高雄 正義站&黃線捷運計劃，平面車位3房全新完工 實品屋預約鑑賞中。 正義站通勤南科，未來捷運串連衛武營、Lalaport。 正義公園，風景入門廳。 陽明國中自由學區07-7801988 洽澄清路227號 https://sofm.pse.is/95y9um －－－－以上為 SoundOn 動態廣告－－－－ 代班主持人：淡江大學財金系教授 聶建中 節目時間：週一至週五 08:00-09:00 ◎節目內容大綱： ●「飛碟早餐 唐湘龍時間」，網路直播 ● 黃仁勳點名誰就漲停？這世界有點小瘋了！ ● 握有全球三分之一儲量！中國以「稀土底氣」抗衡老鷹：精緻冶煉技術成美軍 F35 緊箍咒 ● 台灣人到底貢獻了什麼？90年代台商帶去資金技術，養大本土供應鏈！ ● 中國經濟奇蹟最大黑馬：匯改！ ▶ 飛碟早餐唐湘龍時間 / ufobreakfast ▶ 網路線上收聽 http://www.uforadio.com.tw -- Hosting provided by SoundOn
Enjoyed this episode or the podcast in general? Send me a text message:Stealth isn't “dead” and it also isn't enough. What actually decides who lives in contested airspace is who can sense, sort, jam, and adapt faster across the electromagnetic spectrum, and that's why the F-35 is getting a nearly billion-dollar Barracuda electronic warfare upgrade. We walk through what the AN/ASQ-239 is built to do, why wideband transmitters and smarter receivers matter against modern, networked air defense systems, and how this refresh is meant to turn the jet into a far more aggressive digital threat.We also get real about the bottlenecks nobody memes about: heat, power, and integration. The more the F-35 becomes a flying supercomputer, the more PTMS cooling limits become mission limits. Then we unpack the collaborative side of stealth, from passive detection to MADL networking and time difference of arrival math that can triangulate a radar and cue a focused AESA beam for a fast shot.Next comes the spicy part: TR3 and Block 4. The hardware leap is massive, but the software has been unstable enough to delay deliveries, force truncated builds, and keep upgraded jets in training roles. From there, we look at the hopeful path forward with Project Overwatch and cognitive electronic warfare, where onboard AI can recognize new signals, retrain quickly, and push updates back to the fleet, plus quantum-resistant encryption aimed at the next cyber fight.If you care about the future of electronic warfare, airpower modernization, and what your defense dollars are really buying, hit play, then subscribe, share the show, and leave a review. What do you think matters more now: stealth shaping or spectrum dominance?Support the showTo help support this podcast and become a PilotPhotog ProCast member: https://www.buzzsprout.com/1555784/supportIf you enjoy this episode, subscribe to this podcast, you can find links to most podcast streaming services here: PilotPhotog Podcast (buzzsprout.com)Sign up for the free weekly newsletter Hangar Flyingwith Tog here: https://hangarflyingwithtog.com You can check out my YouTube channel for many videos on fighter planes here:https://youtube.com/c/PilotPhotog If you'd like to support this podcast via Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/PilotPhotog And finally, you can follow me on Twitter here:https://twitter.com/pilotphotog
On world money and war. Costas Lapavitsas, professor of economics at SOAS, London, talks to George and Alex about financialisation, arrested development, and the Strait of Hormuz. What is the state-led stabilisation of finance capital? How does today's imperialism differ from prior versions – even if they also inhibited development outside the core? What is the "liquidity tribute" that developing countries must pay? How is the war on Iran a perfect case of dollar imperialism: "the dollar and the F35"? Why is the talk of "colonialism" today a distraction? London event: History's Back, Baby! Links: A Topography of the New Dollar Imperialism, Costas Lapavitsas, NLR Trump's Chaotic Imperialism: Economic Warfare, Geopolitical Truculence and Domestic Authoritarianism, Costas Lapavitsas, Socialist Register For forthcoming Monthly Review article, see here /139/ Dollar Empire ft. Yakov Feygin & Dominik Leusder /142/ Dollar Empire (2) ft. Daniel Bessner
#高雄 正義站&黃線捷運計劃，平面車位3房全新完工 實品屋預約鑑賞中。 正義站通勤南科，未來捷運串連衛武營、Lalaport。 正義公園，風景入門廳。 陽明國中自由學區07-7801988 洽澄清路227號 https://sofm.pse.is/9587az －－－－以上為 SoundOn 動態廣告－－－－ 美伊戰爭間接曝露中國軍工品質的缺陷，造成中共軍工系統大震盪，航太工程出身的政治局委員馬興瑞被查，是否意味着中共軍工體系開始崩壞？這波整肅是單純「反腐」，還是為了「排查戰力造假」？涉及航母、隱形戰機與核武等技術的五名軍工院士涉嫌造假和瀆職而落馬，對中共一直吹捧的「大國重器」形象有何打擊？在中共這種高度封閉且缺乏外部監督的環境中，是否註定形成「數據出官、官出數據」的惡性循環？中國核彈頭集中儲存，需要長途運輸，然而在內部腐敗與整肅的狀況下，這種管理模式是否會提高意外風險、或者在戰爭中無法發揮作用？中國「明星軍備」的數據，與實戰能力之間可能有多大差距？伊朗和委內瑞拉採購紅旗防空系統的實戰表現，能否真實反映出共軍裝備的可靠性？這些軍武能支持中國的威懾戰略與攻台需求嗎？美方情報評估中國在2027對台動武的機率不高，原因會是共軍戰力造假及內部整頓嗎？若習近平收到的軍事報告是基於不實數據，會否導致他做出錯誤的戰略決策？台灣應該如何分辨出共軍的「真實威脅」和「虛假宣傳」？精彩訪談內容，請鎖定@華視三國演議！ 本集來賓：#沈明室 #黃澎孝 主持人：#汪浩 以上言論不代表本台立場 #軍工造假 #核威懾 #2027攻台 #國防特別預算 電視播出時間
Enjoyed this episode or the podcast in general? Send me a text message:A stealth fighter gets hit by a surface-to-air missile deep inside enemy territory and still makes it home. That single moment in Operation Epic Fury forces a hard reset on everything we think we “know” about fifth-generation airpower and it puts the F-35 Lightning II under the brightest possible spotlight: real combat, real damage, real outcomes.We walk through what Epic Fury reveals after more than 13,000 sorties, starting with the March 19, 2026 milestone when an Air Force F-35A takes the first known combat damage ever recorded on a fifth-generation stealth fighter. From redundant flight controls to the AN/AAQ-37 Distributed Aperture System and the split-second choices that keep a wounded pilot alive, we dig into what survivability actually looks like when stealth is no longer theoretical. Then we map the broader fight, including how each variant earns its keep: the F-35A as the deep-strike hammer, the Marine Corps F-35B enabling “Lightning carrier” operations and unpredictable basing, and the F-35C using massive internal fuel for long-range persistence and even early drone defense near the carrier force.But the story is not just victories. We also confront the modernization bottlenecks that could decide the next war: the radar transition from AN/APG-81 to the gallium nitride AN/APG-85, production delays that leave some new jets without an organic radar, and the TR3 software stability problems that slow the path to Block 4. Along the way, we spotlight sensor fusion, helmet-based tactics, the Dude 44 combat search and rescue mission, and the maintainers battling heat, salt, UV, and dust to keep sortie rates alive. If you found this breakdown useful, subscribe, share the episode, and leave a review, then tell us what you think: did Epic Fury silence the critics, or are radar and software issues a ticking time bomb?Support the showTo help support this podcast and become a PilotPhotog ProCast member: https://www.buzzsprout.com/1555784/supportIf you enjoy this episode, subscribe to this podcast, you can find links to most podcast streaming services here: PilotPhotog Podcast (buzzsprout.com)Sign up for the free weekly newsletter Hangar Flyingwith Tog here: https://hangarflyingwithtog.com You can check out my YouTube channel for many videos on fighter planes here:https://youtube.com/c/PilotPhotog If you'd like to support this podcast via Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/PilotPhotog And finally, you can follow me on Twitter here:https://twitter.com/pilotphotog
L'avion américain F-35 a conquis le monde et en particulier l'Europe, parce qu'il est réputé furtif, rapide et multifonction. Dans cet épisode en deux parties de «La Story», le podcast d'actualité des «Echos», Pierrick Fay discute avec Joseph Henrotin, politologue et auteur d'un livre sur le F35.« La Story » est un podcast des « Echos » présenté par Pierrick Fay. Cet épisode a été enregistré en mars 2026. Rédaction en chef : Clémence Lemaistre. Invité : Joseph Henrotin (politiste et stratégiste, rédacteur en chef de la revue «Défense et Sécurité internationale»). Réalisation : Willy Ganne. Chargée de production et d'édition : Clara Grouzis. Musique : Théo Boulenger. Identité graphique : Upian. Photo : Liz Lutz/Lockheed Martin. Sons : BFM, Firstpost, extrait du film «Le Seigneur des Anneaux : la communauté de l'anneau», de «OSS 117 : Rio ne répond plus» et de «Bee Movie : Drôle d'abeille».Retrouvez l'essentiel de l'actualité économique grâce à notre offre d'abonnement Access : abonnement.lesechos.frComment écouter et s'abonner à « La Story » ?Retrouvez tous les épisodes de « La Story » sur lesechos.frRetrouvez-nous aussi gratuitement sur Apple Podcast, Spotify, Amazon Music, Deezer, Castbox, autres applications (RSS). Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
Le déploiement de l'avion de combat américain interroge sur la dépendance de ses alliés, et partculièrement de l'Europe à l'égard des Etats-Unis. Dans cet épisode en deux parties de «La Story», le podcast d'actualité des «Echos», Pierrick Fay discute avec Joseph Henrotin, politologue et auteur d'un livre sur le F35.« La Story » est un podcast des « Echos » présenté par Pierrick Fay. Cet épisode a été enregistré en mars 2026. Rédaction en chef : Clémence Lemaistre. Invité : Joseph Henrotin (politiste et stratégiste, rédacteur en chef de la revue «Défense et Sécurité internationale»). Réalisation : Willy Ganne. Chargée de production et d'édition : Clara Grouzis. Musique : Théo Boulenger. Identité graphique : Upian. Photo : Liz Lutz/Lockheed Martin. Sons : Firstpost, Lockheed Martin, DW News, extrait du film «Rambo».Retrouvez l'essentiel de l'actualité économique grâce à notre offre d'abonnement Access : abonnement.lesechos.fr Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
A US F-35 was forced into an emergency landing at a US airbase in the Middle East after being struck by suspected Iranian fire during a combat mission over Iran. CENTCOM confirmed the emergency landing and that the pilot is in stable condition — but has not confirmed what hit it or whether it was enemy fire.
各位，生活，工作，身体，心情，四维安好 春节期间，黄海上空二十架军机对峙，F-16老机型突然现身？ 美军没打招呼惹恼韩国，背后打的什么算盘？ 咱新潜艇静音技术曝光，水下“隐身”真能融入海洋？ 02:06 在电磁斗法中，歼16与F22，歼20与F35的罩面 04:45 战备飞机状态分析：美军在东海的行动意图猜测 09:28 中美空战：F16与歼十的对决，谁将胜出？ 14:12 螺旋桨与泵推：潜艇推进技术的优劣比较及发展趋势 18:59 水下对抗的胜利之道：德国老式潜艇在北约演习中的战术 23:43 AI竞争与国家切身安全：中美之争 28:29 AI智能：军事领域竞争的最后门槛，海军舰炮建设的革新之路 33:16 无人机时代下的海战老武器新青春：大口径舰炮的崭露头角 38:00 日本自卫队 42:45 西方文明的底层：从罗马到盎格鲁撒克逊人 47:30 伊朗与胡塞武装：抵抗意志与作战战术的对比分析 52:16 热闹开局！特朗普解决伊核协议
Lieutenant Colonel retired C. Scott “Sonny” Duncan joins me for one of the more thought-provoking conversations I have hosted on Moments in Leadership. Sonny's path is anything but typical. He enlisted in the Navy, earned an ROTC scholarship, commissioned as a Naval Officer, transitioned into the Marine Corps, became an F/A 18 pilot, graduated from Top Gun, instructed at NAWDC, and was slated to command an F35 squadron before the COVID mandate brought his career to a crossroads.We cover how he learned to lead through fear, how aviation culture built his approach to performance and accountability, why he and his wife made a values based decision during the mandate, and how he now serves at the senior executive level inside the Department of the Navy. There are hard moments in this episode, and there are leadership lessons that apply across every community.As always, thank you to the supporters on Supercast who help keep Moments in Leadership ad free and sustainable.GUEST BIO LINKSSES Bio, C. Scott “Sonny” Duncanhttps://www.secnav.navy.mil/donhr/About/Senior-Executives/Biographies/Duncan,%20C.%20Scott.pdfFOLLOW, SUBSCRIBE, AND SUPPORTJoin the Moments in Leadership Supercast communityhttps://momentsinleadership.supercast.comApple Podcasts https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/moments-in-leadership/id1553443301Spotify https://open.spotify.com/show/4x3tDCrWkRikPrKShKeXGfYouTube https://www.youtube.com/@MomentsinLeadershipOfficial Website https://www.momentsinleadership.com
Are we in a 'plastic moment,' an inflection point where the future of the Middle East can finally be reshaped? Veteran peace negotiator Dr. Tal Becker joins the podcast to analyze the shifting tides of regional diplomacy. Reflecting on his recent discussions in Abu Dhabi, Becker describes the Abraham Accords as an emerging "Judeo-Muslim civilization" where the focus isn't on "who the land belongs to," but the realization that "we all belong to the land." Beyond geopolitics, Becker addresses the trauma of rising Western antisemitism—which he likens to a "zombie apocalypse"—and calls for a resurgence of liberal nationalism. This episode is a masterclass in navigating a zero-sum world to build a future of prosperity, courage, and shared belonging. Key Resources: The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC CEO Ted Deutch Op-Ed: 5 Years On, the Abraham Accords Are the Middle East's Best Hope AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: Architects of Peace The Forgotten Exodus People of the Pod Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript of the Interview: Manya Brachear Pashman: As the international community looks to phase two of the cease fire between Israel and the Hamas terror group in Gaza, the American Jewish Committee office in Abu Dhabi invited Dr Tal Becker to participate in discussions about what's next for the region. Dr Becker is one of Israel's leading experts on international humanitarian law and a veteran peace negotiator with Palestinians, Lebanese and Syrians. He is currently vice president of the Shalom Hartman Institute, and he joins us now right after the conference in Abu Dhabi to share some of the insights he contributed there. Tal, welcome to People of the Pod. Tal Becker: Thank you very much, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Tal, you have just returned from a conference in Abu Dhabi where you really took a deep dive, kind of exploring the nature of Arab-Israeli relations, as we are now entering the second phase of the ceasefire between Israel and Gaza. So I'm just curious, you've been steeped in this for so long, for decades, do you sense, or did you sense a significant shift in the region when it comes to Arab-Israeli relations and the future? Tal Becker: So I think Manya, we're at a very kind of interesting moment, and it's hard to say exactly which direction it's going, because, on the one hand, we have had very significant military successes. I think a lot of the spoilers in the region have been significantly set back, though they're still there, but Israel really has had to focus on the military side of things a lot. And it, I think, has strained to some extent, the view of what's possible because we're being so focused on the military side. And I think it is a moment for imagining what's possible. And how do we pivot out of the tragedy and suffering of this war, make the most of the military successes we've had, and really begin to imagine what this region could look like if we're going to continue to succeed in pushing back the spoilers in this way. Israel is a regional power, and I think it for all our vulnerability that requires, to some extent, for Israel to really articulate a vision that it has for the region. And it's going to take a little bit of time, I think, for everybody to really internalize what's just happened over these last two years and what it means for the potential for good and how we navigate that. So I really think it's kind of like what they call a plastic moment right now. Manya Brachear Pashman: A plastic moment, can you define that, what do you mean by plastic? Tal Becker: So what I mean by a plastic moment, meaning it's that moment. It's an inflection point right where, where things could go in one direction or another, and you have to be smart enough to take advantage of the fluidity of the moment, to really emphasize how do we maximize prosperity, stability, coexistence? How do we take away not just the capabilities of the enemies of peace, but also the appeal of their agenda, the language that they use, the way they try to present Muslim Jewish relations, as if they're a kind of zero sum game. So how do we operate both on the economic side, on the security side, but also on the imagining what's possible side, on the peace side. As difficult as that is, and I don't want to suggest that, you know, there aren't serious obstacles, there are, but there's also really serious opportunities. Manya Brachear Pashman: So what did you sense when you were there, in terms of the perception of Israel? I mean, were people optimistic, for lack of a better term? Tal Becker: So first of all, it was, you know, a great opportunity to be there. And having been involved, personally, very intensively in the Abraham Accords, I always feel a bit emotional whenever I'm in the Emirates in particular, and Morocco and Bahrain and so on. And to be honest, I kind of feel at home there. And so that's a lovely thing. I think, on the one hand, I would say there's a there's a relief that hopefully, please God, the war in Gaza is is behind us, that we're now looking at how to really kind of move into the phase of the disarmament of Hamas and the removal of Hamas from governance, you know, working with the Trump team and the Trump plan. And I think they have a bunch of questions. The Emiratis in particular, are strategic thinkers. They really want to be partners in advancing prosperity and stability across the region in pushing back extremism across the region, and I think they're eager to see in Israel a partner for that effort. And I think it puts also a responsibility on both of us to understand the concerns we each have. I mean, it takes some time to really internalize what it is for a country to face a seven-front war with organizations that call for its annihilation, and all the pressure and anxiety that that produces for a people, frankly, that hasn't had the easiest history in terms of the agenda of people hating the Jewish people and persecuting them. So I think that takes a bit of appreciation. I think we also, in the return, need to appreciate the concerns of our regional partners in terms of making sure that the region is stable, in terms of giving an opportunity for, you know, one way I sometimes word it is that, we need to prepare for the worst case scenario. We need to prevent it from being a self fulfilling prophecy. Which really requires you to kind of develop a policy that nevertheless gives an opportunity for things to get better, not just plan for things to get worse. And I think our partners in the Gulf in particular really want to hear from us, what we can do to make things better, even while we're planning and maybe even a bit cynical that things might be very difficult. Manya Brachear Pashman: So you mentioned the Abraham Accords, and I'm curious if you feel that Israel, I know Israel has felt isolated, at times, very isolated, and perhaps abandoned, is even the correct word. Do you feel that is the case as we enter the second phase of the ceasefire? Do you feel that is less so the case, and do you feel that that might be less so the case because of the Abraham Accords existence? Tal Becker: Well, so let's first talk about the Abraham Accords and their significance.So I think a lot of people present the Abraham accords as kind of an agreement that is about shared interests and shared challenges and so on, and that's definitely true. But they are, in my view, at least aspirationally, something much bigger than that. First of all, they are almost the articulation of what I call a Judeo Muslim civilization, the view that Jews and Muslims, or that all different peoples of the Middle East belong to this place and have a responsibility for shaping its future. The way I describe the Abraham Accords is that they're a group of countries who basically have said that the argument about who the land belongs to is not as important as the understanding that we all belong to the land. And as a result of that, this is kind of a partnership against the forces of extremism and chaos, and really offering a version of Israeli Jewish identity and of Muslim Arab identity that is in competition with the Iranian-Hezbollah-Hamas narrative that kind of condemns us to this zero sum conflict. So the first thing to say is that I think the Abraham Accords have such tremendous potential for reimagining the relationship between Muslims and Jews, for reimagining the future of the region, and for really making sure that the enemies of peace no longer shape our agenda, even if they're still there. So in that sense, the opening that the Abraham Accords offers is an opening to kind of reimagine the region as a whole. And I think that's really important. And I think we have now an opportunity to deepen the Accords, potentially to expand them to other countries, and in doing so, to kind of set back the forces of extremism in the region. In a strange way, I would say Manya that Israel is more challenged right now in the west than we are in the Middle East. Because in the West, you see, I mean, there's backlash, and it's a complicated picture, but you can see a kind of increasing voices that challenge Israel's legitimacy, that are really questioning our story. And you see that both on the extreme left and extreme right in different countries across the West, in different degrees. In the Middle East, paradoxically, you have at least a partnership around accepting one another within the region that seems to me to be very promising. And in part, I have to say it's really important to understand, for all the tragedy and difficulty of this war, Israel demonstrated an unbelievable resilience, unbelievable strength in dealing with its its adversaries, an unbelievable capacity, despite this seven front challenge, and I think that itself, in a region that's a very difficult region, is attractive. I think we do have a responsibility and an interest in imagining how we can begin to heal, if that's a word we can use the Israeli Palestinian relationship, at least move in a better direction. Use the Trump plan to do that, because that, I think, will also help our relationship in the region as a whole, without making one dependent on the other. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to follow up with what you just said, that Israel faces perhaps many more challenges in the west than in the region. What about the Jewish people, would you apply that same statement to the Jewish people? Tal Becker: Well, I think, you know, we've seen, we've seen the rise of antisemitism. And in my view, one way to think about October 7 is that October 7 marks the end of the post-Holocaust era. So there were a few decades there where, even if antisemitism existed, there were many circles in which it was socially unacceptable to give it voice. And something has shattered in the West in particular that it seems to be more socially acceptable to express antisemitism or antisemitic-adjacent type views, and that, I think has has really shocked and shaken many Jews across the western world. I guess the thing I would say about that is, you know, some of the Jews I come across in the West were under, in my view, a bit of an illusion, that antisemitism had somehow been cured. You feel this sometimes in North America, and that essentially, we had reached a stage in Jewish history where antisemitism was broadly a thing of the past and was on the margins, and then the ferocity with which it came back on October 8 was like a trauma. And one of the definitions of trauma is that trauma is a severe challenge to the way you understand the world and your place in it. And so if you had this understanding of your reality that antisemitism was essentially a thing of the past in North America in particular. And then all of a sudden it came back. You can see that traumatic experience. And what I want to argue or suggest is that the problem isn't that we had the solution and lost it. I think the problem was we had an illusion that there was a solution in the first place. Unfortunately, I think the Jewish people's history tells the story that antisemitism is kind of like the zombie apocalypse. It never exactly disappears. You can sometimes marginalize it more or marginalize it less. And we're now entering an era which I think Jews are familiar with, which is an era that it is becoming more socially acceptable to be antisemitic. And that to some extent, Jewish communal life feels more conditional and Jewish identity, and while being accepted in the societies in which you live also feels more conditional. And while that is a familiar pattern, we are probably the generation of Jews with more resources, more influence, more power, more capacity than probably at any other time in Jewish history. And so it would be a mistake, I think, to think of us as kind of going back to some previous era. Yes, there are these challenges, but there are also a whole set of tools. We didn't have the F35 during the Spanish Inquisition. So I think that despite all these challenges, it's also a great moment of opportunity for really building Jewish communities that are resilient, that have strong Jewish identity, that are that have a depth of Jewish literacy, and trying to inoculate as much as possible the societies in which we live and the communities in which we live from that phenomenon of antisemitism perhaps better than we had had done in previous iterations of this. Manya Brachear Pashman: I also want to go back and explore another term that you've used a couple of times, and that is enemies of peace. And I'm curious how you define the enemies of peace. Who are you talking about? And I'm asking you to kind of take a step back and really broaden that definition as much as possible. Tal Becker: I mean, it goes back to that idea that I mentioned about the Abraham Accords, which is an understanding that there are different peoples in the Middle East that call it home, and each of those peoples deserves a place where they can nurture their identity and cultivate it and have their legitimacy respected, and in that sense, those who are engaged in a kind of zero sum competition, that feel that their exist, existence depends on the obliteration of the other. I see those as enemies of peace. Now, I believe that both Jews and Palestinians, for example, have a right to self determination. I think that both belong in the sense that both deserve the capacity to cultivate their own identity. But the right to self determination, for example, the Palestinian right to self determination doesn't include the right to deny the Jewish right to self determination. It doesn't include the right to erase Jewish history. In the same way that we as Jews need to come to terms with the fact that the Palestinian people feel a real connection to this place. Now, it's very difficult, given how radicalized Palestinian society is, and we have to be very realistic about the threats we face, because for as long as the dominant narrative in Palestinian society is a rejection of Jewish belongingness and self determination, we have a very difficult challenge ahead of us. But I essentially, broadly speaking, would say, the enemies of peace are those who want to lock us into a zero sum contest. Where essentially, they view the welfare of the other as a threat to themselves. Y You know, we have no conflict with Lebanon. We have no conflict with the people of Iran, for example. We have a conflict, in fact, a zero sum conflict with an Iranian regime that wants to annihilate Israel. And I often point to this kind of discrepancy that Iran would like to destroy Israel, and Israel has the audacity to want not to be destroyed by Iran. That is not an equivalent moral playing field. And so I view the Iranian regime with that kind of agenda, as an enemy of peace. And I think Israel has an obligation to also articulate what its aspirations are in those regards, even if it's a long time horizon to realize those aspirations, because the enemies are out there, and they do need to be confronted effectively and pretty relentlessly. Manya Brachear Pashman: For our series on the Abraham Accords, Architects of Peace, I spoke with Dr Ali Al Nuami, and we talked about the need for the narrative to change, and the narrative on both sides right, the narrative change about kind of what you refer to as a zero sum game, and for the narrative, especially out of Israel, about the Palestinians to change. And I'm curious if you've given that any thought about changing, or just Israel's ability or obligation to send a message about the need for the Palestinians indeed to achieve self determination and thrive. Tal Becker: Well, I think first, it's important to articulate how difficult that is, simply because, I mean, Israel has faced now two years of war, and the sense that I think many Israelis felt was that Palestinian society at large was not opposed to what happened on October 7, and the dominant narratives in Palestinian society, whether viewing Israel as some kind of a front to Islam, or viewing Israel as a kind of colonial enterprise to then be like in the business of suggesting a positive vision in the face of that is very difficult, and we do tend Manya, in these situations, when we say the narrative has to change, we then say, on the other side, they have to change the narrative, rather than directing that to ourselves. So I think, you know, there is an obligation for everyone to think about how best to articulate their vision. It's a huge, I think, obligation on the Palestinian leadership, and it's a very one they've proved incapable of doing until now, which is genuinely come to terms with the Jewish people's belongingness to this part of the world and to their right to self determination. It's a core aspect of the difficulty in addressing this conflict. And having said all that, I think we as Israeli Jews also have an obligation to offer that positive vision. In my mind, there is nothing wrong with articulating an aspiration you're not sure you can realize, or you don't even know how to realize. But simply to signal that is the direction that I'm going in, you know? I mean Prime Minister Netanyahu, for example, talks about that he wants the Palestinian people to have all the power to govern themselves and none of the power to threaten Israel. Which is a way of saying that the Palestinian people should have that capacity of self determination that gives them the potential for peace, prosperity, dignity, and security, But not if the purpose of that is to essentially be more focused on destroying Israel than it is on building up Palestinian identity. Now that I think, can be articulated in positive terms, without denying Israel's connection to the land, without denying the Jewish people's story, but recognizing the other. And yes, I think despite all the difficulties, victory in war is also about what you want to build, not just what you want to destroy. And in that sense, our ability to kind of frame what we're doing in positive terms, in other words, not just how we want to take away the capacities of the extremists, but what we want to build, if we had partners for that, actually helps create that momentum. So I would just say to Dr Ali's point that, I think that's a shared burden on all of us, and the more people that can use that language, it can actually, I think, help to create the spaces where things that feel not possible begin to maybe become possible. Manya Brachear Pashman: Which in many ways Trump's 20 point plan does that. It doesn't just only talk about disarming Hamas. It talks about rebuilding Gaza. Are there other ways in which Israel can assure the success of the Palestinian people and push forwards. Can you envision other ways? Tal Becker: Well, I mean, I'm sure there's lots that people can do, but there is a burden on the Palestinian people themselves, and I do find that a lot of this discourse kind of takes agency away from the Palestinian people and their leadership. In a way, there's a kind of honesty to the Trump plan and the Security Council resolution that was adopted endorsing the plan that has been missing for quite a while. The Trump plan, interestingly, says three things. It says, on this issue of a kind of vision or pathway. It says, first of all, it basically says there is no Palestinian state today, which must have come as a bit of a shock for those countries recognizing a Palestinian state. But I think that is a common understanding. It's a little bit of an illusion to imagine that state. The second thing is how critical it is for there to be PA reform, genuine reform so that there is a responsible function in Palestinian governing authority that can actually be focused on the welfare of its people and govern well. And the third is that then creates a potential pathway for increasing Palestinian self-determination and moving potentially towards Palestinian statehood, I think, provided that that entity is not going to be used as a kind of terror state or a failed state. But that, I think, is a kind of honest way of framing the issue. But we don't get around Manya the need for responsibility, for agency. So yes, Israel has responsibility. Yes, the countries of the region have responsibilities. But ultimately, the core constituency that needs to demonstrate that it is shifting its mindset and more focused on building itself up, rather than telling a story about how it is seeking to deny Jewish self determination, is the Palestinian leadership. And I do think that what's happening in Gaza at least gives the potential for that. You have the potential for an alternative Palestinian governance to emerge. You have the potential for Hamas to be set back in a way that it no longer has a governing role or a shape in shaping the agenda. And I think if we can make Gaza gradually a success story, you know, this is a bit too optimistic for an Israeli to say, but maybe, maybe we can begin to create a momentum that can redefine the Israeli Palestinian relationship. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I asked what can Israel do to move forward to assure the Palestinians that they are behind their success and thriving? What can Israel do to make sure that it's respected, that is not facing the challenges from the West, from that region. What can Israel do? What is Israel's obligation, or is that an unfair question, to ensure its success and its moving forward? Tal Becker: I think it's a really difficult question, because the criticism that Israel has gotten throughout this war and the threats to its legitimacy in the way that they've erupted, I think, is a really complicated phenomena that has many moving parts. So some part of it, I think, rightly, is about Israeli policy and Israeli language and the way it has framed what it has been doing, and really the unbelievable moral dilemmas that the war in Gaza posed, and how Israel conducted itself in the way of those dilemmas. And people can have different views about that. I think there's a misunderstanding, very significantly, of the nature of the battlefield and how impossible Hamas in its deliberate kind of weaponization of the civilian population, made that. So there's one component that has to do with Israel. There's another component that we can't ignore, that has to do with antisemitism. And that, I think, for that group right who almost define themselves through their hostility towards the Jewish people and towards the very idea of Jewish self determination, it's hard to think anything that Israel says or does that actually matters, right? These were the people who were criticizing Israel even before it responded. And so in that sense, I think putting too much on Israel is a problem. Maybe I'll just focus on the area that I think is most interesting here, and that is, in my view, a lot of the argument about Israel in the West, we'll take the US, for example, is actually not an argument about Israel, but more an argument about the US that is channeled through Israel. In other words, a lot of people seem to be having their argument about America's story of itself channeled through their argument about Israel. And what they're actually arguing about is their vision of America. And you can see different versions of this. There's a story of America as perhaps a kind of white Christian country that was exploited by immigrants and is exploited by other countries in the world, and that narrative kind of tends pushes you in a direction of having a certain view, in my view, mistaken, in any event, about Israel. That is more to do about your story of America than it has anything to do with what Israel is doing or saying. And then you hear this very loudly, and I'm not suggesting these are exactly even. But on the more radical kind of progressive left, you have a story of America as essentially a country that never came over the legacy of slavery, a country that has to kind of apologize for its power, that it sees itself as a colonial entity that can't be redeemed. And when you're kind of locked in that version of America, which I kind of think is a kind of self hating story of America. Then that then projects the way you view Israel more than anything Israel says or does. So this has a lot to do with America's, and this is true of other countries in the West, that internal struggle and then the way different actors, especially in the social media age, need to position themselves on the Israel issue, to identify which tribe they belong to in this other battle. So in my view, people who care about the US-Israel relationship, for example, would be wise to invest in this, in the battle over America's story of itself, and in that sense, it's less about Israeli public diplomacy and less about Israeli policy. It's much more about the glasses people wear when they look at Israel. And how do you influence those glasses? Manya Brachear Pashman: I could sit here and talk to you all day, this is really fascinating and thought provoking. I do want to ask two more questions, though, and one is, I've been harping on what can Israel do? What are Israel's obligations? But let me back up a step. What about the Arab states? What are the other neighbors in the region obligated to do to assure the Palestinians that they're going to succeed and thrive? Tal Becker: Yeah, I mean, it's a really important question and, and I think that for many, many years, we suffered from, I would say, a basic lack of courage from Arab states. I'm generalizing, but I hope that others would advance their interests for them. And in some sense, I think the Abraham Accords really flipped that, because Abraham Accords was the Arab states having the courage and the voice to say, we need to redefine our relationship with with Israel, and in that way, create conditions, potentially for Palestinians to do, to do the same. I would say that there are a whole set right, and, not my position to kind of be the lecturer, and each country is different in their own dynamics. I think the first from an Israeli perspective, of course, is to really push back against this attempt to delegitimize the Jewish people's belonging in the Middle East, and not to allow this kind of narrative where the only authentic way to be a Palestinian or a Muslim is to reject the idea that other peoples live in the region and have a story that connects them to it, and Israel is here to stay, and it can be a partner. You can have disagreements with it. But the idea that it's some kind of illegitimate entity, I think, needs to be taken out of the lexicon fundamentally. I think a second area is in really this expectation of Palestinian especially in the Israeli Palestinian context, of being partners in holding the Palestinians accountable not to have the kind of the soft bigotry of low expectations, and to really recognize Palestinian agency, Palestinian responsibility and also Palestinian rights, yes, but not in this kind of comic strip, victim villain narrative, where Israel has all the responsibilities and the Palestinians have all the rights. My colleague, Einat Wilf, for example, talks about Schrodinger's Palestine. You know, Schrodinger's Cat, right? So Schrodinger's Palestine is that the Palestinians are recognized for rights, but they're not recognized for responsibilities. And Israel has rights and responsibilities. And finally, I would say in terms of the the taking seriously the spoilers in the region, and working with Israel and with our partners to make sure that the spoilers in the region don't dictate the agenda and don't have the capacity to do so, not just hoping that that, you know, Israel and the US will take care of that, but really working with us. And I think a few countries are really stepping up in that regard. They have their own constraints, and we need to be respectful of that, and I understand that. But I think that, you know, this is a strategic partnership. I sometimes joke that with the Emirates, it's a Jewish and a Muslim state, but it's a Catholic marriage. We've kind of decided to bind together in this kind of strategic partnership that has withstood these last two years, because we want to share a vision of the Middle East that is to the benefit of all peoples, and that means doing kind of three things at once. Meaning confronting the spoilers on the one hand, investing in regional integration on the other, and seeing how we can improve Israeli Palestinian relations at the same time. So working in parallel on all three issues and helping each other in the process and each other thrive. I mean, there's a whole bunch of stuff beyond the conflict. There's, you know, AI and fighting desertification and irrigation and defense tech and intelligence, and a whole host of areas where we can cooperate and empower each other and be genuine partners and strengthen our own societies and the welfare of our own peoples through that partnership for ourselves, for each other and for the region. So there's a lot to do. Manya Brachear Pashman: And my last question – I've asked, what do the Arab states need to do? What does Israel need to do? What do Jewish advocates around the world need to do? Tal Becker: So I think the most important thing at this moment for me, Manya, is courage. There is a danger, because of the rise in antisemitism and the kind of hostility that one sees, that Jews in particular will become more silent. And they'll kind of hide a little bit in the hope that this will somehow pass them. And I think what our history has taught us, is generally, these are phenomena that if you don't stand up against them early, they become extremely powerful down the line, and you can't, and it becomes very, very costly to confront them. So it takes courage, but I would say that communities can show more courage than individuals can, and in that sense, I think, you know, insisting on the rights of Jews within the societies in which they live, fighting for those kind of societies, that all peoples can prosper in. Being strong advocates for a kind of society in which Jews are able to thrive and be resilient and prosper, as well as others as well. I think is very important. Just in a nutshell, I will say that it seems to me that in much of the world, what we're seeing is liberalism being kind of hijacked by a radical version of progressivism, and nationalism being hijacked by a version of ultra-nationalism. And for Jews and for most people, the best place to be is in liberal nationalism. Liberal nationalism offers you respect for collective identity on the one hand, but also respect for individual autonomy on the other right. That's the beautiful blend of liberal nationalism in that way, at least aspirationally, Israel, being a Jewish and democratic state, is really about, on the one hand, being part of a story bigger than yourself, but on the other hand, living a society that sees individual rights and individual agency and autonomy. And that blend is critical for human thriving and for meaning, and it's been critical for Jews as well. And so particularly across the diaspora, really fighting for liberal national identity, which is being assaulted from the extremes on both sides, seems to me to be an urgent mission. And it's urgent not just for Jews to be able not to kind of live conditionally and under fear and intimidation within the societies they live, but as we've seen throughout history, it's pretty critical for the thriving of that society itself. At the end of the day, the societies that get cannibalized by extremes end up being societies that rot from within. And so I would say Jews need to be advocates for their own rights. Double down on Jewish identity, on resilience and on literacy, on Jewish literacy. At the same time as fighting for the kind of society in which the extremes don't shape the agenda. That would be my wish. Manya Brachear Pashman: Making liberal nationalism an urgent mission for all societies, in other words, being a force for good. Tal Becker: Yes, of course. Manya Brachear Pashman: Our universal mission. Thank you so much. Thank you so much for sharing all of these thoughts with us and safe travels as you take off for the next destination. Tal Becker: Thank you very much, Manya. I appreciate it. Manya Brachear Pashman: As we approach the end of the year, and what a year it's been, take some time to catch up on episodes you might have missed along the way, rewind and listen to some of my more memorable interviews, such as my conversation with former Israeli hostage Shoshan Haran, abducted with her daughter, son in law and grandchildren during the Hamas terror attack on October 7, 2023. Meet doctors or hen and Ernest Frankel, two MIT professors who amid anti Israel academic boycotts, are trying to salvage the valuable research gains through collaboration with Israeli scholars. And enjoy my frank conversation with Jonah Platt, best known for playing Fiyero in Broadway's wicked who now hosts his own hit podcast Being Jewish with Jonah Platt. Hard to believe all of this and more has unfolded in 2025 alone. May 2026 be peaceful and prosperous for us all.
Enjoyed this episode or the podcast in general? Send me a text message:The most decisive move in modern air combat doesn't happen at the merge—it happens minutes earlier, when one side quietly builds a picture the other can't see. We explore how the F-35 flips the script from hero pilot dogfights to information-driven dominance, turning stealth, sensors, and networks into time, options, and control. Instead of juggling raw data, the pilot gets a fused view of the battlespace that accelerates decisions and slows the enemy's. That's how first look becomes first shot and often first kill, not by luck but by design.We break down how data fusion converts radar, infrared, and electronic intelligence into a single, evolving track file, freeing the pilot to command the mission rather than manage screens. Stealth then acts as tempo control—managing when and how the jet is seen—to buy precious minutes to listen, classify, and position. From there, geometry takes over: altitude, angle, and emissions discipline set the fight long before a missile leaves the rail. And because the F-35 is a network node, not a solo act, it can pass perfect targeting to the shooter best placed to finish, whether that's another fighter, a ship, or a ground battery.This shift also changes what “skill” means. The jet rewards patience, coordination, and trust in the system, punishing old habits like chasing visual contacts too soon. The psychological effect is real: when an opponent can't find the threat, caution spreads, decisions slow, and initiative drains away. We acknowledge the program's costs and software challenges while focusing on resilience and the trendline toward tighter integration and faster kill chains. If you've ever wondered how information, time, and teamwork now decide air power, this conversation lays out the new playbook.Enjoyed the episode? Follow, share with a friend who loves aviation, and leave a quick review to help more listeners find the show. What part of the modern kill chain surprised you most?Support the showTo help support this podcast and become a PilotPhotog ProCast member: https://www.buzzsprout.com/1555784/supportIf you enjoy this episode, subscribe to this podcast, you can find links to most podcast streaming services here: PilotPhotog Podcast (buzzsprout.com) Sign up for the free weekly newsletter Hangar Flyingwith Tog here: https://hangarflyingwithtog.com You can check out my YouTube channel for many videos on fighter planes here: https://youtube.com/c/PilotPhotog If you'd like to support this podcast via Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/PilotPhotog And finally, you can follow me on Twitter here: https://twitter.com/pilotphotog
Weil sich die Sicherheitslage verschärft, erwägt der Bundesrat, neben den F35-Kampfflugzeugen die Flotte auf 55 bis 70 moderne Jets zu erweitern. Wieviel mehr Sicherheit bietet das? Und wer soll das bezahlen? Kritische Fragen an Bundesrat Martin Pfister. Zwar will der Bundesrat vorerst nur so viele F35 kaufen, wie im Rahmen der vom Volk bewilligten 6 Milliarden Franken möglich sind – weniger als 36, weil der Preis gestiegen ist. Über die «fehlenden» F35 will er aber bereits Ende Januar entscheiden. Und mittelfristig hält das Verteidigungsdepartement sogar eine Aufstockung auf bis zu 70 moderne Kampfjets für nötig. Wie passt das zusammen? Sollen so alle Seiten zufrieden gestellt werden – von den Stimmberechtigten, die ein Kostendach von 6 Milliarden genehmigten, bis zu den Warnern, die eine stärkere Luftverteidigung fordern? Und was bedeutet das für Bundesfinanzen und Steuern? Der Verteidigungsminister nimmt Stellung. Mit der ersten sicherheitspolitischen Strategie geht der Bundesrat zudem auch auf die verschärfte Sicherheitslage ein. Wie gefährdet ist die Schweiz? Wie soll die Gesellschaft resilienter werden? Und: Wie nahe soll die Schweiz dabei an die Nato rücken? Der Bundesrat stellt sich den Fragen von Nathalie Christen in der Samstagsrundschau. Ergänzend zum Tagesgespräch finden SIe jeden Samstag in unserem Kanal die aktuelle Samstagsrundschau.
What to make of Mark Carney's decision to reach back into the Trudeau cabinet to replace another minister who quit? That's the question to the Toronto Star's Althia Raj and The Economist's Rob Russo on this latest episode of Reporter's Notebook. Also, what our two correspondents are hearing about the ongoing competition between the U.S. F35 fighter jet and Sweden's Gripen. Billions are at stake and thousands of jobs. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
Retired AV-8B Pilots Capt. Frank “Pugs” Smith and Lt. Col. Luke “Warren” Jacobs take us behind the iconic Jump Jet and its 40-year legacy.We are back with our regularly scheduled podcast! In this episode, they discuss carrier operations, vertical takeoff and landing, the challenges of maintaining the aircraft, and how the fighter performed its missions. The Harrier remains one of aviation's boldest experiments, paving the way for newer V/STOL platforms like the F-35B. This one is going to be cool!Resources:The Harrier Jump Jet (Key Aero)Operation Desert Storm (Air Force Historical Support Division)The AV-8B Harrier II (Wikipedia)Retiring Wings Over the Rockies' Harrier (YouTube)Chapters:(00:00) - Intro (01:36) - Harrier Overview (02:35) - Aviation Beginnings (04:27) - The Jump Jet's 40-Year Journey (05:28) - Like Flying a Dragon (06:25) - The TAV-8 Trainer (07:01) - Flying the Harrier (08:18) - The A-4 Vs. The AV-8B (09:19) - Carrier Operations (10:36) - The V/STOL (14:47) - Vertical Take Off Challenges (17:10) - Dogfight Maneuvers (18:15) - How Loud Was the Jump Jet? (20:04) - Life Below Deck (21:05) - Operation Desert Storm (23:25) - Afghanistan Combat Missions (25:53) - How Harrier Capabilities Evolved (26:54) - Flying in Mixed Packages (28:09) - The AV-8B's Legacy (30:00) - Frank and Luke's Advice (32:35) - Outro
"האינטרסנטים", הפודקאסט הכלכלי היומי של TheMarker. יום רביעי, בעזה יש עדיין 3 חטופים חללים, באולפן איתן אבריאל וסמי פרץ. (3:41) נשיא ארה"ב דונלד טרמאפ ויורש העצר הסעודי מוחמד בן סלמאן סיפקו אתמול הצצה מיוחדת לאופן בו הם עושים עסקים: הסעודים מצהירים כי ישקיעו 600 מיליארד דולר, טראמפ מציע שזה יעלה לטריליון דולר ובן סלמן אומר בסדר -והכל בשידור חי. הנקודה שמעניינת את ישראל היא כמובן מכירת מטוסי F35 לסעודיה והסכם שיתוף פעולה בענייני גרעין. כל אלה יביאו למרוץ חימוש במזרח התיכון, והשאלה אם לישראל יישאר היתרון האיכותי שהובטח לה עד כה. עמוס הראל הפרשן הצבאי של הארץ ישיב על כך. (20:25) בנק ישראל יצא בקמפיין חדש שממליץ ללקוחות הבנקים לשקול מעבר מבנק לבנק, או לכל הפחות – לאיים במעבר לבנק אחר, כדי להשיג הטבות מהבנק שלהם. האם זה מבשר על הרמת ידיים מסוימת שהתחרות תגיע מהבנקים? אורי ברזני, ראש מטה ואסטרטגיה בפיקוח על הבנקים של בנק ישראל, יהיה איתנו, ונשאל אותו גם על חינוך פיננסי נגד הונאות. (34:50) גוגל ורשת X (הלא היא טוויטר) השיקו גרסאות חדשות של מנועי הבינה המלאכותית שלהן, ג'מיני וגרוק, וזה מביא כמה אנשים להתנסות ולברר מה חדש. אחד מהם, שחר צפריר, החליט לבקש מהם אמיתות קשוחות ולא פוליטיקלי קורקט על החיים וקיבל תשובות מעניינות – הוא יספר לנו עליהן.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
(November 18,2025) Amy King and Neil Saavedra join Bill for Handel on the News. House expected to vote today on releasing the Epstein files. President Trump says U.S intends to sell F-35 jet fighters to Saudi Arbia. FEMA head resigns; David Richaardson had been difficult to reach during Texas floods. Bitcoin just erased its gains for this year.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
CannCon and Ghost tackle a wild morning in this packed episode of Badlands Daily, starting with the global Cloudflare outage that briefly knocked out major platforms, including X and Truth Social, right as geopolitical tensions hit a peak. With the internet flickering back to life, the hosts break down the timing behind the disruption, Trump's upcoming historic meeting with MBS, and why today marks a major shift in global power dynamics. They dig into CNN narratives, Trump's maneuvering on the Epstein file release, the strategic feud with MTG, and how Democrats and media are unintentionally building consensus for disclosure. Ghost expands on the brewing Saudi–U.S. alliance, the symbolism of the MBS arrival ceremony, and why the F35 sale signals a massive rebalancing away from Israeli dominance. Along the way, they expose weak media spin, revisit Larry Summers and Epstein fallout, and unpack the carefully staged narrative warfare unfolding in real time. A high-energy, high-stakes episode that captures a turning point in global politics.
Enjoyed this episode or the podcast in general? Send me a text message:The sky doesn't forgive mistakes, and neither does history. We take you inside the F-35 Lightning II's turbulent journey—from an “impossible” 1990s idea to the networked backbone of Western air power—and ask the uncomfortable question: is this the end state of air combat, or a smart bridge to a sixth‑generation future?We start with the Joint Strike Fighter bet: one stealth airframe to replace many, tailored for the Air Force, Navy, and Marines. You'll hear how Boeing's X‑32 faced off against Lockheed Martin's X‑35, why the lift‑fan changed everything for short takeoff and vertical landing, and how concurrency turned development into a public brawl over cost and delays. Then we dig into the tech that actually changed the fight: sensor fusion that turns radar, infrared, and EW into one trusted picture; a pilot helmet that makes the cockpit disappear; and connectivity that lets an F‑35 silently cue an F‑15EX to take the shot. Red Flag outcomes, early combat by Israel, and coalition patrols across Europe and the Pacific reveal how the Lightning doesn't just fly missions—it conducts them.We don't dodge the tradeoffs. Maintenance is heavy, range is finite, and software must sprint to outpace evolving air defenses. But Block 4 upgrades and Tech Refresh 3 bring supercomputer-class processing, new weapons, smarter EW, and the groundwork for AI-assisted tactics. Most importantly, we map where this is going: loyal wingmen, NGAD, GCAP, and a web of allied F‑35s acting as a single, adaptable sensor-shooter network. If the F‑35 is the quarterback, tomorrow's unmanned partners are the fast receivers—and together they redefine air superiority.Stick around for a closing tease of the F‑22 Raptor, the apex hunter that set the fifth‑gen benchmark. If this deep dive sparked new questions about stealth, networks, and the future fight, follow the show, share it with a friend, and leave a review with your take: masterpiece or stepping stone?Support the showTo help support this podcast and become a PilotPhotog ProCast member: https://www.buzzsprout.com/1555784/supportIf you enjoy this episode, subscribe to this podcast, you can find links to most podcast streaming services here: PilotPhotog Podcast (buzzsprout.com) Sign up for the free weekly newsletter Hangar Flyingwith Tog here: https://hangarflyingwithtog.com You can check out my YouTube channel for many videos on fighter planes here: https://youtube.com/c/PilotPhotog If you'd like to support this podcast via Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/PilotPhotog And finally, you can follow me on Twitter here: https://twitter.com/pilotphotog
‘He needs to learn, as I learned from my daddy', den holistiske solcreme vs den helt gode Hawaii Surfers Deluxe, den venstre testikel til Indien, stop med at være 270 millioner i befolkningen, sprogsvampen på balinesisk, et godt gammeldags hollandsk kompagni, den balinesiske Pål er den bedste Pål, en komet-lignende fartmaskine fra det ydre rum, Kronprins Christian på tur i F16 og 27 nye F35 på vej til Kongeriget, Forsvaret ringer bar', ‘hellere brække sig end at trække sig', fart på den republikanske ungdom, vi elsker alle et godt kup, OpenAI med en frækkere profil, ‘Esben Bjerre til fest hos kongen og dronningen', vi hader faktisk bar' AI, rid humorbølgen som på Padang Padang Beach og ‘You lign your far', humoren lever vi 100% for.Få 30 dages gratis prøveperiode (kan kun benyttes af nye Podimo-abonnenter)- http://podimo.dk/hgdg (99 kroner herefter)Værter: Esben Bjerre & Peter FalktoftRedigering: PodAmokKlip: PodAmokMusik: Her Går Det GodtInstagram:@hergaardetgodt@Peterfalktoft@Esbenbjerre
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