Podcast appearances and mentions of Cas Mudde

Supervalåret 2024 blomstrade ytterhögern. Men valframgångarna globalt är inte en startpunkt utan en bekräftelse på en redan pågående förändring som allt för få velat se och erkänna. Eroderingen av den liberala demokratin är och ser ut att förbli det här århundradets huvudberättelse. Men så skulle det inte behöva vara, skriver statsvetaren Cas Mudde. --- Domedagsspiralen, ur Expo #4 2024 av Cas Mudde i översättning av Erik Sidenbladh:  https://expo.se/fordjupning/domedagsspiralen/  Uppläsare: Erik Glaad Ansvarig utgivare: Daniel Poohl --- Expo behöver ditt stöd Bli poddvän: https://expo.se/stod-expo/bli-poddvan/  Prenumerera på Expo: https://expo.se/tidskriften/prenumerera  --- Studio Expo ger dig som lyssnar fördjupningar om våra avslöjanden, mer om våra granskningar och analyser av högextrema tendenser. Varje vecka i din poddspelare! Expo är en religiöst och partipolitiskt obunden stiftelse. Vi har granskat och bevakat extremhögern sedan 1995 – för en levande demokrati där rasistiska idéer och organisationer saknar inflytande. Stöd vår verksamhet genom att bli månadsgivare eller swisha en slant till 123 271 02 59.

This week, political scientist Cas Mudde joins the Prospect podcast to analyse the “year of elections”.In 2024, around 70 countries with a combined population of 3.4bn went to the polls. In many of those elections—in the EU, India and the US, the far right did surprisingly well. But why do the far right seem to be the only group to have benefitted from the turbulence of recent years? Was it inevitable? He joins Prospect's Ellen Halliday to discuss.Plus, a festive “banger” or “dud”: posh advent calendars—terrific or tacky?To watch this interview, search for ‘Prospect magazine' on YouTube, where episodes are published every Thursday.Cas's piece “Doom Spiral” is featured in the latest issue of the magazine, which can be read in print or online at prospectmagazine.co.uk. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Populisme is een begrip dat sinds 2016 volop werd gebruikt om de dreiging aan verschillende politieke fronten te duiden, maar het is een verrassend breed gebruikt begrip. De meeste definities verwijzen naar het onderzoek van Cas Mudde, die populisten duidts als: “Parties that endorse the set of ideas that society is ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, “the pure people” versus “the corrupt elite”, and which argue that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale, or general will, of the people.” Mudde, 2004. Benjamin Moffitt, hoogleraar en schrijver van het boek Populism, noemt nadrukkelijk dat populisme geen ideologie is, maar een stijl van politiek bdrijven, “a way of speaking, acting, and presenting oneself.” Hierdoor zijn er veel verschillende groepen die onder deze noemer vallen, die op verschillende manieren worden beschuldigd van populisme. Populisme is niet hetzelfde als extreem-rechts of extreem-links gedachtegoed, maar die beide groepen gebruiken wel regelmatig populistische methodes. Populisme is niet hetzelfde als populariteit, hoewel er groepen zijn die populisme op die manier proberen te zuiveren van de negatieve bijklank. Populisme is ook niet hetzelfde als fascisme, hoewel populistische rhetoriek wel een kenmerk is van fascisme. De klassieke term die veel overlap vertoont met populisme is “demagogie”, waarbij een demagoog of “volksmenner” of “rabble-rouser” specifiek inspeelt op de driften en wensen van het volk door ze tegen de elite op te jagen. Dit valt samen met de definitie van populisme gebruikt door Catherine Fieschi, die stelt dat populisten niet alleen zeggen te spreken namen de moreel superieure stem van het volk, maar ook uniek in staat zijn om die stem te horen. Daarmee worden hun tegenstanders dus weggezet als vijanden van de waarheid en puurheid van het volk. Het nieuwere woord populisme komt uit de Verenigde Staten, waar in 1892 een partij genaamd de People's Party of ook de Populist Party in opstand kwam tegen de elite. Zij zagen zichzelf als gerechtvaardigd in het democratisch opstaan tegen de elite die hen onderdrukte. Sindsdien blijft de tweedeling tussen het volk en de elite een kenmerk van populistische retoriek, of er nou sprake is van een tweedeling tussen volk en elite, of niet. Vandaag onderzoeken wij de kenmerken van populisme in de hoop de term minder beladen en met meer precisie te kunnen gebruiken. Is populisme ooit “goed” of terecht? Is populisme een inherent onderdeel van bestuur door het volk? Is populisme altijd bron van polarisatie? Te gast is Sjoerd, net als in aflevering 4. Bronnen Intro Cas Mudde. “The Populist Zeitgeist.” Government and Opposition, 39:4, 2004, 541-563. Cas Mudde. “Populism in the Twenty-First Century: An Illiberal Democratic Response to Undemocratic Liberalism.” The Andrea Mitchell Center for the Study of Democracy. https://amc.sas.upenn.edu/cas-mudde-populism-twenty-first-century “Populism in the United States: A Timeline.” History.com. 7 december 2018. Gecorrigeerd: 14 december 2020. https://www.history.com/topics/us-government-and-politics/populism-united-states-timeline Yasmeen Serhan. “Populism Is Meaningless.” The Atlantic. 12 maart 2020. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2020/03/what-is-populism/607600/ The PopuList. https://popu-list.org/ What is Populism? | History. 8 januari 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_uA1GBzXzr4 Umberto Eco. “Ur-Fascism.” The New York Review of Books. 22 juni 1995. The Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/umberto-eco-ur-fascism/umberto-eco-ur-fascism.lt/ The New Populism. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/series/the-new-populism Relevante artikelen zijn bijvoorbeeld: https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2019/mar/06/revealed-the-rise-and-rise-of-populist-rhetoric en https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/nov/20/measuring-populism-how-guardian-charted-rise-methodology

Last Sunday, Austria's Freedom Party (FPÖ) became the latest far-right political group to win a national election in Europe.The party now faces a familiar challenge encountered by many of its counterparts across the continent: will it form a coalition with the centre-right Austrian People's Party? Will Herbert Kickl become Austria's next Chancellor, or will he be sidelined?Political analyst Cas Mudde contends that while far-right prime ministers remain relatively rare, the traditional "cordon sanitaire" — the refusal to collaborate with extremist parties — has effectively been dismantled.Centre-right parties are increasingly willing to partner with the far right, not just to boost their own political power but also to secure more influential roles than they would in alliances with the centre-left.How long the far-right will continue to accept this arrangement? We'll let Mudde explain.Radio Schuman also gives you a quick overview of the Chinese electric vehicle tariff vote among EU member states. What is Germany's political role in this dispute? The result of today's vote could answer this question.Radio Schuman is hosted and produced by Maïa de la Baume, with journalist and production assistant Eleonora Vasques, audio editing by Zacharia Vigneron and music by Alexandre Jas. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Az EP-választások és a francia nemzetgyűlési választás újra a figyelem középpontjába emelte az elmúlt évtized egyik legbonyolultabb politikai kérdését: akár szélsőjobboldaliaknak és populistáknak nevezzük, akár patriótáknak és szuverenistáknak, Orbán Viktor, Marine Le Pen és elvbarátaik hatalmas társadalmi felhatalmazás mellett építik le a demokráciát és a társadalmi egyenlőséget. Az biztos, hogy a hidegháború utáni világban a politikai radikalizmus szelleme a 2000-es évek végén kiszabadult a palackból, és minél inkább próbálja visszatuszkolni a mainstream, annál kevésbé hagyják ezt az egymást érő válságok. Az időszakos sikerek – mint például a Nemzeti Tömörülés legyőzése, vagy a Patrióták Európáért elszigetelése – pedig nem jelentik azt, hogy az antidemokratikus szereplőket pusztán morális alapon le lehetne győzni. Hogyan jutottunk ide? Miért nyitottak a szélsőségekre a társadalmak? Mit jelent a szélsőjobb, mit jelent a populizmus és hogyan használjuk ezt felelősen? Érdemes-e egyből fasizmust (vagy kommunizmust) kiáltani, ha politikai radikálisokat látunk a térképen? Miért nem tudnak a jobboldali pártok természetesen összeborulni és milyen kölcsönhatások vannak az Atlanti-óceán két partjának konzervatívjai között? Ezekről kérdezte Nagy Iván László Hunyadi Bulcsút, a Political Capital szakértőjét. 2023-as interjúnk Hunyadi Bulcsúval: https://hvg.hu/itthon/20230217_Fulke_szelsosegek_antifa_szelsojobb_radikalizmus_hunyadi_bulcsu Podcastunk Cas Muddéval: https://hvg.hu/360/20230613_Cas_Mudde_interju_podcast_Orban_Viktor_populizmus_szelsojobb_demokracia_woke_EU_USA_Oroszorszag_haboru 2022-es interjúnk Cas Muddéval: https://hvg.hu/360/20211025_Cas_Mudde_interju_ellenzek_MarkiZay_Orban_populizmus_szelsojobb A Trump-merényletről a Fülkében: https://youtu.be/itGnif6jwPo A Political Capital kapcsolódó tanulmányai: Magyar politikaibefolyás-építés – Az Orbán-rezsim törekvései az illiberalizmus exportjára (2022) - https://politicalcapital.hu/konyvtar.php?article_read=1&article_id=3123 Euroszkeptikus internacionálé Brüsszel kapujában? Populista szövetségépítés az Európai Unióban és Magyarország ebben játszott szerepe (2023) - https://politicalcapital.hu/konyvtar.php?article_read=1&article_id=3317 Autoriter befolyás az Európai Parlamentben – az EP-képviselők szavazatait vizsgálva (2024) - https://politicalcapital.hu/hirek.php?article_read=1&article_id=3373 Az eddigi ellenzéket elsodorta, a Fideszt megütötte, az európai mainstreamet meglegyintette a választás, de a rendszerváltás itthon és Brüsszelben is elmaradt (2024) - https://politicalcapital.hu/hireink.php?article_read=1&article_id=3390 Iratkozz fel a Fülke csatornájára! Spotify: https://tiny.cc/FulkeSpotify Apple Podcasts: https://tiny.cc/FulkeApple Hallgasd meg a HVG többi podcastját: Spotify: https://tiny.cc/HVGpodcastokSpotify Apple Podcasts: https://tiny.cc/HVGpodcastokApple SoundCloud: https://tiny.cc/HVGpodcastokSC 0:00 Intro 0:53 Miért erősödnek a jobboldali pártok Európában? 6:26 Mit jelent a jobboldaliság? 11:26 Hogyan válik a szélsőségesség mainstreammé? 19:16 Hogyan dolgozhatunk a demokráciáért? 20:50 Demokratikus-e a szélsőségesekkel szemben összefogni? 29:31 Mi a populizmus? 34:25 Hogyan definiálják magukat a szélsőjobboldaliak? 39:29 Miért nem találnak egymásra a szélsőjobbosok? 45:13 Hogyan hatnak egymásra a nyugati világ konzervatívjai? 52:29 Van-e valódi jelentősége a CPAC-nek és társainak? 56:04 Ha semmi nem változik, van-e plafon a szélsőjobb felett?

In this episode, Uzair talks to Gilles Verniers about the recent French parliamentary election results. With many expecting gridlock in Paris, Gilles helps us understand what the results mean and what comes next for the country. Gilles Verniers is Karl Loewenstein Fellow and Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science at Amherst College, and Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi. He also holds affiliations with the Centre for Advanced Studies of India at UPenn, and the Centre de Sciences Humaines in New Delhi. His research focuses on Indian electoral and party politics, political representation, women and minorities participation in politics and India's democratic trajectory. He regularly contributes to various Indian media and was based in Delhi from 2005 to 2023. He graduated from Sciences Po, Paris. You can read his recent pieces on the elections here: - https://m.thewire.in/article/world/france-election-far-right-marine-le-pen-macron - https://thewire.in/world/france-dodges-a-bullet-for-now-but-sinks-in-uncertainty Chapters: 0:00 Introduction 2:05 Understanding the differences in the groups 9:30 The normalization of the far-right 20:40 Lack of coalition culture in France 30:05 Personalization of acrimony 33:01 The left's agenda and its foreign policy 38:20 Reading recommendations Reading recommendations - Cas Mudde, The Far Right Today (2019) - James Shields (2007), The Extreme Right in France: From Pétain to Le Pen

“To protect the future of liberal democracy in Europe, one must first understand its challengers.” So is the motto of AUTHLIB, the project titled ‘Neo-Authoritarianisms in Europe and the Liberal Democratic Response', led by the CEU Democracy Institute, funded by the European Union and the UK Innovation and Research, and implemented in cooperation with the Charles University, Sciences Po, Scuola Normale Superiore, SWPS University, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the University of Oxford and the University of Vienna. If you are interested in fresh academic research and policy analysis on matters of illiberalism, populism, authoritarianism, and their implications to liberal democracy in Europe, follow AUTHLIB on social media and at authlib.eu. Among the challengers to liberal democracy in Europe, we can count populists, autocrats, and the increasingly often mentioned illiberals. But who are they and what is illiberalism? How does it relate to populism? Can illiberals be democrats at all? What are the policy implications of having illiberal politicians, especially of the radical right, in power in the EU? This interview explores these questions with Professor Cas Mudde. It covers various issues at the intersection of academic and policy research on populism, illiberalism, democracy, and the radical right. It discusses whether the growing body of literature on illiberalism addresses something that is fundamentally new on the global political agenda, how this literature relates to academic research on populism, and if illiberalism and democracy is reconcilable against the backdrop of a global trend of autocratization, which many scholars of democracy have noted and which is often attributed to illiberal and populist leaders. Furthermore, the conversation sets out to understand how the recent election outcomes in Slovakia and Poland fit into the aforementioned trend and also predict what is in store for European democracies in the near future as illiberal actors of the radical right are readying themselves for the next European parliamentary elections in June 2024. Cas Mudde is a professor of international affairs and a distinguished research professor at the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia. His academic research agenda centers around the question how liberal democracies can defend themselves against political challenges without undermining their core values. He has published widely on uncivil society, democratization, Euroskepticism, extremism, and the practices of political parties, especially those of far right and populist inclinations. This interview was conducted as a collaboration between The Review of Democracy and the research consortium "AUTHLIB - Neo-authoritarianisms in Europe and the liberal democratic response" by Zsuzsanna Vegh, visiting fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, in cooperation with Bálint Mikola, Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the CEU Democracy Institute.

El término ultraderecha a menudo se utiliza de manera vacía o con un significado muy diferente a lo que han concluido los expertos que estudian el tema. Al hablar de personajes como Milei o países como Polonia este término ha acabado saliendo. Pero ¿qué significa exactamente? Vamos a utilizar la obra del politólogo Cas Mudde para diferenciar tres conceptos: ultraderecha, extrema derecha y derecha radical. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Geert Wilders' PVV recent election win is the latest addition to a trend of far-right populists winning big elections. Spanning from Argentina with Javier Melei to Italy with Giorgia Meloni, the Far Right seems to be on rise.There is no one better to talk about these events than Cas Mudde, the preeminent scholar on populism and the Far Right.

Among the challengers to liberal democracy in Europe, we can count populists, autocrats, and the increasingly often mentioned illiberals. But who are they and what is illiberalism? How does it relate to populism? Can illiberals be democrats at all? What are the policy implications of having illiberal politicians, especially of the radical right, in power in the EU? This interview explores these questions with Professor Cas Mudde. It covers various issues at the intersection of academic and policy research on populism, illiberalism, democracy, and the radical right. It discusses whether the growing body of literature on illiberalism addresses something that is fundamentally new on the global political agenda, how this literature relates to academic research on populism, and if illiberalism and democracy are reconcilable against the backdrop of a global trend of autocratization, which many scholars of democracy have noted, and which is often attributed to illiberal and populist leaders. Furthermore, the conversation sets out to understand how the recent election outcomes in Slovakia and Poland fit into the aforementioned trend and also predict what is in store for European democracies in the near future as illiberal actors of the radical right are readying themselves for the next European parliamentary elections in June 2024. Cas Mudde is a professor of international affairs and a distinguished research professor at the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia. His academic research agenda centres around the question how liberal democracies can defend themselves against political challenges without undermining their core values. He has published widely on uncivil society, democratization, Euroskepticism, extremism, and the practices of political parties, especially those of far-right and populist inclinations.

Cas Mudde, one of the world's leading experts in the study of populism and far-right politics, joins us this week to discuss the tensions between populism and democracy, and why populism has increased around world in recent years.Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. His research agenda aims to address the question: how can liberal democracies defend themselves against political challenges without undermining their core values?  Mudde visited Penn State in October 2023 to give the keynote lecture at the Populism, Piety, and Patriotism conference organized by the McCourtney Institute for Democracy.

Cas Mudde er en av verdens aller fremste forskere på høyrepopulisme. I denne episoden snakker vi med Mudde om høyrepopulismens stilling i verden etter Trump, hva som skal til for å lykkes i valg mot høyrepopulistiske partier og hvordan høyrepopulisme og ekstremisme henger sammen.

Donald Trump ellen szövetségi vádemelés zajlik. Amerika és Kína emelik a tétet Tajvannal kapcsolatban. Az ukrajnai háború vége korántsem látszik. Az elnökválasztás pedig vészesen közeleg. Közéleti podcastunk legfrissebb adásában összefoglaltunk mindent, ami az amerikai kül- és belpolitikában történt az elmúlt hónapokban, és megnéztük, meddig fokozódhat a nagyhatalmak közti feszültség és vajon lehet-e Donald Trump újra az Egyesült Államok elnöke. Nagy Iván László vendége Nagy Gábor, a HVG hetilap Világ rovatának vezetője és Bábel Vilmos, a hvg.hu újságírója volt. A novemberi félidős választások utáni adásunk: https://hvg.hu/vilag/20221109_Fulke_felidos_valasztasok_USA_Trump Évnyitó adásunk az Egyesült Államokról: https://hvg.hu/vilag/20230104_Fulke_usa_republikanus_capitolium Cas Mudde a Fülkében, akivel Amerikáról is szó esett: https://hvg.hu/360/20230613_Cas_Mudde_interju_podcast_Orban_Viktor_populizmus_szelsojobb_demokracia_woke_EU_USA_Oroszorszag_haboru Iratkozzon fel a hvg360-ra, az első hónapban csak 360 forintért: https://hvg.hu/360/elofizetes • 1:12: Vádat emeltek Donald Trump ellen, szövetségi ügyben – hol tart ez a sztori? • 3:12: Mennyire reális az, hogy az eljárásnak eredménye, de legalább közvetlen, negatív hatása lesz Trump esélyeire? • 5:00: Pontosan mit követhetett el Donald Trump, milyen iratokat találtak a floridai rezidenciáján? • 7:36: Mi mérgesítette el a közelmúltban az amerikai-kínai viszonyt? • 9:06: Milyen hatással volt a két ország kapcsolatára az ukrajnai háború? • 10:33: Mennyire reális veszély az, hogy katonai összecsapás legyen a két nagyhatalom között? Meddig menne el az USA Tajvanért? • 20:00: Milyen érdeke fűződik az Egyesült Államoknak Tajvan megvédéséhez? • 22:23: Mikor kisebb az eszkaláció valószínűsége – Biden vagy Trump (vagy bármilyen republikánus) elnökségével? • 23:41: Meddig tud Amerika Ukrajna harcostársa lenni úgy, ahogy azt Kijevben szeretnék? • 31:18: Mennyire megosztott az amerikai törvényhozás és közvélemény Ukrajnával kapcsolatban? • 46:25: Mennyi esélye van Ron DeSantisnak Donald Trump ellen? • 50:01: Hogyan lehet az, hogy a négy év botrányos elnökség és az azóta eltelt, Capitolium-ostrommal és bírósági eljárásokkal fűszerezett időszak fényében is egyre erősebb Donald Trump? • 55:16: Milyen állapotban van az amerikai jobboldal? Mennyire egységes és mennyire segíti a demokratákat, hogyha házon belüli konfliktusok vannak az ellenfélnél?

Valóban a demokrácia, vagy inkább a gazdasági és geopolitikai érdekek vezérlik Amerikát és az EU-t, amikor Orbán Viktor autokráciája ellen lépnek fel? Sikerült-e legyőzni a populistákat nyugaton, és ha igen, az európai integráció kudarca-e, hogy Közép-Kelet-Európát a szélsőségesekkel azonosítják? Van-e olyan erős a gender- és woke-ellenes üzengetés, mint az iszlamofóbia volt? Többek között ezekről kérdeztük Cas Muddét, a Georgia-i Egyetem holland politológusát, a szélsőjobb és a populizmus egyik legbefolyásosabb nemzetközi kutatóját. A beszélgetés magyarul a hvg360-on olvasható: https://hvg.hu/360/20230613_Cas_Mudde_interju_podcast_Orban_Viktor_populizmus_szelsojobb_demokracia_woke_EU_USA_Oroszorszag_haboru 2021-es interjúnk Cas Muddéval: https://hvg.hu/360/20211025_Cas_Mudde_interju_ellenzek_MarkiZay_Orban_populizmus_szelsojobb Iratkozzon fel a hvg360-ra, az első hónapban csak 360 forintért: https://hvg.hu/360/elofizetes • 0:44: 2021-ben azt mondta, a „populista hype” véget ért. Mindeközben Orbán és Erdogan hatalmon maradt, az FPÖ erősödik Ausztriában, és a Trumpizmus is reneszánszát éli. Ez egy új hullám, vagy az utolsók, akik talpon maradtak? • 2:20: Meglepte, hogy Orbán Viktor nem jött le a putyinizmusról? • 3:29: Elégedett a Nyugat reakciójával a háborúra és Ukrajna támogatásával? • 4:29: Labdába rúgnak a gender- és wokellenes üzenetek a korábbi populista mantrák, az elitellenesség és a migrációellenesség mellett? Lehet ezekkel irányítani a közbeszédet? • 6:27: Ezen a woke-gender platformon futnak majd a republikánusok 2024-ben? Ha Ron DeSantis lenne a jelölt, ő nem mozogna be középre? • 7:54: Ez egy országos szinten is működő platform? 2016-ban erős volt a kampány, 2020-ban a demokraták azzal nyertek, hogy örökre eltüntetik a trumpizmust, most mégis itt vagyunk. • 9:16: Vissza Európába: a nyugat-európai demokráciák megtanultak ellenállni a populizmusnak? • 10:07: Hogyan praktikusabb kezelni Orbánt – az amerikai, elszigetelő módszerrel, vagy az európai, jogállamiságot megkövetelő úton? • 11:55: Legutóbb azt mondta, az ellenzéknek meg kell értetnie az emberekkel, hogy az EU-tagság a tét a Fidesszel kapcsolatban. Orbán kivezényelheti Magyarországot az Unióból? • 13:02: Leváltható ez a rendszer választásokon? • 15:06: Ha a PiS kikap Lengyelországban, az lehet a közép-kelet-európai autokráciák végének a kezdete? • 15:01: Kickl és Fico hatalomba kerülhet – ez mit változtatna? • 16:45: Kudarc lett Kelet-Közép-Európa európai integrációja? Naiv volt azt hinni, hogy valós politikai-gazdasági unió jöhet létre?

Bo Rothstein is one of the world's leading researchers in the field of Quality of Government (QoG). He was for most of his career professor of political science at the University of Gothenburg, in Sweden, with a brief tenure at the University of Oxford. In 2004, he founded, together with Sören Holmberg, the Quality of Government Institute, which has since become the world's main research centre studying how political institutions of high quality can be created and maintained. -> Apoie este projecto e faça parte da comunidade de mecenas do 45 Graus em: 45grauspodcast.com _______________ Index (with timestamps): (02:40) Introduction in English (06:26) Why is democracy not enough to ensure quality of government (QoG)? | The case of new democracies: clientelism, nepotism, use of state funds for the party, particularistic policies | Vicious circle of low QoG (the case of South Africa)  (18:30) How can we define QoG? | Impartiality. Robert Dahl's theory of democracy | The importance of a meritocratic bureaucracy and long-term planning. | Book: Organizing Leviathan, by Carl Dahlström and Victor Lapuente | Acemoglu and Robinson's concept of «inclusive institutions» (27:04) How QoG influences government legitimacy | A future paper by Jan Teorell | Relationship between low QoG and the rise in Populism. Cas Mudde's thesis. | Mark Lilla on the success of Donald Trump (34:15) The puzzle of China's rise (guest's paper) | Is it a matter of culture? | Is condemnation of corruption universal or dependent on culture? (47:07) What outcomes is QoG more important for? | The effect of low QoG on social trust (guest's paper). | Book (analysing social capital in Italy): Moral Basis of a Backward Society by Edward C. Banfield | Quality of governance in the private sector (01:00:15) How can we improve democracy's ability to enhance QoG? The role of transparency. | Book: Democracy for Realists, by Christopher H. Achen and Larry Bartels | Guest's latest book: Controlling Corruption _______________ My guest in this episode is Bo Rothstein, one of the world's leading researchers in the field of Quality of Government (QoG). He was for most of his career professor of political science at the University of Gothenburg, in Sweden, with a brief tenure at the University of Oxford. In 2004, he founded, together with Sören Holmberg, the Quality of Government Institute, which has since become the world's main research centre studying how political institutions of high quality can be created and maintained. This was a fascinating conversation. We started by discussing the puzzle of why democracy is not enough to ensure good governance. This happens, according to Rothstein and other authors, because these two dimensions of the political system are very different in nature. Democracy refers to the input side of politics (how political power is accessed), whereas QoG refers to the output side, that is, the way that political power is exercised. So while democracy may enable voters to select politicians and policies that adequately reflect their concerns, that is not, by itself, sufficient to guarantee that those policies will be enacted effectively and without improper behavior.  This led us to the question of how to define QoG? One of the most influential definitions in the field was proposed by Rothstein himself, together with Jan Teorell, and defines QoG as having to do with the extent to which the government operates impartially. This concept is closely related to (absence of) corruption, but is broader than that. In practice, for a state to act impartially means that the use of public authority is not influenced by anything from bribes, political affiliation, personal connections, or prejudices based on factors such as race, ethnicity, or gender. Rothstein's idea is clearly persuasive (and he will explain it better than I). But other authors have proposed alternative definitions, which we also discussed. One of them is that of state capacity. Some authors point out that it is not enough that public officials act in a proper way. In order to be able to implement public policies, the state also needs resources, such as infrastructures, adequate information and a body of qualified and motivated civil servants. Other authors, such as Francis Fukuyama, emphasize the importance of bureaucratic autonomy, that is the extent to which civil servants are protected from pressures exerted by politicians. And there are many other related definitions, such as the idea of inclusive institutions by Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson (which we also discussed), or the definition proposed by the World Bank which goes farther (perhaps too far), encompassing the capacity of the state to implement “sound” policies.  It was a fascinating conversation, in which we covered a lot of ground on the topic of QoG. We discussed the practical effects of bad governance for citizens, the link between low QoG and populism, the puzzle of China's rise (despite its authoritarian nature and less than impartial government), whether condemnation of corruption is a human universal or depends on culture, the effect of QoG on social capital and the relation between QoG and the quality of governance in the private sector, among others. In the end, I asked my guest how we can improve democracy's ability to enhance QoG. And he has, as you will see, a very clear-cut recipe for this. Hope you enjoy our conversation -- até ao próximo episódio. _______________ Obrigado aos mecenas do podcast: Francisco Hermenegildo, Ricardo Evangelista, Henrique Pais João Baltazar, Salvador Cunha, Abilio Silva, Tiago Leite, Carlos Martins, Galaró family, Corto Lemos, Miguel Marques, Nuno Costa, Nuno e Ana, João Ribeiro, Helder Miranda, Pedro Lima Ferreira, Cesar Carpinteiro, Luis Fernambuco, Fernando Nunes, Manuel Canelas, Tiago Gonçalves, Carlos Pires, João Domingues, Hélio Bragança da Silva, Sandra Ferreira , Paulo Encarnação , BFDC, António Mexia Santos, Luís Guido, Bruno Heleno Tomás Costa, João Saro, Daniel Correia, Rita Mateus, António Padilha, Tiago Queiroz, Carmen Camacho, João Nelas, Francisco Fonseca, Rafael Santos, Andreia Esteves, Ana Teresa Mota, ARUNE BHURALAL, Mário Lourenço, RB, Maria Pimentel, Luis, Geoffrey Marcelino, Alberto Alcalde, António Rocha Pinto, Ruben de Bragança, João Vieira dos Santos, David Teixeira Alves, Armindo Martins , Carlos Nobre, Bernardo Vidal Pimentel, António Oliveira, Paulo Barros, Nuno Brites, Lígia Violas, Tiago Sequeira, Zé da Radio, João Morais, André Gamito, Diogo Costa, Pedro Ribeiro, Bernardo Cortez Vasco Sá Pinto, David , Tiago Pires, Mafalda Pratas, Joana Margarida Alves Martins, Luis Marques, João Raimundo, Francisco Arantes, Mariana Barosa, Nuno Gonçalves, Pedro Rebelo, Miguel Palhas, Ricardo Duarte, Duarte , Tomás Félix, Vasco Lima, Francisco Vasconcelos, Telmo , José Oliveira Pratas, Jose Pedroso, João Diogo Silva, Joao Diogo, José Proença, João Crispim, João Pinho , Afonso Martins, Robertt Valente, João Barbosa, Renato Mendes, Maria Francisca Couto, Antonio Albuquerque, Ana Sousa Amorim, Francisco Santos, Lara Luís, Manuel Martins, Macaco Quitado, Paulo Ferreira, Diogo Rombo, Francisco Manuel Reis, Bruno Lamas, Daniel Almeida, Patrícia Esquível , Diogo Silva, Luis Gomes, Cesar Correia, Cristiano Tavares, Pedro Gaspar, Gil Batista Marinho, Maria Oliveira, João Pereira, Rui Vilao, João Ferreira, Wedge, José Losa, Hélder Moreira, André Abrantes, Henrique Vieira, João Farinha, Manuel Botelho da Silva, João Diamantino, Ana Rita Laureano, Pedro L, Nuno Malvar, Joel, Rui Antunes7, Tomás Saraiva, Cloé Leal de Magalhães, Joao Barbosa, paulo matos, Fábio Monteiro, Tiago Stock, Beatriz Bagulho, Pedro Bravo, Antonio Loureiro, Hugo Ramos, Inês Inocêncio, Telmo Gomes, Sérgio Nunes, Tiago Pedroso, Teresa Pimentel, Rita Noronha, miguel farracho, José Fangueiro, Zé, Margarida Correia-Neves, Bruno Pinto Vitorino, João Lopes, Joana Pereirinha, Gonçalo Baptista, Dario Rodrigues, tati lima, Pedro On The Road, Catarina Fonseca, JC Pacheco, Sofia Ferreira, Inês Ribeiro, Miguel Jacinto, Tiago Agostinho, Margarida Costa Almeida, Helena Pinheiro, Rui Martins, Fábio Videira Santos, Tomás Lucena, João Freitas, Ricardo Sousa, RJ, Francisco Seabra Guimarães, Carlos Branco, David Palhota, Carlos Castro, Alexandre Alves, Cláudia Gomes Batista, Ana Leal, Ricardo Trindade, Luís Machado, Andrzej Stuart-Thompson, Diego Goulart, Filipa Portela, Paulo Rafael, Paloma Nunes, Marta Mendonca, Teresa Painho, Duarte Cameirão, Rodrigo Silva, José Alberto Gomes, Joao Gama, Cristina Loureiro, Tiago Gama, Tiago Rodrigues, Miguel Duarte, Ana Cantanhede, Artur Castro Freire, Rui Passos Rocha, Pedro Costa Antunes, Sofia Almeida, Ricardo Andrade Guimarães, Daniel Pais, Miguel Bastos, Luís Santos _______________ Esta conversa foi editada por: Hugo Oliveira _______________ Bio: Bo Rothstein is a Swedish political scientist whose research focuses on the quality of government. Rothstein held the August Röhss Chair in Political Science at the University of Gothenborg from December 1994 to June 2021. Bo Rothstein took is Ph.D. in Political Science at Lund University in 1986 and was from 1986 and until 1993 assistant and (in 1992) associate professor (docent) at the Department of Government at Uppsala University. In 1993 he became Professor at the Swedish Institute for Working Life Research in Stockholm and took up his current position at University of Gothenburg in 1994. In 2016 he was appointed to a Chair in Government and Public Policy at University of Oxford, from which he resigned for returning to University of Gothenburg in 2018. Together with Prof. Sören Holmberg he started the Quality of Government Institute at the department in 2004. Among his main publications in English are Just Institutions Matter: The Moral and Political Logic of the Universal Welfare and Social Traps and the Problem of Trust, both with Cambridge University Press. The Quality of Government: The Political Logic of Corruption, Inequality and Social Trust was published by the University of Chicago Press in 2011, Good Government: The Relevance of Political Science (ed. together with Sören Holmberg) published by Edward Elgar Press in 2013. His latest book is Making Sense of Corruption (together with Aiysha Varraich) published by Cambridge University Press in 2017. Rothstein is a contributor to the public debate and has published more than 300 op-ed articles mostly in Swedish newspapers but also internationally.

Harrowing images and reports from Bucha – a town where hundreds of Ukrainian civilians appear to have been massacred – have shocked the world. US president Joe Biden has joined calls for Putin to face trial for war crimes.Emily Tamkin in Washington, DC and Alix Kroeger in London discuss the atrocities, lessons learned from the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and why, despite huge public pressure, it is so difficult to prevent war crimes from being committed and to prosecute those responsible.Also on the show: on Sunday (3 April) Viktor Orbán won a fourth consecutive term as Hungarian prime minister, in an election mired in allegations of corruption. Emily and Alix talk about what four more years of Orbán will mean for Hungary and its relations with the EU.Further reading:Emily Tamkin on the long road to prosecuting war crimes.Emily Tamkin asks what four more years of Viktor Orbán mean for Hungary.Cas Mudde argues that Orbán's unfair election victory makes a travesty of EU values.t See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week we had a chat with Prof. Cas Mudde about populism, low politics, the novel coronavirus and other fun things.

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En framgångsrik populist måste ha förmågan att piska upp opinioner med hjälp av effektfull propaganda. Men den som slår dövörat till gör det på egen risk, menar litteraturvetaren Jimmy Vulovic. Det finns nog få uttalanden Hillary Clinton ångrar lika mycket som att hälften av Donald Trumps väljare kan placeras i the basket of deplorables. Presidentvalet 2016 slutade illa för henne. Naturligtvis inte enbart på grund av det uttalandet men hennes ord bör ha spelat stor roll för att mobilisera Trumpväljare. Åtminstone efter att hans populistiska kampanj gjort sitt med det Hillary Clinton sa den 9 september 2016. En vecka senare intog han scenen på ett massmöte i Miami, Florida. Entrén skedde till tonerna av Do you hear the people sing från musikalen Les Misérables efter Victor Hugos roman från 1862. Det var en propagandistisk iscensättning av saker, händelser och tider som egentligen inte hör ihop. Sångens militäriska trummor dundrade. Bakom honom projicerades en storslagen revolutionsbild med USA:s fana centralt placerad, tillsammans med bland annat den franska trikoloren och den egna kampanjflaggan. Les Deplorables stod skrivet med stora bokstäver över den revolutionära folkmassan. Publikens jubel visste inga gränser. Publikens jubel visste inga gränser. Skickliga propagandister är alltid också opportunister, alltså den sortens människor som tar tillfället i akt så fort minsta möjlighet till påverkan ges. När nya medieteknologier dyker upp är de bland de första att ta dem till sig. Handskrift, tryckpress, fotografi, film, radio, ja, säg de teknologier som de inte snabbt har lyckats göra till effektiva propagandainstrument. I vår tid har den digitala tekniken med alla sociala medier och globala distributionsvägar förvandlats till både den politiska och kommersiella propagandans viktigaste redskap. Men det räcker såklart inte att bara vara snabb. Skickliga propagandister vet också att precision är viktigt i kampen om människornas känslor och åsikter, till exempel genom att dra nytta av växande trender och opinioner eller att som i Trumps fall effektivt vända en motståndares ord till sin fördel. När publiken lugnat ner sig lite sa han Welcome to all of you deplorables. Jubel igen. Därmed var ett i den politiska debatten nytt, slagkraftigt och långvarigt begrepp skapat. Sedan dess har det varit exempelvis den politiske strategen och rådgivaren Steve Bannons favoritbegrepp. En våg av memes och videos taggade med bland annat Les Deplorables och Deplorables Unite växte snabbt i styrka. Tack vare Hillary Clinton fick Trumps budskap om att återerövra USA från en arrogant och självtjänande elit mycket stor spridning i sociala medier och på videosajter. Propagandamaterialet ljudsattes ofta med Do you hear the people sing, i vilken ett nedtryckt folk stiger mot ljuset efter en avgörande strid. Sången är ett perfekt soundtrack till Donald Trumps populistiska strategi. Alla politiker i demokratier måste väl egentligen, för sin politiska överlevnads skull, vara någon form av populister. Samtidigt är den ideologiska populismen något mer än att bara försöka tilltala så många väljare som möjligt. Det finns alltså allmänna populister och sedan finns det populister med ett mer specifikt uppdrag. De senare bygger i princip all sin politik på föreställningen om ett ofta vagt definierat folks rätt att styra sitt öde. Det är en politisk strategi med lång historia och alla populiströrelser, såväl höger- som vänsterrörelser, när en idé om att det i kontrast till folkets vilja finns en korrupt och självtjänande elit som måste besegras, eller åtminstone regleras och regeras. Federico Finchelstein berättar i sin bok From fascism to populism från 2019 att den moderna populismen är starkt förknippad med fascism, eftersom det var den väg många fasciströrelser valde efter det andra världskrigets slut, alltså efter det totala ideologiska sammanbrott som krigsslutet innebar för dem. Antiliberalism och antielitism, fortsätter han, är två av de idéer som förenar fascismens och populismens retorik, liksom ofta främlingsfientlighet i de fall det rör sig om högerpopulism. Ändå är det enligt honom viktigt att skilja på begreppen. Populismen är inte detsamma som fascism eftersom den i regel inte bejakar våld som politisk strategi. Populister bejakar istället demokratin ledsagad av folkviljan. Den demokratiska idén om folkets självbestämmanderätt är drivande och kampen står för dem därför om att få definiera vem som tillhör respektive inte tillhör folket, samt som en följd av det vilka the enemy of the people är, för att låna Donald Trumps ord om liberal press och väl också om Hillary Clinton och hennes politiska klass. Och på spelplanens andra sida, så som den tog sig uttryck i exempelvis Occupy Wall Street och Bernie Sanders kampanjer, pekas folkfiendefingret istället mot till exempel big banks and businesses. Oavsett sida är risken för en majoritetens tyranni uppenbar, om inte individens rätt till liv, friheter och egendom säkerställs. Uttalandet om the basket of deplorables slog en bro genom tiden. Även om ideologisk populism brukar betraktas som ett modernt efterkrigsfenomen lades grunden för dess diskurs, alltså sättet att tala om och förstå det politiska livet, under 1700-talets amerikanska och franska revolutioner. Det var då de breda demokratiska idealen och idén om ett folk som ett subjekt med suverän rätt till självbestämmande föddes. Cas Mudde och Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser påminner oss i boken Populism: A very short introduction från 2017 om att omvälvningen i Frankrike skedde på den aristokratiska elitens bekostnad. Ett argument för den blodiga uppgörelsen var den då nya idén om ett folk och en folkvilja som krävde sin rätt. Under efterföljande århundraden har sedan många andra eliter, både verkliga och rena konspirationsteoretiska fantasiprodukter, ställts mot påstådda folkviljor: kapitalister, världsjudendomens konspiratörer, socialister, militarister, globalister och nu alltså även liberal press och politiker som exempelvis Hillary Clinton. Uttalandet om the basket of deplorables slog en bro genom tiden. De nedsättande orden och det Donald Trump gjorde med dem skapade ett retoriskt associativt samband mellan franska revolutionen, dess förlorade ideal som i Les Misérables och valet 2016. Givet den öppet populistiska rörelse han leder är det lätt att förstå varför han så snabbt utnyttjade uttalandet. En maning till uppror mot det folkförakt hans anhängare såg i Hillary Clinton låg ju plötsligt bara där, precis som i en liten ask. Det var bara att öppna den. Svårare att förstå är varför Hillary Clinton bjöd på möjligheten. Kanske därför att hon behövde någonstans att placera alla de rasister, sexister, homofober, xenofober och islamofober hon såg i hans led. De finns ju onekligen där, precis som överallt annars. Men frågan är om det i huvudsak är just det hatet som nu driver denna populiströrelse, där röstandelen för Donald Trump bland flera minoriteter faktiskt ökade 2020. Och om det nu inte är det hatet som driver rörelsen just nu, säger då inte detta exempel något viktigt om faran i att hellre vilja se det man tror sig se än att se det uppenbara rakt framför en, faran med att se världen ur en snäv och död vinkel någonstans snett uppifrån. Jimmy Vulovic

German elections are approaching fast. What are the chances of right-wing populists and what do progressives need to do now? Listen to our new episode to find out! As the Covid-19 pandemic swept across the world, it has put the nation-state at the centre of people's daily lives. National lockdowns, vaccine rollout strategies, and the shutdown of international travel have introduced the national framework as a dominating force. Catherine de Vries and Cas Mudde discuss what this all means for right-wing populists and how progressives must respond.

"The populist radical right is by far the best-studied party family within political science”. Extremism expert Cas Mudde may be right but, as Léonie de Jonge argues in The Success and Failure of Right-Wing Populist Parties in the Benelux Countries (Routledge, 2021), less studied are the specific conditions under which right-wing populism succeeds and - just as importantly - fails. Why, for example, do these parties poll above 40% in Italy and France yet remain absent in Portugal and Ireland? Part of the answer to this puzzle could lie in the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium (and more specifically in its Dutch- and French-speaking regions). "In the earlier phases of a party's development", writes Professor de Jonge, the success and failure of right-wing populist parties depends to a large extent on exogenous factors – notably the degree of political and social ostracism they face in a given polity”. Léonie de Jonge graduated from Cornell College, Iowa, and the University of Cambridge, where she also obtained her PhD, and is now an Assistant Professor in European Politics and Society at the University of Groningen. *The author's book recommendations were Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right by Cynthia Miller-Idriss (Princeton University Press, 2020) and Manual for Survival: A Chernobyl Guide to the Future by Kate Brown (Allen Lane, 2019). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Global Advisors. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

"The populist radical right is by far the best-studied party family within political science”. Extremism expert Cas Mudde may be right but, as Léonie de Jonge argues in The Success and Failure of Right-Wing Populist Parties in the Benelux Countries (Routledge, 2021), less studied are the specific conditions under which right-wing populism succeeds and - just as importantly - fails. Why, for example, do these parties poll above 40% in Italy and France yet remain absent in Portugal and Ireland? Part of the answer to this puzzle could lie in the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium (and more specifically in its Dutch- and French-speaking regions). "In the earlier phases of a party's development", writes Professor de Jonge, the success and failure of right-wing populist parties depends to a large extent on exogenous factors – notably the degree of political and social ostracism they face in a given polity”. Léonie de Jonge graduated from Cornell College, Iowa, and the University of Cambridge, where she also obtained her PhD, and is now an Assistant Professor in European Politics and Society at the University of Groningen. *The author's book recommendations were Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right by Cynthia Miller-Idriss (Princeton University Press, 2020) and Manual for Survival: A Chernobyl Guide to the Future by Kate Brown (Allen Lane, 2019). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Global Advisors. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

"The populist radical right is by far the best-studied party family within political science”. Extremism expert Cas Mudde may be right but, as Léonie de Jonge argues in The Success and Failure of Right-Wing Populist Parties in the Benelux Countries (Routledge, 2021), less studied are the specific conditions under which right-wing populism succeeds and - just as importantly - fails. Why, for example, do these parties poll above 40% in Italy and France yet remain absent in Portugal and Ireland? Part of the answer to this puzzle could lie in the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium (and more specifically in its Dutch- and French-speaking regions). "In the earlier phases of a party's development", writes Professor de Jonge, the success and failure of right-wing populist parties depends to a large extent on exogenous factors – notably the degree of political and social ostracism they face in a given polity”. Léonie de Jonge graduated from Cornell College, Iowa, and the University of Cambridge, where she also obtained her PhD, and is now an Assistant Professor in European Politics and Society at the University of Groningen. *The author's book recommendations were Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right by Cynthia Miller-Idriss (Princeton University Press, 2020) and Manual for Survival: A Chernobyl Guide to the Future by Kate Brown (Allen Lane, 2019). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Global Advisors. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

"The populist radical right is by far the best-studied party family within political science”. Extremism expert Cas Mudde may be right but, as Léonie de Jonge argues in The Success and Failure of Right-Wing Populist Parties in the Benelux Countries (Routledge, 2021), less studied are the specific conditions under which right-wing populism succeeds and - just as importantly - fails. Why, for example, do these parties poll above 40% in Italy and France yet remain absent in Portugal and Ireland? Part of the answer to this puzzle could lie in the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Belgium (and more specifically in its Dutch- and French-speaking regions). "In the earlier phases of a party's development", writes Professor de Jonge, the success and failure of right-wing populist parties depends to a large extent on exogenous factors – notably the degree of political and social ostracism they face in a given polity”. Léonie de Jonge graduated from Cornell College, Iowa, and the University of Cambridge, where she also obtained her PhD, and is now an Assistant Professor in European Politics and Society at the University of Groningen. *The author's book recommendations were Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right by Cynthia Miller-Idriss (Princeton University Press, 2020) and Manual for Survival: A Chernobyl Guide to the Future by Kate Brown (Allen Lane, 2019). Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Global Advisors. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

"We are going on a populist hunt."   Is populism anti-democratic, a force for ill in the world? Or is it potentially legitimate politics, often misrepresented by vested interests?   As Viktor Orbán visits the UK, Michael guides us through the thickets to greater understanding.   Plus, if you want to know more about Palestine or what more you can do to help, we have some resources for you.     Buy our merch     Second Row Socialists on Twitter     Comradio on Twitter       Follow Michael   The Populist Zeitgeist (2004) - Cas Mudde    Gramsci and hegemony    Discourse analysis    Going to the People. The Russian Narodniki in 1874-5 (1927) - Anne Pedler    'Lazy use' of term populist has helped to legitimize far-right politics - University of Bath    'How populist are you?' - Guardian quiz    Hegemony and socialist strategy - Laclau & Mouffe    The Populist Harm to Democracy: An Empirical Assessment - The Tony Blair Institute For Global Change    Left Populism Is Down But Not Out     Palestine   Palestine Resources Linktree     Decolonize Palestine    Jacobin:  There's Nothing Complicated About What's Happening in Palestine    Donate to BDS    Donate to MAP    ANERA    Avaaz global petition for sanctions    UK Petition for sanctions    Email your MP about the selling of arms to Israel    Upcoming pro-Palestine events    BDS: What to boycott    Follow Al Jazeera on Twitter    Watch Al Jazeera live

Ultradestra, la ricerca di Cas Mudde oltre la democrazia liberale. Oggi Memos ha ospitato il politologo olandese Cas Mudde, 54 anni, che insegna ad Athens (Geogia, Stati Uniti) e a Oslo (Norvegia), per parlare del suo ultimo libro “Ultradestra” (Luiss, 2020). Mudde indaga l'ultradestra definita come “la destra antisistema, ostile alla democrazia liberale”. Questa destra, secondo il politologo olandese, si divide in due sottogruppi: l'estrema destra, che rifiuta l'essenza della democrazia, vale a dire la sovranità popolare e il principio di maggioranza. L'altro sottogruppo dell'ultradestra è la destra radicale che, invece, accetta l'essenza della democrazia, ma si oppone ad elementi fondamentali della democrazia liberale (diritti delle minoranze, stato di diritto, separazione dei poteri). Nell'intervista a Memos Cas Mudde dà un'interessante spiegazione del perché l'ultradestra è uscita dalla marginalità politica in Occidente. Secondo il politologo olandese, dopo l'11 settembre nella discussione politica c'è stato “il passaggio dai temi socio-economici ai temi socio-culturali. Da un lato l'11 settembre ha posto in primo piano questioni come l'identità, l'insicurezza; dall'altro, c'è stata la convergenza tra centrodestra e centrosinistra sulle questioni economiche. Quindi – conclude Cas Mudde - i partiti principali avendo meno da discutere delle questioni socio-economiche, hanno iniziato a discutere di più su questioni legate all'identità e alla sicurezza e queste sono le questioni che fanno guadagnare l'estrema destra”. L'intervista a Cas Mudde è preceduta da una breve introduzione della teorica della politica, Nadia Urbinati.

Ultradestra, la ricerca di Cas Mudde oltre la democrazia liberale. Oggi Memos ha ospitato il politologo olandese Cas Mudde, 54 anni, che insegna ad Athens (Geogia, Stati Uniti) e a Oslo (Norvegia), per parlare del suo ultimo libro “Ultradestra” (Luiss, 2020). Mudde indaga l’ultradestra definita come “la destra antisistema, ostile alla democrazia liberale”. Questa destra, secondo il politologo olandese, si divide in due sottogruppi: l’estrema destra, che rifiuta l’essenza della democrazia, vale a dire la sovranità popolare e il principio di maggioranza. L’altro sottogruppo dell’ultradestra è la destra radicale che, invece, accetta l’essenza della democrazia, ma si oppone ad elementi fondamentali della democrazia liberale (diritti delle minoranze, stato di diritto, separazione dei poteri). Nell’intervista a Memos Cas Mudde dà un’interessante spiegazione del perché l’ultradestra è uscita dalla marginalità politica in Occidente. Secondo il politologo olandese, dopo l’11 settembre nella discussione politica c’è stato “il passaggio dai temi socio-economici ai temi socio-culturali. Da un lato l'11 settembre ha posto in primo piano questioni come l'identità, l'insicurezza; dall'altro, c’è stata la convergenza tra centrodestra e centrosinistra sulle questioni economiche. Quindi – conclude Cas Mudde - i partiti principali avendo meno da discutere delle questioni socio-economiche, hanno iniziato a discutere di più su questioni legate all'identità e alla sicurezza e queste sono le questioni che fanno guadagnare l'estrema destra”. L’intervista a Cas Mudde è preceduta da una breve introduzione della teorica della politica, Nadia Urbinati.

The latest Dutch parliamentary election turned out to be an upsetting victory for the far right, while the Dutch left took a beating. Just this once we made an episode in English, to shed some light on last week’s election results and what it says about the Dutch political landscape in general. It’s time to drop our false (self-)image as a thoroughly progressive country. Show Goats - Prof. dr. Gloria Wekker's enlightening book about the foundational racism in Dutch culture, White Innocence (https://www.dukeupress.edu/white-innocence). - Dutch blog Stuk Rood Vlees calculated the disparity of media attention between male and female candidates (https://stukroodvlees.nl/media-aandacht-voor-vrouwelijke-lijsttrekkers/) (in Dutch). - In this article (https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2021/03/15/what-happened-to-the-dutch-left/), Cas Mudde analyzes what happened to the Dutch left. - Merijn Oudenampsen does the same here (https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/decline-of-the-dutch-left). - For an outsider's perspective listen to the The Guardian podcast (https://www.theguardian.com/news/audio/2021/mar/15/scandal-riots-and-the-dutch-election) on our elections. - Joost de Vries wrote an article on Thierry Baudet (https://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2021/mar/04/covid-derailed-great-hope-dutch-far-right-thierry-baudet) for The Guardian. - Enjoy this piece on the Black-led BIJ1 Party (https://dwellerforever.blog/2021/03/12/how-the-black-led-bij1-party-in-the-netherlands-is-making-waves-in-the-upcoming-election/): the last hope for Leftists in the Netherlands: - Jouke Huijzer wrote about the meaning of Mark Rutte (https://www.eurozine.com/the-meaning-of-mark-rutte/). - Suzanne van Geuns, previously a guest on our podcast, wrote on the Dutch investment in whiteness (https://religiondispatches.org/blasphemy-in-the-netherlands-white-norms-and-black-pete/). - TL;DR: a tweet that answers all possible questions you might have about Dutch politics https://twitter.com/CasMudde/status/1372182715366248452

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

What is the difference between Jean-Marie Le Pen’s National Front and Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president? Why should we understand Trump as part of a dangerous “fourth wave” of radical right politicians? Dr. Cas Mudde’s new book The Far Right Today (Polity, 2019) argues that politicians like Le Pen represented a 20th-century marginalized populist radical right party but Trump (and others across the globe) represent a fourth wave in which the 21st-century radical right parties are normalized and mainstreamed all over the world such that three of the world’s largest democracies (India, the United States, and Brazil) have or have had radical right leaders. It is this normalization that Mudde identifies as crucial to our understanding of the radical right around the globe – and any possible responses available from liberal democracies. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and a Professor II in the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo. Mudde has written numerous scholarly books published in 23 languages (many of which focus on extremism and populism) and regularly publishes in popular outlets such as The Guardian. He hosts Radikaal, a podcast about the radical aspects politics, music, and sports. Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

In the 2nd episode of Excuse Me While I Organize we discuss how to communicate with far right with Cas Mudde is a professor at the University of Georgia's School of Public and International Affairs ,and the author of The Failure of the Populist Promise. (2017) and The Far Right Today (2019).

The far-right has been expanding in the US for years, but since Donald Trump became president, we have seen the rise of groups such as QAnon, Proud Boys and the Boogaloo movement. Then, at the end of last year, Trump lost the election and after the infamous storming of the Capitol, his social media channels were silenced But what does this mean for the US far right? In this episode of the Sky News Daily podcast, host Katerina Vittozzi is joined by Cas Mudde, associate professor in School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia and author of the book 'The Far Right Today’, to explain how the movement has evolved, Alex Martin, Sky News’ technology reporter to talk through the role of social media in mobilising the far right and Brian Trascher, senior partner at Gulf South Strategies speaking about his views on the legacy of Trump.

Desta vez, excecionalmente, a janela da Rua do Mundo abre com vista para Portugal, para falarmos das Eleições Presidenciais que reelegeram Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, mas que também mostraram várias novas realidades no quadro político português. Temos um convidado muito especial, Cas Mudde, cientista político na Universidade da Georgia, nos EUA, um investigador e grande especialista em movimentos populistas e fenómenos políticos de extrema-direita. Rua do Mundo é um programa de Ana Santos Pinto, Sofia Lorena, Rui Tavares, Susana Peralta e Bernardo Pires de Lima, com produção de Marco António, imagem oficial da autoria de Vera Tavares e música de Somersault (André Rito e Filipe Barros). Pode contactar a equipa pelo e-mail podcastruadomundo@gmail.com

Die extreme Rechte feiert ihre Erfolge in Wellen – gerade sind wir mitten in einer. Über Geschichte, Organisationsformen und politische Reaktionsmöglichkeiten gibt Cas Muddes fundiertes und gut lesbares Buch Auskunft. Von Hans von Trotha www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Buchkritik Hören bis: 19.01.2038 04:14 Direkter Link zur Audiodatei

In this episode, we talk with Dr. Tarik Abou-Chadi, an Assistant Professor of political science at the University of Zürich, about how far-right parties have reshaped politics in advanced democracies. Consider the dilemma faced by mainstream political parties of right and the left in much of Europe. Center-right, conservative and social democratic parties dominated European politics for most of the postwar era, consistently winning large proportions of the vote at election time. Over the last two decades, however, far-right parties running on nationalist, anti-immigration platforms have expanded their appeal to become formidable electoral competitors, steadily taking votes and parliamentary seats from mainstream parties and complicating the task of forming traditional governing coalitions. (The same is true of Green and far left parties, but that’s a topic for another episode.)Center-right and center-left parties face a strategic dilemma in deciding how to respond to the threat posed by the far right. One strategy available to mainstream parties is to maintain their more moderate positions on issues like immigration while making a case against the xenophobia and nativism that the far right is peddling or trying to change the subject to other issues. Alternatively, mainstream parties can try to coopt the far right’s policy stance, taking more nationalist, anti-immigrant positions themselves in an attempt to take the wind out of the far right’s sails. Which of these strategies have most mainstream European parties adopted? And do those strategies work?Dr. Tarik Abou-Chadi is among those currently doing the most interesting and sophisticated research on the politics of the far right. We talk with Tarik about two of his recent papers: a 2020 article with Werner Krause in the British Journal of Political Science on the causal effect of radical-right party success on mainstream parties’ issues positions; and a working paper with Krause and Denis Cohen evaluating the success of mainstream parties’ efforts to accommodate far-right policy stances. Together, these two papers paint a picture of how mainstream parties respond to the challenge posed by the far right and of the limits of trying to beat the far right at its own game. On the whole, this is a conversation about how the radical right has shifted the terms of political debate across Europe, and about how the far right can achieve its policy goals, such as clamp-downs on immigration, without even entering government. We also talk with Tarik about the empirical strategies that he and his coauthors use to address difficult challenges of causal inference: in particular, the regression-discontinuity design (RDD) that they employ. We discuss the logic and benefits of the RDD strategy as well as some of its limits in allowing us to draw generalizable inferences.Be sure to check out Tarik’s terrific podcast, Transformation of European Politics, including his interviews with authors discussed in this episode: Rafaela Dancygier, Tamar Mitts and Cas Mudde.The scholarly works discussed in this episode can be found on our website.

In this episode, we talk about King Gord(us), the famed inventor of the Gordian Knot and how sweet a gig he had until Alexander came and mucked it all up. Actually, we talk about Twitter, Keynesian economics, the limits of individual action/choice, liberals who spend more time punching left than right, and how adaptations of old sci-fi works deal with problematic pieces of lore.Show notes:Our awesome theme music: https://purplefunkmetropolis.bandcamp.com/track/astro-turfJay's "schemes upon schemes" tweet:https://twitter.com/jeighmorg/status/1322572695486242817

In this week’s episode, Lukas talks to Cas Mudde, an academic on the populist right and fellow football lover. They talk about PSV, the rootlessness of modern football and the reaction against this from fans and footballers alike.

As American democracy faces the most troubling moment in its modern history, hosts Zoe Williams and Luke Cooper talk to one of the world's leading experts on the far right about where it all went wrong. Cas Mudde is Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia he challenges the conventional wisdom that sees Trump as 'evil' and the Republican party as 'moderate'. Instead he explains how Trump is a symptom of the shift in American Republicanism towards the populist radical right - a move that has huge implications for American democracy in the century ahead. We also pick his brains on the challenge the authoritarian right represents to the future of democratic societies this side of the Atlantic and ask - above all - what we can do about it.  For more on the ideas discussed in today's podcast check out these links:  The Republican convention is proof that traditional Republicans have given up The Far Right Today (Book)  One thing all sides agree on: the 2020 election is about the soul of America How Orbán played Germany, Europe's great power

In this episode, I talk to Sarah de Lange who is professor at the University of Amsterdam. We talk about her article “New Alliances: Why Mainstream Parties Govern with Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties” which was published in 2012 in Political Studies. In the article, Sarah applies theories of coalition formation to governments that formed with a radical right party. While these types of governments used to be quite rare, they have become increasingly common in Europe in the past 20 years. For parties of the mainstream right these coalitions provide an opportunity as an alternative to governing with the mainstream left. For radical right parties themselves joining these coalitions has been quite risky as government participation leads to increased scrutiny and might frustrate some of their voters. While government participation thus constituted a big challenge for the radical right, over the years these parties have learned and improved their behavior. Once in government, they now focus on specific portfolios that suit their agenda. If you want to learn more about Sarah and her research you can follow her on Twitter under at SLdeLange or visit her website https://www.uva.nl/en/profile/l/a/s.l.delange/s.l.delange.html I hope you enjoy the conversation Reading recommendation: Cas Mudde 2019: The Far Right Today. Polity Books. https://politybooks.com/?s=The+Far+Right+Today Also discussed on this podcast in episode 4

Cas Mudde, professor at the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Athens in Georgia and Guardian US columnist, speaks to our Deputy Director Professor Tim Bale. They discuss his thoughts on populism, euroscepticism, the US election and how academics should use the media to communicate to wider audiences.

When hundreds of far-right activists gathered in Berlin earlier this month, banners and T-shirts bearing US President Donald Trump’s face could be clearly seen among the crowd. Many waved the American flag. The demonstrators, who later tried to storm the German parliament, had assembled to protest against the German government’s COVID-19 restrictions.Related: Is there a ‘Nazi emergency’ in the German city of Dresden?The US president is a popular figure among far-right groups in Europe. Patrik Hermansson went undercover with far-right groups in the US for one year. Credit: Courtesy of Patrik Hermansson  Patrik Hermansson, a researcher with Hope Not Hate, a British advocacy group that campaigns against racism and fascism, says far-right activists see Trump as an anti-establishment figure, someone who rallies against the elites. Swedish-born Hermansson spent a year undercover in 2017 as a member of alt-right movements in Europe and the US. Trump’s time in office “put the wind in the sails of far-right groups and populist parties in Europe,” he said.Just hours after TV networks announced that Trump had won the 2016 US election, French far-right leader Marine Le Pen took to the stage of her party headquarters in Paris and celebrated the result. “Americans have voted, they’ve rejected the status quo. What happened last night was not the end of the world, it was the end of a world,” Le Pen said. She wasn’t alone in her jubilation. In neighboring Germany, the then-leader of the far-right Alternative for Deutschland (AfD) party, Frauke Petry, tweeted "this night changes the USA, Europe and the world!"And in Britain, Nigel Farage, former leader of the populist UK Independence Party, compared Trump’s win to the passing of Brexit a few months earlier, saying 2016 was a year of “political revolutions.”Supporting an American president is highly unusual for far-right politicians in Europe.Related: Artists in Germany fear backlash after far-right party wins big A portrait of Sylvia Taschka Credit: Courtesy of Sylvia Taschka Sylvia Taschka, who teaches history at Wayne State University in Detroit, says US presidents usually represent everything European far-right parties oppose: “Unrestrained capitalism. In other words, you know, a globalized free-market economy and an interventionist, some would say imperialist foreign policy," she said. Trump challenged both of those stereotypes, Taschka says, and upended their long-held tradition of anti-Americanism. Taschka, who was born in Nuremberg, Germany, has witnessed the rise of the far-right in Germany with dismay. As a young child growing up in a city famed for its enormous Nazi party rallies in the 1920s and '30s and later the Nazi war trials, she was well aware that support for far-right views still existed. But those views were never openly celebrated."I was not blind when I lived in Germany.  Germany always had a far-right element — even when I grew up — but they were kept more under the lid.”In the last decade, Taschka says that has changed dramatically. But she doesn’t attribute the growing strength of the far-right AfD party to Trump. A changing political landscape and the refugee crisis in 2015 were key driving factors, she says.Related: With far-right topping Dutch polls, EU elections could see Eurosceptics take the leadDutch political scientist Cas Mudde agrees. Mudde, who’s a professor in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia, says far-right parties like the National Front in France or the Freedom Party of Austria don’t need to look to Trump for ideological motivation. “They have a much more developed ideological frame than Trump will ever have,” he said.Mudde says President Trump takes little notice of Europe’s populist politicians — but that’s not the case for some of his diplomats. The US ambassadors to Germany and the Netherlands have both been guilty of normalizing Europe’s far-right parties, he says.“One can think of Richard Grenell, in Germany, who was criticized for normalizing the AFD and in the Netherlands, it's even stronger with US Ambassador Pete Hoekstra," Mudde said. It’s alleged that far-right Dutch party leaders met with Hoekstra at the US Embassy to discuss their plans for the future, Mudde says.Former Trump strategist Steve Bannon has also been holding court with far-right parties in Europe over the last couple of years. Bannon plans to convert a monastery outside of Rome into a political academy for ultraconservatives and future populist leaders, a move that has met fierce resistance from Italy’s Culture Ministry. The former White House aide also helped establish a foundation in Brussels aimed at supporting Europe’s far-right parties. But so far, it has received little attention from the parties themselves.French political analyst Jean-Yves Camus, a specialist on the French and European radical right, says parties like the National Front in France have little interest in taking advice from an American. They were doing just fine before Bannon came on the scene, he says.“When Steve Bannon tried to present himself as the man who could unite the extreme right in Europe, he forgot a very important thing: The National Front was a very strong party well before Steve Bannon became known in Washington, DC. So, basically, they did not need him.”The policy of "America first" that Trump promotes has been a mantra of the far-right movement in France since the 1970s. Slogans like “France for the French” or “French first” have been around for some decades, Camus says.     While the rise of populist parties in Europe might seem like an anti-establishment vote, Hermansson says it’s important to recognize that many grassroots supporters believe violence is the only way to achieve their goals. In his first few months undercover with far-right groups, Hermansson was shocked at how openly they condoned the use of violence.“I think in the beginning, I was quite surprised over how openly supportive of violence they were, or at least how implicitly they gave credence to even mass shootings," Hermansson said. Hermansson was in Charlottesville the day of the Unite the Right white supremacist rally in August 2017. He was standing just yards away from Heather Heyer when she was killed by James Alex Fields Jr., an alt-right supporter who plowed his car into a crowd of counterprotesters, injuring 19 people and killing Heyer. Screenshot of video footage of a white power rally in Chartlottesville, Virginia, taken by Patrik Hermansson, who went undercover with far-right groups in the US for one year.  Credit: Courtesy of Patrik Hermansson Hermansson says the incident was hugely traumatic and although he never expected someone would get killed that day, he had become increasingly concerned that things would turn violent. After Hermansson revealed his cover, he received threats from far-right groups for months afterward. Today, he says he feels relatively safe. The alt-right supporters Hermansson met in Europe would most definitely support a second Trump term, he says. In the last year, populist politicians in Europe have also been tweeting their support for another Trump win in November. Political scientist Mudde says their support hinges on the fact that they share a number of common enemies with the US president. They don’t believe a Trump victory will boost their standing in the polls, he says, but it’s better than seeing Biden get into office.Biden is no friend of the far-right, Mudde says. 

In this episode of the Political Economy Forum Podcast, Professor Victor Menaldo and Nicolas Wittstock discuss the meaning and virtues of Liberal Democracy and the political earthquakes that Populists have provoked across contemporary democracies. The conversation mentions works by North, Wallis, and Weingast, Levitsky and Ziblatt, John Wallis, Cas Mudde, Magistro and Menaldo, and Munger and Munger, as well as a New York Times op-ed by Victor Menaldo and Seattle Times op-ed by Menaldo. This podcast is produced by Matthew Dagele, Morgan Wack, and Nicolas Wittstock. Our theme music was created by Ted Long. Any questions or feedback, please contact uwpoliticaleconomy@gmail.com

Did the Dirty Trickster of The Mob Boss-in-Chief Threaten to Rat Him Out If he Goes to Jail? | The Global Growth of the Extreme Right and the Radical Right | Why the West is Losing the Information War backgroundbriefing.org/donate twitter.com/ianmastersmedia facebook.com/ianmastersmedia

Het is vandaag precies één week geleden dat de Afro-Amerikaanse George Floyd als gevolg van hard politie-ingrijpen werd gedood. Sindsdien is het zeer onrustig in de Verenigde Staten. In verschillende grote steden zijn boze burgers de straat opgegaan om hun hun onvrede te uiten over politiegeweld tegen zwarte burgers en het stelselmatige racisme in het land. President Donald Trump heeft als antwoord op de aanhoudende onlusten de anarchistische protestbeweging ANTIFA tot terreurorganisatie verklaard. Over de vergaande consequenties van dit decreet en Trumps politiek spreken we met de in de VS woonachtige en werkzame politicoloog Cas Mudde.

Has the novel coronavirus pandemic produced any winners?  Political scientist Cas Mudde columnist/ contributor for The Guardian says when it comes to authoritarian politicians like Viktor Orban in Hungary and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the answers seems, for now at least, to be yes.  And in the US, has the plague made Donald Trump stronger or do benefits only come to competent autocrats, and does that exclude trump and Bojo of Britain?

In this episode, I talk to Cas Mudde who is Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia. The conversation will focus on his 2007 book “Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe” but we will also talk about his new book “The Far Right Today” which is not only written for an academic but also a broader audience. https://politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9781509536832 Cas Mudde's work has played a crucial role for defining and conceptually delineating the populist radical right. He defines the radical right as an ideological group that combines nativism and authoritarianism and distinguishes it from the extreme right, which is more decidedly anti-democratic. His definition of populism as a thin-centered ideology that pitches the pure people against the corrupt elite has become the reference point for much political science work on populism. The conversation focuses on how the far right has changed over the past decades – not only as an actor but more importantly in the perception of mainstream society. While they used to be parties and movements at the fringes of society, they have now become mainstream. If you are interested in knowing more about Cas and his work, you can follow him on Twitter under “at” CasMudde or visit his website https://spia.uga.edu/faculty-member/cas-mudde/ Cas also writes a regular column for the Guardian. I hope you enjoy the conversation Political science recommendation: Canovan, Margaret. 1999. Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy. https://bit.ly/3eZaBa7

Politicians readily adopt military terminology to talk about a robust response to a national threat. During a real war, liberal democratic order is temporarily suspended and the state extends its power to limit the population’s rights. The problem comes when the threat is over but governments are loath to give up their newly-acquired authority. Cas Mudde joins us to discuss the responses of governments around the world to the pandemic. Cas Mudde is professor on international affairs at the University of Georgia, columnist with the Guardian and author of The Far Right Today.

Politicians readily adopt military terminology to talk about a robust response to a national threat. During a real war, liberal democratic order is temporarily suspended and the state extends its power to limit the population’s rights. The problem comes when the threat is over but governments are loath to give up their newly-acquired authority. Cas Mudde joins us to discuss the responses of governments around the world to the pandemic. Cas Mudde is professor on international affairs at the University of Georgia, columnist with the Guardian and author of The Far Right Today.

In this episode, we catch up with politics, elections and changes in the electoral schedule from all around the coronavirus-ridden Europe.Euan Healey (@euanspeaks) is joined by Europe Elects’ Deputy Editor, Mathew Nicolson (@SkeggiEyjar), and our correspondent from Poland, Michał Konarski (@mkonarski3), to talk about the coronavirus pandemic and its impacts on society and popular opinion around Europe and specifically on the electoral campaign in Poland.Later in the episode, field's leading political scientist Cas Mudde (@CasMudde) joins Gabriel Hedengren (@ghedengren) in a discussion on the effect of coronavirus on populist and far right parties around the world.Finally, Euan and Gabriel play another round of "Who is who? European Commission Edition".Produced by Europe Elects.You can support this podcast and Europe Elects on our Patreon or via PayPal. All proceeds go to the betterment of our services. https://www.patreon.com/EuropeElects https://www.paypal.com/pools/c/8bYExemIM1

V současnosti patří Cas Mudde mezi nejznámější politology a odborníky na populismus a krajní pravici. Kromě toho je ale velkým milovníkem fotbalu a groundhoppingu – výletů za obskurními zápasy v nižších soutěžích po Evropě a celém světě. V rozhovoru pro magazín Tribuna mluví nejen o své zálibě, ale taky o tom, jak se v posledních letech s rapidní rozpínavostí a bohatnutím fotbalu mění jeho vztah s politikou a proč je pro světové vůdce těžší používat ho jako propagandu.

The global rise of radical right nativist parties seemed to skip Ireland. But the last 18 months have seen efforts to introduce anti-immigration politics to Ireland in a way not seen before, amid a backlash against the legalisation of abortion. We hear how a conspiracy theory elevated by US pundit Alex Jones has ended up on the streets of Cork, as protesters ambush an event by ruling party Fine Gael a week out from the election. Naomi O'Leary speaks to Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde about what Ireland can learn from the experience of countries that have already seen similar trends. Mudde breaks down the evolution of the far right, new tactics at play, and the dubious role played by the media in the United States and the Netherlands. This is an episode of Halfpints, the bonus content we make specially to thank our Patreon supporters. You can find a whole archive of extra content over at https://www.patreon.com/theirishpassport. Share this episode and tag @PassportIrish to be in with a chance to win a copy of Cas Mudde's new book, 'The Far Right Today'. Support this podcast

Hello! And welcome to another edition of Inside The Newsroom! Lots of exclamation marks today as we passed 2,500 subscribers over the weekend! Thank you for being part of this — I’m very humbled! Right, today’s guest is… Krystal Ball, former Democrat congressional candidate and co-host of Rising, The Hill’s daily political show. Krystal’s book, The Populist’s Guide To 2020!, co-authored with Saagar Enjeti, will be out on February 8, so we got into all the contents of the book, as well as The New York Times’ somewhat bizarre dual endorsement of Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar. Below is a post-game analysis, but first, my favorite articles over the past week. Enjoy 🤓Remembering Kobe and Gianna Bryant — The world stopped on Sunday when we learned of the passing of Kobe and Gianna BryantFacebook is turning into a Republican platform — Who are the Republican political operatives calling the shots at Facebook?Greece elects first female president — High court judge and human rights advocate secures backing of left- and right-wing partiesKrystal 👇What Is a Populist Anyway?Great question. Merriam Webster describes a populist as “a member of a political party claiming to represent the common people.” But as we’ve experienced just in the past two election cycles, populists and populism can come in all shapes and sizes. Take populist-in-chief Donald Trump, for example, whose 2017 inauguration speech was littered with populist sentiment, perhaps none more so than when he remarked“For too long, [those in politics] have reaped the rewards of government while people have borne the cost. Washington flourished, but the people did not share in its wealth.”Perhaps the most common misconception of populism is that it only comes from the right. Cross the aisle into the Democratic Party and you’ll find a whole host of populists, and politicians pinching nuggets of populism to forward their agenda. Bernie Sanders is the most well-known populist on the left right now, but let’s not forget how Barack Obama too railed against the greed of Wall Street among other populist themes to help his 2012 reelection bid. Mark Rice-Oxley and Ammar Kalia, The GuardianQuick plug for my conversation with Ryan Grim, D.C. bureau chief for The Intercept and author of the book We’ve Got People, a history of progressivism in the Democratic Party.How Old Is Populism?Populism is as old as democracy itself and it’s almost impossible to pinpoint the exact period when populism was first used for political gain. Throughout the 20th century, populism was mostly associated with the rightwing — a German politician in the 1930s and 40s had a lot to do with that. But as we know, populism comes from the left and the right. According to Cas Mudde, a professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia, it was the 2008 financial crash that freed populism from the stigma of being attached to the radical right. The rise of Syriza and Podemos in Spain are prime examples. Like with most things, though, Trump’s presence on the political scene amplified the term to meteoric heights, as outlined by Google searches of the term ‘populism’, of which will only increase as we get deeper into 2020.Cas Mudde for The GuardianThe Meaning Behind the New York Times’ Dual EndorsementUnless you’ve been living under a rock, you’ll know that the New York Times broke tradition and endorsed two Democrats for the party’s presidential nominee. The paper’s editorial board put their weight behind Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar. In their own words, the Times feels that the duo are “the most effective advocates for each approach,” the two approaches being a radical overhaul of essential programs and institutions, and a steadier let’s-not-ruffle-too-many-feathers strategy. But what makes the endorsements utterly confusing, and painfully ironic, is the fact that the Times picked two candidates who have little chance of winning the nomination. Not that newspaper endorsements even matter, Warren is currently third in the race, according to FiveThirtyEight, and has tanked since her debacle with Bernie. As for Klobuchar, the senator from Minnesota is outside the top four, and has a three percent chance of winning the Iowa caucuses. Turns out the Times’ “most effective advocates” won’t be very effective at all.The Editorial Board, The New York TimesAre Bernie and Liz Really That Different Then?For many progressives, choosing between Bernie and Liz was like choosing between a tangerine and a clementine: Both pretty juicy, with one being sweeter than the other. Both candidates are vocal about reining in society’s richest and eliminating corporate greed, both want Medicare for all, and both have extensive plans to deal with the climate crisis. But if the NYT is honest about choosing Warren because she’s the candidate who’ll most likely get things done in government, then there must be key differences between the Bernie and Liz campaigns. Sure, there are inevitable nuances between the two candidates’ policies — Bernie has stated that he wants to eliminate all undergraduate college tuition at four-year public colleges and universities, while Warren wants to cancel up to $50,000 of student loan debt. But overall, they really aren’t that different. Despite their “beef” from the other week, I maintain that I’d be happy with either candidate winning the nomination. With that said, I guess the main difference between the two is that Bernie is leading the polls and Warren isn’t. Tara Golshan, VoxWhy Won’t the MSM Embrace Bernie?The most frustrating thing to see over the past half a decade is the mainstream media’s treatment of Sanders. Like many of us, I have good friends that work for the largest newspapers and cable outlets, so this is of course not a dig at every single journalist whose LinkedIn profile includes the likes of CNN or The Washington Post. It’s also obvious that just because you work for an organization, it doesn’t mean that you subscribe to agreeing on everything your outlet publishes. I for one don’t agree with 100 percent of the content The Guardian puts out. That said, it’s hard to ignore how differently Sanders has been covered compared with Hillary Clinton in 2016, and now the likes of Warren and Joe Biden in the 2020 cycle. This goes further and deeper than merely preferring one candidate over another, which I don’t think journalists should be get into. As Krystal elegantly pointed out in the podcast, the Democratic Party has become more and more fractured, and as it has done so, the NYT have had no qualms about representing the portion of voters who are socially liberal, yet are moderate or even drift into Republican territory when it comes to economics. I have few problems with that. But when the Times states publicly that its aim is to grow digital revenue beyond $800 million, alienating the sizeable portion of progressives in the process is counterintuitive and hard to believe that they’re still the paper of the left. Kate Aronoff for The GuardianPlease Like Me, ThanksThanks for making it to the end. Please like this edition of Inside The Newsroom by clicking the ❤️ below the title. That way I’ll appear in clever algorithms and more people will be able to read.Related Episodes…#56 — Jamil Smith (Rolling Stone) on voter suppression and the life of Elijah Cummings#51 — Jason Kander (Democratic Party) on PTSD and the forgotten veterans#47 — Ryan Grim (The Intercept) on the history of progressivism in the Democratic Party#34 — Dave Weigel (Washington Post) on the differences between the left in the U.S. and the UKLast Week…#61 — Rachel Botsman (Trust Issues) on the why people believe fake news… Next WeekWe’ll have Paula Jean Swearengin, who was one of the main characters alongside Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the Netflix documentary Knock Down The House, and currently a candidate for the U.S. Senate from West Virginia.Job CornerEach week I’ll feature a selection of new journalism jobs. The 19th launched this week, which is a nonprofit newsroom focusing on women’s issues at the intersection of gender politics and policy. They have a ton of openings, including… Women & Congress ReporterWomen’s Health ReporterWomen & The Economy ReporterStatehouses ReporterGeneral Assignment Reporter (x2)Breaking News ReporterNewsletter EditorData Visuals ReporterDirector of Product & EngineeringExperience DesignerProduct EngineerCreative DirectorAudience EditorCommunity Manager Get on the email list at insidethenewsroom.substack.com

Contains an interview about anti-LGBT+ and anti-immigration violence. In this season finale, The Irish Passport takes on one of Ireland's most controversial issues: Direct Provision. The system for housing people who apply for refugee status in Ireland turns 20 this year. Tim Mc Inerney and Naomi O'Leary speak to Bulelani Mfaco, who fled persecution of gay and LGBT+ people in South Africa to Ireland in 2017, and now campaigns for the rights of those seeking asylum. We visit the Direct Provision centre he lives in to take a look at life on the inside, and find out why Mfaco describes the system as deliberate marginalisation of migrants and akin to racial segregation. Irish Times journalist Sorcha Pollak explains how the system came to be, and discusses the evidence that the system was deliberately designed to be unpleasant. In the wake of a series of arson attacks on planned Direct Provision centres, Pollak's reporting has revealed that a small group of far-right activists are hijacking community meetings all around Ireland in an attempt to exploit unhappiness about Direct Provision and inflame anti-immigration politics that have so far skipped over Ireland. Finally, we explore cultural responses to the system, in a discussion with award-winning music group Rusangano Family, featuring their acclaimed song 'Heathrow'. We made bonus episodes specially to thank our Patreon supporters over on https://www.patreon.com/theirishpassport. A full interview with Bulelani Mfaco about life in Direct Provision can be heard here: https://www.patreon.com/posts/35038927 You can hear a bonus episode on Irish politics and the far right featuring political scientist Cas Mudde here: https://www.theirishpassport.com/podcast/rise-of-the-right-what-ireland-can-learn-with-political-scientist-cas-mudde/ Featuring editing by Alan Meaney http://alanmeaney.ie/ . Season 3 of The Irish Passport podcast is made with the kind support of Biddy Murphy, online sellers of genuine Irish goods. Check them out on www.biddymurphy.com. Follow us on Twitter and Facebook: @PassportIrish. Support this podcast

As democratic politics has veered right practically the whole world over since the terrorist attack of 9/11/2001, no one has watched the process more closely than Cas Mudde, the University of Georgia professor and author of The Far Right Today. How yesterday’s lunatic fringe has taken over old brand names like today’s Republican Party. The takeover, by the way, was perfectly democratic.  Even if the winners disdain some key practices of almost 350 years of American democracy.

Scholars and co-authors Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Cas Mudde provide a comprehensive look at the elusive phenomenon of populism for the general reader. Their treatment of populism spans left to right, south to north, people to leaders, and explains why democracies are the most vulnerable to populist trends. This episode is made possible by the Israel office of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, which promotes peace, freedom, and justice through political education.

“There is a sense of betrayal among part of the population.” Today’s labor history: women weavers organize a union. Today’s labor quote by Hank Williams.

“For many young people, Trade Unions are something for old people.” Today’s labor history: unemployed workers rally in Pittsburgh. Today’s labor quote from Hazel Dickens.

His new book takes a look at the resurgence of right-wing politicians and activists across the globe. Today’s labor history: “Swing Riots” trials get underway in England. Today’s labor quote by Captain Swing.

A look at the resurgence of right-wing politicians and activists across the globe. Today’s labor history: Female bank tellers strike in Willmar, Minnesota. Today’s labor quote by Mary Kenney O'Sullivan.

Podcast co-host Tim Schlittner and guest host and AFL-CIO International Director Cathy Feingold talk with Professor Cas Mudde, a political scientist from the University of Georgia. Mudde has a new book, "The Far Right Today," which takes a look at the resurgence of right-wing politicians and activists across the globe, much of it cloaked in populist, worker-friendly rhetoric.

Senior Researcher Joe Mulhall interviews long term friend of HOPE not hate, and prominent scholar of the far right, Cas Mudde about his new book The Far Right Today. Mudde argues that we have entered a new 'wave' of far right development that can be seen across the world in the increased presence of far right ideas and parties in the mainstream of democratic countries.Joe and Cas discuss the developments in the far right today, what drives them, and what can be done to address them. Mudde makes the explicit call to the mainstream right that they need to consider the limits of what and who they are willing to work with.

Listen to Social Europe Editor-in Chief Henning Meyer in discussion with Cas Mudde. They discuss the anatomy of the far right and far right populism and what progressive actors can do to counter the far right. Cas Mudde is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia, a columnist for The Guardian newspaper and a world-leading expert on populism and the far right. If you like our podcast you might also find our regular articles, blogs and other written publications of interest. Just visit our website www.socialeurope.eu to read our latest output. If you want to stay up-to-date with all things Social Europe just sign up to our regular newsletter. You can do so on our website.

Počkat počkat .. proč, a kdo, a kde, a jak? Populismu je dnes ve veřejném prostoru plno, je tak snadné zapochybovat, zda vaše babička opravdu mluví o tom stejném jako rozhlasová hlasatelka nebo ten poslanec ze včerejška. Trocha definic a kontextu je tak rozhodně na místě! Dojde i na morálku, běžný lid nebo rodný list Baracka Obamy. Zamíříme také na Apeninský poloostrov, abychom se blíže podívali na italské populisty (dívat se ale budeme pouze, pokud mají na sobě aspoň tričko). K poslechu podcastu i následném žvanění o něm doporučujeme chlebíčky. Zdroje a odkazy: Müller, Jan-Werner. What is Populism? University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia (2016). Mudde, Cas. YouTube přednáška o populismu. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6lO6SCVJCFk. D’Alimonte, R. (2019). How the Populists won in Italy. Journal of Democracy, 30(1), 114–127.doi:10.1353/jod.2019.0009 Guardian série The new populism: https://www.theguardian.com/world/series/the-new-populism Populistické strany v Evropě: https://populistorg.files.wordpress.com/2019/02/populist-version-1-20190211.pdf Kvíz - máte sklony k populismu?: https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2018/nov/21/how-populist-are-you-quiz Rozhovor s Ivanem Krastevem: https://www.respekt.cz/tydenik/2019/23/souperit-budou-zachranci-zivota-se-zachranci-zivotniho-stylu Cas Mudde o populismu: https://icds.ee/mudde-populism-is-based-on-morals/ Mudde rozhovor v češtině: https://www.irozhlas.cz/zpravy-svet/nizozemsky-politolog-cas-mudde-populismus-krajni-pravice-evropska-unie-donald_1905291321_cha Wired článek o Hnutí 5 hvězd: https://www.wired.com/story/italy-five-star-movement-techno-utopians/?verso=true Audio zdroje: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jjKsK_pi7VY https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BjxgY0_8Zh8&t=20s https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7pzPDBlkt7Q https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mIEeypPp3og https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AUZYXbW-z6k https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J0G9MOcb8_w Co se nám nevešlo: O populistické rétorice: https://medium.com/carrot-stick/the-rhetoric-of-a-populist-e54570b29e51

Dr. Cas Mudde, Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia, joins Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Rachel Rizzo to discuss contemporary populism. Right- and left-wing populist movements have grown around the world in the last decade, but right- and left-wing populists feature remarkable differences. Dr. Mudde underlines that populism is a fundamental challenge to liberal democracies everywhere.

Estonia, a tiny Baltic state, was hit by a giant shockwave in March when a political party promoting white supremacist views won nearly 18 percent of the vote in a general election. A second shockwave hit when Jüri Ratas, the leader of the liberal-left Centre Party, invited the party, called EKRE, to form a coalition government. The powerful interior and finance ministries went to two EKRE leaders, Mart Helme and son Martin Helme; the family double act excels in racism, sexism and homophobia, and their followers spread the alt-right conspiracy theory that immigrant invaders are replacing so-called true Europeans. Last month, fascism defender Jaak Madison became the first EKRE representative to win a seat at the European Parliament. EKRE now has a strong role representing Estonia on the international stage where it threatens the country's carefully nurtured image as an advanced and open society that teems with startups and digital services. With a rather different Estonia emerging — an Estonia where the kind of accommodation that allowed EKRE into government has echoes with the rise of fascism in the 1930s — we travel to the capital Tallinn to hear from people who have taken a stand. Ahto Lobjakas is a former Brussels correspondent whose outspoken commentary at home frequently made him a government opponent. He is now more like an enemy of the state amid creeping censorship and threats to his personal safety. A former president of the country, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, is among those who have come to Lobjakas’ defence. We also talk to two leaders of anti-EKRE protest movements. Kristi Roost helped start the online campaign Kõigi Eesti this year with the goal of preserving Estonia as a respectful and inclusive country. A core group, including Silver Tambur, the co-founder of online magazine Estonian World, has grown to 27,000 members. Click here for Kõigi Eesti's video. Maris Hellrand, a civil society activist and journalist, takes a more direct approach by leading street protests outside Estonia’s seat of government, Stenbock House. She also has helped turn the tables on EKRE by promoting a lapel pin displaying “pink spittle,” which is one of EKRE’s epithets for their opponents. Neither movement was able to stop EKRE from joining the government or the European Parliament. But they are run by determined and imaginative campaigners. To start the show, we check in with Cas Mudde, a Dutch political scientist renowned for his work on populism and the radical right. Mudde offers some general thoughts on EKRE and on whether Moscow may have had a role in its rise, as was the case for some other far-right movements in Europe. Visit our website for episode art and more on EU Scream. “Beethoven Symphony No. 9 in D minor, Op. 125” by Papalin is licensed under CC by 3.0. “Airside No. 9” is played by Lara Natale.Support the show (https://euscream.com/donate/)

Naar aanleiding van zijn nieuwe boek De jaren zestig. Een cultuurgeschiedenis gaat Geert Buelens onder leiding van Liesbeth Van Impe (Het Nieuwsblad) in discussie met de Nederlandse politicoloog Cas Mudde, docent aan de Universiteit van Georgia (VS) en internationaal bekend expert op het gebied van populisme en extreemrechts. Wat zijn de verbanden tussen populistisch radicaal-rechts anno 2018 en radicaal-links in ‘68? Meer info over de avond: deburen.eu/programma/4593/1968-2018-power-to-the-people. Met dank aan www.txtradio.nl.

De allereerste aflevering van de Stuk Rood Vlees Podcast uit juni 2017 ging over populisme met als gast Cas Mudde. We spraken tijdens dat gesprek ook kort over een nieuwe partij die net met twee zetels in de Tweede Kamer was beland: het Forum van Democratie. Het leek me wel aardig om dit fragment opnieuw te posten. Voor meer context over het begrip 'populisme' verwijs ik u graag naar de podcast met Cas of anders een latere aflevering met Matthijs Rooduijn over populisten en hun achterban. Music: Dexter Britain (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0), www.dexterbritain.com

The big 2018 populism discussion. We trash mainstream interpretations of populism (hiya, Cas Mudde) and debate the merits and demerits of 'left populism'. Thatcher, Clinton and Blair are today thought of as anti-populists, but what if they demonstrate many populist features? Is our future 'technopopulism'? And is the 'movement of movements' a dead end?  Plus plenty of bonus stuff: debating the 20th Century disaster; Hillary as the tragic figure of our age; and José Mourinho as right-wing populist.  Readings: Anton's articles at Jacobin Thea Riofrancos on Chantal Mouffe in n+1 Chris Bickerton on technopopulism Cas Mudde on populism The Guardian's stupid populism quiz Phil Cunliffe on the 20th Century (Lenin Lives!)

We're joined by Cas Mudde from the University of Georgia to discuss political activity in football, particularly looking at the rise of both right-wing factions and, on the flipside, the antifa movement. We also discuss groundhopping as Cas has been to more than 400 grounds on every continent (except Antarctica).

Als je tegenwoordig een boekhandel binnenkomt, dan zie je al snel titels als 'How Democracies Die' en 'On Tyranny'. Maar hoeveel zorgen moeten we ons echt maken? Als iemand die vraag kan beantwoorden is het wel politicoloog Cas Mudde. Hij reist door Europa om zijn verhaal vertellen en doet nu ook de Rudi & Freddi Show aan. Ik (Rutger) sta er dit keer alleen voor, daar makker Jesse op de vlucht is voor boze fans van de blockchain (luister onze vorige podcast als je niet begrijpt waar ik het over heb!)

De gerenommeerde populisme-deskundige Cas Mudde, van de University of Georgia in de VS, doet op zijn lezingentournee door Europa ook de studio van Bureau Buitenland aan.Foto: Wikipedia- ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0)

With Viktor Orbán stronger than ever, Hungary’s leader offers a clearly replicable recipe for building an autocracy out of a democracy. Cas Mudde, an expert on populism and the mechanics of the far right, joins this week to discuss.

Political scientist and expert on political extremism Cas Mudde in conversation with Karin Pettersson/Aftonbladet and Georg Diez/Der Spiegel/60 Pages. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

At the start of Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2017), five different, and competing, approaches to populism. It has been used to describe those on the left and the right, those in power and those seeking out power. Into this confusion, Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser offer clarity and brevity to the challenge of figuring out what populism is exactly. Mudde is associate professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia; Kaltwasser is associate professor of political science at the Diego Portales University in Santiago, Chile. Mudde and Kaltwasser suggest that an ideational approach to populism offers needed clarification. They argue that populism is centered on specific ideas about The People, The Elite, and The General Will. Whether populism emerges in the form of a social movement, like Occupy Wall Street, or political parties, such as the populism parties spread across Europe, or even populist leaders, these ideas distinguish populists. But they also suggest that the thin-centeredness of populism means it often is connected to other ideologies, such as socialism or authoritarianism. Populism then can manifest in a specific political context as a left-wing movement or a charismatic strongman. Gender, too, matters, as masculinity and definitions of the role of women, feature prominently in populism. This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

At the start of Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2017), five different, and competing, approaches to populism. It has been used to describe those on the left and the right, those in power and those seeking out power. Into this confusion, Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser offer clarity and brevity to the challenge of figuring out what populism is exactly. Mudde is associate professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia; Kaltwasser is associate professor of political science at the Diego Portales University in Santiago, Chile. Mudde and Kaltwasser suggest that an ideational approach to populism offers needed clarification. They argue that populism is centered on specific ideas about The People, The Elite, and The General Will. Whether populism emerges in the form of a social movement, like Occupy Wall Street, or political parties, such as the populism parties spread across Europe, or even populist leaders, these ideas distinguish populists. But they also suggest that the thin-centeredness of populism means it often is connected to other ideologies, such as socialism or authoritarianism. Populism then can manifest in a specific political context as a left-wing movement or a charismatic strongman. Gender, too, matters, as masculinity and definitions of the role of women, feature prominently in populism. This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.

At the start of Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2017), five different, and competing, approaches to populism. It has been used to describe those on the left and the right, those in power and those seeking out power. Into this confusion, Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser offer clarity and brevity to the challenge of figuring out what populism is exactly. Mudde is associate professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia; Kaltwasser is associate professor of political science at the Diego Portales University in Santiago, Chile. Mudde and Kaltwasser suggest that an ideational approach to populism offers needed clarification. They argue that populism is centered on specific ideas about The People, The Elite, and The General Will. Whether populism emerges in the form of a social movement, like Occupy Wall Street, or political parties, such as the populism parties spread across Europe, or even populist leaders, these ideas distinguish populists. But they also suggest that the thin-centeredness of populism means it often is connected to other ideologies, such as socialism or authoritarianism. Populism then can manifest in a specific political context as a left-wing movement or a charismatic strongman. Gender, too, matters, as masculinity and definitions of the role of women, feature prominently in populism. This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

At the start of Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2017), five different, and competing, approaches to populism. It has been used to describe those on the left and the right, those in power and those seeking out power. Into this confusion, Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser offer clarity and brevity to the challenge of figuring out what populism is exactly. Mudde is associate professor of international affairs at the University of Georgia; Kaltwasser is associate professor of political science at the Diego Portales University in Santiago, Chile. Mudde and Kaltwasser suggest that an ideational approach to populism offers needed clarification. They argue that populism is centered on specific ideas about The People, The Elite, and The General Will. Whether populism emerges in the form of a social movement, like Occupy Wall Street, or political parties, such as the populism parties spread across Europe, or even populist leaders, these ideas distinguish populists. But they also suggest that the thin-centeredness of populism means it often is connected to other ideologies, such as socialism or authoritarianism. Populism then can manifest in a specific political context as a left-wing movement or a charismatic strongman. Gender, too, matters, as masculinity and definitions of the role of women, feature prominently in populism. This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

At the start of Populism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2017), five different, and competing, approaches to populism. It has been used to describe those on the left and the right, those in power and those seeking out power. Into this confusion, Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser... Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Een senator met inheemse voorouders uitschelden voor Pocahontas en anti-Islam video's op Twitter delen.Dat een Amerikaanse president dit zou doen, was tot vorig jaar ondenkbaar. In hoeverre zorgen president Trumps acties dat zijn Republikeinse Partij wordt beïnvloed door extreemrechts? Politicoloog en populisme-deskundige Cas Mudde woont en werkt in de Verenigde Staten, waar hij is verbonden aan The University of Georgia. Hij schreef het boek The Far Right in America.

Cas Mudde is een van de invloedrijkste politicologen op het gebied van populisme. In dit gesprek vertelt Cas hoe we populisme het beste kunnen definiëren, wat de opkomst van populisme verklaart en of populisme wel te rijmen is met democratie.

Reportage: If the skulls could talk - Cas Mudde over de eerste maand Trump

“It is the illusion of a presidency, not the real thing,” schreef een commentator op de invloedrijke website Politico. Illusie of niet, de eerste weken Amerika onder Donald Trump zijn in veel opzichten opmerkelijk. Politicoloog en populismedeskundige Cas Mudde woont en werkt in de Verenigde Staten,waar hij is verbonden aan The University of Georgia. Presentator Chris Kijne spreekt hem over de roerige start van het presidentschap van Trump.

De campagne van Donald Trump kreeg zeer actieve steun van racistische en extreemrechtse groepen. Hoe groot was die invloed en in hoeverre krijgen deze groepen straks de wind in de zeilen in de VS? En wat betekent de winst van Trump voor radicaal rechts in Europa? Vanuit de studio in Athens, in de VS, spreken we hierover met Cas Mudde. Hij is expert in populisme en politiek extremisme aan de University of Georgia.

On the podcast today, Foreign Affairs discusses the power of populism.  Pankaj Mishra, author of “The Globalization of Rage,” takes a historical view of today’s unrest; Cas Mudde discusses the spread of populism in Europe; and Nadia Urbinati speaks on the best response to populism at home. Don’t miss an episode of ForeignAffairs Unedited, subscribe oniTunes, PodBean, and Stitcher to have this podcast delivered right to your audio player of choice.  This podcast has been edited and condensed. A rush transcript is available at ForeignAffairs.com.

Nu Donald Trump verzekerd is van de Republikeinse kandidatuur voor de presidentsverkiezingen, krabben de Amerikanen zich achter de oren: hoe heeft het zover kunnen komen? Over het succes van the ‘Trump Phenomenon', en of we hier te maken hebben met een Europees importproduct of een All-American success story spreekt Bureau Buitenland vanavond met politicoloog Cas Mudde, verbonden aan The University of Georgia in de Verenigde Staten.

Brussel is het laatste slachtoffer van een reeks aanslagen die Islamitische Staat heeft geclaimd. We praten erover met politicoloog Cas Mudde, verbonden aan The University of Georgia in de Verenigde Staten. En in Brussel is sociologe Nadia Fadil van de Katholieke Universiteit van Leuven.

Amerika is in de ban van ‘Feel The Bern' en ‘Trumpism': Bernie Sanders en Donald Trump zijn dé rijzende sterren in de Amerikaanse peilingen. De een op links, de ander op rechts: allebei verwoorden ze de frustratie van de gewone Amerikanen en zetten ze het politieke establishment op z'n kop. Zo krijgen de Amerikaanse voorverkiezingen een Europees populistisch tintje. Maar hoe kan dat voor de Amerikaanse presidentsverkiezingen uitpakken? Daarover praten we met politicoloog Cas Mudde, gespecialiseerd in populisme en verbonden aan de The University of Georgia in de VS. (Foto: Flickr/DonkeyHotey CC BY-SA 2.0)

De Vijfsterrenbeweging in Italië, UKIP in het Verenigd Koninkrijk, het Front National in Frankrijk, Podemos in Spanje: overal boeken populistische partijen electoraal succes. Soms bescheiden, soms met grote gevolgen, zoals we begin dit jaar in Griekenland zagen. Met hun vaak anti-Europese discours worden ze door gevestigde partijen aangewezen als 'een bedreiging voor de eurozone'' Is deze alarmistische toon terecht? In het Eurobureau bespreken we de invloed van populistische partijen op het Europese politieke landschap. Dat doen we met politicoloog Cas Mudde, verbonden aan de The University of Georgia in de Verenigde Staten. Hij is nu kort op bezoek in Nederland. Foto: Pedro Ribeiro Simões (via Flickr)

Om Europas högerextremister och främlingsfientliga på frammarsch och växande väljarstöd som får varningsklockor att ringa. Är rädslan befogad eller överdriven? Om ett nytt politiskt landskap som möjligen tar form i takt med att högerpopulister blir mer rumsrena. Vad döljer sig bakom partiernas putsade fasader? Hör reportage från franska Nationella frontens stormöte i Alsace och företrädare för bulgariska högerextrema partiet Ataka. Oroliga röster har hörts från toppolitiker, analytiker och kommentatorer den gångna hösten sedan en opinionsundersökning i Frankrike visat att var fjärde fransman tänkte rösta på Front National i vårens Europaparlamentsval. Front Nationals ledare Marine Le Pen har under hösten arbetat aktivt för att bilda en allians av partier på yttersta högerkanten och målet är att tillsammans bilda en egen grupp i Europaparlamentet. Allt det här har fått några av EU:s främsta företrädare, kommissionens ordförande Jose Manuel Barroso och Europaparlamentets talman Martin Schultz, nationella ledare, som Italiens premiärminister Enrico Letta, liksom analytiker och kommentatorer slå larm och varna för vad man betecknar som en högerpopulistisk backlash i Europa. Konflikts Anja Sahlberg reste till Frankrike för att titta närmare på Front National som under Marine Le Pens ledning fått en ny och mer rumsren fasad, men bakom den nya framtoningen driver partiet samma gamla hjärtefrågor: invandring, säkerhet och frän EU-kritik. Medan Front National gör allt för att uppfattas som vilket parti som helst och gör sig av med partimedlemmar som uttrycker sig rasistiskt finns det politiska företrädare i andra EU-länder som inte hymlar med fientligheten mot invandrare och minoritetsgrupper. I Bulgarien, har det högerextrema partiet Ataka 23 ledamöter i det nationella parlamentet. Ekots reporter Margita Boström träffade en av Atakas ledande frontfigurer, parlamensledamoten Magdalena Tasheva. Samtidigt som många slagit larm om framgången för högerpopulistiska och högerextrema partier i Europa så avfärdar nederländaren Cas Mudde, en av de mest etablerade forskarna om Europas radikala högerrörelser, uppfattningen att radikalhögern är på snabb frammarsch och förklaringen att det skulle bero på den ekonomiska krisen. Konflikts Daniela Marquardt har intervjuat honom. I studion medverkar Annika Ström-Melin, journalist på DN som länge bevakat Europapolitik, och Sara Duarte från antirasistiska organisationen Expo. Programledare: Kajsa Boglind Producent: Jalal Lalouni