Podcasts about hyginus

Today is Saturday, January 11, 2025, The Mass of the Blessed Virgin on Saturday with commemoration of St. Hyginus, Pope and Martyr, 4th class, and the color of white. In this episode: The meditation: “A Man in Love,” a preview of this week's episode of The Catholic Mass #20: The Proper Reception of the Eucharist, today's news from the Church: “The Object of Devotion to the Sacred Heart,” and today's thought from the Archbishop. Sources Used Today: A Child in Winter, Caryll Houselander “The Object of Devotion to the Sacred Heart” (FSSPX.news) https://fsspx.news/en/news/object-devotion-sacred-heart-2-49757 “The Catholic Mass #20: The Proper Reception of the Eucharist” (SSPX Podcast) View on YouTube Listen & Subscribe on SSPXpodcast.com The Spiritual Life- Archbishop Lefebvre (Angelus Press) We'd love your feedback on these Daily Devotionals! What do you like / not like, and what would you like us to add? podcast@sspx.org - - - - - - - Please Support this Apostolate with 1-time or Monthly Donation >> - - - - - - - Explore more: Subscribe to the email version of this Devotional - it's a perfect companion! Subscribe to this Podcast to receive this and all our audio episodes Subscribe to the SSPX YouTube channel for video versions of our podcast series and Sermons FSSPX News Website: https://fsspx.news Visit the US District website: https://sspx.org/ - - - - - What is the SSPX Podcast? The SSPX Podcast is produced by Angelus Press, which has as its mission the fortification of traditional Catholics so that they can defend the Faith, and reaching out to those who have not yet found Tradition.  - - - - - - What is the SSPX? The main goal of the Society of Saint Pius X is to preserve the Catholic Faith in its fullness and purity, to teach its truths, and to diffuse its virtues, especially through the Roman Catholic priesthood. Authentic spiritual life, the sacraments, and the traditional liturgy are its primary means of bringing this life of grace to souls. Although the traditional Latin Mass is the most visible and public expression of the work of the Society, we are committed to defending Catholic Tradition in its entirety: all of Catholic doctrine and morals as the Church has always defended them. What people need is the Catholic Faith, without compromise, with all the truth and beauty which accompanies it.

Agamemnon is a family man. It's just a shame that family is also the answer to who needs to be put up on an altar. As the Greeks are loitering at Aulis before setting off for Troy, we watch the goddess Artemis announce that Iphigenia needs to sacrificed in order to placate her anger... Sources for this episode:  Antoninus Liberalis (1992), The Metamorphoses of Antoninus Liberalis. Translated by F. Celoria. London and New York: Routledge. Euripides (1910), The Plays of Euripides in English in 2 Volumes (Volume 1). Translated by Shelley Dean Milman, Potter and Woodhull. London and New York: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd. and E. P. Dutton & Co. Evelyn-White, H. G. (1943), Hesiod: The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. London: William Heinemann Ltd. Frazer, J. G. (1921), Apollodorus: The Library (Volume II). London: William Heinemann. Hyginus (1872), Fabulae. Edited by M. Schmidt. Jenae: Hermann Dufft. Lucretius (1921), On the Nature of Things. Translated by W. E. Leonard. London, Toronto and New York: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd. and E. P. Dutton & Co. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Myrmidons (online) (Accessed 07/12/2024). Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Snake Island (Ukraine) (online) (Accessed 07/12/2024).

Aphrodite, Hera and Athena. These are the three goddesses now fighting over an apple. And, strange as it sounds, it's this dispute that will lead to three naked goddesses standing in front of an unsuspecting mortal called Paris... Sources for this episode: Brooks, F. (1896), Greek Lyric Poets. London: David Nutt. Euripides (1967), The Bacchae and Other Plays. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd. Frazer, J. G. (1921), Apollodorus: The Library (Volume II). London: William Heinemann. Hyginus (1872), Fabulae. Edited by M. Schmidt. Jenae: Hermann Dufft. Koniaris, G. L. (1967), On Sappho, Fr. 16 (L. P.) Hermes 95(3): 257-268. Raynor, D. J. and Lardinois, A. (2014), Sappho: A New Translation of the Complete Works. New York: Cambridge University Press. Smith; W. (ed.) (1867), Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. In Three Volumes (Vol. 1-3.). Boston: Little, Brown, And Company.

Content warning: Peleus is a terrible person, so expect a mild reference to some implied nastiness. Peleus is one of those people who gets things he doesn't deserve. Despite all that terrible behaviour we outlined in episode 55, he gets to marry a goddess! However, it's at the wedding that the seeds of something dreadful will be sown... Sources for this episode: Frazer, J. G. (1921), Apollodorus: The Library (Volume II). London: William Heinemann. Hyginus (1872), Fabulae. Edited by M. Schmidt. Jenae: Hermann Dufft. Ovid (1955), Metamorphoses. Translated by M. M. Innes. London: Penguin Books. Smith; W. (ed.) (1867), Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. In Three Volumes (Vol. 1-3.). Boston: Little, Brown, And Company. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Judgement of Paris (online) (Accessed 01/12/2024). Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Thetis (online) (Accessed 01/12/2024).

In the quiet before the storm of the Trojan War and its immediate causes, we introduce two major characters today. The first is Odysseus, great-grandson of Hermes and creator of oaths that blow up in his face. The second is Achilles- descendant of Zeus and an ancient Greek example of play dress-up to run away from your problems. Sources for this episode: Frazer, J. G. (1921), Apollodorus: The Library (Volume II). London: William Heinemann. Hyginus (1872), Fabulae. Edited by M. Schmidt. Jenae: Hermann Dufft. Statius (1928), Statius. Volume II: Thebiad V- XII and Achilleid. London and New York: William Heinemann, Ltd. and G. P. Putnam's Sons.

There's a strong reptilian theme on Autocrat today! It's the episode all about Cadmus- who we last dealt with properly during Typhon's days in episode 3. Get ready to discuss adultery among the gods, yet another instance of basing city locations on bovine migration, and a very high number of snakes and dragons... Sources for this episode: du Toit, B. M. (1960), Some Aspects of the Soul-Concept among the Bantu-Speaking Nguni-Tribes of South Africa. Anthropological Quarterly 33(3): 134-142. Evelyn-White, H. G. (1943), Hesiod: The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. London: William Heinemann Ltd. Frazer, J. G. (1921), Apollodorus: The Library (Volume I). London: William Heinemann. Graves, R. (1981), Greek Myths: Illustrated Edition. London: Cassell Ltd. Guerber, H. A. (1929), The Myths of Greece & Rome: Their Stories Signification and Origin. London: George G. Harrap & Company Ltd. Hyginus (date unknown), Fabulae. Translated by Grant, M. University of Kansas Publications in Humanistic Studies 34. Accessed via Topos Text (online) (Accessed 08/05/2024). Oldfather, C. H. (1989), Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes. Volume I: Books I and II, 1-34. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, UK: Harvard University Press. Riley, H. T. (1889), The Metamorphoses (Ovid), Literally Translated Into English Prose, With Copious Notes and Explanations. London: George Bell & Sons. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Theban kings in Greek mythology (online) (Accessed 08/05/2024).

Listen to this episode on Spotify or Apple Podcasts Let's face it the New Testament probably calls Jesus God (or god) a couple of times and so do early Christian authors in the second century. However, no one offers much of an explanation for what they mean by the title. Did early Christians think Jesus was God because he represented Yahweh? Did they think he was God because he shared the same eternal being as the Father? Did they think he was a god because that's just what they would call any immortalized human who lived in heaven? In this presentation I focus on the question from the perspective of Greco-Roman theology. Drawing on the work of David Litwa, Andrew Perriman, Barry Blackburn, and tons of ancient sources I seek to show how Mediterranean converts to Christianity would have perceived Jesus based on their cultural and religious assumptions. This presentation is from the 3rd Unitarian Christian Alliance Conference on October 20, 2023 in Springfield, OH. Here is the original pdf of this paper. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c5Z3QbQ7dHc —— Links —— See more scholarly articles by Sean Finnegan Get the transcript of this episode Support Restitutio by donating here Join our Restitutio Facebook Group and follow Sean Finnegan on Twitter @RestitutioSF Leave a voice message via SpeakPipe with questions or comments and we may play them out on the air Intro music: Good Vibes by MBB Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-SA 3.0) Free Download / Stream: Music promoted by Audio Library. Who is Sean Finnegan?  Read his bio here Introduction When early Christian authors called Jesus “god” (or “God”) what did they mean?[1] Modern apologists routinely point to pre-Nicene quotations in order to prove that early Christians always believed in the deity of Christ, by which they mean that he is of the same substance (homoousios) as the Father. However, most historians agree that Christians before the fourth century simply didn't have the cognitive categories available yet to think of Christ in Nicene or Chalcedonian ways. If this consensus is correct, it behooves us to consider other options for defining what early Christian authors meant. The obvious place to go to get an answer to our initial question is the New Testament. However, as is well known, the handful of instances in which authors unambiguously applied god (θεός) to Christ are fraught with textual uncertainty, grammatical ambiguity, and hermeneutical elasticity.[2]  What's more, granting that these contested texts[3] all call Jesus “god” provides little insight into what they might mean by that phrase. Turning to the second century, the earliest handful of texts that say Jesus is god are likewise textually uncertain or terse.[4] We must wait until the second half of the second century and beyond to have more helpful material to examine. We know that in the meanwhile some Christians were saying Jesus was god. What did they mean? One promising approach is to analyze biblical texts that call others gods. We find helpful parallels with the word god (אֱלֹהִים) applied to Moses (Exod 7.1; 4.16), judges (Exod 21.6; 22.8-9), kings (Is 9.6; Ps 45.6), the divine council (Ps 82.1, 6), and angels (Ps 8.6). These are texts in which God imbues his agents with his authority to represent him in some way. This rare though significant way of calling a representative “god,” continues in the NT with Jesus' clever defense to his accusers in John 10.34-36. Lexicons[5] have long recognized this “Hebraistic” usage and recent study tools such as the New English Translation (NET)[6] and the Zondervan Illustrated Bible Background Commentary[7] also note this phenomenon. But, even if this agency perspective is the most natural reading of texts like Heb 1.8, later Christians, apart from one or two exceptions appear to be ignorant of this usage.[8] This interpretation was likely a casualty of the so-called parting of the ways whereby Christianity transitioned from a second-temple-Jewish movement to a Gentile-majority religion. As such, to grasp what early postapostolic Christians believed, we must turn our attention elsewhere. Michael Bird is right when he says, “Christian discourses about deity belong incontrovertibly in the Greco-Roman context because it provided the cultural encyclopedia that, in diverse ways, shaped the early church's Christological conceptuality and vocabulary.”[9] Learning Greco-Roman theology is not only important because that was the context in which early Christians wrote, but also because from the late first century onward, most of our Christian authors converted from that worldview. Rather than talking about the Hellenization of Christianity, we should begin by asking how Hellenists experienced Christianization. In other words, Greco-Roman beliefs about the gods were the default lens through which converts first saw Christ. In order to explore how Greco-Roman theology shaped what people believed about Jesus as god, we do well to begin by asking how they defined a god. Andrew Perriman offers a helpful starting point. “The gods,” he writes, “are mostly understood as corporeal beings, blessed with immortality, larger, more beautiful, and more powerful than their mortal analogues.”[10] Furthermore, there were lots of them! The sublunar realm was, in the words of Paula Fredriksen, “a god-congested place.”[11] What's more, “[S]harp lines and clearly demarcated boundaries between divinity and humanity were lacking."[12] Gods could appear as people and people could ascend to become gods. Comprehending what Greco-Roman people believed about gods coming down and humans going up will occupy the first part of this paper. Only once we've adjusted our thinking to their culture, will we walk through key moments in the life of Jesus of Nazareth to hear the story with ancient Mediterranean ears. Lastly, we'll consider the evidence from sources that think of Jesus in Greco-Roman categories. Bringing this all together we'll enumerate the primary ways to interpret the phrase “Jesus is god” available to Christians in the pre-Nicene period. Gods Coming Down and Humans Going Up The idea that a god would visit someone is not as unusual as it first sounds. We find plenty of examples of Yahweh himself or non-human representatives visiting people in the Hebrew Bible.[13] One psalmist even referred to angels or “heavenly beings” (ESV) as אֱלֹהִים (gods).[14] The Greco-Roman world too told stories about divine entities coming down to interact with people. Euripides tells about the time Zeus forced the god Apollo to become a human servant in the house of Admetus, performing menial labor as punishment for killing the Cyclopes (Alcestis 1). Baucis and Philemon offered hospitality to Jupiter and Mercury when they appeared in human form (Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.26-34). In Homer's Odyssey onlookers warn Antinous for flinging a stool against a stranger since “the gods do take on the look of strangers dropping in from abroad”[15] (17.534-9). Because they believed the boundary between the divine realm and the Earth was so permeable, Mediterranean people were always on guard for an encounter with a god in disguise. In addition to gods coming down, in special circumstances, humans could ascend and become gods too. Diodorus of Sicily demarcated two types of gods: those who are “eternal and imperishable, such as the sun and the moon” and “the other gods…terrestrial beings who attained to immortal honour”[16] (The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian 6.1). By some accounts, even the Olympian gods, including Kronos and Uranus were once mortal men.[17] Among humans who could become divine, we find several distinguishable categories, including heroes, miracle workers, and rulers. We'll look at each briefly before considering how the story of Jesus would resonate with those holding a Greco-Roman worldview. Deified Heroes Cornutus the Stoic said, “[T]he ancients called heroes those who were so strong in body and soul that they seemed to be part of a divine race.” (Greek Theology 31)[18] At first this statement appears to be a mere simile, but he goes on to say of Heracles (Hercules), the Greek hero par excellence, “his services had earned him apotheosis” (ibid.). Apotheosis (or deification) is the process by which a human ascends into the divine realm. Beyond Heracles and his feats of strength, other exceptional individuals became deified for various reasons. Amphiarus was a seer who died in the battle at Thebes. After opening a chasm in the earth to swallow him in battle, “Zeus made him immortal”[19] (Apollodorus, Library of Greek Mythology 3.6). Pausanias says the custom of the inhabitants of Oropos was to drop coins into Amphiarus' spring “because this is where they say Amphiarus rose up as a god”[20] (Guide to Greece 1.34). Likewise, Strabo speaks about a shrine for Calchas, a deceased diviner from the Trojan war (Homer, Illiad 1.79-84), “where those consulting the oracle sacrifice a black ram to the dead and sleep in its hide”[21] (Strabo, Geography 6.3.9). Though the great majority of the dead were locked away in the lower world of Hades, leading a shadowy pitiful existence, the exceptional few could visit or speak from beyond the grave. Lastly, there was Zoroaster the Persian prophet who, according to Dio Chrysostom, was enveloped by fire while he meditated upon a mountain. He was unharmed and gave advice on how to properly make offerings to the gods (Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 36.40). The Psuedo-Clementine Homilies include a story about a lightning bolt striking and killing Zoroaster. After his devotees buried his body, they built a temple on the site, thinking that “his soul had been sent for by lightning” and they “worshipped him as a god”[22] (Homily 9.5.2). Thus, a hero could have extraordinary strength, foresight, or closeness to the gods resulting in apotheosis and ongoing worship and communication. Deified Miracle Workers Beyond heroes, Greco-Roman people loved to tell stories about deified miracle workers. Twice Orpheus rescued a ship from a storm by praying to the gods (Diodorus of Sicily 4.43.1f; 48.5f). After his death, surviving inscriptions indicate that he both received worship and was regarded as a god in several cities.[23] Epimenides “fell asleep in a cave for fifty-seven years”[24] (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers 1.109). He also predicted a ten-year period of reprieve from Persian attack in Athens (Plato Laws 1.642D-E). Plato called him a divine man (θεῖος ἀνήρ) (ibid.) and Diogenes talked of Cretans sacrificing to him as a god (Diogenes, Lives 1.114). Iamblichus said Pythagoras was the son of Apollo and a mortal woman (Life of Pythagoras 2). Nonetheless, the soul of Pythagoras enjoyed multiple lives, having originally been “sent to mankind from the empire of Apollo”[25] (Life 2). Diogenes and Lucian enumerate the lives the pre-existent Pythagoras led, including Aethalides, Euphorbus, Hermotimus, and Pyrrhus (Diogenes, Life of Pythagoras 4; Lucian, The Cock 16-20). Hermes had granted Pythagoras the gift of “perpetual transmigration of his soul”[26] so he could remember his lives while living or dead (Diogenes, Life 4). Ancient sources are replete with Pythagorean miracle stories.[27] Porphyry mentions several, including taming a bear, persuading an ox to stop eating beans, and accurately predicting a catch of fish (Life of Pythagoras 23-25). Porphyry said Pythagoras accurately predicted earthquakes and “chased away a pestilence, suppressed violent winds and hail, [and] calmed storms on rivers and on seas” (Life 29).[28] Such miracles, argued the Pythagoreans made Pythagoras “a being superior to man, and not to a mere man” (Iamblichus, Life 28).[29] Iamblichus lays out the views of Pythagoras' followers, including that he was a god, a philanthropic daemon, the Pythian, the Hyperborean Apollo, a Paeon, a daemon inhabiting the moon, or an Olympian god (Life 6). Another pre-Socratic philosopher was Empedocles who studied under Pythagoras. To him sources attribute several miracles, including stopping a damaging wind, restoring the wind, bringing dry weather, causing it to rain, and even bringing someone back from Hades (Diogenes, Lives 8.59).[30] Diogenes records an incident in which Empedocles put a woman into a trance for thirty days before sending her away alive (8.61). He also includes a poem in which Empedocles says, “I am a deathless god, no longer mortal, I go among you honored by all, as is right”[31] (8.62). Asclepius was a son of the god Apollo and a human woman (Cornutus, Greek Theology 33). He was known for healing people from diseases and injuries (Pindar, Pythian 3.47-50). “[H]e invented any medicine he wished for the sick, and raised up the dead”[32] (Pausanias, Guide to Greece 2.26.4). However, as Diodorus relates, Hades complained to Zeus on account of Asclepius' diminishing his realm, which resulted in Zeus zapping Asclepius with a thunderbolt, killing him (4.71.2-3). Nevertheless, Asclepius later ascended into heaven to become a god (Hyginus, Fables 224; Cicero, Nature of the Gods 2.62).[33] Apollonius of Tyana was a famous first century miracle worker. According to Philostratus' account, the locals of Tyana regard Apollonius to be the son of Zeus (Life 1.6). Apollonius predicted many events, interpreted dreams, and knew private facts about people. He rebuked and ridiculed a demon, causing it to flee, shrieking as it went (Life 2.4).[34] He even once stopped a funeral procession and raised the deceased to life (Life 4.45). What's more he knew every human language (Life 1.19) and could understand what sparrows chirped to each other (Life 4.3). Once he instantaneously transported himself from Smyrna to Ephesus (Life 4.10). He claimed knowledge of his previous incarnation as the captain of an Egyptian ship (Life 3.23) and, in the end, Apollonius entered the temple of Athena and vanished, ascending from earth into heaven to the sound of a choir singing (Life 8.30). We have plenty of literary evidence that contemporaries and those who lived later regarded him as a divine man (Letters 48.3)[35] or godlike (ἰσόθεος) (Letters 44.1) or even just a god (θεός) (Life 5.24). Deified Rulers Our last category of deified humans to consider before seeing how this all relates to Jesus is rulers. Egyptians, as indicated from the hieroglyphs left in the pyramids, believed their deceased kings to enjoy afterlives as gods. They could become star gods or even hunt and consume other gods to absorb their powers.[36] The famous Macedonian conqueror, Alexander the Great, carried himself as a god towards the Persians though Plutarch opines, “[he] was not at all vain or deluded but rather used belief in his divinity to enslave others”[37] (Life of Alexander 28). This worship continued after his death, especially in Alexandria where Ptolemy built a tomb and established a priesthood to conduct religious honors to the deified ruler. Even the emperor Trajan offered a sacrifice to the spirit of Alexander (Cassius Dio, Roman History 68.30). Another interesting example is Antiochus I of Comagene who called himself “Antiochus the just [and] manifest god, friend of the Romans [and] friend of the Greeks.”[38] His tomb boasted four colossal figures seated on thrones: Zeus, Heracles, Apollo, and himself. The message was clear: Antiochus I wanted his subjects to recognize his place among the gods after death. Of course, the most relevant rulers for the Christian era were the Roman emperors. The first official Roman emperor Augustus deified his predecessor, Julius Caesar, celebrating his apotheosis with games (Suetonius, Life of Julius Caesar 88). Only five years after Augustus died, eastern inhabitants of the Roman Empire at Priene happily declared “the birthday of the god Augustus” (ἡ γενέθλιος ἡμέρα τοῦ θεοῦ)[39] to be the start of their provincial year. By the time of Tacitus, a century after Augustus died, the wealthy in Rome had statues of the first emperor in their gardens for worship (Annals 1.73). The Roman historian Appian explained that the Romans regularly deify emperors at death “provided he has not been a despot or a disgrace”[40] (The Civil Wars 2.148).  In other words, deification was the default setting for deceased emperors. Pliny the Younger lays it on pretty thick when he describes the process. He says Nero deified Claudius to expose him; Titus deified Vespasian and Domitian so he could be the son and brother of gods. However, Trajan deified Nerva because he genuinely believed him to be more than a human (Panegyric 11). In our little survey, we've seen three main categories of deified humans: heroes, miracle workers, and good rulers. These “conceptions of deity,” writes David Litwa, “were part of the “preunderstanding” of Hellenistic culture.”[41] He continues: If actual cases of deification were rare, traditions of deification were not. They were the stuff of heroic epic, lyric song, ancient mythology, cultic hymns, Hellenistic novels, and popular plays all over the first-century Mediterranean world. Such discourses were part of mainstream, urban culture to which most early Christians belonged. If Christians were socialized in predominantly Greco-Roman environments, it is no surprise that they employed and adapted common traits of deities and deified men to exalt their lord to divine status.[42] Now that we've attuned our thinking to Mediterranean sensibilities about gods coming down in the shape of humans and humans experiencing apotheosis to permanently dwell as gods in the divine realm, our ears are attuned to hear the story of Jesus with Greco-Roman ears. Hearing the Story of Jesus with Greco-Roman Ears How would second or third century inhabitants of the Roman empire have categorized Jesus? Taking my cue from Litwa's treatment in Iesus Deus, I'll briefly work through Jesus' conception, transfiguration, miracles, resurrection, and ascension. Miraculous Conception Although set within the context of Jewish messianism, Christ's miraculous birth would have resonated differently with Greco-Roman people. Stories of gods coming down and having intercourse with women are common in classical literature. That these stories made sense of why certain individuals were so exceptional is obvious. For example, Origen related a story about Apollo impregnating Amphictione who then gave birth to Plato (Against Celsus 1.37). Though Mary's conception did not come about through intercourse with a divine visitor, the fact that Jesus had no human father would call to mind divine sonship like Pythagoras or Asclepius. Celsus pointed out that the ancients “attributed a divine origin to Perseus, and Amphion, and Aeacus, and Minos” (Origen, Against Celsus 1.67). Philostratus records a story of the Egyptian god Proteus saying to Apollonius' mother that she would give birth to himself (Life of Apollonius of Tyana 1.4). Since people were primed to connect miraculous origins with divinity, typical hearers of the birth narratives of Matthew or Luke would likely think that this baby might be either be a descended god or a man destined to ascend to become a god. Miracles and Healing As we've seen, Jesus' miracles would not have sounded unbelievable or even unprecedent to Mediterranean people. Like Jesus, Orpheus and Empedocles calmed storms, rescuing ships. Though Jesus provided miraculous guidance on how to catch fish, Pythagoras foretold the number of fish in a great catch. After the fishermen painstakingly counted them all, they were astounded that when they threw them back in, they were still alive (Porphyry, Life 23-25). Jesus' ability to foretell the future, know people's thoughts, and cast out demons all find parallels in Apollonius of Tyana. As for resurrecting the dead, we have the stories of Empedocles, Asclepius, and Apollonius. The last of which even stopped a funeral procession to raise the dead, calling to mind Jesus' deeds in Luke 7.11-17. When Lycaonians witnessed Paul's healing of a man crippled from birth, they cried out, “The gods have come down to us in the likeness of men” (Acts 14.11). Another time when no harm befell Paul after a poisonous snake bit him on Malta, Gentile onlookers concluded “he was a god” (Acts 28.6). Barry Blackburn makes the following observation: [I]n view of the tendency, most clearly seen in the Epimenidean, Pythagorean, and Apollonian traditions, to correlate impressive miracle-working with divine status, one may justifiably conclude that the evangelical miracle traditions would have helped numerous gentile Christians to arrive at and maintain belief in Jesus' divine status.[43] Transfiguration Ancient Mediterranean inhabitants believed that the gods occasionally came down disguised as people. Only when gods revealed their inner brilliant natures could people know that they weren't mere humans. After his ship grounded on the sands of Krisa, Apollo leaped from the ship emitting flashes of fire “like a star in the middle of day…his radiance shot to heaven”[44] (Homeric Hymns, Hymn to Apollo 440). Likewise, Aphrodite appeared in shining garments, brighter than a fire and shimmering like the moon (Hymn to Aphrodite 85-89). When Demeter appeared to Metaneira, she initially looked like an old woman, but she transformed herself before her. “Casting old age away…a delightful perfume spread…a radiance shone out far from the goddess' immortal flesh…and the solid-made house was filled with a light like the lightning-flash”[45] (Hymn to Demeter 275-280). Homer wrote about Odysseus' transformation at the golden wand of Athena in which his clothes became clean, he became taller, and his skin looked younger. His son, Telemachus cried out, “Surely you are some god who rules the vaulting skies”[46] (Odyssey 16.206). Each time the observers conclude the transfigured person is a god. Resurrection & Ascension In defending the resurrection of Jesus, Theophilus of Antioch said, “[Y]ou believe that Hercules, who burned himself, lives; and that Aesculapius [Asclepius], who was struck with lightning, was raised”[47] (Autolycus 1.13). Although Hercules' physical body burnt, his transformed pneumatic body continued on as the poet Callimachus said, “under a Phrygian oak his limbs had been deified”[48] (Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis 159). Others thought Hercules ascended to heaven in his burnt body, which Asclepius subsequently healed (Lucian, Dialogue of the Gods 13). After his ascent, Diodorus relates how the people first sacrificed to him “as to a hero” then in Athens they began to honor him “with sacrifices like as to a god”[49] (The Historical Library 4.39). As for Asclepius, his ascension resulted in his deification as Cyprian said, “Aesculapius is struck by lightning, that he may rise into a god”[50] (On the Vanity of Idols 2). Romulus too “was torn to pieces by the hands of a hundred senators”[51] and after death ascended into heaven and received worship (Arnobius, Against the Heathen 1.41). Livy tells of how Romulus was “carried up on high by a whirlwind” and that immediately afterward “every man present hailed him as a god and son of a god”[52] (The Early History of Rome 1.16). As we can see from these three cases—Hercules, Asclepius, and Romulus—ascent into heaven was a common way of talking about deification. For Cicero, this was an obvious fact. People “who conferred outstanding benefits were translated to heaven through their fame and our gratitude”[53] (Nature 2.62). Consequently, Jesus' own resurrection and ascension would have triggered Gentiles to intuit his divinity. Commenting on the appearance of the immortalized Christ to the eleven in Galilee, Wendy Cotter said, “It is fair to say that the scene found in [Mat] 28:16-20 would be understood by a Greco-Roman audience, Jew or Gentile, as an apotheosis of Jesus.”[54] Although I beg to differ with Cotter's whole cloth inclusion of Jews here, it's hard to see how else non-Jews would have regarded the risen Christ. Litwa adds Rev 1.13-16 “[W]here he [Jesus] appears with all the accoutrements of the divine: a shining face, an overwhelming voice, luminescent clothing, and so on.”[55] In this brief survey we've seen that several key events in the story of Jesus told in the Gospels would have caused Greco-Roman hearers to intuit deity, including his divine conception, miracles, healing ministry, transfiguration, resurrection, and ascension. In their original context of second temple Judaism, these very same incidents would have resonated quite differently. His divine conception authenticated Jesus as the second Adam (Luke 3.38; Rom 5.14; 1 Cor 15.45) and God's Davidic son (2 Sam 7.14; Ps 2.7; Lk 1.32, 35). If Matthew or Luke wanted readers to understand that Jesus was divine based on his conception and birth, they failed to make such intentions explicit in the text. Rather, the birth narratives appear to have a much more modest aim—to persuade readers that Jesus had a credible claim to be Israel's messiah. His miracles show that “God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Spirit and with power…for God was with him” (Acts 10.38; cf. Jn 3.2; 10.32, 38). Rather than concluding Jesus to be a god, Jewish witnesses to his healing of a paralyzed man “glorified God, who had given such authority to men” (Mat 9.8). Over and over, especially in the Gospel of John, Jesus directs people's attention to his Father who was doing the works in and through him (Jn 5.19, 30; 8.28; 12.49; 14.10). Seeing Jesus raise someone from the dead suggested to his original Jewish audience that “a great prophet has arisen among us” (Lk 7.16). The transfiguration, in its original setting, is an eschatological vision not a divine epiphany. Placement in the synoptic Gospels just after Jesus' promise that some there would not die before seeing the kingdom come sets the hermeneutical frame. “The transfiguration,” says William Lane, “was a momentary, but real (and witnessed) manifestation of Jesus' sovereign power which pointed beyond itself to the Parousia, when he will come ‘with power and glory.'”[56] If eschatology is the foreground, the background for the transfiguration was Moses' ascent of Sinai when he also encountered God and became radiant.[57] Viewed from the lenses of Moses' ascent and the eschaton, the transfiguration of Jesus is about his identity as God's definitive chosen ruler, not about any kind of innate divinity. Lastly, the resurrection and ascension validated Jesus' messianic claims to be the ruler of the age to come (Acts 17.31; Rom 1.4). Rather than concluding Jesus was deity, early Jewish Christians concluded these events showed that “God has made him both Lord and Christ” (Acts 2.36). The interpretative backgrounds for Jesus' ascension were not stories about Heracles, Asclepius, or Romulus. No, the key oracle that framed the Israelite understanding was the messianic psalm in which Yahweh told David's Lord to “Sit at my right hand, until I make your enemies your footstool” (Psalm 110.1). The idea is of a temporary sojourn in heaven until exercising the authority of his scepter to rule over earth from Zion. Once again, the biblical texts remain completely silent about deification. But even if the original meanings of Jesus' birth, ministry, transfiguration, resurrection, and ascension have messianic overtones when interpreted within the Jewish milieu, these same stories began to communicate various ideas of deity to Gentile converts in the generations that followed. We find little snippets from historical sources beginning in the second century and growing with time. Evidence of Belief in Jesus' as a Greco-Roman Deity To begin with, we have two non-Christian instances where Romans regarded Jesus as a deity within typical Greco-Roman categories. The first comes to us from Tertullian and Eusebius who mention an intriguing story about Tiberius' request to the Roman senate to deify Christ. Convinced by “intelligence from Palestine of events which had clearly shown the truth of Christ's divinity”[58] Tiberius proposed the matter to the senate (Apology 5). Eusebius adds that Tiberius learned that “many believed him to be a god in rising from the dead”[59] (Church History 2.2). As expected, the senate rejected the proposal. I mention this story, not because I can establish its historicity, but because it portrays how Tiberius would have thought about Jesus if he had heard about his miracles and resurrection. Another important incident is from one of the governor Pliny the Younger's letters to the emperor Trajan. Having investigated some people accused of Christianity, he found “they had met regularly before dawn on a fixed day to chant verses alternately amongst themselves in honour of Christ as if to a god”[60] (Letter 96). To an outside imperial observer like Pliny, the Christians believed in a man who had performed miracles, defeated death, and now lived in heaven. Calling him a god was just the natural way of talking about such a person. Pliny would not have thought Jesus was superior to the deified Roman emperors much less Zeus or the Olympic gods. If he believed in Jesus at all, he would have regarded him as another Mediterranean prophet who escaped Hades to enjoy apotheosis. Another interesting text to consider is the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. This apocryphal text tells the story of Jesus' childhood between the ages of five and twelve. Jesus is impetuous, powerful, and brilliant. Unsure to conclude that Jesus was “either god or angel,”[61] his teacher remands him to Joseph's custody (7). Later, a crowd of onlookers ponders whether the child is a god or a heavenly messenger after he raises an infant from the dead (17). A year later Jesus raised a construction man who had fallen to his death back to life (18). Once again, the crowd asked if the child was from heaven. Although some historians are quick to assume the lofty conceptions of Justin and his successors about the logos were commonplace in the early Christianity, Litwa points out, “The spell of the Logos could only bewitch a very small circle of Christian elites… In IGT, we find a Jesus who is divine according to different canons, the canons of popular Mediterranean theology.”[62] Another important though often overlooked scholarly group of Christians in the second century was led by a certain Theodotus of Byzantium.[63] Typically referred to by their heresiological label “Theodotians,” these dynamic monarchians lived in Rome and claimed that they held to the original Christology before it had been corrupted under Bishop Zephyrinus (Eusebius, Church History 5.28). Theodotus believed in the virgin birth, but not in his pre-existence or that he was god/God (Pseudo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.35.1-2; 10.23.1-2). He thought that Jesus was not able to perform any miracles until his baptism when he received the Christ/Spirit. Pseudo-Hippolytus goes on to say, “But they do not want him to have become a god when the Spirit descended. Others say that he became a god after he rose from the dead.”[64] This last tantalizing remark implies that the Theodotians could affirm Jesus as a god after his resurrection though they denied his pre-existence. Although strict unitarians, they could regard Jesus as a god in that he was an ascended immortalized being who lived in heaven—not equal to the Father, but far superior to all humans on earth. Justin Martyr presents another interesting case to consider. Thoroughly acquainted with Greco-Roman literature and especially the philosophy of Plato, Justin sees Christ as a god whom the Father begot before all other creatures. He calls him “son, or wisdom, or angel, or god, or lord, or word”[65] (Dialogue with Trypho 61).  For Justin Christ is “at the same time angel and god and lord and man”[66] (59). Jesus was “of old the Word, appearing at one time in the form of fire, at another under the guise of incorporeal beings, but now, at the will of God, after becoming man for mankind”[67] (First Apology 63). In fact, Justin is quite comfortable to compare Christ to deified heroes and emperors. He says, “[W]e propose nothing new or different from that which you say about the so-called sons of Jupiter [Zeus] by your respected writers… And what about the emperors who die among you, whom you think worthy to be deified?”[68] (21). He readily accepts the parallels with Mercury, Perseus, Asclepius, Bacchus, and Hercules, but argues that Jesus is superior to them (22).[69] Nevertheless, he considered Jesus to be in “a place second to the unchanging and eternal God”[70] (13). The Father is “the Most True God” whereas the Son is he “who came forth from Him”[71] (6). Even as lates as Origen, Greco-Roman concepts of deity persist. In responding to Celsus' claim that no god or son of God has ever come down, Origen responds by stating such a statement would overthrow the stories of Pythian Apollo, Asclepius, and the other gods who descended (Against Celsus 5.2). My point here is not to say Origen believed in all the old myths, but to show how Origen reached for these stories as analogies to explain the incarnation of the logos. When Celsus argued that he would rather believe in the deity of Asclepius, Dionysus, and Hercules than Christ, Origen responded with a moral rather than ontological argument (3.42). He asks how these gods have improved the characters of anyone. Origen admits Celsus' argument “which places the forenamed individuals upon an equality with Jesus” might have force, however in light of the disreputable behavior of these gods, “how could you any longer say, with any show of reason, that these men, on putting aside their mortal body, became gods rather than Jesus?”[72] (3.42). Origen's Christology is far too broad and complicated to cover here. Undoubtedly, his work on eternal generation laid the foundation on which fourth century Christians could build homoousion Christology. Nevertheless, he retained some of the earlier subordinationist impulses of his forebearers. In his book On Prayer, he rebukes praying to Jesus as a crude error, instead advocating prayer to God alone (10). In his Commentary on John he repeatedly asserts that the Father is greater than his logos (1.40; 2.6; 6.23). Thus, Origen is a theologian on the seam of the times. He's both a subordinationist and a believer in the Son's eternal and divine ontology. Now, I want to be careful here. I'm not saying that all early Christians believed Jesus was a deified man like Asclepius or a descended god like Apollo or a reincarnated soul like Pythagoras. More often than not, thinking Christians whose works survive until today tended to eschew the parallels, simultaneously elevating Christ as high as possible while demoting the gods to mere demons. Still, Litwa is inciteful when he writes: It seems likely that early Christians shared the widespread cultural assumption that a resurrected, immortalized being was worthy of worship and thus divine. …Nonetheless there is a difference…Jesus, it appears, was never honored as an independent deity. Rather, he was always worshiped as Yahweh's subordinate. Naturally Heracles and Asclepius were Zeus' subordinates, but they were also members of a larger divine family. Jesus does not enter a pantheon but assumes a distinctive status as God's chief agent and plenipotentiary. It is this status that, to Christian insiders, placed Jesus in a category far above the likes of Heracles, Romulus, and Asclepius who were in turn demoted to the rank of δαίμονες [daimons].[73] Conclusion I began by asking the question, "What did early Christians mean by saying Jesus is god?" We noted that the ancient idea of agency (Jesus is God/god because he represents Yahweh), though present in Hebrew and Christian scripture, didn't play much of a role in how Gentile Christians thought about Jesus. Or if it did, those texts did not survive. By the time we enter the postapostolic era, a majority of Christianity was Gentile and little communication occurred with the Jewish Christians that survived in the East. As such, we turned our attention to Greco-Roman theology to tune our ears to hear the story of Jesus the way they would have. We learned about their multifaceted array of divinities. We saw that gods can come down and take the form of humans and humans can go up and take the form of gods. We found evidence for this kind of thinking in both non-Christian and Christian sources in the second and third centuries. Now it is time to return to the question I began with: “When early Christian authors called Jesus “god” what did they mean?” We saw that the idea of a deified man was present in the non-Christian witnesses of Tiberius and Pliny but made scant appearance in our Christian literature except for the Theodotians. As for the idea that a god came down to become a man, we found evidence in The Infancy Gospel of Thomas, Justin, and Origen.[74] Of course, we find a spectrum within this view, from Justin's designation of Jesus as a second god to Origen's more philosophically nuanced understanding. Still, it's worth noting as R. P. C. Hanson observed that, “With the exception of Athanasius virtually every theologian, East and West, accepted some form of subordinationism at least up to the year 355.”[75] Whether any Christians before Alexander and Athanasius of Alexandria held to the sophisticated idea of consubstantiality depends on showing evidence of the belief that the Son was coequal, coeternal, and coessential with the Father prior to Nicea. (Readers interested in the case for this view should consult Michael Bird's Jesus among the Gods in which he attempted the extraordinary feat of finding proto-Nicene Christology in the first two centuries, a task typically associated with maverick apologists not peer-reviewed historians.) In conclusion, the answer to our driving question about the meaning of “Jesus as god” is that the answer depends on whom we ask. If we ask the Theodotians, Jesus is a god because that's just what one calls an immortalized man who lives in heaven.[76] If we ask those holding a docetic Christology, the answer is that a god came down in appearance as a man. If we ask a logos subordinationist, they'll tell us that Jesus existed as the god through whom the supreme God created the universe before he became a human being. If we ask Tertullian, Jesus is god because he derives his substance from the Father, though he has a lesser portion of divinity.[77] If we ask Athanasius, he'll wax eloquent about how Jesus is of the same substance as the Father equal in status and eternality. The bottom line is that there was not one answer to this question prior to the fourth century. Answers depend on whom we ask and when they lived. Still, we can't help but wonder about the more tantalizing question of development. Which Christology was first and which ones evolved under social, intellectual, and political pressures? In the quest to specify the various stages of development in the Christologies of the ante-Nicene period, this Greco-Roman perspective may just provide the missing link between the reserved and limited way that the NT applies theos to Jesus in the first century and the homoousian view that eventually garnered imperial support in the fourth century. How easy would it have been for fresh converts from the Greco-Roman world to unintentionally mishear the story of Jesus? How easy would it have been for them to fit Jesus into their own categories of descended gods and ascended humans? With the unmooring of Gentile Christianity from its Jewish heritage, is it any wonder that Christologies began to drift out to sea? Now I'm not suggesting that all Christians went through a steady development from a human Jesus to a pre-existent Christ, to an eternal God the Son, to the Chalcedonian hypostatic union. As I mentioned above, plenty of other options were around and every church had its conservatives in addition to its innovators. The story is messy and uneven with competing views spread across huge geographic distances. Furthermore, many Christians probably were content to leave such theological nuances fuzzy, rather than seeking doctrinal precision on Christ's relation to his God and Father. Whatever the case may be, we dare not ignore the influence of Greco-Roman theology in our accounts of Christological development in the Mediterranean world of the first three centuries.    Bibliography The Homeric Hymns. Translated by Michael Crudden. New York, NY: Oxford, 2008. Antioch, Theophilus of. To Autolycus. Translated by Marcus Dods. Vol. 2. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001. Aphrahat. The Demonstrations. Translated by Ellen Muehlberger. Vol. 3. The Cambridge Edition of Early Christian Writings. 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End Notes [1] For the remainder of this paper, I will use the lower case “god” for all references to deity outside of Yahweh, the Father of Christ. I do this because all our ancient texts lack capitalization and our modern capitalization rules imply a theology that is anachronistic and unhelpful for the present inquiry. [2] Christopher Kaiser wrote, “Explicit references to Jesus as ‘God' in the New Testament are very few, and even those few are generally plagued with uncertainties of either text or interpretation.” Christopher B. Kaiser, The Doctrine of God: A Historical Survey (London: Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1982), 29. Other scholars such as Raymond Brown (Jesus: God and Man), Jason David BeDuhn (Truth in Translation), and Brian Wright (“Jesus as θεός: A Textual Examination” in Revisiting the Corruption of the New Testament) have expressed similar sentiments. [3] John 20.28; Hebrews 1.8; Titus 2.13; 2 Peter 1.1; Romans 9.5; and 1 John 5.20. [4] See Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians 12.2 where a manuscript difference determines whether or not Polycarp called Jesus god or lord. Textual corruption is most acute in Igantius' corpus. Although it's been common to dismiss the long recension as an “Arian” corruption, claiming the middle recension to be as pure and uncontaminated as freshly fallen snow upon which a foot has never trodden, such an uncritical view is beginning to give way to more honest analysis. See Paul Gilliam III's Ignatius of Antioch and the Arian Controversy (Leiden: Brill, 2017) for a recent treatment of Christological corruption in the middle recension. [5] See the entries for  אֱלֹהִיםand θεός in the Hebrew Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (HALOT), the Brown Driver Briggs Lexicon (BDB), Eerdmans Dictionary, Kohlenberger/Mounce Concise Hebrew-Aramaic Dictionary of the Old Testament, the Bauer Danker Arndt Gingrich Lexicon (BDAG), Friberg Greek Lexicon, and Thayer's Greek Lexicon. [6] See notes on Is 9.6 and Ps 45.6. [7] ZIBBC: “In what sense can the king be called “god”? By virtue of his divine appointment, the king in the ancient Near East stood before his subjects as a representative of the divine realm. …In fact, the term “gods“ (ʾelōhı̂m) is used of priests who functioned as judges in the Israelite temple judicial system (Ex. 21:6; 22:8-9; see comments on 58:1; 82:6-7).” John W. Hilber, “Psalms,” in The Minor Prophets, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, vol. 5 of Zondervan Illustrated Bible Backgrounds Commentary: Old Testament. ed. John H. Walton (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2009), 358. [8] Around a.d. 340, Aphrahat of Persia advised his fellow Christians to reply to Jewish critics who questioned why “You call a human being ‘God'” (Demonstrations 17.1). He said, “For the honored name of the divinity is granted event ot rightoues human beings, when they are worthy of being called by it…[W]hen he chose Moses, his friend and his beloved…he called him “god.” …We call him God, just as he named Moses with his own name…The name of the divinity was granted for great honor in the world. To whom he wishes, God appoints it” (17.3, 4, 5). Aphrahat, The Demonstrations, trans., Ellen Muehlberger, vol. 3, The Cambridge Edition of Early Christian Writings (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2022), 213-15. In the Clementine Recognitions we find a brief mention of the concept:  “Therefore the name God is applied in three ways: either because he to whom it is given is truly God, or because he is the servant of him who is truly; and for the honour of the sender, that his authority may be full, he that is sent is called by the name of him who sends, as is often done in respect of angels: for when they appear to a man, if he is a wise and intelligent man, he asks the name of him who appears to him, that he may acknowledge at once the honour of the sent, and the authority of the sender” (2.42). Pseudo-Clement, Recognitions, trans., Thomas Smith, vol. 8, Ante Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [9] Michael F. Bird, Jesus among the Gods (Waco, TX: Baylor, 2022), 13. [10] Andrew Perriman, In the Form of a God, Studies in Early Christology, ed. David Capes Michael Bird, and Scott Harrower (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2022), 130. [11] Paula Fredriksen, "How High Can Early High Christology Be?," in Monotheism and Christology in Greco-Roman Antiquity, ed. Matthew V. Novenson, vol. 180 (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 296, 99. [12] ibid. [13] See Gen 18.1; Ex 3.2; 24.11; Is 6.1; Ezk 1.28. [14] Compare the Masoretic Text of Psalm 8.6 to the Septuagint and Hebrews 2.7. [15] Homer, The Odyssey, trans., Robert Fagles (New York, NY: Penguin, 1997), 370. [16] Diodorus Siculus, The Historical Library, trans., Charles Henry Oldfather, vol. 1 (Sophron Editor, 2017), 340. [17] Uranus met death at the brutal hands of his own son, Kronos who emasculated him and let bleed out, resulting in his deification (Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 1.10). Later on, after suffering a fatal disease, Kronos himself experienced deification, becoming the planet Saturn (ibid.). Zeus married Hera and they produced Osiris (Dionysus), Isis (Demeter), Typhon, Apollo, and Aphrodite (ibid. 2.1). [18] Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, Greek Theology, trans., George Boys-Stones, Greek Theology, Fragments, and Testimonia (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2018), 123. [19] Apollodorus, The Library of Greek Mythology, trans., Robin Hard (Oxford, UK: Oxford, 1998), 111. [20] Pausanias, Guide to Greece, trans., Peter Levi (London, UK: Penguin, 1979), 98. [21] Strabo, The Geography, trans., Duane W. Roller (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2020), 281. [22] Psuedo-Clement, Homilies, trans., Peter Peterson, vol. 8, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1897). Greek: “αὐτὸν δὲ ὡς θεὸν ἐθρήσκευσαν” from Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Graeca, taken from Accordance (PSCLEMH-T), OakTree Software, Inc., 2018, Version 1.1. [23] See Barry Blackburn, Theios Aner and the Markan Miracle Traditions (Tübingen, Germany: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991), 32. [24] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers, trans., Pamela Mensch (New York, NY: Oxford, 2020), 39. [25] Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Thomas Taylor, Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras (Delhi, IN: Zinc Read, 2023), 2. [26] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library (Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988), 142. [27] See the list in Blackburn, 39. He corroborates miracle stories from Diogenus Laertius, Iamblichus, Apollonius, Nicomachus, and Philostratus. [28] Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library (Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988), 128-9. [29] Iamblichus,  68. [30] What I call “resurrection” refers to the phrase, “Thou shalt bring back from Hades a dead man's strength.” Diogenes Laertius 8.2.59, trans. R. D. Hicks. [31] Laertius, "Lives of the Eminent Philosophers," 306. Two stories of his deification survive: in one Empedocles disappears in the middle of the night after hearing an extremely loud voice calling his name. After this the people concluded that they should sacrifice to him since he had become a god (8.68). In the other account, Empedocles climbs Etna and leaps into the fiery volcanic crater “to strengthen the rumor that he had become a god” (8.69). [32] Pausanias,  192. Sextus Empiricus says Asclepius raised up people who had died at Thebes as well as raising up the dead body of Tyndaros (Against the Professors 1.261). [33] Cicero adds that the Arcadians worship Asclepius (Nature 3.57). [34] In another instance, he confronted and cast out a demon from a licentious young man (Life 4.20). [35] The phrase is “περὶ ἐμοῦ καὶ θεοῖς εἴρηται ὡς περὶ θείου ἀνδρὸς.” Philostratus, Letters of Apollonius, vol. 458, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 2006). [36] See George Hart, The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses, 2nd ed. (Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2005), 3. [37] Plutarch, Life of Alexander, trans., Ian Scott-Kilvert and Timothy E. Duff, The Age of Alexander (London, UK: Penguin, 2011), 311. Arrian includes a story about Anaxarchus advocating paying divine honors to Alexander through prostration. The Macedonians refused but the Persian members of his entourage “rose from their seats and one by one grovelled on the floor before the King.” Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, trans., Aubrey De Sélincourt (London, UK: Penguin, 1971), 222. [38] Translation my own from “Ἀντίοχος ὁ Θεὸς Δίκαιος Ἐπιφανὴς Φιλορωμαῖος Φιλέλλην.” Inscription at Nemrut Dağ, accessible at https://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm32. See also https://zeugma.packhum.org/pdfs/v1ch09.pdf. [39] Greek taken from W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. 2 (Hildesheim: Olms, 1960), 48-60. Of particular note is the definite article before θεός. They didn't celebrate the birthday of a god, but the birthday of the god. [40] Appian, The Civil Wars, trans., John Carter (London, UK: Penguin, 1996), 149. [41] M. David Litwa, Iesus Deus (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014), 20. [42] ibid. [43] Blackburn, 92-3. [44] The Homeric Hymns, trans., Michael Crudden (New York, NY: Oxford, 2008), 38. [45] "The Homeric Hymns," 14. [46] Homer,  344. [47] Theophilus of Antioch, To Autolycus, trans., Marcus Dods, vol. 2, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). [48] Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, trans., Susan A. Stephens, Callimachus: The Hymns (New York, NY: Oxford, 2015), 119. [49] Siculus,  234. [50] Cyprian, Treatise 6: On the Vanity of Idols, trans., Ernest Wallis, vol. 5, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995). [51] Arnobius, Against the Heathen, trans., Hamilton Bryce and Hugh Campbell, vol. 6, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995). [52] Livy, The Early History of Rome, trans., Aubrey De Sélincourt (London, UK: Penguin, 2002), 49. [53] Cicero, The Nature of the Gods, trans., Patrick Gerard Walsh (Oxford, UK: Oxford, 2008), 69. [54] Wendy Cotter, "Greco-Roman Apotheosis Traditions and the Resurrection Appearances in Matthew," in The Gospel of Matthew in Current Study, ed. David E. Aune (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), 149. [55] Litwa, 170. [56] William L. Lane, The Gospel of Mark, Nicnt, ed. F. F. Bruce Ned B. Stonehouse, and Gordon D. Fee (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1974). [57] “Recent commentators have stressed that the best background for understanding the Markan transfiguration is the story of Moses' ascent up Mount Sinai (Exod. 24 and 34).” Litwa, 123. [58] Tertullian, Apology, trans. S. Thelwall, vol. 3, Ante-Nicene Fathers, ed. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [59] Eusebius, The Church History, trans. Paul L. Maier (Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2007), 54. [60] Pliny the Younger, The Letters of the Younger Pliny, trans., Betty Radice (London: Penguin, 1969), 294. [61] Pseudo-Thomas, Infancy Gospel of Thomas, trans., James Orr (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1903), 25. [62] Litwa, 83. [63] For sources on Theodotus, see Pseduo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.35.1-2; 10.23.1-2; Pseudo-Tertullian, Against All Heresies 8.2; Eusebius, Church History 5.28. [64] Pseudo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, trans., David Litwa (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2016), 571. [65] I took the liberty to decapitalize these appellatives. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, trans. Thomas B. Falls (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2003), 244. [66] Justin Martyr, 241. (Altered, see previous footnote.) [67] Justin Martyr, 102. [68] Justin Martyr, 56-7. [69] Arnobius makes a similar argument in Against the Heathen 1.38-39 “Is he not worthy to be called a god by us and felt to be a god on account of the favor or such great benefits? For if you have enrolled Liber among the gods because he discovered the use of wine, and Ceres the use of bread, Aesculapius the use of medicines, Minerva the use of oil, Triptolemus plowing, and Hercules because he conquered and restrained beasts, thieves, and the many-headed hydra…So then, ought we not to consider Christ a god, and to bestow upon him all the worship due to his divinity?” Translation from Litwa, 105. [70] Justin Martyr, 46. [71] Justin Martyr, 39. [72] Origen, Against Celsus, trans. Frederick Crombie, vol. 4, The Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [73] Litwa, 173. [74] I could easily multiply examples of this by looking at Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and many others. [75] The obvious exception to Hanson's statement were thinkers like Sabellius and Praxeas who believed that the Father himself came down as a human being. R. P. C. Hanson, Search for a Christian Doctrine of God (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007), xix. [76] Interestingly, even some of the biblical unitarians of the period were comfortable with calling Jesus god, though they limited his divinity to his post-resurrection life. [77] Tertullian writes, “[T]he Father is not the same as the Son, since they differ one from the other in the mode of their being. For the Father is the entire substance, but the Son is a derivation and portion of the whole, as He Himself acknowledges: “My Father is greater than I.” In the Psalm His inferiority is described as being “a little lower than the angels.” Thus the Father is distinct from the Son, being greater than the Son” (Against Praxeas 9). Tertullian, Against Praxeas, trans., Holmes, vol. 3, Ante Nice Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003).

The story of Lycaon (also spelled Lykaion, Lykaon) has been told by many dating back to Ancient Greece, where it was attested in works like Pausanias' Description of Greece, Apollodorus' Library, and Hyginus' Astronomica, and across centuries and civilizations through works like Ovid's masterpiece Metamorphoses. Lycaon's attempt to deceive the gods leads to a terrifying transformation, which many have described as the oldest depiction of a werewolf, wolf-man, or lycanthrope. The story of Lycaon, his test of the god Zeus, and his transformation as punishment is not just a great scary story; it provides insight into Ancient Greek customs of morality such hubris and as hospitality (Xenia.) Like the best of gothic and modern horror, the story of Lycaon explores the fine line between man and monster. All revenue for the month following the release of this video will be donated to SAFE Project US, supporting recovery for those struggling with addiction. Mythos & Logos are two ancient words that can be roughly translated as “Story & Meaning.” Support the channel by subscribing, liking, and commenting to join the conversation! Support the channel financially through your generous Patreon donation: patreon.com/mythosandlogos Cline, Austin. "Method of Sacrifice in Ancient Greece." Learn Religions. https://www.learnreligions.com/method... Paphitis, Nicholas. "Ancient Teenage Skeleton Unearthed on Mountain Top Could Confirm Darkest Greek Legend." Ekathimerini. https://www.ekathimerini.com/culture/... SAFE Project US: https://www.safeproject.us Mount Lykaion Excavation & Survey Project: https://www.lykaionexcavation.org The purpose of this channel is to share the important stories at the foundation of human cultures throughout history. These include mythology, legends, folktales, religious stories, and parables from the dawn of history to the modern day. This channel provides interpretations and insight into these stories, to find and apply their meaning to contemporary life. All stories covered are treated academically. This channel makes no claims regarding the historical, scientific, or religious truth of these tales. Rather, its goal is to find the meanings understood by their authors and apply them to the modern world. Thumbnail image generated via use of artificial intelligence. Ambiment - The Ambient by Kevin MacLeod is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution license.

With some of the foundational myths behind us, let's go on a little tour of our Solar System and see just how Greco-Roman mythology inspired the names of our planets and moons! Along the way, we have time for plenty of tangents on planetary exploration, Planet X and Indo-Europeans! Sources for this episode: Bond, P. (2022), Solar Surveyors: Observing the Sun from Space. Chichester: Springer in association with Praxis Publishing. Cooke. T. (1728), The Works of Hesiod, Translated from the Greek (Volume II). London: Printed by N. Blandford. Dietz, R. S. and Holden, J. C. (1970), The Breakup of Pangaea. Scientific American 223(4): 30-41. The Editors, Encyclopedia Britannica (2023), Ares (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. The Editors, Encyclopedia Britannica (2023), Charon (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. The Editors, Encyclopedia Britannica (2023), Cosimo II (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. The Editors, Encyclopedia Britannica (2023), Selene (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Evelyn-White, H. G. (1943), Hesiod: The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. London: William Heinemann Ltd. Fry, S. (2017, 1st edition), Mythos: The Greek Myths Retold (eBook). London: Penguin Books Ltd. Gill, N. S., ThoughtCo (updated 2019), Table of Roman Equivalents of Greek Gods (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Guerber, H. A. (1929), The Myths of Greece & Rome: Their Stories Signification and Origin. London: George G. Harrap & Company Ltd. Hind, J. R. (1852), The Solar System: A Descriptive Treatise Upon the Sun, Moon and Planets, Including An Announce of all the Recent Discoveries. New York: Geo. P. Putnam. Howe, A. R. (2022), Cloud Continents: Terraforming Venus Efficiently by Means of a Floating Artificial Surface. Kavelaars, J. J. and Delsemme, A. H., Encyclopedia Britannica (2023), Kuiper Belt (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Konow, S. (1925), Indo-European Religious Ideas in Ancient India. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 6(2): 59-66. Landis, G. A. (2020), Settling Venus: A City in the Clouds? ASCEND 2020: Transformative Technologies for Space Exploration II. Lemonick, M. D. (2016), The Search for Planet X. Scientific American 314(2): 30-37. Main, W. H. (1824), The Tusculan Disuptations of Cicero. London: W. Pickering. Murray, A. T. (1954), Homer The Iliad, with an English Translation (Volume I). Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press and William Heinemann Ltd. Murray, A. T. (1954), Homer The Iliad, with an English Translation (Volume II). Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press and William Heinemann Ltd. Norris, R. P. and Norris, B. R. M. (pre-print, date unknown), Why are there Seven Sisters? Oldfather, C. H., LascusCurtis (date unknown), Diodorus Siculus Book IV, 59-85 (end) (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Renfrew, C. (1989), The Origins of Indo-European Languages. Scientific American 261(4): 106-115. Szocik, K., Wójtowicz, T. and Baran, L. (2017), War or peace? The possible scenarios of colonising Mars. Space Policy 42: 31-36. Trzaskoma, S. M. and Scott Smith, R. (2007), Apollodorus' Library and Hyginus' Fabulae: Two Handbooks of Greek Mythology. Indianapolis, Indiana: Hackett Publishing Company, Incorporated. Van Helden, A. (1994), Naming the Satellites of Jupiter and Saturn. H.A.D. News 32. Veverka, J. (1977), Phobos and Deimos. Scientific American 236(2): 30-37. Author unknown, NASA (date unknown), Moons of Our Solar System (online, plus pages springing from it) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Author unknown, NASA (date unknown), The Planets (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Asteroid belt, Caelus, Janus, Pleiades, Pleione, Thalassa and 10 Hygiea (online) [Accessed 24/10/2023]. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Earth (online) [Accessed 29/10/2023].

As Seneca's Thyests continues, Atreus finalizes his plan for revenge and Thyestes returns home to Argolis with his beloved children. Help keep LTAMB going by subscribing to Liv's Patreon for bonus content! CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. And this one features infanticide and cannibalism... Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing. Sources: Seneca's Thyestes, primarily the version translation by Emily Wilson with long passages quoted from the Frank Justus Miller; Hyginus' Fabulae; Theoi.com entry on Erinyes and quote from Ovid's Metamorphoses. Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's time to return to Seneca and the play whose only woman character is a goddess of vengeance. Tantalus' cursed grandsons are about to f**k things up. Help keep LTAMB going by subscribing to Liv's Patreon for bonus content! CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing. Sources: Seneca's Thyestes, primarily the version translation by Emily Wilson with long passages quoted from the Frank Justus Miller; Hyginus' Fabulae. Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Saint of the Day Podcast, a service of Good Catholic and The Catholic Company. Today's featured saint is Pope St. Hyginus.  If you like what you heard, share this podcast with someone you know, and make sure to subscribe!

Do small statues found in Japan indicate that sushi, tea and kimonos originate from otherworldly beings.  Atlantis, according to Plato this mythic land would be outside the pillars of Heracles, but could he have been wrong? Did aliens try to contact us in Japan by drifting ashore in a hollow boat in 1803 with a box some might say contained a super computer? Our host Fredrik continues the mission to discover what is genuine, fake, and somewhere in between on the TV-show Ancient Aliens. In this episode we will start our journey into season 2 and an episode about underwater worlds. So put on that scuba gear and let's dive straight on to it. We are joined this week by none other than Tehya (TK) from “For the love of history”. Podcaster by night, teacher by day and former Atlantis hunter. Her knowledge about Japanese history is amazing and she provides this episode with a lot of great knowledge nuggets. If you want to hear more from Tehya you can find her podcast on https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/for-the-love-of-history/id1506003489 (Apple), https://www.amazon.com/For-the-Love-of-History/dp/B08JJRNH7D (Amazon), https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5jYXB0aXZhdGUuZm0vZm9yLXRoZS1sb3ZlLW9mLWhpc3Rvcnkv?sa=X&ved=0CAMQ4aUDahcKEwiAofG7taf2AhUAAAAAHQAAAAAQAQ&hl=sv (Google )Podcast or any other player. You can follow her on https://www.instagram.com/accounts/login/?next=/fortheloveof_historypodcast/ (Instagram), https://twitter.com/fortheloveofhi3 (twitter )or check out her https://www.patreon.com/fortheloveofhistorypodcast (patreon). According to signals from outer space there might also be a https://www.fortheloveofhistorypodcast.com/home (website that you find right here). We did talk about a painting in the episode and it did turn out to be an old school poster. Unfortunately it's not within the public domain but https://www.lookandlearn.com/history-images/A010285/Primitive-men-hunting-a-rhinoceros (it can be found here )if you are curious.  In this water themed episode we did cover these little topics: Atlantis Bermuda Triangle Yonaguni monument Utsuro-bune Dogu figures Jamon Culture India's sunken cities Lake Titicaca's sunken temple Sources, resources and further reading suggestionsFeder, K.L. (2020). Frauds, myths, and mysteries : science and pseudoscience in archaeology. New York: Oxford University Press. Mit.edu. (2009). The Internet Classics Archive | Timaeus by Plato. [online] Available at: http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/timaeus.html (http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/timaeus.html) . Mit.edu. (2009). The Internet Classics Archive | Critias by Plato. [online] Available at: http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/critias.html (http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/critias.html).  https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332031766_Cities_under_the_Mediterranean (Muckelroy, K. (1980). Archeology underwater : an atlas of the world's submerged sites. New York: Mcgraw-Hill. pp. 162 - 177.) Fitzpatrick-Matthews, K. (2012). An underwater city west of Cuba. [online] Available at: https://badarchaeology.wordpress.com/2012/10/28/an-underwater-city-west-of-cuba/ (https://badarchaeology.wordpress.com/2012/10/28/an-underwater-city-west-of-cuba/). April Holloway (2014). What Happened to the Sunken City of Cuba? [online] Ancient-origins.net. Available at: https://www.ancient-origins.net/ancient-places-americas/what-happened-sunken-city-cuba-001883.%E2%80%8C (https://www.ancient-origins.net/ancient-places-americas/what-happened-sunken-city-cuba-001883.‌)  Theoi.com. (2017). APOLLODORUS, THE LIBRARY BOOK 1 - Theoi Classical Texts Library. [online] Available at: https://www.theoi.com/Text/Apollodorus1.html (https://www.theoi.com/Text/Apollodorus1.html).  1.4.1 www.theoi.com. (n.d.). HYGINUS, FABULAE 50-99 - Theoi Classical Texts Library. [online] Available at: https://www.theoi.com/Text/HyginusFabulae2.html (https://www.theoi.com/Text/HyginusFabulae2.html). 53 NOAA. Historical Maps and Charts

In Part 1 of Women and Wool Working in the Ancient Roman Empire, we discussed the practical matters of textile production in domestic and commercial contexts. In this second episode, we look at the performative ways that textile production was used to construct women's identities. This includes the incorporation of textile tools and production into rites of passage such as marriage, childbirth, and death as a symbol of the virtuous matron. We further discuss religious use and association of textile production through the stories of the Fates, Arachne, and the Virgin Mary. We then come around to weave the rest of the narrative together: could the piece that fits in the women-shaped hole of textile production in ancient Rome be... women?This episode is dedicated in loving memory of Laura Callahan-Hazard and Sigrid Steinbock, both enthusiastic supporters of Morgan's dissertation, themselves both textile artists, and who both had wanted to read Morgan's dissertation but left this world too soon.Links:Morgan's dissertationEpisode 34: Women and Wool Working in the Ancient Roman Empire, Part 1Trinkl, Elisabeth. 2004. "Zum Wirkungskreis einer kleinasiatischen Matrona anhand ausgewählter Funde aus dem Hanghaus 2 in Ephesos." In Jahreshefte des Österreichischen archäologischen Instituts in Wien. 73:281-303Roman version of the Arachne Myth by Ovid, The Metamorphoses VI Content Warning: suicide, oblique mentions to rape, gods being jerks to mortalsRoman description of the three fates or Parcae by Catullus, 64, scroll down to line 305.Roman version of the Europa Myth by Ovid, The Metamorphoses, II, 833-875 Content Warning: abduction, gods taking other forms to seduce women, gods being jerks to mortalsA summary of the mythology of Leda and the Swan, very brief Roman summary in Hyginus, Fabulae 77, scroll down to § 77. Content Warning: rape, gods taking other forms to seduce women, gods being jerks to mortalsRoman version of the Danae Myth by Hyginus, Fabulae 63, scroll down to § 63. Content Warning: rape, gods taking other forms to seduce women, gods being jerks to mortals

Sermon on the feast of Saint Hyginus

Anton Hyginus is back and he has had some time to develop his business and build on ideas that Michael offered him during his last session. Their conversation moves wildly from reaching people with his new album, collaborating in virtual offices, golf, trust, politics, addiction, christianity, learning, statistics and fate. This one is a genuine ride of chat, please enjoy. Connect With Our Guest: • Website• LinkedIn Connect With Get A Grip On Life: • Website• Facebook• Twitter• Instagram Connect With Michael Colligan: • Twitter• Instagram• LinkedIn

Dapatkan inspirasi daripada Ikon Guru Kebangsaan ini yang sangat proaktif dalam penerbitan dan kajian tindakan.

War Eigentum an Grund und Boden erst einmal in der Welt, musste es auch vermessbar sein. Feldmessung war und ist seither eine Praxis, die mit vielfachen Implikationen verbunden ist - darunter mit mathematischen sowie mit juristischen. Der vorliegende Salon-Beitrag begibt sich zurück in die römische Antike und befasst sich mit dem "Feldmessbuch" des Hyginus, eines Fachschriftstellers aus dem ersten Jahrhundert n.Chr. Darin behandelt er die Festlegung von Grenzlinien (liber gromaticus de limitibus constituendis) sowohl nach mathematischen Aspekten als auch nach juristischen. Für die Mathematik aus wissenschaftshistorischer Perspektive spricht der Mathematik- und Wissenschaftshistoriker Prof. Dr. Eberhard Knobloch und für die juristischen Gesichtspunkte die Rechtswissenschaftlerin Prof. Dr. Cosima Möller. Und da der Text in lateinischer Sprache verfasst wurde, widmet sich der Lastinist Dr. Jens-Olaf Lindermann den philologischen Aspekten. Den Originalbeitrag und mehr finden Sie bitte hier: https://lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de/jens_olaf_lindermann_eberhard_knobloch_und_cosima_moeller_...so_gieng_es_mir_doch_wie_der_bierfi_edlern_wenn_sie_eine_rechte_musik_zu_hoeren_bekommen_das_feldmesserbuch_des_hyginus?nav_id=8328

War Eigentum an Grund und Boden erst einmal in der Welt, musste es auch vermessbar sein. Feldmessung war und ist seither eine Praxis, die mit vielfachen Implikationen verbunden ist - darunter mit mathematischen sowie mit juristischen. Der vorliegende Salon-Beitrag begibt sich zurück in die römische Antike und befasst sich mit dem "Feldmessbuch" des Hyginus, eines Fachschriftstellers aus dem ersten Jahrhundert n.Chr. Darin behandelt er die Festlegung von Grenzlinien (liber gromaticus de limitibus constituendis) sowohl nach mathematischen Aspekten als auch nach juristischen. Für die Mathematik aus wissenschaftshistorischer Perspektive spricht der Mathematik- und Wissenschaftshistoriker Prof. Dr. Eberhard Knobloch und für die juristischen Gesichtspunkte die Rechtswissenschaftlerin Prof. Dr. Cosima Möller. Und da der Text in lateinischer Sprache verfasst wurde, widmet sich der Lastinist Dr. Jens-Olaf Lindermann den philologischen Aspekten. Den Originalbeitrag und mehr finden Sie bitte hier: https://lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de/jens_olaf_lindermann_eberhard_knobloch_und_cosima_moeller_...so_gieng_es_mir_doch_wie_der_bierfi_edlern_wenn_sie_eine_rechte_musik_zu_hoeren_bekommen_das_feldmesserbuch_des_hyginus?nav_id=8328

Gemini: Castor and Polydeuces, the twin brothers of Clytemnestra and Helen, sons of Leda, Zeus, and Tyndareus (because Greek mythology).CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing.Sponsor! Lola, for 40% off all subscriptions, visit mylola.com and enter MYTHSBABY when you subscribe.Sources: Mythology by Edith Hamilton, The Greek Myths by Robert Graves, Theoi.com, The Library of Greek Mythology by Apollodorus and translated by Robin Hard, and Constellation Myths by Eratosthenes and Hyginus, translated by Robin Hard.Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Gemini: Castor and Polydeuces, the twin brothers of Clytemnestra and Helen, sons of Leda, Zeus, and Tyndareus (because Greek mythology). CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing. Sponsor! Lola, for 40% off all subscriptions, visit mylola.com and enter MYTHSBABY when you subscribe. Sources: Mythology by Edith Hamilton, The Greek Myths by Robert Graves, Theoi.com, The Library of Greek Mythology by Apollodorus and translated by Robin Hard, and Constellation Myths by Eratosthenes and Hyginus, translated by Robin Hard. Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

We're back to the Zodiac! In this episode we're covering both Aquarius and Pisces. Ganymede, Zeus' cup-bearer and a couple'a fish.CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing.Sources: The Greek Myths by Robert Graves, Constellation Myths by Eratosthenes and Hyginus, with Aratus' Phaenomena, translated by Robin Hard.Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We're back to the Zodiac! In this episode we're covering both Aquarius and Pisces. Ganymede, Zeus' cup-bearer and a couple'a fish. CW/TW: far too many Greek myths involve assault. Given it's fiction, and typically involves gods and/or monsters, I'm not as deferential as I would be were I referencing the real thing. Sources: The Greek Myths by Robert Graves, Constellation Myths by Eratosthenes and Hyginus, with Aratus' Phaenomena, translated by Robin Hard. Attributions and licensing information for music used in the podcast can be found here: mythsbaby.com/sources-attributions. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Legendary Passages #0097 -XXIII ARGO- Fables of the Argo, from the Fables of Hyginus. Previously, the Argonauts launched from Iolcus, getting sidetracked by the women of Lemnos. In this passage... Mythology read aloud in twelve minute serials. Think ancient legends told as bedtime stories....

Hello Listener! Thank you for listening. If you would like to support the podcast, and keep the lights on, you can support us whenever you use Amazon through the link below: It will not cost you anything extra, and I can not see who purchased what. Or you can become a Fluffle Supporter by donating through Patreon.com at the link below: Patreon/Hare of the Rabbit What's this Patreon? Patreon is an established online platform that allows fans to provide regular financial support to creators. Patreon was created by a musician who needed a easy way for fans to support his band. What do you need? Please support Hare of the Rabbit Podcast financially by becoming a Patron. Patrons agree to a regular contribution, starting at $1 per episode. Patreon.com takes a token amount as a small processing fee, but most of your money will go directly towards supporting the Hare of the Rabbit Podcast. You can change or stop your payments at any time. You can also support by donating through PayPal.com at the link below: Hare of the Rabbit PayPal The links below are to a shops with items with the Hare of the Rabbit Podcast Logo. There are items such as mugs, stickers, and t-shirts. Your purchases support the podcast! Thank you for the support! Click here to go directly to the store. new RBExternalPortfolio('www.redbubble.com', 'hareoftherabbit', 4, 4).renderIframe(); http://tee.pub/lic/PS7QqY1xC7Q Thank you for your support, Jeff Hittinger.     I took a month long hiatus to be able to search for a new job, and enjoy the summer. I was laid off at the end of June from the company I worked for, for over 9 years. I have licked my wounds and I am ready to get back to the podcast, and I am still searching for a new position. Over the break I traveled to the Outer Banks were the water was crystal clear during our stay, as well as a visit to Washington DC to check out the museums. Today we are going to look at rabbits in Greek culture. We have an exchange student from Greece staying with us, and we will have a brief interview about her perspectives on rabbits and hares. Now with Greece culture being as old as it is, I was surprised to find that they did not have there own rabbit breed. (Modern) Greek: κουνἐλι (kouneli). (Ancient) Greek: λαγος (lagos, with a hard "a" and a hard "o") means "hare", I don't know if they had a specific word for rabbit. The modern scientific name for the European rabbit is Oryctolagus cuniculus- the genus name (first part) is Greek for "digging hare", and the second part is Latin for "rabbit". In Greece pet rabbits are something quite new. People started getting rabbits as pets the last 5 or 10 years. The only information they have been able to get was from British or American forums and sites, and it's very difficult to find a savvy vet, even in Athens. Most vets have no idea about rabbits. During the last 3 years, one or two Greek rabbit forums have been created so that Greeks at last can get informed about their furry friends in their own language. From these forums, and the experience of their members, in the show notes is a list of Vet's who handle rabbits. https://www.rabbitsonline.net/threads/greece-rabbit-savvy-pets.62323/ The European rabbit (scient. Oryctolagus cuniculus) is a closely related species to hare, which has been introduced on the island of Crete by humans (many confuse that with hare). Despite the many predators on Crete, the rabbit reproduced rapidly and is now spread across the island of Crete and several smaller islets around it. For this reason, the authorities have several times tried to lower its population. The rabbit is a favorite game animal in the Greek islands. It is nocturnal and gregarious, with smaller size than the hare, and usually does not weigh more than 2kg. Moreover, its skeletal structure is quite different from the hare, while it has smaller and rounder ears. The rear legs are also shorter. Its coat color hues vary according to habitats, with gray-brown coat color, white belly and tail. Like the hare, it digs burrows in the ground where its hides all day long. It has the same eating habits with the hare, feeding on roots, bulbs, weeds and grass. Moreover, sometimes it eats bird droppings to receive their vitamins. The rabbits hunt at night, not too far from its nest. Being very coward, it is always ready to run into its burrow. There are always rabbits observing the surrounding area, while other animals eat. When they feel danger, they immediately stand up on their rear legs. If the danger is real, they start hitting their feet on the ground and all rabbits disappear at time. As mentioned, rabbits reproduce very quickly. Indeed, females (does) can give birth 8 times a year, 4-12 bunnies per time! Does can give birth at the age of 4-5 months, while it is impressive that they have a double uterus. This means that while being parturient, they may become pregnant again with their other womb! Their pregnancy lasts only 30-31 days. Similar to Japan, there is a Rabbit Island, but it is know as rabbit island for a differnet reason. Souda (island) Souda (Greek: Σούδα) is an islet in Souda Bay on the northwest coast of Crete. In ancient times this islet was one of two islets that were referred to as Leukai. The second islet is known today as Leon. On the northwest side of the islet, a small distance away, there is another islet which is almost round in shape, which used to be referred to on medieval Venetian maps as Rabbit Island (known as Nisi and Leon today) There is another place that the Greek's have give a rabbit name to, and that is in the stars. The Lepus Constellation Lepus constellation lies in the northern sky, just under the feet of Orion. The constellation’s name means “the hare” in Latin. Lepus is not associated with any particular myth, but is sometimes depicted as a hare being chased by the mythical hunter Orion or by his hunting dogs, represented by the constellations Canis Major and Canis Minor. Lepus was first catalogued by the Greek astronomer Ptolemy in the 2nd century. The constellation is home to the famous variable star R Leporis, better known as Hind’s Crimson Star, and it contains several notable deep sky objects: Messier 79 (NGC 1904), the irregular galaxy NGC 1821, and the Spirograph Nebula (IC 418). This constellation was known to the Greeks as Λαγωός (Lagoös), the Greek word for hare; Lepus is the more recent Latin name. Eratosthenes tells us that Hermes placed the hare in the sky because of its swiftness. Both Eratosthenes and Hyginus referred to the remarkable fertility of hares, as attested to by Aristotle in his Historia Animalium (History of Animals): ‘Hares breed and bear at all seasons, superfoetate (i.e. conceive again) during pregnancy and bear young every month.’ The celestial hare makes an interesting tableau with Orion and his dogs. Aratus wrote that the Dog (Canis Major) pursues the hare in an unending race: ‘Close behind he rises and as he sets he eyes the setting hare.’ But judging by its position in the sky, the hare seems more to be crouched in hiding beneath the hunter’s feet. Hyginus tells us the following moral tale about the hare. At one time there were no hares on the island of Leros, until one man brought in a pregnant female. Soon, everyone began to raise hares and before long the island was swarming with them. They overran the fields and destroyed the crops, reducing the population to starvation. By a concerted effort, the inhabitants drove the hares out of their island. They put the image of the hare among the stars as a reminder that one can easily end up with too much of a good thing. The constellation’s brightest star, third-magnitude Alpha Leporis, is called Arneb, from the Arabic al-arnab meaning ‘the hare’. It lies in the middle of the animal’s body. The stars Kappa, Iota, Lambda, and Nu Leporis delineate the hare’s prominent ears. In Greece, the gift of a rabbit was a common love token from a man to his male or female lover. In Rome, the gift of a rabbit was intended to help a barren wife conceive. Carvings of rabbits eating grapes and figs appear on both Greek and Roman tombs, where they symbolize the transformative cycle of life, death, and rebirth. Now with the Greek's being know for their Mythology, I was surprised that there was not a lot about rabbit's or hare's in the myth's Hermes (Greek) – God of the spoken word; the rabbit was sacred to Hermes as a fleet-footed messenger Now we are going to discuss the hare in coinage and as a city badge. The Hare in Magna Graecia Many ancient Greek cities adopted symbolic or mythical animals as badges or totems. Athens chose the owl due to its association with Athena. Corinth chose the Pegasus. For Cyzicus in Anatolia, it was the tuna fish. And so on. Americans have a similar custom: the dolphin for Miami, the colt for Indianapolis, the bear for Chicago. Several cities in “Magna Graecia” (the region of southern Italy and Sicily settled by Greek colonists beginning in the eighth century BCE) adopted the leaping hare as a distinctive symbol on their classical-era coinage. bunny1 Anaxilas, Tyrant of Rhegium The story begins with Anaxilas, son of Cretines. In 494 BCE he seized power at Rhegium (or Rhegion, known today as Reggio Calabria at the tip of the boot of Italy) and soon extended his rule to Sicily. Anaxilas is credited with importing Greek hares to Sicily for the aristocratic sport of hunting. A leaping hare appears on his small silver litra at Rhegium as early as 480 BCE. When his mule-chariot (biga) team won in the Olympic games, he placed that image on his coins. Coinage is conservative, and this basic design – mule chariot obverse, leaping hare reverse – was continued for generations. Neighboring cities that allied with Rhegium or came under its control soon adopted the leaping hare as a symbol, notably Messana. Early coinage of Messana closely copied Rhegium’s design, changing only the “ethnic” (the inscription giving the name of the city). About 420 BCE, Messana issued a magnificent silver tetradrachm depicting the nature god Pan, seated on a rock playing with a leaping hare[1]. Another tetradrachm from this period shows the hare leaping over a head of Pan. Messana Tetradrachms On a coin dated after 460 BCE, the nearby city of Lokroi[2] shows a hare leaping over an overturned amphora. A century later (ca. 360) the city of Croton placed the hare on the reverse of its small silver diobols, with its own traditional symbol of the tripod on the obverse. A very different representation of the hare makes its appearance on Greek coinage about the year 400 BCE. The hare appears as a victim, being torn by the beak of an eagle as it grips the hare in its talons. The magnificent silver decadrachm of Akragas is perhaps the most famous example. On the reverse of this large coin, a pair of eagles perch on a rocky crag, about to dine on a dead hare. One bends down toward the prey, the other stretches its neck upward to screech in triumph. A cataloguer of the Hunt collection relates the image to a chorus in the play Agamemnon: “The eagles are an omen sent from Zeus to Agamemnon and Menelaus commanding the sacrifice of Iphigenia before the Greek fleet might set sail for the Trojan War.” (Lorber, 182) Attributed to engravers named Myron and Polykrates, less than 10 examples of this coin are known. A similar design appears on the less rare Akragas tetradrachms of the same period, and was eventually copied at Lokroi, Croton and other cities. Akragas Silver Decadrachm The Greek town of Elis controlled the sacred site of Olympia and was responsible for managing the Games held there every four years. This responsibility included issuing special coinage for the use of visitors attending the event. In the fifth century BCE, this coinage reached a high standard of artistic excellence. The obverse of a silver stater struck for the 87th Olympiad (432 BCE) depicts an eagle tearing with its beak a hare held in its talons. Two centuries later, we see the same design (executed with less grace, perhaps) on a silver drachm of Elis. About 400 BCE, the very obscure town of Atarneus (or Atarnios, now Dikili, on the Aegean coast of Turkey opposite the island of Lesbos) issued charming tiny silver half obols with a hare on the reverse. Only a few examples are known; one sold for US$700 in a February 2014 auction[3]. Greek island declares war on wild rabbits Athens - Farmers on the Greek island of Lemnos have declared war on a plague of wild rabbits which they say is destroying thousands of hectares of wheat and vines, local officials said on Thursday. Under pressure from landholders, who claim to have lost over 2 000 hectares of planted crops to the rabbit scourge, local officials want the government to lift restrictions on hunting to enable an island-wide cull. "There's thousands of them," Lemnos deputy prefect Thodoris Baveas said on Thursday. "Just by driving at night you can hit a couple each time, there's that many." The Lemnos authorities want to permit night-time hunts, which are banned in Greece, as the rabbits stay hidden during daytime. Speaking after a meeting with farmers on Thursday, Baveas said the prefecture was also considering importing weasels from Germany to deal with the problem. "They are expensive, I've heard that each costs about €4 400," Baveas said, noting. "We would need at least 10 weasels," he added, noting that the prefecture would like European Union funds to assist crop rehabilitation. The Greek branch of the World Wildlife Fund for Nature (WWF) reacted cautiously to a hunting initiative, arguing that it could encourage attacks on other types of game on the island. Rabbits are more than companion animals to many in the House Rabbit Society. They are also living symbols of a life style, a philosophy and a value system. For example, many people who live with a house bunny have chosen a vegetarian or vegan lifestyle. In America we usually define animals as "pets" or "food" more succinctly than people from other countries. A Frenchmen may be as comfortable riding a horse from their stable, as eating horse at a restaurant and likewise, dogs and cats are seen as food in some Asian societies. Similarly, in Iceland the horse is used for traditional sheepherding work in its native country, as well as for leisure, showing, and racing and some horses are still bred for slaughter, and much of the meat is exported to Japan, or eaten as a delicacy in Iceland. People who live with rabbits may be more acutely aware of this dichotomy than are people with other companion animals, because rabbits are seen as either food or companions here while dogs, cats and horses are strictly companions. So on that note there is a popular rabbit dish in Greece called Lagos Stifado (Λαγός στιφάδο) — hare stew with pearl onions, vinegar, red wine and cinnamon — it is a much-prized dish enjoyed in Greece and Cyprus and communities in the diaspora, particularly in Australia where the hare is hunted as a feral pest. In the case of stifado (stee-FAH-do), debate centers on the tomatoes and wine. Simple chopped tomatoes? Or tomato paste and crushed tomatoes? Red wine or white? Sweet or dry? Now fi you can get ahold of the incomparable Greek sweet wine Mavrodaphne, that is what is recomended. Without Mavrodaphne the stifado is a shadow of itself, although you can use a Port in a pinch. What does stifado taste like? The Orient, in its classical sense. It must have been quite the treat when it was invented, most likely in the Middle Ages when Greece was under Venetian rule. Any combination of sweetness with exotic spices such as cinnamon and allspice in an otherwise savory dish screams the 1300's or 1400's. Stifado uses a lot of olive oil, so it is smooth going down. This keeps the rabbit moist as well, which is braised slowly until it is about to fall off the bone. You can pull the meat off the bone before serving, or just leave the pieces in the stew. The Greeks typically leave the pieces as is. The spices give the stew zing without heat, and the tomatoes, which are obviously a post-1500's addition, add a bit more sweetness as well as needed acidity. There’s a reason stifado is such a strong part of Greek cooking. You’ll want either a nice Greek red wine, a lager beer, or ouzo with a glass of water as a chaser to go along with this stew. And don’t forget to have lots of good crusty bread around, too. Greek Rabbit Stew. Kouneli Stifado Prep Time 20 mins Cook Time 1 hr 30 mins Total Time 1 hr 50 mins I have not yet made this rabbit stew, but if you are freaked out about rabbit, you could substitute chicken. Keys here are browning the rabbit really well, including sweet wine (Mavrodaphne if you can find it), as well as allspice and cinnamon. Course: Soup Cuisine: Greek Serves: 6 people Author: Hank Shaw Ingredients 2 cottontail rabbits or 1 domestic rabbit Kosher salt 2 medium red onions, sliced 5 cloves chopped garlic 10 allspice berries 1 cinnamon stick 4 bay leaves 1 tablespoon dried oregano 2 tablespoons tomato paste 4 large tomatoes, grated, or 1 14-ounce can of crushed tomatoes[/ingredient] 1 cup dry red wine 1/2 cup sweet red wine 1/2 cup chicken or rabbit stock 1/4 cup red wine vinegar Freshly ground black pepper 1/4 cup olive oil Instructions Cut up the rabbits and cut into serving pieces. Be sure to include little bits, like the belly flaps, the front legs, the kidneys and such; they become yummy surprises in the finished stew. Salt the rabbit pieces well and set aside for 30 minutes. Heat 1/4 cup olive oil in a frying pan and brown the rabbit well. As each piece browns, move it to a brazier or Dutch oven or other heavy, lidded pot. When the rabbit is browned, saute the onions for 4-5 minutes over medium-high heat, until they begin to brown. Add the garlic and saute for another minute. Sprinkle with salt. Do not let the garlic burn. Turn the contents of the frying pan into the brazier or a Dutch oven, then arrange the bay leaves, oregano, allspice berries and cinnamon stick over them. In the pan you browned the rabbit and the onions, add the wine, sweet wine, vinegar, stock, tomato paste and grated tomatoes — cut tomatoes in half and run them through your coarsest grater to leave the skins out of your pot. Cook this down over high heat for 3-4 minutes, then pour over everything in the pot. Cover the pot and bring to a simmer. Cook slowly for 1 hour, then check. It may need up to another hour. You want the rabbit to be just about falling off the bone. You can pull the rabbit meat off the bone, as I do, or just let your guests do that. Grind some black pepper and drizzle some really good olive oil over everything right when you serve. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Souda_(island) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Icelandic_horse https://www.rabbitsonline.net/threads/greece-rabbit-savvy-pets.62323/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hare https://honest-food.net/greek-rabbit-stew/ https://www.cretanbeaches.com/en/fauna-and-animal-species/mammals-in-crete/rabbit https://rabbit.org/journal/4-11/symbol.html http://www.ianridpath.com/startales/lepus.htm http://www.constellation-guide.com/constellation-list/lepus-constellation/ http://www.terriwindling.com/blog/2014/12/The-Folklore-of-Rabbits-Hares.html http://forums.xkcd.com/viewtopic.php?t=20160&start=40 https://www.iol.co.za/business-report/technology/greek-island-declares-war-on-wild-rabbits-239336 http://mythsymbolsandplay.typepad.com/my-blog/2017/03/deities-associated-with-hares-and-rabbits.html https://coinweek.com/ancient-coins/bunny-money-rabbits-hares-ancient-coins/ Assessment of Genetic Structure of Greek Brown Hare (Lepus europaeus) Populations Based on Variation in Random Amplified Polymorphic DNA (RAPD) Abstract The RAPD method was used to assess the genetic differentiation of brown hare (Lepus europaeus) populations from Central Greece. Greek wild populations were compared with samples from Austria, Poland, Germany, France, and Bulgaria, as well as with reared/released hares to investigate the impact of the releases on the native populations' genetic structure. The absence of diagnostic bands distinguishing between L. europaeus populations confirmed the high level of gene flow between brown hare populations over long geographic distances reported by other authors. Phylogenetic trees, derived from genetic distances estimated by RAPD band frequencies, suggested one major partitioning event of nuclear DNA lineages found in the samples. The reared individuals clustered with the Austrian, Polish, German, and French populations, whereas the Greek populations clustered apart with the Bulgarian population. Within Greece the distribution of the six wild populations did not follow any geographical trend, since their genetic divergence did not seem to correlate to geographic distances. However, RAPD profiles of some reared and wild specimens were different from the common RAPD pattern observed in the vast majority of sampled hares, probably reflecting an admixture of genetically differentiated individuals. The RAPD analysis indicates that releases might have begun to affect Greek population structure and reinforces the view that appropriate management is needed, adjusted to the local populations' biology and ecology. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1023%2FA%3A1020260819629 The Greek Harehound is a rare breed of dog that only comes in a black and tan color, originally bred as a scent hound for tracking and chasing hare in Southern Greece. Wikipedia Scientific name: Canis lupus familiaris Origin: Greece Color: Black & Gold Temperament: Outgoing, Friendly, Affectionate, Intelligent, Passionate, Brave Weight: Female: 37–44 lbs (17–20 kg), Male: 37–44 lbs (17–20 kg) Height: Female: 17–22 inches (43–55 cm), Male: 18–22 inches (45–57 cm) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_Harehound How do you say your full name? Where are you from in Greece? How do you say Rabbit in Greek? How do you say Hare in Greek? Tell us about where you live in Greece? the climate? the tereain? What have you enjoyed gthe most about visitining the United States? Have you seen wild rabbits in Greece? Do people eat rabbits in Greece? Are they kept as pets? Have you ever eaten or kept a rabbit as a pet? Are there any stories about rabbits? Any myths or Folktales? Are there any cities that use the rabbit or Hare as their symbol? Is the Rabbit or Hare on any of the coins?   https://lyricstranslate.com/en/%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%B5%CF%8D%CE%B8%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BF%CE%B9-%CF%80%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%BA%CE%B7%CE%BC%CE%AD%CE%BD%CE%BF%CE%B9-%CE%B2-%CF%83%CF%87%CE%B5%CE%B4%CE%AF%CE%B1%CF%83%CE%BC%CE%B1-%CE%B1%CF%81%CF%87%CE%AE-free-beleag.html https://lyricstranslate.com/en/%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%B5%CF%8D%CE%B8%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BF%CE%B9-%CF%80%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%BA%CE%B7%CE%BC%CE%AD%CE%BD%CE%BF%CE%B9-%CE%B2-%CF%83%CF%87%CE%B5%CE%B4%CE%AF%CE%B1%CF%83%CE%BC%CE%B1-%CE%B1%CF%81%CF%87%CE%AE-free-beleag.html The Free Beleaguered (Act II- Beginning) The silence reigns in the greenhill beyond the burial ground. The bird speaks, takes a seed, and the mother is jealous of it. The famine blackened the eyes. The mother is swearing onto the eyes. The good soldier from Souli stands aside and cries: "Lone dark rifle, why do I hold you in the arm, where you became heavy for me and the Muslim knows it ?" April and Cupid are dancing and lauging together, and as many blossoms and cores come out, so many weapons enclose you. A small white hill of sheep yells in movement, and gets thrown deep within the sea again, and, being vast white, it merged with the beauties of the sky. And into the waters of the lake, which it reached in fast, a blue butterfly played with its shadow, that felt its sleep within the wild lilium. The petite worm is also being in its sweet hour. The nature is magic and a dream in beauty and grace, the black stone and the dried up grass are vast golden. It spills itself with a thousand faucets, it speaks on a thousand languages: "Whoever dies today, dies fo a thousand times." https://fablesofaesop.com/the-hare-and-the-tortoise.html A Hare was making fun of the Tortoise one day for being so slow. “Do you ever get anywhere?” he asked with a mocking laugh. “Yes,” replied the Tortoise, “and I get there sooner than you think. I’ll run you a race and prove it.” The Hare was much amused at the idea of running a race with the Tortoise, but for the fun of the thing he agreed. So the Fox, who had consented to act as judge, marked the distance and started the runners off. The Hare was soon far out of sight, and to make the Tortoise feel very deeply how ridiculous it was for him to try a race with a Hare, he lay down beside the course to take a nap until the Tortoise should catch up. The Tortoise meanwhile kept going slowly but steadily, and, after a time, passed the place where the Hare was sleeping. But the Hare slept on very peacefully; and when at last he did wake up, the Tortoise was near the goal. The Hare now ran his swiftest, but he could not overtake the Tortoise in time. Moral The race is not always to the swift.   © Copyrighted

Pope Hyginus, or Inigo (insert Princess Bride reference here), is said to have held the papacy in a time of relative peace. But is that true? How recent, or short was this peace? In this episode, we will discuss Hyginus's life, heretics, and church hierarchy, which he may or may not have had anything to do with. Also, Deacon Dad. Thank you to Ryan Stitt of the History of Ancient Greece for the intro and matrimonial congratulations! You can find his podcast at www.thehistoryofancientgreece.com

In 'Ask a Classicist' host Jean Menzies invites a guest with no background in classics to quiz her on everything they've ever wondered about antiquity. In this episode she is joined by author Jen Campbell as they discuss Disney's Hercules, the similarities between myth and fairy tales and how the ancients dined. Find Jen @jenvcampbell on Twitter. Books Mentioned: The Constellation Myths of Eratosthenes & Hyginus: https://amzn.to/2zRYRWi The Tale of Tales by Giambattista Bastile: https://amzn.to/2LnJpTr Grimm's Fairy Tales translated by Jack Zipes: https://amzn.to/2LgAjL6 Titus Andronicus by Shakespeare: https://amzn.to/2Lp0egG Support the podcast on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/bookishthoughts

Parmi les phénomènes à observer ce mois, nous détaillerons l'opposition de Jupiter le 10, et le passage de Saturne dans l'amas globulaire M22 le 20. Bernard Nomblot, de Universcience.TV, nous fera découvrir les cratères Triesnecker et Hyginus, tandis que Jean-Luc Dauvergne nous emmènera dans la constellation du Scorpion. En fin d'émission, nos deux chroniqueurs vous proposeront leurs coups de cœur... Les éphémérides de Ciel & Espace Radio sont présentées par David Fossé et réalisées par Nicolas Franco.

Monster's Advocate will be a weekly podcast focused around the unsung heros of myths and legends, the monsters! We’ll take a look at some monster-centric myths and legends, some not so ancient cryptids, and everything inbetween and try to sort out possible origin species, biological impetus for why they do what they do, and why we love to hear about them. Today's episode will be about some sweet legendary dogs!References: Dog FactsSkoglund, P.; Ersmark, E.; Palkopoulou, E.; Dalén, L. (2015). "Ancient Wolf Genome Reveals an Early Divergence of Domestic Dog Ancestors and Admixture into High-Latitude Breeds". Current Biology. 25 (11): 1515–9. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2015.04.019. PMID 26004765."Introduction to Coat Color Genetics" from Veterinary Genetics Laboratory, School of Veterinary Medicine, University of California, Davis. Web Site accessed January 12, 2008The Mini-Atlas of Dog Breeds by Andrew De Prisco, ISBN 0-86622-091-7, 1990, page 149,"... and Mastiffs were crossbred with the indigenous dogs, which were probably descendants of the ancient Molossus. The dogs were bred to fight to the death in the silent, stoic, ..."CerberusHesiod, Theogony 309–324 (although it is not certain whom Hesiod meant as the mother of the Chimera: Echidna, the Hydra, or Ceto); Apollodorus, 2.5.10, 2.3.1; Hyginus, Fabulae Preface.Gantz p. 22; Ogden 2013a, p. 105, with n. 182; Hesiod, Theogony 311–312; Pindar, fragment F249a/b SM, from a lost Pindar poem on Heracles in the underworld, according to a scholia on the Iliad.West, David, p. 108; Ogden 2013a, p. 107; Horace, Odes 3.11.17–20 (West,David, pp. 101–103) ("a hundred snakes … triple-tongued"), Odes 2.13.33–36 ("hundred-headed"), Odes 2.19.29–32 ("triple tongue").Mallory, J. P.; Adams, D. Q. (2006). "Chapter 25.10: Death and the Otherworld". Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford, GBR: Oxford University Press. p. 439. ISBN 978-0-19-928791-8. OCLC 139999117.InugamiTakeshi Abe, Adam Beltz: The Negima Reader: Secrets Behind the Magic. DH Publishing Inc, 2007, ISBN 1932897240, page 49–51.Moku Jōya: Mock Jōya's Things Japanese. Japan Times, Tokyo 1985, page 408–412.Kazuhiko, Komatsu. "Seimei jinja" 28-61Black ShuckAbraham Adams, A strange, and terrible wunder, London 1577, reprinted 1948Enid Porter, Cambridgeshire customs and folklore: with Fenland material provided, Taylor & Francis, George M. Eberhart, Mysterious Creatures: A Guide to Cryptozoology: Volume 1, 2002, p. 63969, p.53Jennifer Westwood and Jacqueline Simpson, The Lore of the Land: A Guide to England's Legends, from Spring-heeled Jack to the Witches of Warboys, Penguin, 2005, pp.687-688John Seymour, The companion guide to East Anglia, Collins, 1977Dr Simon Sherwood, Apparitions of Black Dogs, University of Northampton Psychology Department, 2008Church GrimArrowsmith, Nancy A Field Guide to the Little People, London:Pan 1978 ISBN 0-330-25425-1Tongue, Ruth Country Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, p. 108 See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.