Podcasts about leiden brill

In this episode, Ronn and Mike discuss the "Two Powers in Heaven" controversy that developed among Jewish rabbis in the early centuries after Christ. They begin by explaining how Judaism reacted both in favor of and also against the idea of Yahweh "sharing" his power with another being in the Old Testament. This then turns the conversation, of course, to the person of Jesus and how he was viewed by first century Christians. Was Jesus Christ Yahweh's "second power"? The conversation touches on relevant texts such as Daniel 7 and Exodus 24 before moving into key NT texts and their relationship to contemporary faith and theology. Resources mentioned: Two Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports about Christianity and Gnosticism by Alan Segal Boyarin, Daniel, “Two Powers in Heaven; or, The Making of a Heresy,” Pages 331-370 in The Idea of Biblical Interpretation: Essays in Honor of James L. Kugel. Leiden: Brill, 2003 The Glory of the Invisible God: Two Powers in Heaven Traditions and Early Christology (Jewish and Christian Texts) by Andrei Orlov Israel's LORD: YHWH as "Two Powers" in Second Temple Literature by David E. Wilhite, Adam Winn Two Powers in Judaism in Second Temple Texts w/Dr. Michael Heiser

In this episode we discuss Admiral Katsu Kaishū's transformation of the modern Japanese navy into a force that defeated the Russians in 1905. For 200 years, Japan was largely isolated from the world. By the 19th century, as countries in Europe and North America were expanding into its neighbourhood, Japan's military capability had atrophied. In response, the Tokugawa Shogunate created a navy in 1853 and Katsu became a naval officer. Trained by the Dutch, he became an expert in Western gunnery and commanded the Kanrin Maru on the first deployment of a Japanese warship to a Western port. There he could observe how a Western navy worked – ideas he brought back to Japan as the basis for the modern Japanese Navy. By 1867, under the Meiji government, he was responsible for overseeing the Navy's transition from sail to steam technology. He introduced profound changes to the Navy's organisation, strategy and tactics, including shore-based defences, harbours, shipyards and human resource systems that allowed access to the talent needed by a more technological service. Ultimately, the foundations he laid helped the Japanese defeat the Russian Navy at the battle of Tsushima in 1905. Commander Dr Hiroyuki Kanazawa, our first guest for this episode, serves in the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force, and his PhD examines the Japanese Navy in the Late Tokugawa Period (1853–1868). Dr Haruo Tohmatsu, our other participant, is Professor of Diplomatic and War History at the National Defense Academy. His PhD in Politics and International Relations is from the University of Oxford. He has published numerous works in English, including Pearl Harbor (London: Cassell, 2001) and World War Zero: The Russo-Japanese War in Global Perspective, vol. 2 (Leiden: Brill, 2006).

Comparing the Hebrew of Isaiah 9.6 to most popular English translations results in some serious questions. Why have our translations changed the tense of the verbs from past to future? Why is this child called “Mighty God” and “Eternal Father”? In this presentation I work through Isaiah 9.6 line by line to help you understand the Hebrew. Next I look at interpretive options for the child as well as his complicated name. Not only will this presentation strengthen your understanding of Isaiah 9.6, but it will also equip you to explain it to others. Listen to this episode on Spotify or Apple Podcasts —— Links —— See my other articles here Check out my class: One God Over All Get the transcript of this episode Support Restitutio by donating here Join our Restitutio Facebook Group and follow Sean Finnegan on Twitter @RestitutioSF Leave a voice message via SpeakPipe with questions or comments and we may play them out on the air Intro music: Good Vibes by MBB Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-SA 3.0) Free Download / Stream: Music promoted by Audio Library. Who is Sean Finnegan?  Read Sean’s bio here Below is the paper presented on October 18, 2024 in Little Rock, Arkansas at the 4th annual UCA Conference. Access this paper on Academia.edu to get the pdf. Full text is below, including bibliography and end notes. Abstract Working through the grammar and syntax, I present the case that Isaiah 9:6 is the birth announcement of a historical child. After carefully analyzing the name given to the child and the major interpretive options, I make a case that the name is theophoric. Like the named children of Isaiah 7 and 8, the sign-child of Isaiah 9 prophecies what God, not the child, will do. Although I argue for Hezekiah as the original fulfillment, I also see Isaiah 9:6 as a messianic prophecy of the true and better Hezekiah through whom God will bring eternal deliverance and peace. Introduction Paul D. Wegner called Isaiah 9:6[1] “one of the most difficult problems in the study of the Old Testament.”[2] To get an initial handle on the complexities of this text, let's begin briefly by comparing the Hebrew to a typical translation. Isaiah 9:6 (BHS[3]) כִּי־יֶ֣לֶד יֻלַּד־לָ֗נוּ בֵּ֚ן נִתַּן־לָ֔נוּ וַתְּהִ֥י הַמִּשְׂרָ֖ה עַל־שִׁכְמ֑וֹ וַיִּקְרָ֨א שְׁמ֜וֹ פֶּ֠לֶא יוֹעֵץ֙ אֵ֣ל גִּבּ֔וֹר אֲבִיעַ֖ד שַׂר־שָׁלֽוֹם׃ Isaiah 9:6 (ESV) For to us a child is born, to us a son is given; and the government shall be upon his shoulder, and his name shall be called Wonderful Counselor, Mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace. Curiosities abound in the differences between these two. The first two clauses in English, “For to us a child is born” and “to us a son is given,” employ the present tense while the Hebrew uses the perfect tense, i.e. “to us a child has been born.”[4] This has a significant bearing on whether we take the prophecy as a statement about a child already born in Isaiah's time or someone yet to come (or both). The ESV renders the phrase,וַיִּקְרָא שְׁמוֹ  (vayikra sh'mo), as “and his name shall be called,” but the words literally mean “and he called his name” where the “he” is unspecified. This leaves room for the possibility of identifying the subject of the verb in the subsequent phrase, i.e. “And the wonderful counselor, the mighty God called his name…” as many Jewish translations take it.  Questions further abound regardingאֵל גִּבּוֹר (el gibbor), which finds translations as disparate as the traditional “Mighty God”[5] to “divine warrior”[6] to “in battle God-like”[7] to “Mighty chief”[8] to “Godlike hero,”[9] to Luther's truncated “Held.”[10]  Another phrase that elicits a multiplicity of translations is אֲבִיעַד (aviad). Although most versions read “Eternal Father,”[11] others render the word, “Father-Forever,”[12] “Father for all time,”[13] “Father of perpetuity,”[14] “Father of the Eternal Age,”[15] and “Father of Future.”[16] Translators from a range of backgrounds struggle with these two phrases. Some refuse to translate them at all, preferring clunky transliterations.[17] Still, as I will show below, there's a better way forward. If we understand that the child had a theophoric name—a name that is not about him, but about God—our problems dissipate like morning fog before the rising sun. Taking the four pairs of words this way yields a two-part sentence name. As we'll see this last approach is not only the best contextual option, but it also allows us to take the Hebrew vocabulary, grammar, and syntax at face value, rather than succumbing to strained translations and interpretational gymnastics. In the end, we're left with a text literally rendered and hermeneutically robust. Called or Will Call His Name? Nearly all the major Christian versions translate וַיִּקְרָא (vayikra), “he has called,” as “he will be called.” This takes an active past tense verb as a passive future tense.[18] What is going on here? Since parents typically give names at birth or shortly thereafter, it wouldn't make sense to suggest the child was already born (as the beginning of Isa 9:6 clearly states), but then say he was not yet named. Additionally, וַיִּקְרָא (vayikra) is a vav-conversive plus imperfect construction that continues the same timing sequence of the preceding perfect tense verbs.[19] If the word were passive (niphal binyan) we would read וַיִּקָּרֵא (vayikarey) instead of וַיִּקְרָא (vayikra). Although some have suggested an emendation of the Masoretic vowels to make this change, Hugh Williamson notes, “there is no overriding need to prefer it.”[20] Translators may justify rendering the perfect tense as imperfect due to the idiom called a prophetic past tense (perfectum propheticum). Wilhelm Gesenius notes the possibility that a prophet “so transports himself in imagination into the future that he describes the future event as if it had been already seen or heard by him.”[21] Bruce Waltke recognizes the phenomenon, calling it an accidental perfective in which “a speaker vividly and dramatically represents a future situation both as complete and independent.”[22] Still, it's up to the interpreter to determine if Isaiah employs this idiom or not. The verbs of verse 6 seem quite clear: “a child has been born for us … and the government was on his shoulder … and he has called his name…” When Isaiah uttered this prophecy, the child had already been born and named and the government rested on his shoulders. This is the straightforward reading of the grammar and therefore should be our starting point.[23] Hezekiah as the Referent One of the generally accepted principles of hermeneutics is to first ask the question, “What did this text mean in its original context?” before asking, “What does this text mean to us today?” When we examine the immediate context of Isa 9:6, we move beyond the birth announcement of a child with an exalted name to a larger prophecy of breaking the yoke of an oppressor (v4) and the ushering in of a lasting peace for the throne of David (v7). Isaiah lived in a tumultuous time. He saw the northern kingdom—the nation of Israel—uprooted from her land and carried off by the powerful and cruel Assyrian Empire. He prophesied about a child whose birth had signaled the coming freedom God would bring from the yoke of Assyria. As Jewish interpreters have long pointed out, Hezekiah nicely fits this expectation.[24] In the shadow of this looming storm, Hezekiah became king and instituted major religious reforms,[25] removing idolatry and turning the people to Yahweh. The author of kings gave him high marks: “He trusted in Yahweh, the God of Israel. After him there was no one like him among all the kings of Judah nor among those who were before him” (2 Kgs 18:5).[26] Then, during Hezekiah's reign, Sennacherib sent a large army against Judea and laid siege to Jerusalem. Hezekiah appropriately responded to the threatening Assyrian army by tearing his clothes, covering himself with sackcloth, and entering the temple to pray (2 Kings 19:1). He sent word to Isaiah, requesting prayer for the dire situation. Ultimately God brought miraculous deliverance, killing 185,000 Assyrians, which precipitated a retreat. There had not been such an acute military deliverance since the destruction of Pharaoh's army in the sea. Indeed, Hezekiah's birth did signal God's coming deliverance. In opposition to Hezekiah as the referent for Isa 9:6, Christian interpreters have pointed out that Hezekiah did not fulfill this prophecy en toto. Specifically, Hezekiah did not usher in “an endless peace” with justice and righteousness “from this time onward and forevermore” (Isa. 9:7). But, as John Roberts points out, the problem only persists if we ignore prophetic hyperbole. Here's what he says: If Hezekiah was the new king idealized in this oracle, how could Isaiah claim he would reign forever? How could Isaiah so ignore Israel's long historical experience as to expect no new source of oppression would ever arise? The language, as is typical of royal ideology, is hyperbolic, and perhaps neither Isaiah nor his original audience would have pushed it to its limits, beyond its conventional frames of reference, but the language itself invites such exploitation. If one accepts God's providential direction of history, it is hard to complain about the exegetical development this exploitation produced.[27] Evangelical scholar Ben Witherington III likewise sees a reference to both Hezekiah and a future deliverer. He writes, “[T]he use of the deliberately hyperbolic language that the prophet knew would not be fulfilled in Hezekiah left open the door quite deliberately to look for an eschatological fulfillment later.”[28] Thus, even if Isaiah's prophecy had an original referent, it left the door open for a true and better Hezekiah, who would not just defeat Assyria, but all evil, and not just for a generation, but forever. For this reason, it makes sense to take a “both-and” approach to Isa 9:6. Who Called His Name? Before going on to consider the actual name given to the child, we must consider the subject of the word וַיִּקְרָא (vayikra), “and he called.” Jewish interpreters have and continue to take אֵל גִבּוֹר (el gibbor), “Mighty God,” as the subject of this verb. Here are a few examples of this rendering: Targum Jonathan (2nd century) And his name has been called from before the One Who Causes Wonderful Counsel, God the Warrior, the Eternally Existing One—the Messiah who will increase peace upon us in his days.[29] Shlomo Yitzchaki (11th century) The Holy One, blessed be He, Who gives wondrous counsel, is a mighty God and an everlasting Father, called Hezekiah's name, “the prince of peace,” since peace and truth will be in his days.[30] Jacob ben Isaac Ashkenazi (16th century) “For a child is born to us.” A son will be born and this is Hezekiah. Though Ahaz is an evildoer, his son Hezekiah will be a righteous king. He will be strong in his service of the Holy One. He will study Torah and the Holy One will call him, “eternal father, peaceful ruler.” In his days there will be peace and truth.[31] The Stone Edition of the Tanach (20th century) The Wondrous Adviser, Mighty God, Eternal Father, called his name Sar-shalom [Prince of Peace][32] Although sometimes Christian commentators blithely accuse Jewish scholars of avoiding the implications of calling the child “Mighty God” and “Eternal Father,” the grammar does allow multiple options here. The main question is whether Isaiah specified the subject of the verb וַיִקְרָ (vayikra) or not. If he has, then the subject must be אֵל גִבּוֹר (el gibbor). If he has not, then the subject must be indefinite (i.e. “he” or “one”). What's more, the Masoretic punctuation of the Hebrew suggests the translation, “and the Wonderful Adviser, the Mighty God called his name, ‘Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace'”[33] However, Keil and Delitzsch point out problems with this view on both grammatical and contextual grounds. They write: [I]t is impossible to conceive for what precise reason such a periphrastic description of God should be employed in connection with the naming of this child, as is not only altogether different from Isaiah's usual custom, but altogether unparalleled in itself, especially without the definite article. The names of God should at least have been defined thus, הַיּוֹעֵץ פֵּלֶא הַגִּבּוֹר, so as to distinguish them from the two names of the child.”[34] Thus, though the Masoretic markings favor the Jewish translation, the grammar doesn't favor taking “Wonderful Counselor, Mighty God” as the subject. It's certainly not impossible, but it is a strained reading without parallels in Isaiah and without justification in the immediate context. Let's consider another possibility. His Name Has Been Called Instead of taking אֵל גִּבּוֹר (el gibbor) as the subject, we can posit an indefinite subject for וַיִקְרָ (vayikra): “one has called.” Examples of this outside of Isaiah 9:6 include Gen 11:9; 25:26; Exod 15:23; and 2 Sam 2:16. The phenomenon appears in Gesenius (§144d) and Joüon and Muraoka (§155e), both of which include our text as examples. However, the translation “one has called his name” is awkward in English due to our lack of a generic pronoun like on in French or man in German. Accordingly, most translations employ the passive construction: “his name has been called,” omitting the subject.[35] This is apparently also how those who produced the Septuagint (LXX) took the Hebrew text, employing a passive rather than an active verb.[36] In conclusion, the translation “his name has been called” works best in English. Mighty Hero Now we broach the question of how to render אֵל גִּבּוֹר el gibbor. As I've already noted, a few translations prefer “mighty hero.” But this reading is problematic since it takes the two words in reverse order. Although in English we typically put an adjective before the noun it modifies, in Hebrew the noun comes first and then any adjectives that act upon it. Taking the phrase as אֵל גִּבּוֹר (gibbor el) makes “mighty” the noun and “God” the adjective. Now since the inner meaning of אֵל (el) is “strong” or “mighty,” and גִּבּוֹר gibbor means “warrior” or “hero,” we can see how translators end up with “mighty warrior” or “divine hero.” Robert Alter offers the following explanation: The most challenging epithet in this sequence is ‘el gibor [sic], which appears to say “warrior-god.” The prophet would be violating all biblical usage if he called the Davidic king “God,” and that term is best construed here as some sort of intensifier. In fact, the two words could conceivably be a scribal reversal of gibor ‘el, in which case the second word would clearly function as a suffix of intensification as it occasionally does elsewhere in the Bible.[37] Please note that Alter's motive for reversing the two words is that the text, as it stands, would violate all biblical usage by calling the Davidic king “God.” But Alter is incorrect. We have another biblical usage calling the Davidic king “God” in Psalm 45:6. We must allow the text to determine interpretation. Changing translation for the sake of theology is allowing the tail to wag the dog. Another reason to doubt “divine warrior” as a translation is that “Wherever ʾēl gibbôr occurs elsewhere in the Bible there is no doubt that the term refers to God (10:21; cf. also Deut. 10:17; Jer. 32:18),” notes John Oswalt.[38] Keil and Delitzsch likewise see Isa 10:21 as the rock upon which these translations suffer shipwreck.[39] “A remnant will return,” says Isa 10:21, “the remnant of Jacob, to the mighty God.” The previous verse makes it clear that “mighty God” refers to none other than “Yahweh, the holy one of Israel.” Without counter examples elsewhere in the Bible, we lack the basis to defy the traditional ordering of “God” as the noun and “mighty” or “warrior” as the adjective.[40] Mighty God-Man Did Isaiah foresee a human child who would also be the mighty God? Did he suddenly get “a glimpse of the fact that in the fullness of the Godhead there is a plurality of Persons,” as Edward Young thought?[41] Although apologists seeking to prove the deity of Christ routinely push for this reading, other evangelical scholars have expressed doubts about such a bold interpretation.[42] Even Keil and Delitzsch, after zealously batting away Jewish alternatives, admit Isaiah's language would not have suggested an incarnate deity in its original context.[43] Still, it would not be anachronistic to regard a king as a deity in the context of the ancient Near East. We find such exalted language in parallels from Egypt and Assyria in their accession oracles (proclamations given at the time a new king ascends the throne). Taking their cue from the Egyptian practices of bestowing divine throne names upon the Pharaoh's accession to the throne, G. von Rad and A. Alt envisioned a similar practice in Jerusalem. Although quite influential, Wegner has pointed out several major problems with this way of looking at our text: (1) the announcement is to the people in Isa 9:6, not the king; (2) Isa 9:6 does not use adoption language nor call the child God's son; (3) יֶלֶד (yeled), “child,” is never used in accession oracles; (4) the Egyptian parallels have five titles not four as in Isa 9:6; (5) Egyptians employ a different structure for accession oracles than Isa 9:6; and (6) we have no evidence elsewhere that Judean kings imitated the Egyptian custom of bestowing divine titles.[44] Another possibility, argued by R. A. Carlson, is to see the names as anti-Assyrian polemic.[45] Keeping in mind that Assyria was constantly threatening Judah in the lifetime of Isaiah and that the child born was to signal deliverance, it would be no surprise that Isaiah would cast the child as a deliberate counter-Assyrian hero. Still, as Oswalt points out, “[T]he Hebrews did not believe this [that their kings were gods]. They denied that the king was anything more than the representative of God.”[46] Owing to a lack of parallels within Israel and Isaiah's own penchant for strict monotheism,[47] interpreting Isa 9:6 as presenting a God-man is ad hoc at best and outright eisegesis at worst. Furthermore, as I've already noted, the grammar of the passage indicates a historical child who was already born. Thus, if Isaiah meant to teach the deity of the child, we'd have two God-men: Hezekiah and Jesus. Far from a courtly scene of coronation, Wegner makes the case that our text is really a birth announcement in form. Birth announcements have (1) a declaration of the birth, (2) an announcement of the child's name, (3) an explanation of what the name means, and (4) a further prophecy about the child's future.[48] These elements are all present in Isa 9:6, making it a much better candidate for a birth announcement than an accession or coronation oracle. As a result, we should not expect divine titles given to the king like when the Pharaohs or Assyrian kings ascended the throne; instead, we ought to look for names that somehow relate to the child's career. We will delve more into this when we broach the topic of theophoric names. Mighty God's Agent Another possibility is to retain the traditional translation of “mighty God” and see the child as God's agent who bears the title. In fact, the Bible calls Moses[49] and the judges[50] of Israel אֱלֹהִים (elohim), “god(s),” due to their role in representing God. Likewise, as I've already mentioned, the court poet called the Davidic King “god” in Ps 45:6. Additionally, the word אֵל (el), “god,” refers to representatives of Yahweh whether divine (Ps 82:1, 6) or human (John 10.34ff).[51] Thus, Isa 9:6 could be another case in which a deputized human acting as God's agent is referred to as God. The NET nicely explains: [H]aving read the NT, we might in retrospect interpret this title as indicating the coming king's deity, but it is unlikely that Isaiah or his audience would have understood the title in such a bold way. Ps 45:6 addresses the Davidic king as “God” because he ruled and fought as God's representative on earth. …When the king's enemies oppose him on the battlefield, they are, as it were, fighting against God himself.[52] Raymond Brown admits that this “may have been looked on simply as a royal title.”[53] Likewise Williamson sees this possibility as “perfectly acceptable,” though he prefers the theophoric approach.[54] Even the incarnation-affirming Keil and Delitzsch recognize that calling the child אֵל גִּבּוֹר (el gibbor) is “nothing further…than this, that the Messiah would be the image of God as no other man ever had been (cf., El, Ps. 82:1), and that He would have God dwelling within Him (cf., Jer. 33:16).”[55] Edward L. Curtis similarly points out that had Isaiah meant to teach that the child would be an incarnation of Yahweh, he would have “further unfolded and made central this thought” throughout his book.[56] He likewise sees Isa 9:6 not as teaching “the incarnation of a deity” but as a case “not foreign to Hebrew usage to apply divine names to men of exalted position,” citing Exod 21:6 and Ps 82:6 as parallels.[57] Notwithstanding the lexical and scholarly support for this view, not to mention my own previous position[58] on Isa 9:6, I'm no longer convinced that this is the best explanation. It's certainly possible to call people “Gods” because they are his agents, but it is also rare. We'll come to my current view shortly, but for now, let's approach the second controversial title. Eternal Father The word אֲבִיעַד (aviad), “Eternal Father,” is another recognizable appellative for Yahweh. As I mentioned in the introduction, translators have occasionally watered down the phrase, unwilling to accept that a human could receive such a title. But humans who pioneer an activity or invent something new are fathers.[59] Walking in someone's footsteps is metaphorically recognizing him as one's father.[60] Caring for others like a father is yet another way to think about it.[61] Perhaps the child is a father in one of these figurative senses. If we follow Jerome and translate אֲבִיעַד (aviad) as Pater futuri saeculi, “Father of the future age,” we can reconfigure the title, “Eternal Father,” from eternal without beginning to eternal with a beginning but without an end. However, notes Williamson, “There is no parallel to calling the king ‘Father,' rather the king is more usually designated as God's son.”[62] Although we find Yahweh referred to as “Father” twice in Isaiah (Isa 63:16; 64:7), and several more times throughout the Old Testament,[63] the Messiah is not so called. Even in the New Testament we don't see the title applied to Jesus. Although not impossible to be taken as Jesus's fatherly role to play in the age to come, the most natural way to take אֲבִיעַד (aviad) is as a reference to Yahweh. In conclusion, both “mighty God” and “eternal Father” most naturally refer to Yahweh and not the child. If this is so, why is the child named with such divine designations? A Theophoric Name Finally, we are ready to consider the solution to our translation and interpretation woes. Israelites were fond of naming their kids with theophoric names (names that “carry God”). William Holladay explains: Israelite personal names were in general of two sorts. Some of them were descriptive names… But most Israelite personal names were theophoric; that is, they involve a name or title or designation of God, with a verb or adjective or noun which expresses a theological affirmation. Thus “Hezekiah” is a name which means “Yah (= Yahweh) is my strength,” and “Isaiah” is a name which means “Yah (= Yahweh) has brought salvation.” It is obvious that Isaiah is not called “Yahweh”; he bears a name which says something about Yahweh.[64] As Holladay demonstrates, when translating a theophoric name, it is customary to supplement the literal phrase with the verb, “to be.” Hezekiah = “Yah (is) my strength”; Isaiah = “Yah (is) salvation.” Similarly, Elijah means “My God (is) Yah” and Eliab, “My God (is the) Father.” Theophoric names are not about the child; they are about the God of the parents. When we imagine Elijah's mother calling him for dinner, she's literally saying “My God (is) Yah(weh), it's time for dinner.” The child's name served to remind her who her God was. Similarly, these other names spoke of God's strength, salvation, and fatherhood. To interpret the named child of Isa 9:6 correctly, we must look at the previously named children in Isa 7 and 8. In chapter 7 the boy is called “Immanuel,” meaning “God (is) with us” (Isa 7:14). This was a historical child who signaled prophecy. Isaiah said, “For before the boy knows to reject evil and choose good, the land whose two kings you dread will be abandoned” (Isa 7:16). In Isa 8:1 we encounter “Maher-Shalal-Hash-Baz,” or “The spoil speeds, the prey hastens.”[65] This child has a two-sentence name with an attached prophecy: “For before the boy calls, ‘my father' or ‘my mother,' the strength of Damascus and the plunder of Samaria will be carried off before the king of Assyria” (Isa 8:4). Both children's sign names did not describe them nor what they would do, but what God would do for his people. Immanuel is a statement of faith. The name means God has not abandoned his people; they can confidently say, “God is with us” (Isa 8:10). Maher-Shalal-Hash-Baz does not mean that the child would become a warrior to sack Damascus and seize her spoils, but that God would bring about the despoiling of Judah's enemy. When we encounter a third sign-named child in as many chapters, we are on solid contextual grounds to see this new, longer name in the same light. Isaiah prophecies that this child has the government upon his shoulder, sits on the throne of David, and will establish a lasting period of justice and righteousness (Isa 9:5, 7). This child bears the name “Pele-Yoets-El-Gibbor-Aviad-Sar-Shalom.” The name describes his parents' God, the mighty God, the eternal Father. Although this perspective has not yet won the day, it is well attested in a surprising breadth of resources. Already in 1867, Samuel David Luzzatto put forward this position.[66] The Jewish Publication Society concurred in their 2014 study Bible: Semitic names often consist of sentences that describe God … These names do not describe that person who holds them but the god whom the parents worship. Similarly, the name given to the child in this v. does not describe that child or attribute divinity to him, but describes God's actions.[67] The New Oxford Annotated Bible (NRSV) footnote on Isa. 9:6 says, “As in many Israelite personal names, the deity, not the person named, is being described.”[68] Additional scholars advocating the view also include Holladay (1978), Wegner (1992), Goldingay (1999, 2015), and Williamson (2018). Even so, Keil and Delitzsch eschew “such a sesquipedalian name,” calling it “unskillful,” and arguing that it would be impractical “to be uttered in one breath.”[69] But this is to take the idea too literally. No one is going to actually call the child by this name. John Goldingay helpfully explains: So he has that complicated name, “An-extraordinary-counselor-is-the-warrior-God, the-everlasting-Father-is-an-officer-for-well-being.” Like earlier names in Isaiah (God-is-with-us, Remains-Will-Return, Plunder-hurries-loot-rushes), the name is a sentence. None of these names are the person's everyday name—as when the New Testament says that Jesus will be called Immanuel, “God [is] with us,” without meaning this expression is Jesus' name. Rather, the person somehow stands for whatever the “name” says. God gives him a sign of the truth of the expression attached to him. The names don't mean that the person is God with us, or is the remains, or is the plunder, and likewise this new name doesn't mean the child is what the name says. Rather he is a sign and guarantee of it. It's as if he goes around bearing a billboard with that message and with the reminder that God commissioned the billboard.[70] Still, there's the question of identifying Yahweh as שַׂר־שָׁלוֹם (sar shalom). Since most of our translations render the phrase “Prince of Peace,” and the common meaning of a prince is someone inferior to the king, we turn away from labeling God with this title. Although HALOT mentions “representative of the king, official” for the first definition their second is “person of note, commander.”[71] The BDB glosses “chieftain, chief, ruler, official, captain, prince” as their first entry.[72] Wegner adds: “The book of Isaiah also appears to use the word sar in the general sense of “ruler.””[73] Still, we must ask, is it reasonable to think of Yahweh as a שַׂר (sar)? We find the phrase שַׂר־הַצָּבָא (sar-hatsava), “prince of hosts,” in Daniel 8:11 and שַׂר־שָׂרִים (sar-sarim), “prince of princes,” in verse 25, where both refer to God.[74]  The UBS Translators' Handbook recommends “God, the chief of the heavenly army” for verse 11 and “the greatest of all kings” for verse 25.[75] The handbook discourages using “prince,” since “the English word ‘prince' does not mean the ruler himself but rather the son of the ruler, while the Hebrew term always designates a ruler, not at all implying son of a ruler.”[76] I suggest applying this same logic to Isa 9:6. Rather than translating שַׂר־שָׁלוֹם (sar shalom) as “Prince of Peace,” we can render it, “Ruler of Peace” or “Ruler who brings peace.” Translating the Name Sentences Now that I've laid out the case for the theophoric approach, let's consider translation possibilities. Wegner writes, “the whole name should be divided into two parallel units each containing one theophoric element.”[77] This makes sense considering the structure of Maher-shalal-hash-baz, which translates two parallel name sentences: “The spoil speeds, the prey hastens.” Here are a few options for translating the name. Jewish Publication Society (1917) Wonderful in counsel is God the Mighty, the Everlasting Father, the Ruler of peace[78] William Holladay (1978) Planner of wonders; God the war hero (is) Father forever; prince of well-being[79] New Jewish Publication Society (1985) The Mighty God is planning grace; The Eternal Father, a peaceable ruler[80] John Goldingay (1999) One who plans a wonder is the warrior God; the father for ever is a commander who brings peace[81] John Goldingay (2015) An-extraordinary-counselor-is-the-warrior-God, the-everlasting-Fathers-is-an-official-for-well-being[82] Hugh Williamson (2018) A Wonderful Planner is the Mighty God, An Eternal Father is the Prince of Peace[83] My Translation (2024) The warrior God is a miraculous strategist; the eternal Father is the ruler who brings peace[84] I prefer to translate אֵל גִּבּוֹר (el gibbor) as “warrior God” rather than “mighty God” because the context is martial, and  גִּבּוֹר(gibbor) often refers to those fighting in war.[85] “Mighty God” is ambiguous, and easily decontextualized from the setting of Isa 9:6. After all, Isa 9:4-5 tells a great victory “as on the day of Midian”—a victory so complete that they burn “all the boots of the tramping warriors” in the fire. The word פֶּלֶא (pele), though often translated “wonderful,” is actually the word for “miracle,” and יוֹעֵץ (yoets) is a participle meaning “adviser” or “planner.” Since the context is war, this “miracle of an adviser” or “miraculous planner” refers to military plans—what we call strategy, hence, “miraculous strategist.” Amazingly, the tactic God employed in the time of Hezekiah was to send out an angel during the night who “struck down one hundred eighty-five thousand in the camp of the Assyrians” (Isa 37:36). This was evidently the warrior God's miraculous plan to remove the threat of Assyria from Jerusalem's doorstep. Prophecies about the coming day of God when he sends Jesus Christ—the true and better Hezekiah—likewise foretell of an even greater victory over the nations.[86] In fact, just two chapters later we find a messianic prophecy of one who will “strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips he shall kill the wicked” (Isa 11:4). The next phrase, “The eternal Father,” needs little comment since God's eternality and fatherhood are both noncontroversial and multiply attested. Literally translated, שַׂר־שָׁלוֹם (sar-shalom) is “Ruler of peace,” but I take the word pair as a genitive of product.[87] Williamson unpacks this meaning as “the one who is able to initiate and maintain Peace.”[88] That his actions in the time of Hezekiah brought peace is a matter of history. After a huge portion of the Assyrian army died, King Sennacherib went back to Nineveh, where his sons murdered him (Isa 37:37-38). For decades, Judah continued to live in her homeland. Thus, this child's birth signaled the beginning of the end for Assyria. In fact, the empire itself eventually imploded, a fate that, at Hezekiah's birth, must have seemed utterly unthinkable. Of course, the ultimate peace God will bring through his Messiah will far outshine what Hezekiah achieved.[89] Conclusion We began by considering the phraseוַיִּקְרָא שְׁמוֹ  (vayikra sh'mo). We noted that the tense is perfect, which justifies a past-tense interpretation of the child who had already been born by the time of the birth announcement. I presented the case for Hezekiah as the initial referent of Isa 9:6 based on the fact that Hezekiah’s life overlapped with Isaiah’s, that he sat on the throne of David (v7), and that his reign saw the miraculous deliverance from Assyria's army. Furthermore, I noted that identifying the child of Isa 9:6 as Hezekiah does not preclude a true and better one to come. Although Isa 9:6 does not show up in the New Testament, I agree with the majority of Christians who recognize this text as a messianic prophecy, especially when combined with verse 7. Next we puzzled over the subject for phraseוַיִּקְרָא שְׁמוֹ  (vayikra sh'mo.) Two options are that the phrase פֶּלֶא יוֹעֵץ אֵל גִּבּוֹר (pele yoets el gibbor) functions as the subject or else the subject is indefinite. Although the Jewish interpreters overwhelmingly favor the former, the lack of definite articles and parallel constructions in Isaiah make me think the latter is more likely. Still, the Jewish approach to translation is a legitimate possibility. I explained how a passive voice makes sense in English since it hides the subject, and settled on “his name has been called,” as the best translation. Then we looked at the phrase אֵל גִּבּוֹר (el gibbor) and considered the option of switching the order of the words and taking the first as the modifier of the second as in “mighty hero” or “divine warrior.” We explored the possibility that Isaiah was ascribing deity to the newborn child. We looked at the idea of Isaiah calling the boy “Mighty God” because he represented God. In the end we concluded that these all are less likely than taking God as the referent, especially in light of the identical phrase in Isa 10:21 where it unambiguously refers to Yahweh. Moving on to אֲבִיעַד (aviad), we considered the possibility that “father” could refer to someone who started something significant and “eternal” could merely designate a coming age. Once again, though these are both possible readings, they are strained and ad hoc, lacking any indication in the text to signal a non-straightforward reading. So, as with “Mighty God,” I also take “Eternal Father” as simple references to God and not the child. Finally, we explored the notion of theophoric names. Leaning on two mainstream Bible translations and five scholars, from Luzzatto to Williamson, we saw that this lesser-known approach is quite attractive. Not only does it take the grammar at face value, it also explains how a human being could be named “Mighty God” and “Eternal Father.” The name describes God and not the child who bears it. Lastly, drawing on the work of the Jewish Publication Society, Goldingay, and Williamson, I proposed the translation: “The warrior God is a miraculous strategist; the eternal Father is the ruler who brings peace.” This rendering preserves the martial context of Isa 9:6 and glosses each word according to its most common definition. I added in the verb “is” twice as is customary when translating theophoric names. The result is a translation that recognizes God as the focus and not the child. This fits best in the immediate context, assuming Hezekiah is the original referent. After all, his greatest moment was not charging out ahead of a column of soldiers, but his entering the house of Yahweh and praying for salvation. God took care of everything else. Likewise, the ultimate Son of David will have God's spirit influencing him: a spirit of wisdom, understanding, counsel, might, knowledge, and fear of God (Isa 11:2). The eternal Father will so direct his anointed that he will “not judge by what his eyes see or decide by what his ears hear” (Isa 11:3). In his days God will bring about a shalom so deep that even the animals will become peaceful (Isa 11:6-8). An advantage of this reading of Isa 9:6 is that it is compatible with the full range of christological positions Christians hold. Secondly, this approach nicely fits with the original meaning in Isaiah’s day, and it works for the prophecy’s ultimate referent in Christ Jesus. Additionally, it is the interpretation with the least amount of special pleading. Finally, it puts everything into the correct order, allowing exegesis to drive theology rather than the other way around. Bibliography Kohlenberger/Mounce Concise Hebrew-Aramaic Dictionary of the Old Testament. Altamonte Springs: OakTree Software, 2012. The Holy Scriptures According to the Masoretic Text: A New Translation. Philadelphia, PA: The Jewish Publication Society, 1917. The Jewish Study Bible. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler. Second ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. Net Bible, Full Notes Edition. Edited by W. Hall Harris III James Davis, and Michael H. Burer. 2nd ed. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2019. The New Oxford Annotated Bible. Edited by Carol A. Newsom Marc Z. Brettler, Pheme Perkins. Third ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. The Stone Edition of the Tanach. Edited by Nosson Scherman and Meir Zlotowitz. Brooklyn, NY: Artscroll, 1996. Tanakh, the Holy Scriptures: The New Jps Translation According to the Traditional Hebrew Text. 4th, Reprint. Philadelphia, PA: The Jewish Publication Society, 1985. Translation of Targum Onkelos and Jonathan. Translated by Eidon Clem. Altamonte Springs, FL: OakTree Software, 2015. Alter, Rober. The Hebrew Bible: Prophets, Nevi’im. Vol. 2. 3 vols. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2019. Ashkenazi, Jacob ben Isaac. Tze’enah Ure’enah: A Critical Translation into English. Translated by Morris M. Faierstein. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017. https://www.sefaria.org/Tze’enah_Ure’enah%2C_Haftarot%2C_Yitro.31?lang=bi&with=About&lang2=en. Baumgartner, Ludwig Koehler and Walter. The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. Edited by M. E. J. Richardson. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Brown, Raymond E. Jesus: God and Man, edited by 3. New York: Macmillan, 1967. Carlson, R. A. “The Anti-Assyrian Character of the Oracle in Is. Ix, 1-6.” Vetus Testamentum, no. 24 (1974): 130-5. Curtis, Edward L. “The Prophecy Concerning the Child of the Four Names: Isaiah Ix., 6, 7.” The Old and New Testament Student 11, no. 6 (1890): 336-41. Delitzsch, C. F. Keil and F. Commentary on the Old Testament. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1996. Finnegan, Sean. “Jesus Is God: Exploring the Notion of Representational Deity.” Paper presented at the One God Seminar, Seattle, WA, 2008, https://restitutio.org/2016/01/11/explanations-to-verses-commonly-used-to-teach-that-jesus-is-god/. Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1996. Gesenius, Wilhelm. Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar. Edited by E. Kautzsch and A. E. Cowley. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910. Goldingay, John. “The Compound Name in Isaiah 9:5(6).” The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 61, no. 2 (1999): 239-44. Goldingay, John. Isaiah for Everyone. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2015. Holladay, William L. Isaiah: Scroll of Prophetic Heritage. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1978. III, Ben Witherington. Isaiah Old and New. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2017. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1ggjhbz.7. Luzzatto, Samuel David. Shi’ur Komah. Padua, IT: Antonio Bianchi, 1867. O’Connor, Bruce K. Waltke and Michael P. An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Winona Lake, IN: Esenbrauns, 1990. Ogden, Graham S., and Jan Sterk. A Handbook on Isaiah. Ubs Translator's Handbooks. New York: United Bible Societies, 2011. Oswalt, John. The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 1-39. Nicot. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1986. Péter-Contesse, René and John Ellington. A Handbook on Daniel. Ubs Translator’s Handbooks. New York, NY: United Bible Societies, 1993. Roberts, J. J. M. First Isaiah. Vol. 23A. Hermeneia, edited by Peter Machinist. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2001. Thayer, Joseph Henry. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1996. Walter Bauer, Frederick W. Danker, William F. Arndt, F. Wilbur Gingrich. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Wegner, Paul D. “A Re-Examination of Isaiah Ix 1-6.” Vetus Testamentum 42, no. 1 (1992): 103-12. Williamson, H. G. M. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1-27. Vol. 2. International Critical Commentary, edited by G. I. Davies and C. M. Tuckett. New York: Bloomsbury, 2018. Yitzchaki, Shlomo. Complete Tanach with Rashi. Translated by A. J. Rosenberg. Chicago, IL: Davka Corp, 1998. https://www.sefaria.org/Rashi_on_Isaiah.9.5.2?lang=bi&with=About&lang2=en. Young, Edward J. The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1-18. Vol. 1. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1965. End Notes [1] Throughout I'll refer to Isaiah 9:6 based on the versification used in English translations. Hebrew Bibles shift the count by one, so the same verse is Isaiah 9:5. [2] Paul D. Wegner, “A Re-Examination of Isaiah Ix 1-6,” Vetus Testamentum 42, no. 1 (1992): 103. [3] BHS is the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, the standard Hebrew text based on the Leningrad Codex, a medieval Masoretic text. [4] In Hebrew the perfect tense roughly maps onto English past tense and the imperfect tense to future tense. [5] See NRSVUE, ESV, NASB20, NIV, NET, LSB, NLT, NKJ, ASV, KJV. [6] See translations by Robert Alter, James Moffat, and Duncan Heaster.  Also see Westminster Commentary, Cambridge Bible Commentary, New Century Bible Commentary, and The Daily Study Bible. [7] See New English Bible. [8] See Ibn Ezra. [9] See An American Testament. [10] “Held” means “hero” in German. In the Luther Bible (1545), he translated the phrase as “und er heißt Wunderbar, Rat, Kraft, Held, Ewig -Vater, Friedefürst,” separating power (Kraft = El) and hero (Held = Gibbor) whereas in the 1912 revision we read, “er heißt Wunderbar, Rat, Held, Ewig-Vater Friedefürst,” which reduced el gibbor to “Held” (hero). [11] See fn 4 above. [12] See New American Bible Revised Edition and An American Testament. [13] See New English Bible and James Moffatt's translation. [14] See Ibn Ezra. [15] See Duncan Heaster's New European Version. [16] See Word Biblical Commentary. [17] See Jewish Publication Society translation of 1917, the Koren Jerusalem Bible, and the Complete Jewish Bible. [18] In the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1QIsaa 8.24 reads “וקרא,” the vav-conversed form of “קרא,” translated “he will call,” an active future tense. This reading is implausible considering the unambiguous past tense of the two initial clauses that began verse 6: “a child has been born…a son has been given.” [19] “Here the Hebrew begins to use imperfect verb forms with the conjunction often rendered “and.” These verbs continue the tense of the perfect verb forms used in the previous lines. They refer to a state or situation that now exists, so they may be rendered with the present tense in English. Some translations continue to use a perfect tense here (so NJB, NJPSV, FRCL), which is better.” Graham S. Ogden, and Jan Sterk, A Handbook on Isaiah, Ubs Translator's Handbooks (New York: United Bible Societies, 2011). [20] H. G. M. Williamson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1-27, vol. 2, International Critical Commentary, ed. G. I. Davies and C. M. Tuckett (New York: Bloomsbury, 2018), 371. [21] Wilhelm Gesenius, Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, ed. E. Kautzsch and A. E. Cowley, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), §106n. [22] Bruce K. Waltke and Michael P. O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake, IN: Esenbrauns, 1990), §30.5.1e. [23] John Goldingay takes a “both-and” position, recognizing that Isaiah was speaking by faith of what God would do in the future, but also seeing the birth of the son to the king as having already happened by the time of the prophecy. John Goldingay, Isaiah for Everyone (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2015), 42. [24] Jewish authors include Rashi, A. E. Kimchi, Abravanel, Malbim, and Luzzatto. [25] See 2 Kings 18:3-7. [26] Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. [27] J. J. M. Roberts, First Isaiah, vol. 23A, Hermeneia, ed. Peter Machinist (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2001), 153. [28] Ben Witherington III, Isaiah Old and New (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2017), 95-6, 99-100. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1ggjhbz.7. [29] Translation of Targum Onkelos and Jonathan, trans. Eidon Clem (Altamonte Springs, FL: OakTree Software, 2015). [30] Shlomo Yitzchaki, Complete Tanach with Rashi, trans. A. J. Rosenberg (Chicago, IL: Davka Corp, 1998). https://www.sefaria.org/Rashi_on_Isaiah.9.5.2?lang=bi&with=About&lang2=en. [31] Jacob ben Isaac Ashkenazi, Tze’enah Ure’enah: A Critical Translation into English, trans. Morris M. Faierstein (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017). https://www.sefaria.org/Tze’enah_Ure’enah%2C_Haftarot%2C_Yitro.31?lang=bi&with=About&lang2=en. [32] Square brackets in original. The Stone Edition of the Tanach, ed. Nosson Scherman and Meir Zlotowitz (Brooklyn, NY: Artscroll, 1996). [33] Net Bible, Full Notes Edition, ed. W. Hall Harris III James Davis, and Michael H. Burer, 2nd ed. (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2019), 1266. [34] C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Commentary on the Old Testament (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1996), 249-50. [35] As mentioned above, the Hebrew is not actually passive. [36] The LXX reads “καὶ καλεῖται τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ” (kai kaleitai to onoma autou), which means “and his name is called.” [37] Rober Alter, The Hebrew Bible: Prophets, Nevi’im, vol. 2, 3 vols. (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2019), 651. [38] John Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 1-39, Nicot (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1986), 247. [39] Delitzsch, 252. [40] The אֵלֵי גִבּוֹרִים (eley gibborim) of Ezek 32.21 although morphologically suggestive of a plural form of el gibbor, is not a suitable parallel to Isa 9:6 since אֵלֵי (eley) is the plural of אַיִל (ayil), meaning “chief” not אֵל (el). Thus, the translation “mighty chiefs” or “warrior rulers” takes eley as the noun and gibborim as the adjective and does not actually reverse them. [41] Edward J. Young, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1-18, vol. 1 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1965), 338. [42] Translator's note A on Isa 9:6 in the NET states, “[I]t is unlikely that Isaiah or his audience would have understood the title in such a bold way.” Net Bible, Full Notes Edition, 1267. [43] “The Messiah is the corporeal presence of this mighty God; for He is with Him, He is in Him, and in Him He is with Israel. The expression did not preclude the fact that the Messiah would be God and man in one person; but it did not penetrate to this depth, so far as the Old Testament consciousness was concerned.” Delitzsch, 253. [44] See Wegner 104-5. [45] See R. A. Carlson, “The Anti-Assyrian Character of the Oracle in Is. Ix, 1-6,” Vetus Testamentum, no. 24 (1974). [46] Oswalt, 246. [47] Isa 43:10-11; 44:6, 8; 45:5-6, 18, 21-22; 46:9. Deut 17:14-20 lays out the expectations for an Israelite king, many of which limit his power and restrict his exaltation, making deification untenable. [48] Wegner 108. [49] See Exod 4:16; 7:1. The word “God” can apply to “any person characterized by greatness or power: mighty one, great one, judge,” s.v. “אֱלֹהִים” in Kohlenberger/Mounce Concise Hebrew-Aramaic Dictionary of the Old Testament.. The BDAG concurs, adding that a God is “that which is nontranscendent but considered worthy of special reverence or respect… of humans θεοί (as אֱלֹהִים) J[ohn] 10:34f (Ps 81:6; humans are called θ. in the OT also Ex 7:1; 22:27,” s.v. “θεός” in A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. [50] See Exod 21.6; 22:8-9. The BDB includes the definition, “rulers, judges, either as divine representatives at sacred places or as reflecting divine majesty and power,” s.v. “אֱלֹהִים” in The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon [51] Thayer points this out in his lexicon: “Hebraistically, equivalent to God’s representative or vicegerent, of magistrates and judges, John 10:34f after Ps. 81:6 (Ps. 82:6)” s.v. “θέος” in A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament. [52] Net Bible, Full Notes Edition, 1267. [53] Raymond E. Brown, Jesus: God and Man, ed. 3 (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 25. [54] Williamson, 397. [55] Delitzsch, 253. See also fn 40 above. [56] Edward L. Curtis, “The Prophecy Concerning the Child of the Four Names: Isaiah Ix., 6, 7,” The Old and New Testament Student 11, no. 6 (1890): 339. [57] Ibid. [58] Sean Finnegan, “Jesus Is God: Exploring the Notion of Representational Deity” (paper presented at the One God Seminar, Seattle, WA2008), https://restitutio.org/2016/01/11/explanations-to-verses-commonly-used-to-teach-that-jesus-is-god/. [59] Jabal was the father of those who live in tents and have livestock (Gen 4:20) and Jubal was the father of those who play the lyre and the pipe (Gen 4:21). [60] Jesus told his critics, “You are from your father the devil, and you choose to do your father's desires” (John 8:44). [61] Job called himself “a father to the needy” (Job 29:16) and Isaiah prophesied that Eliakim would be “a father to the inhabitants of Jerusalem” (Isa 22:21). [62] Williamson, 397. [63] For references to Yahweh as father to the people see Deut 32:6; Ps 103:13; Prov 3:12; Jer 3:4; 31.9; Mal 1.6; 2:10. For Yahweh as father to the messiah see 2 Sam 7:14; 1 Chron 7:13; 28:6; Ps 89:27. [64] William L. Holladay, Isaiah: Scroll of Prophetic Heritage (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1978), 108. [65] See NRSVUE fn on Isa 8:1. [66] והנה המכוון במאמר פלא יועץ וגו’ הוא כי האל הגבור שהוא אבי עד ואדון השלום, הוא יועץ וגוזר לעשות פלא לישראל בזמן ממלכת הילד הנולד היום, ואח”כ מפרש למרבה המשרה וגו’. ולפי הפירוש הזה לא לחנם האריך כאן בתארי האל, כי כוונת הנביא לרמוז כי בבוא הפלא שהאל יועץ וגוזר עתה, יוודע שהוא אל גבור ובעל היכולת ושהוא אב לעד, ולא יפר בריתו עם בניו בני ישראל, ולא ישכח את ברית אבותם. ושהוא אדון השלום ואוהב השלום, ולא יאהב העריצים אשר כל חפצם לנתוש ולנתוץ ולהאביד ולהרוס, אבל הוא משפילם עד עפר, ונותן שלום בארץ, כמו שראינו בכל הדורות. Chat GPT translation: “And behold, the intention in the phrase ‘Wonderful Counselor’ and so on is that the mighty God, who is the Eternal Father and the Prince of Peace, is the Counselor and decrees to perform a wonder for Israel at the time of the reign of the child born today. Afterwards, it is explained as ‘to increase the dominion’ and so on. According to this interpretation, it is not in vain that the prophet elaborates on the attributes of God here, for the prophet’s intention is to hint that when the wonder that God now advises and decrees comes about, it will be known that He is the Mighty God and possesses the ability and that He is the Eternal Father. He will not break His covenant with His sons, the children of Israel, nor forget the covenant of their ancestors. He is the Prince of Peace and loves peace, and He will not favor the oppressors whose every desire is to tear apart, destroy, and obliterate, but He will humble them to the dust and grant peace to the land, as we have seen throughout the generations.” Samuel David Luzzatto, Shi’ur Komah (Padua, IT: Antonio Bianchi, 1867). Accessible at Sefaria and the National Library of Israel. [67]The Jewish Study Bible, ed. Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, Second ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 784. [68] The New Oxford Annotated Bible, ed. Carol A. Newsom Marc Z. Brettler, Pheme Perkins, Third ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 991. [69] Delitzsch, 249. [70] Goldingay, 42-3. [71] Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner, The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, ed. M. E. J. Richardson (Leiden: Brill, 2000). [72] See s.v. “שַׂר” in The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon [73] Wegner 112. [74] Keil and Delitzsch say the sar of Dan 8:11 refers to “the God of heaven and the King of Israel, the Prince of princes, as He is called in v. 25,” Delitzsch, 297. [75] René and John Ellington Péter-Contesse, A Handbook on Daniel, Ubs Translator’s Handbooks (New York, NY: United Bible Societies, 1993). [76] Ibid. [77] Wegner 110-1. [78] The main text transliterates “Pele-joez-el-gibbor-/Abi-ad-sar-shalom,” while the footnote translates as indicated above. The Holy Scriptures According to the Masoretic Text: A New Translation (Philadelphia, PA: The Jewish Publication Society, 1917), 575. [79] Holladay, 109. [80] Tanakh, the Holy Scriptures: The New Jps Translation According to the Traditional Hebrew Text (4th: repr., Philadelphia, PA: The Jewish Publication Society, 1985), 634. [81] John Goldingay, “The Compound Name in Isaiah 9:5(6),” The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 61, no. 2 (1999): 243. [82] Goldingay, Isaiah for Everyone, 40. [83] Williamson, 355. [84] An alternative is “The warrior God is planning a miracle; the eternal Father is the ruler of peace.” [85] For גִּבּוֹר in a military context, see 1 Sam 17:51; 2 Sam 20.7; 2 Kgs 24:16; Isa 21.17; Jer 48:41; Eze 39:20; and Joel 2:7; 3:9. [86] See 2 Thess 2:8 and Rev 19:11-21 (cp. Dan 7:13-14). [87] See Gesenius § 128q, which describes a genitive of “statements of the purpose for which something is intended.” [88] Williamson, 401. [89] Isaiah tells of a time when God will “judge between nations,” resulting in the conversion of the weapons of war into the tools of agriculture and a lasting era when “nation shall not lift up sword against nation; neither shall they learn war any more” (Isa 2:4).

In this episode, we delve into the rich traditions of Samhain in Contemporary Paganism. Often referred to as the "Witches' New Year," Samhain is celebrated as a time when the veil between the worlds of the living and the dead is thinnest, making it ideal for communicating with ancestors and performing powerful rituals of transformation. We explore how Gerald Gardner, the founder of modern Wicca, revived Samhain within the Pagan Wheel of the Year, blending folklore, ceremonial magic, and the seasonal cycles to craft a new esoteric meaning for this ancient festival. We cover the significance of ancestor veneration, divination practices, shadow work during Samhain, and how Pagans set up their altars with symbols of death and renewal. We also look closer at public and private Samhain celebrations, the roles of death deities like Hecate, the Morrigan, and Anubis, and unique rituals such as the Dumb Supper. CONNECT & SUPPORT

Let's explore the historical development and cultural significance of blood magic. Blood has been used in magical rituals across civilizations, from Mesopotamian and Egyptian rites to Greco-Roman traditions, carrying powerful symbolism tied to life, death, and transformation. We explore the dual nature of blood as a source of vitality and renewal while also representing violence, sacrifice, and mortality. Drawing on key scholarly sources such as the works of Victor Turner, René Girard, and Walter Burkert, this episode examines blood's profound role in ancient and modern magical traditions, including Thelema, Satanic rituals, and chaos magic. Topics covered: - Defining blood magic and its ritual uses - Blood symbolism in Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and Greco-Roman traditions - Blood's duality in ancient and modern magical contexts - Medieval witchcraft, blood pacts, and the witch trials - Contemporary practices and ethical considerations CONNECT & SUPPORT

Neste episódio do Estudos Medievais, tratamos das Etimologias do bispo Isidoro de Sevilha (599-636). Nessa enciclopédia, Isidoro apresenta tanto técnicas para a aprendizagem quanto conteúdo sobre domínios específicos, como Geografia, Matemática, Medicina, Gramática, Construção naval, Agricultura, a Igreja, Deus e os seres vivos. Sobreviveram mais de mil manuscritos reproduzindo partes desse texto e versões impressas dele começaram a ser feitas no século XV. Pela abrangência, exaustividade e multidisciplinaridade do trabalho e pelo reconhecimento dado a ele como referencial de conhecimento desde o século VII, Isidoro foi condecorado como o “padroeiro da Internet”. Para discutir essa obra, recebemos a Profª. Drª. Maria Cristina C. L. Pereira da USP. Ela é coordenadora do LATHIMM (Laboratório de Teoria e História das Mídias Medievais) e uma das responsáveis pelo subprojeto As Etimologias em circulação: do manuscrito ao hipertexto, inserido no projeto temático “Uma História Conectada da Idade Média” (21/02912-3). Participantes ⁠Isabela SilvaMaria Cristina Leandro Pereira Membros da equipe Cecília Silva (edição)Diego Pereira (roteiro)⁠⁠Eric Cyon (edição)⁠Gabriel Cordeiro (ilustração)⁠⁠Isabela Silva (roteiro)⁠⁠José Fonseca (roteiro)⁠Marina Sanchez (roteiro)Rafael Bosch (roteiro)⁠⁠Sara Oderdenge (roteiro) Sugestões bibliográficas CODOÑER, Carmen; ANDRÉS SANZ, María Adelaida; MARTIN, José Carlos. Isidoro de Sevilla. In: CODOÑER, Carmen (Ed.). La Hispania visigótica y mozárabe. Dos épocas en su literatura. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 2010, p.139-155. DÍAZ Y DÍAZ, Manuel (Ed.). Isidoriana. León: Centro de Estudios Isidorianos, 1961. FEAR, Andrew; WOOD, Jamie (Ed). A Companion to Isidore of Seville. Leiden: Brill, 2020. FONTAINE, Jacques. Isidore de Séville. Genèse et originalité de la culture hispanique au temps des Wisigoths.Turnhout: Brepols, 2000. INNOVATING Knowledge. Disponível em: https://innovatingknowledge.nl/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2024. ISIDORO DE SEVILLA. Etimologías. Trad. José Oroz Reta and Manuel A. Marcos Casquero Madrid: BAC, 2009 (2ª impr.). Com introdução de Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz.

1012. Most words are different in different languages, but water from steeped leaves has only two main names: tea and chai. We look at why! Also, if you've ever mixed up words, like calling a butterfly a "flutterby," you'll love learning about what these slips of the tongue tell us about how we form sentences.The "tea" segment was written by Valerie Fridland, a professor of linguistics at the University of Nevada in Reno and the author of "Like, Literally, Dude: Arguing for the Good in Bad English." You can find her at valeriefridland.com.The "slips of the tongue" segment was written by Cecile McKee, , a professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona. It originally appeared on The Conversation and appears here through a Creative Commons license.

In this episode, Emil Seidenfaden, an historian presently undertaking postdoctoral research at the Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen, joined us to talk about his recent book, Informing Interwar Internationalism. This fascinating work combines international history and media history and explores the intersection of journalism and diplomacy at the time of the League of Nations. Emil talks about the relationship between public information and legitimacy, and how the Information Section officials at the League negotiated the tensions between propaganda, public opinion and internationalism.   Resources Seidenfaden, E. E. (2024). Informing Interwar Internationalism: The Information Strategies of the League of Nations. Bloomsbury Academic. Histories of Internationalism   Seidenfaden, E. E. (2020). Daniel Hucker, Public Opinion and Twentieth-Century Diplomacy. A Global Perspective. Leiden: Brill. Potter, S. J. (2023). Broadcasting in the Cause of Peace: Regulating International Radio Propaganda in Europe, 1921–1939. The International History Review, 45(6), 843–864. https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2023.2224352 Sweetser, A. (1916) Roadside Glimpses of the Great War. Macmillan. London. Covenant of the League of Nations: https://libraryresources.unog.ch/ld.php?content_id=32971179 The League of Nations Information Section: https://libraryresources.unog.ch/LONSecretariat/information   Emil's book recommendation: Cohen, D. (2023). Last Call at the Hotel Imperial. The Reporters Who Took On A World At War. Penguin Random House.   Where to listen to this episode  Apple podcasts:  https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-next-page/id1469021154 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/10fp8ROoVdve0el88KyFLy YouTube: Content    Guest: Emil Seidenfaden Host, producer and editor: Amy Smith Recorded & produced at the United Nations Library & Archives Geneva 

This discussion is with Dr. Julia Hauser, a cultural historian interested in the entanglements of Europe, the US and Asia, mainly India and the Middle East, during the nineteenth and twentieth century. She has worked on female mission in late Ottoman Beirut, the entangled history of vegetarianism between Europe, the US, and India, and the global history of the plague. Her publications include German Religious Women in Late Ottoman Beirut published by Leiden: Brill in 2015, and The Moral Contagion, a global history of the plague illustrated by artist Sarnath Banerjee, published by Delhi Harper Collins in 2024. In this conversation, we discuss her monograph, A Taste for Purity published by Columbia University Press in 2024 where she argues that vegetarianism during the mid-nineteenth century to the early Cold War, was motivated by expansive visions of moral, physical, and even racial purification.

CONTENT WARNING: Please be aware that there are brief discussions of infant and child mortality in this episode.In this episode Susannah Lyon-Whaley interviews Alexandra Forsyth on her fascinating research on the dauphines of late medieval France. Guest Bio: Alexandra is a doctoral candidate in History at the University of Auckland. Her doctoral thesis examines the fertility, maternity, and childlessness of the ten Valois dauphines from 1350-1559. She is particularly interested in how the dauphines may have sought to enhance their fertility through the use of magical-medicinal and religious remedies. Alexandra holds a Master of Arts and BA (Hons) in History, both with First Class Honours. Alexandra is currently working as an Editorial Advisor for the Powers 1100-1550 section of Routledge Resources Online: Medieval Studies and has two forthcoming encyclopaedic entries on this platform, namely, Margaret of Scotland (1424-1445); Salic Law and French Royal Succession.Alexandra's recommended readings:Translated primary source: The Trotula: An English Translation of the Medieval Compendium of Women's Medicine. Translated and edited by Monica H. Green. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002. Book on the Conditions of Women was discussed. Susan Broomhall. The Identities of Catherine de' Medici. Leiden: Brill, 2021. Jennifer Evans. Aphrodisiacs, Fertility, and Medicine in Early Modern England. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2014.  Kristen L. Geaman. Anne of Bohemia. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2022. Kristen L. Geaman, "Anne of Bohemia and Her Struggle to Conceive, Social History of Medicine." Social History of Medicine 29, 2 (2016): 224-244.  Daphna Oren-Magidor. Infertility in Early Modern England. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Regina Toepfer. Infertility in Medieval and Early Modern Europe Premodern Views on Childlessness. Translated by Kate Sotejeff-Wilson. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022.  

What is Qabalah? This is a scholarly exploration of Hermetic Qabalah, an esoteric tradition steeped in history and rich in spiritual practice. This detailed video presentation covers the evolution of Hermetic Qabalah from its origins in ancient Jewish mysticism through its adaptation in Christian and Renaissance thought to its pivotal role in contemporary Western esotericism. We start by defining Hermetic Qabalah and distinguishing it from Jewish Kabbalah and Christian Cabala, highlighting the unique blend of mysticism, philosophy, and theology that characterizes each form. Discover how figures like Giovanni Pico della Mirandola influenced the Christian reinterpretation of Kabbalistic ideas and how these ideas permeated Renaissance thought. The video further delves into the core structure of the Tree of Life, explaining its symbolic representation of the universe's spiritual and material aspects. Learn about the sefirot, the paths that connect them, and their implications for personal and spiritual development. We will also cover primary texts like the Zohar and Sepher Yetzirah, their historical significance, and their roles in the practice of Qabalah. Additionally, we explore the modern application of Hermetic Qabalah in traditions such as Thelema and its integration into practices like modern Witchcraft and the Golden Dawn system. CONNECT & SUPPORT

Returning to the idea of discussing biological thought in other cultures and/or times, today's topic is the Four Humours. This is an ancient idea of how the body worked coming from the thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome. Sources for this episode: Jouanna, J. (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen: Selected Papers. Leiden: BRILL. Stelmack, R. M. and Stalikas, A. (1991), Galen and the Humour Theory of Temperament. Personality and Individual Differences 12(3): 255-263. Thorndike, L. (1922), Galen: The Man and His Times. The Scientific Monthly 14(1): 83-93.

J.J. and Dr. Joanna Weinberg make their way back to sunny 15th century Italy and the surrounding centuries to visit some of the more interesting Jewish characters of the Italian Renaissance. They weave their way through cross-cultural influences and intra-cultural tensions during this remarkable era of rebirth. Don't forget to rate and review the the show in the podcast app of your choice!Please send any complaints or compliments to podcasts@torahinmotion.orgFor more information visit torahinmotion.org/podcastsJoanna Weinberg is Professor Emerita in Early Modern Jewish History and Rabbinics at the University of Oxford where she taught rabbinic literature and medieval and Jewish literature and history. She has translated and edited the works of the major Jewish Renaissance scholar Azariah de' Rossi. More recently, she collaborated with Anthony Grafton (Princeton University) on the Hebrew studies of the great Huguenot scholar Isaac Casaubon (Harvard University Press, 2011) Together with Anthony Grafton  she has recently completed a book on the major German Reformed Hebraist Johann Buxtorf and his paradoxical approaches to Jews and Jewish literature. With Michael Fishbane she edited  and contributed to Midrash Unbound. Transformations and Innovations (Littman Library, 2013). With Scott Mandelbrote she edited and contributed to Jewish Books and Their Readers; Aspects of Jewish and Christian Intellectual Life in early modern Europe , Leiden: Brill, 2016. Together with Piet van Boxel and Kirsten Macfarlane  she had edited the volume The Mishnaic Moment: Jewish Law among Jews and Christians in Early Modern Europe  Oxford University Press in the Oxford-Warburg Studies at the end of May 2022.

Przerwa, przerwa, a po przerwie… rekord długości. Bo zaczęliśmy od nieklasycznych nowinek. Średniowiecznik mówił o standardach edukacji politycznej w 2 połowie XX-XXI w., a historyk najnowszy o wybitnych Ślązakach XIX w. W ramach lektur pierwszy z nas omówił opowieść o papierni w Dusznikach Zdroju i zbiór poświęcony idei początków ludów wczesnośredniowiecznej Europy Zachodniej. Ponadto wspomniał o Marysi, co miała dać gęby. Drugi z nas opowiadał o pewnej wystawie bardzo romantycznej i albumie z tej okazji wydanym. Przedstawił też film opowiadający o nietypowym źródle z okresu dochodzenia nazistów do władzy. Zaprezentował biografię jego autorki, dziennikarki podejmującej ryzyko bycia ‘podwójnym agentem' w czasach Republiki Weimarskiej. Dyskusję w studio wywołała jego recenzja fabularnego, niehistorycznego ujęcia epizodu z życia Tadeusza Kościuszki. No, ale w końcu to polska filmografia. Zasadniczym tematem naszego odcinka była kultura pamięci, a właściwie dyskusja nad poufną (nie dla nas) propozycją definiowania działań na rzecz niemieckiej kultury pamięci ogłoszoną przez Federalne Ministerstwo Kultury w Niemczech. Podkreślaliśmy jej odmienność od kształtu polskich polityk historycznych, świadome zakorzenienie w wartościach społeczeństwa demokratycznego, inkluzywność bez odchodzenia od głównych wątków niemieckiej historii XIX-XX w. Zastanawialiśmy się, czy i Polakom nie przydała by się dyskusja nad mniej tożsamościową, a bardziej demokratyczną z ducha refleksją nad przeszłością. - Rozgrzewka:)) - Nowinki / starowinki - 6:19 - Lektury - 20:19 - Temat przewodni - 53:40 Pełny tekst opisu zamieściliśmy na stronie internetowej naszego projektu: http://2historykow1mikrofon.pl/demokratyczne-kultury-pamieci/ Wymienione w czasie audycji publikacje i materiały: - M. Szymczek, R. Sachs, R. Eysymontt, J. Batchan, Monografia młyna papierniczego w Dusznikach-Zdroju, Duszniki Zdrój 2018 - Origin Legends in Early Medieval Western Europe, red. L. Brady, P. Wadden (Reading Medieval Sources, Volume: 6), Leiden: Brill, 2022. https://brill.com/display/title/55035 - Tomasz Wiślicz, Maryś, dajże gęby! Czyli życie seksualne polskiej wsi. Kościół straszył, chłop nie słuchał, Tygodnik Polityka, Polityka. Pomocnik historyczny: Dzieje polskiej wsi, https://www.polityka.pl/tygodnikpolityka/historia/2253531,1,marys-dajze-geby-czyli-zycie-seksualne-polskiej-wsi-kosciol-straszyl-chlop-nie-sluchal.read - Hitlerputsch 1923: Das Tagebuch der Paula Schlier, https://www.ardmediathek.de/video/ard-history/hitlerputsch-1923-das-tagebuch-der-paula-schlier/br-fernsehen/Y3JpZDovL2JyLmRlL3ZpZGVvLzNmNWQzNTZlLTYyZWYtNDA3My1iNWY2LTI3MDFkMmJjMTQ2MA - Petras Aufzeichnungen Oder Konzept einer Jugend nach dem Diktat der Zeit, https://www.omvs.at/buch/petras-aufzeichnungen-oder-konzept-einer-jugend-nach-dem-diktat-der-zeit/ Krzysztof Ruchniewicz Blog: www.krzysztofruchniewicz.eu Facebook: www.facebook.com/krzysztof.ruchniewicz.3 Instagram: www.instagram.com/ruchpho/ Twitter: twitter.com/krzyruch YouTube: www.youtube.com/channel/UCT23Rwyk…iew_as=subscriber Przemysław Wiszewski Blog: www.przemysławwiszewski.pl Facebook: www.facebook.com/przemyslaw.wiszewski Instagram: www.instagram.com/przewisz/ Twitter: twitter.com/wiszewski YuoTube: www.youtube.com/channel/UCuq6q08E…iew_as=subscriber Do nagrania intro i outro wykorzystaliśmy utwór RogerThat'a pt. „Retro 70s Metal” (licencja nr JAM-WEB-2020-0010041).

In this episode Kara and Jordan answer listener questions from April. To submit a question for the monthly Q&A podcast, become a paid subscriber on Substack or join our Patreon!A few photos from Kara's Egypt tripShow Notes:Female Genitalia Lexicography* Bednarski, Andrew 2000. Hysteria revisited. Women's public health in ancient Egypt. In McDonald, Angela and Christina Riggs (eds), Current research in Egyptology 2000, 11-17. Oxford: Archaeopress.* Ghalioungui, P. 1977. The persistence and spread of some obstetric concepts held in ancient Egypt. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte 62, 141-154.* Westendorf, Wolfhart 1999. Handbuch der altägyptischen Medizin, 2 vols. Handbuch der Orientalistik, erste Abteilung 36 (1-2). Leiden: Brill.Burial of Children * Barba, Pablo 2021. Power, personhood and changing emotional engagement with children's burial during the Egyptian Predynastic. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 31 (2), 211-228. DOI: 10.1017/S0959774320000402.  * Kaiser, Jessica 2023. When death comes, he steals the infant: child burials at the Wall of the Crow cemetery, Giza. In Kiser-Go, Deanna and Carol A. Redmount (eds), Weseretkau "mighty of kas": papers in memory of Cathleen A. Keller, 347-369. Columbus, GA: Lockwood Press. DOI: 10.5913/2023853.22.  Export >>* Marshall, Amandine 2022. Childhood in ancient Egypt. Translated by Colin Clement. Cairo; New York: American University in Cairo Press. * Saleem, Sahar N., Sabah Abd el-Razek Seddik, and Mahmoud el Halwagy 2020. A child mummy in a pot: computed tomography study and insights on child burials in ancient Egypt. In Kamrin, Janice, Miroslav Bárta, Salima Ikram, Mark Lehner, and Mohamed Megahed (eds), Guardian of ancient Egypt: studies in honor of Zahi Hawass 3, 1393-1403. Prague: Charles University, Faculty of Arts.Skin Color and Gender* Shelley Halley, Prof. Emerita of Classics and Africana Studies, Hamilton College* Tutankhamun out of the lotus blossom with ‘naturalistic' skin * Roth, Ann Macy 2000. Father earth, mother sky: ancient Egyptian beliefs about conception and fertility. In Rautman, Alison E. (ed.), Reading the body: representations and remains in the archaeological record, 187-201. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.* Tan Men/Pale Women: Color and Gender in Archaic Greece and Egypt, a Comparative Approach by Mary Ann Eaverly Kara's ARCE Talk- “Elites Relying on Cultural Memory for Regime Building”Abstract: Theban elites of the late 20th and 21st Dynasties relied on veneration of 17th and 18th Dynasty kings to support their regimes ideologically. The cults of Ahmose-Nefertari and Amenhotep I were vibrant in the west Theban region, and their oracles were essential to solving many disputes. Herihor connected his militarily-achieved kingship to his position in the Karnak priesthood using the ancestor kings as touchstones. Twenty-first Dynasty Theban elites named their children after 18th Dynasty monarchs; Theban High Priest and king Panedjem named a daughter Maatkare, ostensibly after Hatshepsut of the 18th Dynasty, and a son Menkheperre after Thutmose III. Examination of the 20th and 21st Dynasty interventions of the royal mummies from Dra Abu el Naga and the Valley of the Kings indicates these royal corpses were used as sacred effigies of a sort, rewrapped and placed into regilded containers even after they had been stripped of their treasures and golden embellishments. This paper will examine how immigrants and mercenaries were able to move into Theban elite circles by marshaling ancestral connections to power. Men like Herihor and Panedjem, one of them at least of Meshwesh origins, worked within an Upper Egyptian cultural system that put its temple communities of practice before its military and veiled its politics with pious rituals and oracular pronouncements. Such elites had to negotiate their identities and power grabs through the cultural memory of the region's royal ancestors.* Episode 83- Thutmose III and the Veneration of the Royal Ancestors * Cooney, Kathlyn M. 2022. The New Kingdom of Egypt under the Ramesside dynasty. In Radner, Karen, Nadine Moeller, and D. T. Potts (eds), The Oxford history of the ancient Near East, volume III: from the Hyksos to the late second millennium BC, 251-366. New York: Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190687601.003.0027. * Cooney, Kara. 2024. Recycling for Death AUC Press. * The Khonsu Temple at Karnak Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

The bathhouse is an iconic feature of the medieval middle eastern city up until the present. But how did this come to be? In this episode we look into the origins of bathing culture in the Middle East by going back to the Roman, late antique and early Islamic development of bathhouses. Speakers: Nathalie de Haan and Sadi Maréchal. Interviewer: Edmund Hayes. Nathalie de Haan is an associate professor in ancient history at Radboud University, Department of History, Art History and Classics and RICH (Radboud Institute for Culture &History). She is the coordinator of the RICH research group The Ancient World. Her research interest include baths and bathing in the Roman world, Pompeii and Herculaneum and the history of classical archaeology in modern Italy (19th and 20th centuries). Sadi Maréchal is senior postdoctoral researcher of the Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) based at the department of Archaeology at Ghent University, part of the Historical Archaeology Research Group, the Mediterranean Archaeology Research Unit and coordinator of the Ghent Centre for Late Antiquity. This episode was produced by Edmund Hayes and Jouke Heringa. Further Reading Nathalie de Haan & Kurt Wallat, Die Zentralthermen (Terme Centrali) in Pompeji: Archäologie eines Bauprojektes, Papers of the Royal Netherlands Institute in Rome, 71 (Rome: Quasar, 2023). (see: https://edizioniquasar.it/products/die-zentralthermen-terme-centrali-in-pompeji-archaologie-eines-bauprojektes) Nathalie de Haan “Si aquae copia patiatur. Pompeian Private Baths and the Use of Water”, Chapter 4, in A.O. Koloski-Ostrow (ed.), Water Use and Hydraulics in the Roman City, Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company (Archaeological Institute of America, Colloquia and Conference Papers, Vol. 3, 2001) Sadi Maréchal, Public Baths and Bathing Habits in Late Antiquity. A Study of the Evidence from Italy, North Africa and Palestine A.D. 285–700 (Late Antique Archaeology Supplementary Series 6), Leiden: Brill 2020. Sadi Maréchal, Washing the Body, Cleaning the Soul : Baths and Bathing Habits in a Christianising Society, Antiquité Tardive 28 (2020): 167–176. F. Yegül, Bathing in the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Edmund Hayes twitter.com/Hedhayes20 https://www.linkedin.com/in/edmund-hayes-490913211/ https://leidenuniv.academia.edu/EdmundHayes https://hcommons.org/members/ephayes/ Abbasid History Podcast is sponspored by IHRC Bookshop Listeners get a 15% discount on all purchases online and in-store.  Visit IHRC bookshop at shop.ihrc.org and use discount code AHP15 at checkout.  Terms and conditions apply. Contact IHRC bookshop for details. https://linktr.ee/abbasidhistorypodcast  

A new era dawns today. We welcome a new emperor and a new empress of the Romans... Vote on our elevation at the following links! Results will be declared on the 3rd of May after we consider the vote closed on the 1st. Website: https://wordpress.com/page/autocratpodcast.wordpress.com/587 Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/p/C5N4UZGq-Em/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link&igsh=MzRlODBiNWFlZA== YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCu0Hnh-S2FwxluFRPvOo8xA/community Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/6GCSTXQpilgG5NIgFcGRTm?si=ee52098276f84cd6 Sources for this episode: Cronin, V. (c. 1971), Napoleon. London: William Collins. Laats, A. (2009), The Concept of the Third Rome and its Political Implications. KVÜÕA toimetised 12: 98-113. Littlewood, I. (2002), The Rough Guide History of France. London: Rough Guides Ltd. Montefiore, S. S. (date unknown), The Romanovs 1613-1918. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson (eBook). Porphyrogennetus, C. (date unknown), Constantine Porphyrogennetus: The Book of Ceremonies. Leiden: Brill. Strémooukhoff, D. (1953), Moscow the Third Rome: Sources of the Doctrine. Speculum 28(1): 84-101. Venning, T. (editor) (2006), A Chronology of the Byzantine Empire. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Wheatley, J. (2016), A Problem or a Solution? The Referendum as a Mechanism for Citizens' Participation in Constitution Making. Chapter in: Ruth, S. P., Welp, Y. and Whitehead, L. (editors), Let the People Rule? Direct Democracy in the Twenty-First Century. Colchester: ECPR Press. Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), Philotheus of Pskov (online) (Accessed 25/03/2024). Author unknown, Wikipedia (date unknown), 1802 French constitutional referendum (online) (Accessed 25/03/2024).

No seu trigésimo oitavo episódio, o Estudos Medievais recebe Gabriel Cordeiro, doutorando pela Universidade de São Paulo, para uma conversa sobre a primeira pandemia de peste, também conhecida como Peste Justiniana. O pesquisador aborda questões biológicas da peste, incluindo sua forma de propagação, o agente patogênico e os sintomas associados à doença. Além disso, explora os primeiros relatos da manifestação da doença. Por fim, discute as interpretações mais recentes dos historiadores sobre o impacto dessa pandemia na região do Mediterrâneo. Participantes Carolina Santos Gabriel Cordeiro Membros da equipe ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Carolina⁠ Santos (edição)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Cecília Silva (edição)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Diego Pereira (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Eric Cyon (edição)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Gabriel Cordeiro (ilustração)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Isabela Silva (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠José Fonseca (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Marina Sanchez (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Rafael Bosch (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Sara Oderdenge (roteiro) Recomendações bibliográficas GREEN, Monica H. Climate and Disease in Medieval Eurasia. In: LUDDEN, David. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History. Nova Iorque: Oxford University Press, 2018. MORDECHAI, Lee; EISENBERG, Merle; NEWFIELD, Timothy; IZDEBSKI, Adam, KAY, Janet; POINAR, Hendrik. The Justinianic Plague: An Inconsequential Pandemic? Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, v. 116, n. 51, p. 25546-25554, 2019 NEWFIELD, Timothy. Mysterious and Mortiferous Clouds: The Climate Cooling and Disease Burden of Late Antiquity. in: IZDEBSKI, Adam; MULRYAN, Michael (Eds.). Environment and Society in the Long Late Antiquity. Leiden: Brill, p. 89-115, 2018. SARRIS, Peter. New Approches to the ‘Plague of Justinian'. Past & Present, v. 254, n. 1, p. 315-346, 2022. WIECHMANN, Ingrid; GRUPE, Gisela. Detection of Yersinia pestis DNA in two early medieval skeletal finds from Aschheim (Upper Bavaria, 6th century A.D.). American Journal of Physical Anthropology, v. 126, n. 1, p. 48–55, 2004.

Law. How does the state form and use it? How do people use and shape it? How does law shape culture? How does the practice of law change over time in a modernizing colony? What was stable and what was malleable in the application of law in early modern Russia versus its Central Asian colony in the Empire's final century? What's the difference between a bribe and a gift? These are some of the questions at the heart of this fascinating conversation about two books that probe the theoretical and instrumental underpinnings, as well as the everyday practice, of law in different periods and regions of the Russian Empire. Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Russia (Cambridge UP, 2012) by Nancy Kollmann analyzes the day-to-day practice of Russian criminal justice in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Visions of Justice: Sharī'a and Cultural Change in Russian Central Asia (Brill, 2017; available open access) by Paolo Sartori excavates civil law practice to explore legal consciousness among the Muslim communities of Central Asia from the end of the eighteenth century through the fall of the Russian Empire, situating his work within a range of debates about colonialism and law, legal pluralism, and subaltern subjectivity. Paolo Sartori and Nancy Kollmann explore overlaps, divergence and much more that emerge from their respective findings in these deeply researched books. Paolo Sartori is a Senior Research Associate and the Chairman of the Commission for the Study of Islam in Central Eurasia at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. He currently serves as the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient and the Journal of Central Asian History (Brill). In addition to Visions of Justice, authoring several scholarly articles and co-editing essay collections, Sartori has co-authored two books, Seeking Justice at the Court of the Khans of Khiva (19th–Early 20th Centuries) (Leiden: Brill, 2020), co-authored with Ulfat Abdurasulov and Éksperimenty imperii: adat, shariat, i proizvodtsvo znanii v Kazakhskoi stepi (Moscow: Novoe Literaturnoe Obozrenie, 2019), co-authored with Pavel Shabley. Nancy Kollmann is the William H. Bonsall Professor of History at Stanford University in California. In addition to Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Russia (2012), she is the author of Kinship and Politics: The Making of the Muscovite Political System, 1345–1547 (1987), By Honor Bound: State and Society in Early Modern Russia (1999); The Russian Empire, 1450–1801 (2017), and Visualizing Russia in Early Modern Europe (forthcoming August 2024). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/russian-studies

Law. How does the state form and use it? How do people use and shape it? How does law shape culture? How does the practice of law change over time in a modernizing colony? What was stable and what was malleable in the application of law in early modern Russia versus its Central Asian colony in the Empire's final century? What's the difference between a bribe and a gift? These are some of the questions at the heart of this fascinating conversation about two books that probe the theoretical and instrumental underpinnings, as well as the everyday practice, of law in different periods and regions of the Russian Empire. Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Russia (Cambridge UP, 2012) by Nancy Kollmann analyzes the day-to-day practice of Russian criminal justice in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Visions of Justice: Sharī'a and Cultural Change in Russian Central Asia (Brill, 2017; available open access) by Paolo Sartori excavates civil law practice to explore legal consciousness among the Muslim communities of Central Asia from the end of the eighteenth century through the fall of the Russian Empire, situating his work within a range of debates about colonialism and law, legal pluralism, and subaltern subjectivity. Paolo Sartori and Nancy Kollmann explore overlaps, divergence and much more that emerge from their respective findings in these deeply researched books. Paolo Sartori is a Senior Research Associate and the Chairman of the Commission for the Study of Islam in Central Eurasia at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. He currently serves as the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient and the Journal of Central Asian History (Brill). In addition to Visions of Justice, authoring several scholarly articles and co-editing essay collections, Sartori has co-authored two books, Seeking Justice at the Court of the Khans of Khiva (19th–Early 20th Centuries) (Leiden: Brill, 2020), co-authored with Ulfat Abdurasulov and Éksperimenty imperii: adat, shariat, i proizvodtsvo znanii v Kazakhskoi stepi (Moscow: Novoe Literaturnoe Obozrenie, 2019), co-authored with Pavel Shabley. Nancy Kollmann is the William H. Bonsall Professor of History at Stanford University in California. In addition to Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Russia (2012), she is the author of Kinship and Politics: The Making of the Muscovite Political System, 1345–1547 (1987), By Honor Bound: State and Society in Early Modern Russia (1999); The Russian Empire, 1450–1801 (2017), and Visualizing Russia in Early Modern Europe (forthcoming August 2024).

What is Islamic Esotericism, and how does it relate to Western Esotericism? Thanks to Liana Saif's work, we delve into Islamic esotericism within the broader context of global esoteric traditions, critically assessing the field's traditional focus on Western esotericism. We scrutinize the foundational role of scholars like Mircea Eliade and Henry Corbin in shaping Western-centric esoteric narratives. The episode addresses key questions: - How has Western-centric scholarship influenced the study of Islamic esotericism? - What are the challenges and implications of integrating Islamic esoteric traditions into a global esoteric framework? - How do cultural, religious, and historical factors intersect in the practice of esotericism across societies? Through the insights of Wouter Hanegraaff and Kennet Granholm, the episode urges a reevaluation of esoteric studies to embrace the richness of traditions that transcend the East-West dichotomy. It raises important issues related to cultural exchange, identity, and the aftermath of colonialism in shaping esoteric practices. The work of Naṣr Ḥāmid Abū Zayd is highlighted, emphasizing philosophical inquiry in the interpretation of sacred texts within Islamic mys CONNECT & SUPPORT

The Ming-Qing transition was an extremely chaotic time in Chinese history. Millions died of warfare, pestilence, or starvation, and millions more were displaced. Yet despite all these issues, this was also a period of cultural production, which has often been overlooked as people focus on the wars, famine, and climate change that pervaded this period. In this episode, I speak with Professor Lynn Struve about the literary pursuits of men and women and the overall intellectual landscape in the Late Ming and the Early Qing Contributors Lynn Struve Lynn Struve is an emeritus professor of history and an emeritus professor of East Asian languages and cultures at Indiana University Bloomington. Her research interests include traditional Chinese history, 17th century political and intellectual history, East-West comparative thought, and Chinese reference and source materials. Over the course of her career, she has published widely, particularly on the period of the Ming-Qing transition, and has received numerous awards. Her representative works include Voices from the Ming-Qing Cataclysm: China in Tigers' Jaws, The Southern Ming, 1644-1662, The Ming-Qing Conflict: A Historiography and Source Guide, and, more recently, The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World, which was recently awarded best overall book in Ming studies published between 2019 and 2022 by the Society for Ming Studies. Yiming Ha Yiming Ha is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of California, Los Angeles. His current research is on military mobilization and state-building in China between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, focusing on how military institutions changed over time, how the state responded to these changes, the disconnect between the center and localities, and the broader implications that the military had on the state. His project highlights in particular the role of the Mongol Yuan in introducing an alternative form of military mobilization that radically transformed the Chinese state. He is also interested in military history, nomadic history, comparative Eurasian state-building, and the history of maritime interactions in early modern East Asia. He received his BA from UCLA and his MPhil from the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Credits Episode no. 18 Release date: March 1, 2024 Recording location: Bloomington, IN/Los Angeles, CA References compiled by Yiming Ha Images A portrait of the Kangxi emperor as a scholar, painted in 1699 when he was forty-five years of age. (Image Source) An alternative portrait of the Kangxi emperor that Jonathan Spence used for his book on the Kangxi emperor. This portrait shows the pockmarks on his face, a result of his childhood survival of smallpox which devastated the Manchu population. (Image Source) A portrait of Huang Zongxi (1610-1695), one of the great scholars of the Late Ming and Early Qing. Originally a prominent figure in the Ming loyalist movement, Huang retired from Ming loyalism but also refused to serve the Qing. Nonetheless, Huang made many contributions to scholarship by indirectly accommodating the Qing. (Image Source) A late 18th/early 19th century portrait of Liu Rushi (1618-1664), one of the most famous courtesans of the 17th century and a prominent female scholar. (Image Source) Select References Brook, Timothy. The Price of Collapse: The Little Ice Age and the Fall of Ming China. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023.  Ko, Dorothy. Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth-century China. Stanford University Press, 1994. Struve, Lynn. The Dreaming Mind and the End of the Ming World. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2019. Widmer, Ellen. The Beauty and the Book: Women and Fiction in Nineteenth-century China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006. Widmer, Ellen. The Inner Quarters and Beyond Women Writers from Ming Through Qing. Leiden: Brill, 2010.

What differentiates honest syncretism from dishonest syncretism in spiritual traditions? How do new elements like "Ascended Masters" influence the integrity of traditional practices like Segnature? What ethical considerations should be made when integrating new beliefs into established traditions? Dr. Puca's exploration offers an academic yet accessible analysis, ideal for those interested in religious studies, cultural anthropology, and the evolution of magical practices. Dr. Angela Puca delves into the intricate world of syncretism within religious and esoteric practices, using her fieldwork in the Italian folk magic tradition of Segnature as a primary case study. CONNECT & SUPPORT

PARADISE LOST & PRIMARY EPIC 1. INVITATION 2. INITIATION 3. DESIGNATION 4. PROBATION 5. CONFERRAL 6. CONFIRMATION 7. CONSUMMATION X2M.144 BIRTH OF STARCHILD REV12:5A PARADISE REGAINED & COSMIC EPIC PH12 EXTENDING THE GALACTIC CROWN ∞. TRANSFIGURATION STARCASTER BLASTER - LEFT HAND X2M.145 QUANTIZATION X2M.146 QUANTPULSE X2M.147 QUANTGRAVITON OO X2M.148 QUANTGRAVITON X X2M.149 QUANTGRAVITON M X2M.150 QUINTESSENCE XIIM X2M.151 QUASAR X2M.145 DAVIDIC TO SOLOMONIC TRANSGENERATIONAL SUCCESSION X2M.146 DOUBLE OPTICAL LASAR PULSE X2M.147 OO 3H 4TH ASPECT ENTRY - QUANTUM FINITE GRAVITY INFINITE X2M.148 MODE OF SACREDOTAL TRANCE - LUCIFER JUXTAPOSED TO YHWH'S STARCHILD X2M.149 STARCHILD M & THE INTEGRATION OF THE ROYAL X2M.150 3H ENTERED BY CHARIOT REV12:5C - INGRESSIVE OR CONSTATIVE? X2M.151 THUNDERBOLT - STARCASTER BLASTER REV 12:5B ISRAEL WAR STARTS STARCLUSTER IMPERIUM - RIGHT HAND X2M.152 4Q418 81 13 X2M.153 4QFLORILEGIUM X2M.154 1QS 8:5, 11:7-9 X2M.155 11QMELCHIZEDEK X2M.156 1QH 8(16):6 X2M.157 4QINSTRUCTION X2M.158 QG 4.181 X2M.152 ETERNAL PLANTING X2M.153 STARDUST: RESTORATION OF DAVIDIC DYNASTY X2M.154 DAYBREAK: PALACE THROWN OPEN X2M.155 COVENANTAL PALACE INTACT X2M.156 FOUNTAIN OPENED X2M.157 STAROCK: THE NOVEL PEPTIDE PATHWAY X2M.158 ASTRALIZATION --- BECOMING AS THE STARS AND THE INHERITANCE OF THE NATIONS In conclusion, Collins summarizes that 4QInstruction's mystery is “the comprehensive plan of God for humanity,” which “involves an immortal destiny, grounded in creation in the divine image.” John J. Collins, “The Mysteries of God: Creation and Eschatology in 4QInstruction and the Wisdom of Solomon,” in Jewish Cult and Hellenistic Culture: Essays on the Jewish Encounter with Hellenism and Roman Rule, ed. John J. Collins, JSJSup 100 (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 159–80; first published in Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition, ed. F. García Martínez, BETL 168 (Leuven: Peeters, 2003), 287–305; Matthew J. Goff, “Adam, the Angels and Eternal Life: Genesis 1–3 in 4QInstruction and the Wisdom of Solomon,” in Studies in the Book of Wisdom, ed. Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér, JSJSup 142 (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1–21. Going Boldly Where The Last Man has Gone Before! Decrease time over target:  PayPal or Venmo @clastronaut

Eric Calderwood, Associate Professor of Comparative and World Literature at the University of Illinois, joins Alan to discuss his new book On Earth or in Poems: The Many Lives of al-Andalus (Harvard University Press). They talk about how various groups such as feminists, Palestinians and directors making Ramadan soap-operas are all turning to the memory of al-Andalus and using it in different ways. You can buy the book here The Sobremesa Podcast has grown so much in 2023. We released 26 episodes on topics ranging from Spain's general election to the Civil War and on to Spanish cinema, Gaudi and anarchism and Al Ándalus. Please help us continue to grow and make the podcast sustainable in the coming year by supporting us here: https://www.buymeacoffee.com/thesobremey Spotify Playlist from Eric: https://open.spotify.com/playlist/5QrhqjTPPUt515FZcPriCl?si=ff2ae88ccf5b4861 Further reading of interest: Abu-Lughod, Lila. Do Muslim Women Need Saving? Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013.  Bennison, Amira K. The Almoravid and Almohad Empires. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016. Calderwood, Eric. Colonial al-Andalus: Spain the Making of Modern Moroccan Culture. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2016. Calderwood, Eric. On Earth or in Poems: The Many Lives of al-Andalus. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2023. Civantos, Christina. The Afterlife of al-Andalus: Muslim Iberia in Contemporary Arab and Hispanic Narratives. Albany: SUNY Press, 2017. Darwish, Mahmud. Once astros: Poesía. Trans. María Luisa Prieto González. Madrid: Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional, 2000. Elinson, Alexander E. Looking Back at al-Andalus: The Poetics of Loss and Nostalgia in Medieval Arabic and Hebrew Literature. Leiden: Brill, 2009. Manzano Moreno, Eduardo. “Qurtuba: Algunas reflexiones críticas sobre el califato de Córdoba y el mito de la convivencia.” Awraq 7 (2013): 225-246. Martínez Montávez, Pedro. Al-Andalus, España, en la literatura árabe contemporánea. Málaga: Arguval, 1992. Menocal, María Rosa. The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain. New York: Back Bay Books, 2002. Scott, Rachel, AbdoolKarim Vakil, and Julian Weiss, eds. Al-Andalus in Motion: Travelling Concepts and Cross-Cultural Concepts. London: King's College London CLAMS, 2021.

Episódio 2 da série sobre colonização alemã na Era Guilhermina (1884-1914). Alguns temas tratados: o nexo entre o Mandato Britânico da Tanganica e a África Oriental Alemã, a administração Carl Peters, Rebelião Maji Maji e formação da nacionalidade tanzaniana. Genocídio dos povos matumbi, pangwa, vidunda, segeju etc etc. ⁠Apoie o conteúdo independente - ⁠http://padrim.com.br/doencastropicais BIBLIOGRAFIA José Arturo Saavedra Casco. La rebelión Maji Maji: Un análisis historiográfico. México, D.F.: El Colegio de México, 2014. James Giblin & Jamie Monson. Maji Maji: Lifting the Fog of War. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Adolf Graf von Götzen. Deutsch-Ostafrika im Aufstand. Berlin: Reimer, 1909. G. C. K. Gwassa & John Iliffe. Records of the Maji Maji Rising, Part One. Dar es Salaam: East African Publishing House, 1967. John Iliffe. “The Effects of the Maji Maji Rebellion of 1905-1906 on German Occupation Policy in East Africa”, in: Prosser Gifford & Wm. Roger Louis (ed.) Britain and Germany in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967, p. 557-576. John Iliffe. “The Maji Maji rebellion, 1905-7”, in: A Modern History of Tanganyika. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, p. 168-202. Reginald Elias Kirey. “Memories of German Colonialism in Tanzania”. In: Jürgen Zimmerer. European Colonialism in Global Perspective, Volume 2. Oldenbourg: De Gruyter, 2023. LINKS Entrevista com Reginald Elias Kirey [em inglês] https://kolonialismus.blogs.uni-hamburg.de/2019/03/06/denkmalsturz-reginald-kirey-im-interview-englisch/ Documentário sobre Carl Peters (em alemão) - Die Liebe zum Imperium - Deutschlands dunkle Vergangenheit in Afrika. Dirigido por Peter Heller, 1978. Disponível em: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LrsSqVR7qVA Acervo Digital Suaíli - http://www.acervodigitalsuaili.com.br/ Renné Panduro Alegria. "A construção de uma língua oficial africana: o suaíli na Tanzânia" (2000) - https://repositorio.usp.br/item/001078654 Canal NTVTANZANIA (National Television Tanzania) sobre Maji Maji (em inglês): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E9JgvEZ0csw MÚSICA DE DESFECHO: X Plastaz - Nini dhambi kwa mwenye dhiki (2008) TEXTO/PESQUISA/NARRATIVA Felipe Vale da Silva http://www.aetia.com.br - Apoie o conteúdo independente.

References Alberto Asor Rosa, Il grande silenzio. Intervista sugli intellettuali. Roma: Laterza, 2009. Aldo Grandi, Insurrezione armata. Milano: RCS Libri S.p.a, 2005. Antonio Negri. Girolamo De Michele, Storia di un comunista (Italian Edition). Milano: Ponte alle grazie. Kindle Edition, 2015. Antonio Negri. Girolamo De Michele, Galera ed esilio, Storia di un comunista. Milano: Ponte alle grazie, 2018. Red Notes, Italy 1980-1981 After Marx, Jail! The Attempted Destruction of a Communist Movement. London: Red Notes, 1981. Marco Scavino, “La piazza e la forza. I percorsi verso la lotta armata del Sessantotto alla metà degli anni Settanta,” in Verso la lotta armata. La politica della violenza nella sinistra radicale degli anni Settanta, ed. S. Neri Serneri. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012. Marco Scavino. Potere operaio: La storia. La teoria. Vol. 1. Roma: Derive Approdi, 2018. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

Listen to this episode on Spotify or Apple Podcasts Let's face it the New Testament probably calls Jesus God (or god) a couple of times and so do early Christian authors in the second century. However, no one offers much of an explanation for what they mean by the title. Did early Christians think Jesus was God because he represented Yahweh? Did they think he was God because he shared the same eternal being as the Father? Did they think he was a god because that's just what they would call any immortalized human who lived in heaven? In this presentation I focus on the question from the perspective of Greco-Roman theology. Drawing on the work of David Litwa, Andrew Perriman, Barry Blackburn, and tons of ancient sources I seek to show how Mediterranean converts to Christianity would have perceived Jesus based on their cultural and religious assumptions. This presentation is from the 3rd Unitarian Christian Alliance Conference on October 20, 2023 in Springfield, OH. Here is the original pdf of this paper. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c5Z3QbQ7dHc —— Links —— See more scholarly articles by Sean Finnegan Get the transcript of this episode Support Restitutio by donating here Join our Restitutio Facebook Group and follow Sean Finnegan on Twitter @RestitutioSF Leave a voice message via SpeakPipe with questions or comments and we may play them out on the air Intro music: Good Vibes by MBB Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-SA 3.0) Free Download / Stream: Music promoted by Audio Library. Who is Sean Finnegan?  Read his bio here Introduction When early Christian authors called Jesus “god” (or “God”) what did they mean?[1] Modern apologists routinely point to pre-Nicene quotations in order to prove that early Christians always believed in the deity of Christ, by which they mean that he is of the same substance (homoousios) as the Father. However, most historians agree that Christians before the fourth century simply didn't have the cognitive categories available yet to think of Christ in Nicene or Chalcedonian ways. If this consensus is correct, it behooves us to consider other options for defining what early Christian authors meant. The obvious place to go to get an answer to our initial question is the New Testament. However, as is well known, the handful of instances in which authors unambiguously applied god (θεός) to Christ are fraught with textual uncertainty, grammatical ambiguity, and hermeneutical elasticity.[2]  What's more, granting that these contested texts[3] all call Jesus “god” provides little insight into what they might mean by that phrase. Turning to the second century, the earliest handful of texts that say Jesus is god are likewise textually uncertain or terse.[4] We must wait until the second half of the second century and beyond to have more helpful material to examine. We know that in the meanwhile some Christians were saying Jesus was god. What did they mean? One promising approach is to analyze biblical texts that call others gods. We find helpful parallels with the word god (אֱלֹהִים) applied to Moses (Exod 7.1; 4.16), judges (Exod 21.6; 22.8-9), kings (Is 9.6; Ps 45.6), the divine council (Ps 82.1, 6), and angels (Ps 8.6). These are texts in which God imbues his agents with his authority to represent him in some way. This rare though significant way of calling a representative “god,” continues in the NT with Jesus' clever defense to his accusers in John 10.34-36. Lexicons[5] have long recognized this “Hebraistic” usage and recent study tools such as the New English Translation (NET)[6] and the Zondervan Illustrated Bible Background Commentary[7] also note this phenomenon. But, even if this agency perspective is the most natural reading of texts like Heb 1.8, later Christians, apart from one or two exceptions appear to be ignorant of this usage.[8] This interpretation was likely a casualty of the so-called parting of the ways whereby Christianity transitioned from a second-temple-Jewish movement to a Gentile-majority religion. As such, to grasp what early postapostolic Christians believed, we must turn our attention elsewhere. Michael Bird is right when he says, “Christian discourses about deity belong incontrovertibly in the Greco-Roman context because it provided the cultural encyclopedia that, in diverse ways, shaped the early church's Christological conceptuality and vocabulary.”[9] Learning Greco-Roman theology is not only important because that was the context in which early Christians wrote, but also because from the late first century onward, most of our Christian authors converted from that worldview. Rather than talking about the Hellenization of Christianity, we should begin by asking how Hellenists experienced Christianization. In other words, Greco-Roman beliefs about the gods were the default lens through which converts first saw Christ. In order to explore how Greco-Roman theology shaped what people believed about Jesus as god, we do well to begin by asking how they defined a god. Andrew Perriman offers a helpful starting point. “The gods,” he writes, “are mostly understood as corporeal beings, blessed with immortality, larger, more beautiful, and more powerful than their mortal analogues.”[10] Furthermore, there were lots of them! The sublunar realm was, in the words of Paula Fredriksen, “a god-congested place.”[11] What's more, “[S]harp lines and clearly demarcated boundaries between divinity and humanity were lacking."[12] Gods could appear as people and people could ascend to become gods. Comprehending what Greco-Roman people believed about gods coming down and humans going up will occupy the first part of this paper. Only once we've adjusted our thinking to their culture, will we walk through key moments in the life of Jesus of Nazareth to hear the story with ancient Mediterranean ears. Lastly, we'll consider the evidence from sources that think of Jesus in Greco-Roman categories. Bringing this all together we'll enumerate the primary ways to interpret the phrase “Jesus is god” available to Christians in the pre-Nicene period. Gods Coming Down and Humans Going Up The idea that a god would visit someone is not as unusual as it first sounds. We find plenty of examples of Yahweh himself or non-human representatives visiting people in the Hebrew Bible.[13] One psalmist even referred to angels or “heavenly beings” (ESV) as אֱלֹהִים (gods).[14] The Greco-Roman world too told stories about divine entities coming down to interact with people. Euripides tells about the time Zeus forced the god Apollo to become a human servant in the house of Admetus, performing menial labor as punishment for killing the Cyclopes (Alcestis 1). Baucis and Philemon offered hospitality to Jupiter and Mercury when they appeared in human form (Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.26-34). In Homer's Odyssey onlookers warn Antinous for flinging a stool against a stranger since “the gods do take on the look of strangers dropping in from abroad”[15] (17.534-9). Because they believed the boundary between the divine realm and the Earth was so permeable, Mediterranean people were always on guard for an encounter with a god in disguise. In addition to gods coming down, in special circumstances, humans could ascend and become gods too. Diodorus of Sicily demarcated two types of gods: those who are “eternal and imperishable, such as the sun and the moon” and “the other gods…terrestrial beings who attained to immortal honour”[16] (The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian 6.1). By some accounts, even the Olympian gods, including Kronos and Uranus were once mortal men.[17] Among humans who could become divine, we find several distinguishable categories, including heroes, miracle workers, and rulers. We'll look at each briefly before considering how the story of Jesus would resonate with those holding a Greco-Roman worldview. Deified Heroes Cornutus the Stoic said, “[T]he ancients called heroes those who were so strong in body and soul that they seemed to be part of a divine race.” (Greek Theology 31)[18] At first this statement appears to be a mere simile, but he goes on to say of Heracles (Hercules), the Greek hero par excellence, “his services had earned him apotheosis” (ibid.). Apotheosis (or deification) is the process by which a human ascends into the divine realm. Beyond Heracles and his feats of strength, other exceptional individuals became deified for various reasons. Amphiarus was a seer who died in the battle at Thebes. After opening a chasm in the earth to swallow him in battle, “Zeus made him immortal”[19] (Apollodorus, Library of Greek Mythology 3.6). Pausanias says the custom of the inhabitants of Oropos was to drop coins into Amphiarus' spring “because this is where they say Amphiarus rose up as a god”[20] (Guide to Greece 1.34). Likewise, Strabo speaks about a shrine for Calchas, a deceased diviner from the Trojan war (Homer, Illiad 1.79-84), “where those consulting the oracle sacrifice a black ram to the dead and sleep in its hide”[21] (Strabo, Geography 6.3.9). Though the great majority of the dead were locked away in the lower world of Hades, leading a shadowy pitiful existence, the exceptional few could visit or speak from beyond the grave. Lastly, there was Zoroaster the Persian prophet who, according to Dio Chrysostom, was enveloped by fire while he meditated upon a mountain. He was unharmed and gave advice on how to properly make offerings to the gods (Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 36.40). The Psuedo-Clementine Homilies include a story about a lightning bolt striking and killing Zoroaster. After his devotees buried his body, they built a temple on the site, thinking that “his soul had been sent for by lightning” and they “worshipped him as a god”[22] (Homily 9.5.2). Thus, a hero could have extraordinary strength, foresight, or closeness to the gods resulting in apotheosis and ongoing worship and communication. Deified Miracle Workers Beyond heroes, Greco-Roman people loved to tell stories about deified miracle workers. Twice Orpheus rescued a ship from a storm by praying to the gods (Diodorus of Sicily 4.43.1f; 48.5f). After his death, surviving inscriptions indicate that he both received worship and was regarded as a god in several cities.[23] Epimenides “fell asleep in a cave for fifty-seven years”[24] (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers 1.109). He also predicted a ten-year period of reprieve from Persian attack in Athens (Plato Laws 1.642D-E). Plato called him a divine man (θεῖος ἀνήρ) (ibid.) and Diogenes talked of Cretans sacrificing to him as a god (Diogenes, Lives 1.114). Iamblichus said Pythagoras was the son of Apollo and a mortal woman (Life of Pythagoras 2). Nonetheless, the soul of Pythagoras enjoyed multiple lives, having originally been “sent to mankind from the empire of Apollo”[25] (Life 2). Diogenes and Lucian enumerate the lives the pre-existent Pythagoras led, including Aethalides, Euphorbus, Hermotimus, and Pyrrhus (Diogenes, Life of Pythagoras 4; Lucian, The Cock 16-20). Hermes had granted Pythagoras the gift of “perpetual transmigration of his soul”[26] so he could remember his lives while living or dead (Diogenes, Life 4). Ancient sources are replete with Pythagorean miracle stories.[27] Porphyry mentions several, including taming a bear, persuading an ox to stop eating beans, and accurately predicting a catch of fish (Life of Pythagoras 23-25). Porphyry said Pythagoras accurately predicted earthquakes and “chased away a pestilence, suppressed violent winds and hail, [and] calmed storms on rivers and on seas” (Life 29).[28] Such miracles, argued the Pythagoreans made Pythagoras “a being superior to man, and not to a mere man” (Iamblichus, Life 28).[29] Iamblichus lays out the views of Pythagoras' followers, including that he was a god, a philanthropic daemon, the Pythian, the Hyperborean Apollo, a Paeon, a daemon inhabiting the moon, or an Olympian god (Life 6). Another pre-Socratic philosopher was Empedocles who studied under Pythagoras. To him sources attribute several miracles, including stopping a damaging wind, restoring the wind, bringing dry weather, causing it to rain, and even bringing someone back from Hades (Diogenes, Lives 8.59).[30] Diogenes records an incident in which Empedocles put a woman into a trance for thirty days before sending her away alive (8.61). He also includes a poem in which Empedocles says, “I am a deathless god, no longer mortal, I go among you honored by all, as is right”[31] (8.62). Asclepius was a son of the god Apollo and a human woman (Cornutus, Greek Theology 33). He was known for healing people from diseases and injuries (Pindar, Pythian 3.47-50). “[H]e invented any medicine he wished for the sick, and raised up the dead”[32] (Pausanias, Guide to Greece 2.26.4). However, as Diodorus relates, Hades complained to Zeus on account of Asclepius' diminishing his realm, which resulted in Zeus zapping Asclepius with a thunderbolt, killing him (4.71.2-3). Nevertheless, Asclepius later ascended into heaven to become a god (Hyginus, Fables 224; Cicero, Nature of the Gods 2.62).[33] Apollonius of Tyana was a famous first century miracle worker. According to Philostratus' account, the locals of Tyana regard Apollonius to be the son of Zeus (Life 1.6). Apollonius predicted many events, interpreted dreams, and knew private facts about people. He rebuked and ridiculed a demon, causing it to flee, shrieking as it went (Life 2.4).[34] He even once stopped a funeral procession and raised the deceased to life (Life 4.45). What's more he knew every human language (Life 1.19) and could understand what sparrows chirped to each other (Life 4.3). Once he instantaneously transported himself from Smyrna to Ephesus (Life 4.10). He claimed knowledge of his previous incarnation as the captain of an Egyptian ship (Life 3.23) and, in the end, Apollonius entered the temple of Athena and vanished, ascending from earth into heaven to the sound of a choir singing (Life 8.30). We have plenty of literary evidence that contemporaries and those who lived later regarded him as a divine man (Letters 48.3)[35] or godlike (ἰσόθεος) (Letters 44.1) or even just a god (θεός) (Life 5.24). Deified Rulers Our last category of deified humans to consider before seeing how this all relates to Jesus is rulers. Egyptians, as indicated from the hieroglyphs left in the pyramids, believed their deceased kings to enjoy afterlives as gods. They could become star gods or even hunt and consume other gods to absorb their powers.[36] The famous Macedonian conqueror, Alexander the Great, carried himself as a god towards the Persians though Plutarch opines, “[he] was not at all vain or deluded but rather used belief in his divinity to enslave others”[37] (Life of Alexander 28). This worship continued after his death, especially in Alexandria where Ptolemy built a tomb and established a priesthood to conduct religious honors to the deified ruler. Even the emperor Trajan offered a sacrifice to the spirit of Alexander (Cassius Dio, Roman History 68.30). Another interesting example is Antiochus I of Comagene who called himself “Antiochus the just [and] manifest god, friend of the Romans [and] friend of the Greeks.”[38] His tomb boasted four colossal figures seated on thrones: Zeus, Heracles, Apollo, and himself. The message was clear: Antiochus I wanted his subjects to recognize his place among the gods after death. Of course, the most relevant rulers for the Christian era were the Roman emperors. The first official Roman emperor Augustus deified his predecessor, Julius Caesar, celebrating his apotheosis with games (Suetonius, Life of Julius Caesar 88). Only five years after Augustus died, eastern inhabitants of the Roman Empire at Priene happily declared “the birthday of the god Augustus” (ἡ γενέθλιος ἡμέρα τοῦ θεοῦ)[39] to be the start of their provincial year. By the time of Tacitus, a century after Augustus died, the wealthy in Rome had statues of the first emperor in their gardens for worship (Annals 1.73). The Roman historian Appian explained that the Romans regularly deify emperors at death “provided he has not been a despot or a disgrace”[40] (The Civil Wars 2.148).  In other words, deification was the default setting for deceased emperors. Pliny the Younger lays it on pretty thick when he describes the process. He says Nero deified Claudius to expose him; Titus deified Vespasian and Domitian so he could be the son and brother of gods. However, Trajan deified Nerva because he genuinely believed him to be more than a human (Panegyric 11). In our little survey, we've seen three main categories of deified humans: heroes, miracle workers, and good rulers. These “conceptions of deity,” writes David Litwa, “were part of the “preunderstanding” of Hellenistic culture.”[41] He continues: If actual cases of deification were rare, traditions of deification were not. They were the stuff of heroic epic, lyric song, ancient mythology, cultic hymns, Hellenistic novels, and popular plays all over the first-century Mediterranean world. Such discourses were part of mainstream, urban culture to which most early Christians belonged. If Christians were socialized in predominantly Greco-Roman environments, it is no surprise that they employed and adapted common traits of deities and deified men to exalt their lord to divine status.[42] Now that we've attuned our thinking to Mediterranean sensibilities about gods coming down in the shape of humans and humans experiencing apotheosis to permanently dwell as gods in the divine realm, our ears are attuned to hear the story of Jesus with Greco-Roman ears. Hearing the Story of Jesus with Greco-Roman Ears How would second or third century inhabitants of the Roman empire have categorized Jesus? Taking my cue from Litwa's treatment in Iesus Deus, I'll briefly work through Jesus' conception, transfiguration, miracles, resurrection, and ascension. Miraculous Conception Although set within the context of Jewish messianism, Christ's miraculous birth would have resonated differently with Greco-Roman people. Stories of gods coming down and having intercourse with women are common in classical literature. That these stories made sense of why certain individuals were so exceptional is obvious. For example, Origen related a story about Apollo impregnating Amphictione who then gave birth to Plato (Against Celsus 1.37). Though Mary's conception did not come about through intercourse with a divine visitor, the fact that Jesus had no human father would call to mind divine sonship like Pythagoras or Asclepius. Celsus pointed out that the ancients “attributed a divine origin to Perseus, and Amphion, and Aeacus, and Minos” (Origen, Against Celsus 1.67). Philostratus records a story of the Egyptian god Proteus saying to Apollonius' mother that she would give birth to himself (Life of Apollonius of Tyana 1.4). Since people were primed to connect miraculous origins with divinity, typical hearers of the birth narratives of Matthew or Luke would likely think that this baby might be either be a descended god or a man destined to ascend to become a god. Miracles and Healing As we've seen, Jesus' miracles would not have sounded unbelievable or even unprecedent to Mediterranean people. Like Jesus, Orpheus and Empedocles calmed storms, rescuing ships. Though Jesus provided miraculous guidance on how to catch fish, Pythagoras foretold the number of fish in a great catch. After the fishermen painstakingly counted them all, they were astounded that when they threw them back in, they were still alive (Porphyry, Life 23-25). Jesus' ability to foretell the future, know people's thoughts, and cast out demons all find parallels in Apollonius of Tyana. As for resurrecting the dead, we have the stories of Empedocles, Asclepius, and Apollonius. The last of which even stopped a funeral procession to raise the dead, calling to mind Jesus' deeds in Luke 7.11-17. When Lycaonians witnessed Paul's healing of a man crippled from birth, they cried out, “The gods have come down to us in the likeness of men” (Acts 14.11). Another time when no harm befell Paul after a poisonous snake bit him on Malta, Gentile onlookers concluded “he was a god” (Acts 28.6). Barry Blackburn makes the following observation: [I]n view of the tendency, most clearly seen in the Epimenidean, Pythagorean, and Apollonian traditions, to correlate impressive miracle-working with divine status, one may justifiably conclude that the evangelical miracle traditions would have helped numerous gentile Christians to arrive at and maintain belief in Jesus' divine status.[43] Transfiguration Ancient Mediterranean inhabitants believed that the gods occasionally came down disguised as people. Only when gods revealed their inner brilliant natures could people know that they weren't mere humans. After his ship grounded on the sands of Krisa, Apollo leaped from the ship emitting flashes of fire “like a star in the middle of day…his radiance shot to heaven”[44] (Homeric Hymns, Hymn to Apollo 440). Likewise, Aphrodite appeared in shining garments, brighter than a fire and shimmering like the moon (Hymn to Aphrodite 85-89). When Demeter appeared to Metaneira, she initially looked like an old woman, but she transformed herself before her. “Casting old age away…a delightful perfume spread…a radiance shone out far from the goddess' immortal flesh…and the solid-made house was filled with a light like the lightning-flash”[45] (Hymn to Demeter 275-280). Homer wrote about Odysseus' transformation at the golden wand of Athena in which his clothes became clean, he became taller, and his skin looked younger. His son, Telemachus cried out, “Surely you are some god who rules the vaulting skies”[46] (Odyssey 16.206). Each time the observers conclude the transfigured person is a god. Resurrection & Ascension In defending the resurrection of Jesus, Theophilus of Antioch said, “[Y]ou believe that Hercules, who burned himself, lives; and that Aesculapius [Asclepius], who was struck with lightning, was raised”[47] (Autolycus 1.13). Although Hercules' physical body burnt, his transformed pneumatic body continued on as the poet Callimachus said, “under a Phrygian oak his limbs had been deified”[48] (Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis 159). Others thought Hercules ascended to heaven in his burnt body, which Asclepius subsequently healed (Lucian, Dialogue of the Gods 13). After his ascent, Diodorus relates how the people first sacrificed to him “as to a hero” then in Athens they began to honor him “with sacrifices like as to a god”[49] (The Historical Library 4.39). As for Asclepius, his ascension resulted in his deification as Cyprian said, “Aesculapius is struck by lightning, that he may rise into a god”[50] (On the Vanity of Idols 2). Romulus too “was torn to pieces by the hands of a hundred senators”[51] and after death ascended into heaven and received worship (Arnobius, Against the Heathen 1.41). Livy tells of how Romulus was “carried up on high by a whirlwind” and that immediately afterward “every man present hailed him as a god and son of a god”[52] (The Early History of Rome 1.16). As we can see from these three cases—Hercules, Asclepius, and Romulus—ascent into heaven was a common way of talking about deification. For Cicero, this was an obvious fact. People “who conferred outstanding benefits were translated to heaven through their fame and our gratitude”[53] (Nature 2.62). Consequently, Jesus' own resurrection and ascension would have triggered Gentiles to intuit his divinity. Commenting on the appearance of the immortalized Christ to the eleven in Galilee, Wendy Cotter said, “It is fair to say that the scene found in [Mat] 28:16-20 would be understood by a Greco-Roman audience, Jew or Gentile, as an apotheosis of Jesus.”[54] Although I beg to differ with Cotter's whole cloth inclusion of Jews here, it's hard to see how else non-Jews would have regarded the risen Christ. Litwa adds Rev 1.13-16 “[W]here he [Jesus] appears with all the accoutrements of the divine: a shining face, an overwhelming voice, luminescent clothing, and so on.”[55] In this brief survey we've seen that several key events in the story of Jesus told in the Gospels would have caused Greco-Roman hearers to intuit deity, including his divine conception, miracles, healing ministry, transfiguration, resurrection, and ascension. In their original context of second temple Judaism, these very same incidents would have resonated quite differently. His divine conception authenticated Jesus as the second Adam (Luke 3.38; Rom 5.14; 1 Cor 15.45) and God's Davidic son (2 Sam 7.14; Ps 2.7; Lk 1.32, 35). If Matthew or Luke wanted readers to understand that Jesus was divine based on his conception and birth, they failed to make such intentions explicit in the text. Rather, the birth narratives appear to have a much more modest aim—to persuade readers that Jesus had a credible claim to be Israel's messiah. His miracles show that “God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Spirit and with power…for God was with him” (Acts 10.38; cf. Jn 3.2; 10.32, 38). Rather than concluding Jesus to be a god, Jewish witnesses to his healing of a paralyzed man “glorified God, who had given such authority to men” (Mat 9.8). Over and over, especially in the Gospel of John, Jesus directs people's attention to his Father who was doing the works in and through him (Jn 5.19, 30; 8.28; 12.49; 14.10). Seeing Jesus raise someone from the dead suggested to his original Jewish audience that “a great prophet has arisen among us” (Lk 7.16). The transfiguration, in its original setting, is an eschatological vision not a divine epiphany. Placement in the synoptic Gospels just after Jesus' promise that some there would not die before seeing the kingdom come sets the hermeneutical frame. “The transfiguration,” says William Lane, “was a momentary, but real (and witnessed) manifestation of Jesus' sovereign power which pointed beyond itself to the Parousia, when he will come ‘with power and glory.'”[56] If eschatology is the foreground, the background for the transfiguration was Moses' ascent of Sinai when he also encountered God and became radiant.[57] Viewed from the lenses of Moses' ascent and the eschaton, the transfiguration of Jesus is about his identity as God's definitive chosen ruler, not about any kind of innate divinity. Lastly, the resurrection and ascension validated Jesus' messianic claims to be the ruler of the age to come (Acts 17.31; Rom 1.4). Rather than concluding Jesus was deity, early Jewish Christians concluded these events showed that “God has made him both Lord and Christ” (Acts 2.36). The interpretative backgrounds for Jesus' ascension were not stories about Heracles, Asclepius, or Romulus. No, the key oracle that framed the Israelite understanding was the messianic psalm in which Yahweh told David's Lord to “Sit at my right hand, until I make your enemies your footstool” (Psalm 110.1). The idea is of a temporary sojourn in heaven until exercising the authority of his scepter to rule over earth from Zion. Once again, the biblical texts remain completely silent about deification. But even if the original meanings of Jesus' birth, ministry, transfiguration, resurrection, and ascension have messianic overtones when interpreted within the Jewish milieu, these same stories began to communicate various ideas of deity to Gentile converts in the generations that followed. We find little snippets from historical sources beginning in the second century and growing with time. Evidence of Belief in Jesus' as a Greco-Roman Deity To begin with, we have two non-Christian instances where Romans regarded Jesus as a deity within typical Greco-Roman categories. The first comes to us from Tertullian and Eusebius who mention an intriguing story about Tiberius' request to the Roman senate to deify Christ. Convinced by “intelligence from Palestine of events which had clearly shown the truth of Christ's divinity”[58] Tiberius proposed the matter to the senate (Apology 5). Eusebius adds that Tiberius learned that “many believed him to be a god in rising from the dead”[59] (Church History 2.2). As expected, the senate rejected the proposal. I mention this story, not because I can establish its historicity, but because it portrays how Tiberius would have thought about Jesus if he had heard about his miracles and resurrection. Another important incident is from one of the governor Pliny the Younger's letters to the emperor Trajan. Having investigated some people accused of Christianity, he found “they had met regularly before dawn on a fixed day to chant verses alternately amongst themselves in honour of Christ as if to a god”[60] (Letter 96). To an outside imperial observer like Pliny, the Christians believed in a man who had performed miracles, defeated death, and now lived in heaven. Calling him a god was just the natural way of talking about such a person. Pliny would not have thought Jesus was superior to the deified Roman emperors much less Zeus or the Olympic gods. If he believed in Jesus at all, he would have regarded him as another Mediterranean prophet who escaped Hades to enjoy apotheosis. Another interesting text to consider is the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. This apocryphal text tells the story of Jesus' childhood between the ages of five and twelve. Jesus is impetuous, powerful, and brilliant. Unsure to conclude that Jesus was “either god or angel,”[61] his teacher remands him to Joseph's custody (7). Later, a crowd of onlookers ponders whether the child is a god or a heavenly messenger after he raises an infant from the dead (17). A year later Jesus raised a construction man who had fallen to his death back to life (18). Once again, the crowd asked if the child was from heaven. Although some historians are quick to assume the lofty conceptions of Justin and his successors about the logos were commonplace in the early Christianity, Litwa points out, “The spell of the Logos could only bewitch a very small circle of Christian elites… In IGT, we find a Jesus who is divine according to different canons, the canons of popular Mediterranean theology.”[62] Another important though often overlooked scholarly group of Christians in the second century was led by a certain Theodotus of Byzantium.[63] Typically referred to by their heresiological label “Theodotians,” these dynamic monarchians lived in Rome and claimed that they held to the original Christology before it had been corrupted under Bishop Zephyrinus (Eusebius, Church History 5.28). Theodotus believed in the virgin birth, but not in his pre-existence or that he was god/God (Pseudo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.35.1-2; 10.23.1-2). He thought that Jesus was not able to perform any miracles until his baptism when he received the Christ/Spirit. Pseudo-Hippolytus goes on to say, “But they do not want him to have become a god when the Spirit descended. Others say that he became a god after he rose from the dead.”[64] This last tantalizing remark implies that the Theodotians could affirm Jesus as a god after his resurrection though they denied his pre-existence. Although strict unitarians, they could regard Jesus as a god in that he was an ascended immortalized being who lived in heaven—not equal to the Father, but far superior to all humans on earth. Justin Martyr presents another interesting case to consider. Thoroughly acquainted with Greco-Roman literature and especially the philosophy of Plato, Justin sees Christ as a god whom the Father begot before all other creatures. He calls him “son, or wisdom, or angel, or god, or lord, or word”[65] (Dialogue with Trypho 61).  For Justin Christ is “at the same time angel and god and lord and man”[66] (59). Jesus was “of old the Word, appearing at one time in the form of fire, at another under the guise of incorporeal beings, but now, at the will of God, after becoming man for mankind”[67] (First Apology 63). In fact, Justin is quite comfortable to compare Christ to deified heroes and emperors. He says, “[W]e propose nothing new or different from that which you say about the so-called sons of Jupiter [Zeus] by your respected writers… And what about the emperors who die among you, whom you think worthy to be deified?”[68] (21). He readily accepts the parallels with Mercury, Perseus, Asclepius, Bacchus, and Hercules, but argues that Jesus is superior to them (22).[69] Nevertheless, he considered Jesus to be in “a place second to the unchanging and eternal God”[70] (13). The Father is “the Most True God” whereas the Son is he “who came forth from Him”[71] (6). Even as lates as Origen, Greco-Roman concepts of deity persist. In responding to Celsus' claim that no god or son of God has ever come down, Origen responds by stating such a statement would overthrow the stories of Pythian Apollo, Asclepius, and the other gods who descended (Against Celsus 5.2). My point here is not to say Origen believed in all the old myths, but to show how Origen reached for these stories as analogies to explain the incarnation of the logos. When Celsus argued that he would rather believe in the deity of Asclepius, Dionysus, and Hercules than Christ, Origen responded with a moral rather than ontological argument (3.42). He asks how these gods have improved the characters of anyone. Origen admits Celsus' argument “which places the forenamed individuals upon an equality with Jesus” might have force, however in light of the disreputable behavior of these gods, “how could you any longer say, with any show of reason, that these men, on putting aside their mortal body, became gods rather than Jesus?”[72] (3.42). Origen's Christology is far too broad and complicated to cover here. Undoubtedly, his work on eternal generation laid the foundation on which fourth century Christians could build homoousion Christology. Nevertheless, he retained some of the earlier subordinationist impulses of his forebearers. In his book On Prayer, he rebukes praying to Jesus as a crude error, instead advocating prayer to God alone (10). In his Commentary on John he repeatedly asserts that the Father is greater than his logos (1.40; 2.6; 6.23). Thus, Origen is a theologian on the seam of the times. He's both a subordinationist and a believer in the Son's eternal and divine ontology. Now, I want to be careful here. I'm not saying that all early Christians believed Jesus was a deified man like Asclepius or a descended god like Apollo or a reincarnated soul like Pythagoras. More often than not, thinking Christians whose works survive until today tended to eschew the parallels, simultaneously elevating Christ as high as possible while demoting the gods to mere demons. Still, Litwa is inciteful when he writes: It seems likely that early Christians shared the widespread cultural assumption that a resurrected, immortalized being was worthy of worship and thus divine. …Nonetheless there is a difference…Jesus, it appears, was never honored as an independent deity. Rather, he was always worshiped as Yahweh's subordinate. Naturally Heracles and Asclepius were Zeus' subordinates, but they were also members of a larger divine family. Jesus does not enter a pantheon but assumes a distinctive status as God's chief agent and plenipotentiary. It is this status that, to Christian insiders, placed Jesus in a category far above the likes of Heracles, Romulus, and Asclepius who were in turn demoted to the rank of δαίμονες [daimons].[73] Conclusion I began by asking the question, "What did early Christians mean by saying Jesus is god?" We noted that the ancient idea of agency (Jesus is God/god because he represents Yahweh), though present in Hebrew and Christian scripture, didn't play much of a role in how Gentile Christians thought about Jesus. Or if it did, those texts did not survive. By the time we enter the postapostolic era, a majority of Christianity was Gentile and little communication occurred with the Jewish Christians that survived in the East. As such, we turned our attention to Greco-Roman theology to tune our ears to hear the story of Jesus the way they would have. We learned about their multifaceted array of divinities. We saw that gods can come down and take the form of humans and humans can go up and take the form of gods. We found evidence for this kind of thinking in both non-Christian and Christian sources in the second and third centuries. Now it is time to return to the question I began with: “When early Christian authors called Jesus “god” what did they mean?” We saw that the idea of a deified man was present in the non-Christian witnesses of Tiberius and Pliny but made scant appearance in our Christian literature except for the Theodotians. As for the idea that a god came down to become a man, we found evidence in The Infancy Gospel of Thomas, Justin, and Origen.[74] Of course, we find a spectrum within this view, from Justin's designation of Jesus as a second god to Origen's more philosophically nuanced understanding. Still, it's worth noting as R. P. C. Hanson observed that, “With the exception of Athanasius virtually every theologian, East and West, accepted some form of subordinationism at least up to the year 355.”[75] Whether any Christians before Alexander and Athanasius of Alexandria held to the sophisticated idea of consubstantiality depends on showing evidence of the belief that the Son was coequal, coeternal, and coessential with the Father prior to Nicea. (Readers interested in the case for this view should consult Michael Bird's Jesus among the Gods in which he attempted the extraordinary feat of finding proto-Nicene Christology in the first two centuries, a task typically associated with maverick apologists not peer-reviewed historians.) In conclusion, the answer to our driving question about the meaning of “Jesus as god” is that the answer depends on whom we ask. If we ask the Theodotians, Jesus is a god because that's just what one calls an immortalized man who lives in heaven.[76] If we ask those holding a docetic Christology, the answer is that a god came down in appearance as a man. If we ask a logos subordinationist, they'll tell us that Jesus existed as the god through whom the supreme God created the universe before he became a human being. If we ask Tertullian, Jesus is god because he derives his substance from the Father, though he has a lesser portion of divinity.[77] If we ask Athanasius, he'll wax eloquent about how Jesus is of the same substance as the Father equal in status and eternality. The bottom line is that there was not one answer to this question prior to the fourth century. Answers depend on whom we ask and when they lived. Still, we can't help but wonder about the more tantalizing question of development. Which Christology was first and which ones evolved under social, intellectual, and political pressures? In the quest to specify the various stages of development in the Christologies of the ante-Nicene period, this Greco-Roman perspective may just provide the missing link between the reserved and limited way that the NT applies theos to Jesus in the first century and the homoousian view that eventually garnered imperial support in the fourth century. How easy would it have been for fresh converts from the Greco-Roman world to unintentionally mishear the story of Jesus? How easy would it have been for them to fit Jesus into their own categories of descended gods and ascended humans? With the unmooring of Gentile Christianity from its Jewish heritage, is it any wonder that Christologies began to drift out to sea? Now I'm not suggesting that all Christians went through a steady development from a human Jesus to a pre-existent Christ, to an eternal God the Son, to the Chalcedonian hypostatic union. As I mentioned above, plenty of other options were around and every church had its conservatives in addition to its innovators. The story is messy and uneven with competing views spread across huge geographic distances. Furthermore, many Christians probably were content to leave such theological nuances fuzzy, rather than seeking doctrinal precision on Christ's relation to his God and Father. Whatever the case may be, we dare not ignore the influence of Greco-Roman theology in our accounts of Christological development in the Mediterranean world of the first three centuries.    Bibliography The Homeric Hymns. Translated by Michael Crudden. New York, NY: Oxford, 2008. Antioch, Theophilus of. To Autolycus. Translated by Marcus Dods. Vol. 2. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001. Aphrahat. The Demonstrations. Translated by Ellen Muehlberger. Vol. 3. The Cambridge Edition of Early Christian Writings. Edited by Mark DelCogliano. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2022. Apollodorus. The Library of Greek Mythology. Translated by Robin Hard. Oxford, UK: Oxford, 1998. Appian. The Civil Wars. Translated by John Carter. London, UK: Penguin, 1996. Arnobius. Against the Heathen. Translated by Hamilton Bryce and Hugh Campbell. Vol. 6. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995. Arrian. The Campaigns of Alexander. Translated by Aubrey De Sélincourt. London, UK: Penguin, 1971. Bird, Michael F. Jesus among the Gods. Waco, TX: Baylor, 2022. Blackburn, Barry. Theios Aner and the Markan Miracle Traditions. Tübingen, Germany: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991. Callimachus. Hymn to Artemis. Translated by Susan A. Stephens. Callimachus: The Hymns. New York, NY: Oxford, 2015. Cicero. The Nature of the Gods. Translated by Patrick Gerard Walsh. Oxford, UK: Oxford, 2008. Cornutus, Lucius Annaeus. Greek Theology. Translated by George Boys-Stones. Greek Theology, Fragments, and Testimonia. Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2018. Cotter, Wendy. "Greco-Roman Apotheosis Traditions and the Resurrection Appearances in Matthew." In The Gospel of Matthew in Current Study. Edited by David E. Aune. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001. Cyprian. Treatise 6: On the Vanity of Idols. Translated by Ernest Wallis. Vol. 5. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995. Dittenberger, W. Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Selectae. Vol. 2. Hildesheim: Olms, 1960. Eusebius. The Church History. Translated by Paul L. Maier. Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2007. Fredriksen, Paula. "How High Can Early High Christology Be?" In Monotheism and Christology in Greco-Roman Antiquity. Edited by Matthew V. Novenson. Vol. 180.vol. Supplements to Novum Testamentum. Leiden: Brill, 2020. Hanson, R. P. C. Search for a Christian Doctrine of God. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007. Hart, George. The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2005. Homer. The Odyssey. Translated by Robert Fagles. New York, NY: Penguin, 1997. Iamblichus. Life of Pythagoras. Translated by Thomas Taylor. Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras. Delhi, IN: Zinc Read, 2023. Justin Martyr. Dialogue with Trypho. Translated by Thomas B. Falls. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2003. Laertius, Diogenes. Life of Pythagoras. Translated by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library. Edited by David R. Fideler. Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988. Laertius, Diogenes. Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. Translated by Pamela Mensch. Edited by James Miller. New York, NY: Oxford, 2020. Lane, William L. The Gospel of Mark. Nicnt, edited by F. F. Bruce Ned B. Stonehouse, and Gordon D. Fee. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1974. Litwa, M. David. Iesus Deus. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014. Livy. The Early History of Rome. Translated by Aubrey De Sélincourt. London, UK: Penguin, 2002. Origen. Against Celsus. Translated by Frederick Crombie. Vol. 4. The Ante-Nicene Fathers. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Pausanias. Guide to Greece. Translated by Peter Levi. London, UK: Penguin, 1979. Perriman, Andrew. In the Form of a God. Studies in Early Christology, edited by David Capes Michael Bird, and Scott Harrower. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2022. Philostratus. Letters of Apollonius. Vol. 458. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 2006. Plutarch. Life of Alexander. Translated by Ian Scott-Kilvert and Timothy E. Duff. The Age of Alexander. London, UK: Penguin, 2011. Porphyry. Life of Pythagoras. Translated by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library. Edited by David Fideler. Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988. Pseudo-Clement. Recognitions. Translated by Thomas Smith. Vol. 8. Ante Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Pseudo-Hippolytus. Refutation of All Heresies. Translated by David Litwa. Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2016. Pseudo-Thomas. Infancy Gospel of Thomas. Translated by James Orr. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1903. Psuedo-Clement. Homilies. Translated by Peter Peterson. Vol. 8. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1897. Siculus, Diodorus. The Historical Library. Translated by Charles Henry Oldfather. Vol. 1. Edited by Giles Laurén: Sophron Editor, 2017. Strabo. The Geography. Translated by Duane W. Roller. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2020. Tertullian. Against Praxeas. Translated by Holmes. Vol. 3. Ante Nice Fathers. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Tertullian. Apology. Translated by S. Thelwall. Vol. 3. Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Younger, Pliny the. The Letters of the Younger Pliny. Translated by Betty Radice. London: Penguin, 1969. End Notes [1] For the remainder of this paper, I will use the lower case “god” for all references to deity outside of Yahweh, the Father of Christ. I do this because all our ancient texts lack capitalization and our modern capitalization rules imply a theology that is anachronistic and unhelpful for the present inquiry. [2] Christopher Kaiser wrote, “Explicit references to Jesus as ‘God' in the New Testament are very few, and even those few are generally plagued with uncertainties of either text or interpretation.” Christopher B. Kaiser, The Doctrine of God: A Historical Survey (London: Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1982), 29. Other scholars such as Raymond Brown (Jesus: God and Man), Jason David BeDuhn (Truth in Translation), and Brian Wright (“Jesus as θεός: A Textual Examination” in Revisiting the Corruption of the New Testament) have expressed similar sentiments. [3] John 20.28; Hebrews 1.8; Titus 2.13; 2 Peter 1.1; Romans 9.5; and 1 John 5.20. [4] See Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians 12.2 where a manuscript difference determines whether or not Polycarp called Jesus god or lord. Textual corruption is most acute in Igantius' corpus. Although it's been common to dismiss the long recension as an “Arian” corruption, claiming the middle recension to be as pure and uncontaminated as freshly fallen snow upon which a foot has never trodden, such an uncritical view is beginning to give way to more honest analysis. See Paul Gilliam III's Ignatius of Antioch and the Arian Controversy (Leiden: Brill, 2017) for a recent treatment of Christological corruption in the middle recension. [5] See the entries for  אֱלֹהִיםand θεός in the Hebrew Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (HALOT), the Brown Driver Briggs Lexicon (BDB), Eerdmans Dictionary, Kohlenberger/Mounce Concise Hebrew-Aramaic Dictionary of the Old Testament, the Bauer Danker Arndt Gingrich Lexicon (BDAG), Friberg Greek Lexicon, and Thayer's Greek Lexicon. [6] See notes on Is 9.6 and Ps 45.6. [7] ZIBBC: “In what sense can the king be called “god”? By virtue of his divine appointment, the king in the ancient Near East stood before his subjects as a representative of the divine realm. …In fact, the term “gods“ (ʾelōhı̂m) is used of priests who functioned as judges in the Israelite temple judicial system (Ex. 21:6; 22:8-9; see comments on 58:1; 82:6-7).” John W. Hilber, “Psalms,” in The Minor Prophets, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, vol. 5 of Zondervan Illustrated Bible Backgrounds Commentary: Old Testament. ed. John H. Walton (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2009), 358. [8] Around a.d. 340, Aphrahat of Persia advised his fellow Christians to reply to Jewish critics who questioned why “You call a human being ‘God'” (Demonstrations 17.1). He said, “For the honored name of the divinity is granted event ot rightoues human beings, when they are worthy of being called by it…[W]hen he chose Moses, his friend and his beloved…he called him “god.” …We call him God, just as he named Moses with his own name…The name of the divinity was granted for great honor in the world. To whom he wishes, God appoints it” (17.3, 4, 5). Aphrahat, The Demonstrations, trans., Ellen Muehlberger, vol. 3, The Cambridge Edition of Early Christian Writings (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2022), 213-15. In the Clementine Recognitions we find a brief mention of the concept:  “Therefore the name God is applied in three ways: either because he to whom it is given is truly God, or because he is the servant of him who is truly; and for the honour of the sender, that his authority may be full, he that is sent is called by the name of him who sends, as is often done in respect of angels: for when they appear to a man, if he is a wise and intelligent man, he asks the name of him who appears to him, that he may acknowledge at once the honour of the sent, and the authority of the sender” (2.42). Pseudo-Clement, Recognitions, trans., Thomas Smith, vol. 8, Ante Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [9] Michael F. Bird, Jesus among the Gods (Waco, TX: Baylor, 2022), 13. [10] Andrew Perriman, In the Form of a God, Studies in Early Christology, ed. David Capes Michael Bird, and Scott Harrower (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2022), 130. [11] Paula Fredriksen, "How High Can Early High Christology Be?," in Monotheism and Christology in Greco-Roman Antiquity, ed. Matthew V. Novenson, vol. 180 (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 296, 99. [12] ibid. [13] See Gen 18.1; Ex 3.2; 24.11; Is 6.1; Ezk 1.28. [14] Compare the Masoretic Text of Psalm 8.6 to the Septuagint and Hebrews 2.7. [15] Homer, The Odyssey, trans., Robert Fagles (New York, NY: Penguin, 1997), 370. [16] Diodorus Siculus, The Historical Library, trans., Charles Henry Oldfather, vol. 1 (Sophron Editor, 2017), 340. [17] Uranus met death at the brutal hands of his own son, Kronos who emasculated him and let bleed out, resulting in his deification (Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 1.10). Later on, after suffering a fatal disease, Kronos himself experienced deification, becoming the planet Saturn (ibid.). Zeus married Hera and they produced Osiris (Dionysus), Isis (Demeter), Typhon, Apollo, and Aphrodite (ibid. 2.1). [18] Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, Greek Theology, trans., George Boys-Stones, Greek Theology, Fragments, and Testimonia (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2018), 123. [19] Apollodorus, The Library of Greek Mythology, trans., Robin Hard (Oxford, UK: Oxford, 1998), 111. [20] Pausanias, Guide to Greece, trans., Peter Levi (London, UK: Penguin, 1979), 98. [21] Strabo, The Geography, trans., Duane W. Roller (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge, 2020), 281. [22] Psuedo-Clement, Homilies, trans., Peter Peterson, vol. 8, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1897). Greek: “αὐτὸν δὲ ὡς θεὸν ἐθρήσκευσαν” from Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Graeca, taken from Accordance (PSCLEMH-T), OakTree Software, Inc., 2018, Version 1.1. [23] See Barry Blackburn, Theios Aner and the Markan Miracle Traditions (Tübingen, Germany: J. C. B. Mohr, 1991), 32. [24] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers, trans., Pamela Mensch (New York, NY: Oxford, 2020), 39. [25] Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Thomas Taylor, Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras (Delhi, IN: Zinc Read, 2023), 2. [26] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library (Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988), 142. [27] See the list in Blackburn, 39. He corroborates miracle stories from Diogenus Laertius, Iamblichus, Apollonius, Nicomachus, and Philostratus. [28] Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, trans., Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library (Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1988), 128-9. [29] Iamblichus,  68. [30] What I call “resurrection” refers to the phrase, “Thou shalt bring back from Hades a dead man's strength.” Diogenes Laertius 8.2.59, trans. R. D. Hicks. [31] Laertius, "Lives of the Eminent Philosophers," 306. Two stories of his deification survive: in one Empedocles disappears in the middle of the night after hearing an extremely loud voice calling his name. After this the people concluded that they should sacrifice to him since he had become a god (8.68). In the other account, Empedocles climbs Etna and leaps into the fiery volcanic crater “to strengthen the rumor that he had become a god” (8.69). [32] Pausanias,  192. Sextus Empiricus says Asclepius raised up people who had died at Thebes as well as raising up the dead body of Tyndaros (Against the Professors 1.261). [33] Cicero adds that the Arcadians worship Asclepius (Nature 3.57). [34] In another instance, he confronted and cast out a demon from a licentious young man (Life 4.20). [35] The phrase is “περὶ ἐμοῦ καὶ θεοῖς εἴρηται ὡς περὶ θείου ἀνδρὸς.” Philostratus, Letters of Apollonius, vol. 458, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 2006). [36] See George Hart, The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses, 2nd ed. (Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2005), 3. [37] Plutarch, Life of Alexander, trans., Ian Scott-Kilvert and Timothy E. Duff, The Age of Alexander (London, UK: Penguin, 2011), 311. Arrian includes a story about Anaxarchus advocating paying divine honors to Alexander through prostration. The Macedonians refused but the Persian members of his entourage “rose from their seats and one by one grovelled on the floor before the King.” Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, trans., Aubrey De Sélincourt (London, UK: Penguin, 1971), 222. [38] Translation my own from “Ἀντίοχος ὁ Θεὸς Δίκαιος Ἐπιφανὴς Φιλορωμαῖος Φιλέλλην.” Inscription at Nemrut Dağ, accessible at https://www.tertullian.org/rpearse/mithras/display.php?page=cimrm32. See also https://zeugma.packhum.org/pdfs/v1ch09.pdf. [39] Greek taken from W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. 2 (Hildesheim: Olms, 1960), 48-60. Of particular note is the definite article before θεός. They didn't celebrate the birthday of a god, but the birthday of the god. [40] Appian, The Civil Wars, trans., John Carter (London, UK: Penguin, 1996), 149. [41] M. David Litwa, Iesus Deus (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2014), 20. [42] ibid. [43] Blackburn, 92-3. [44] The Homeric Hymns, trans., Michael Crudden (New York, NY: Oxford, 2008), 38. [45] "The Homeric Hymns," 14. [46] Homer,  344. [47] Theophilus of Antioch, To Autolycus, trans., Marcus Dods, vol. 2, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). [48] Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, trans., Susan A. Stephens, Callimachus: The Hymns (New York, NY: Oxford, 2015), 119. [49] Siculus,  234. [50] Cyprian, Treatise 6: On the Vanity of Idols, trans., Ernest Wallis, vol. 5, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995). [51] Arnobius, Against the Heathen, trans., Hamilton Bryce and Hugh Campbell, vol. 6, Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995). [52] Livy, The Early History of Rome, trans., Aubrey De Sélincourt (London, UK: Penguin, 2002), 49. [53] Cicero, The Nature of the Gods, trans., Patrick Gerard Walsh (Oxford, UK: Oxford, 2008), 69. [54] Wendy Cotter, "Greco-Roman Apotheosis Traditions and the Resurrection Appearances in Matthew," in The Gospel of Matthew in Current Study, ed. David E. Aune (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), 149. [55] Litwa, 170. [56] William L. Lane, The Gospel of Mark, Nicnt, ed. F. F. Bruce Ned B. Stonehouse, and Gordon D. Fee (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1974). [57] “Recent commentators have stressed that the best background for understanding the Markan transfiguration is the story of Moses' ascent up Mount Sinai (Exod. 24 and 34).” Litwa, 123. [58] Tertullian, Apology, trans. S. Thelwall, vol. 3, Ante-Nicene Fathers, ed. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [59] Eusebius, The Church History, trans. Paul L. Maier (Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2007), 54. [60] Pliny the Younger, The Letters of the Younger Pliny, trans., Betty Radice (London: Penguin, 1969), 294. [61] Pseudo-Thomas, Infancy Gospel of Thomas, trans., James Orr (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1903), 25. [62] Litwa, 83. [63] For sources on Theodotus, see Pseduo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.35.1-2; 10.23.1-2; Pseudo-Tertullian, Against All Heresies 8.2; Eusebius, Church History 5.28. [64] Pseudo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, trans., David Litwa (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2016), 571. [65] I took the liberty to decapitalize these appellatives. Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, trans. Thomas B. Falls (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2003), 244. [66] Justin Martyr, 241. (Altered, see previous footnote.) [67] Justin Martyr, 102. [68] Justin Martyr, 56-7. [69] Arnobius makes a similar argument in Against the Heathen 1.38-39 “Is he not worthy to be called a god by us and felt to be a god on account of the favor or such great benefits? For if you have enrolled Liber among the gods because he discovered the use of wine, and Ceres the use of bread, Aesculapius the use of medicines, Minerva the use of oil, Triptolemus plowing, and Hercules because he conquered and restrained beasts, thieves, and the many-headed hydra…So then, ought we not to consider Christ a god, and to bestow upon him all the worship due to his divinity?” Translation from Litwa, 105. [70] Justin Martyr, 46. [71] Justin Martyr, 39. [72] Origen, Against Celsus, trans. Frederick Crombie, vol. 4, The Ante-Nicene Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003). [73] Litwa, 173. [74] I could easily multiply examples of this by looking at Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and many others. [75] The obvious exception to Hanson's statement were thinkers like Sabellius and Praxeas who believed that the Father himself came down as a human being. R. P. C. Hanson, Search for a Christian Doctrine of God (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007), xix. [76] Interestingly, even some of the biblical unitarians of the period were comfortable with calling Jesus god, though they limited his divinity to his post-resurrection life. [77] Tertullian writes, “[T]he Father is not the same as the Son, since they differ one from the other in the mode of their being. For the Father is the entire substance, but the Son is a derivation and portion of the whole, as He Himself acknowledges: “My Father is greater than I.” In the Psalm His inferiority is described as being “a little lower than the angels.” Thus the Father is distinct from the Son, being greater than the Son” (Against Praxeas 9). Tertullian, Against Praxeas, trans., Holmes, vol. 3, Ante Nice Fathers (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2003).

#streghe #stregoneria #strega Can anyone practise Italian witchcraft or the Tradition of Segnature? Strega, stregheria, streghe, segnatori, segnatrici and open and closed practises. CONNECT & SUPPORT

Explore the mysterious world of the Goetia, the Lesser Key of Solomon, with this in-depth look into its history, rituals, and modern interpretations. This video is a must-watch for anyone interested in esotericism, occult practices, or the history of magic. We dive deep into the Goetia's 72 demons, rituals like summoning and evocation, and their significance in modern magical practices. Uncover scholarly perspectives from experts like Aleister Crowley, Egil Asprem, and Lon Milo DuQuette. Learn about how the Goetia has evolved over the centuries and its influence on contemporary magic, including perspectives from female and LGBTQ+ practitioners. Don't miss this comprehensive guide that combines academic rigour with practical insights. Perfect for scholars, practitioners, or the simply curious. CONNECT & SUPPORT

Gareth Hughes is in the second year of his PhD in Comparative Literature and Culture at Royal Holloway. His thesis explores spatial transformations in contemporary French and multilingual poetry. In this episode of the ‘Narratives of Nation' series, Gareth talks about the multilingual poems of Michèle Métail, the power of poetry to loosen the bind between nationality and language, and how entering into poetic spaces can help us to reimagine the world. -------------- References: Gratton, Peter and Morin, Marie-Eve (eds.), Jean-Luc Nancy and Plural Thinking : Expositions of World, Ontology, Politics, and Sense (Albany: SUNY Press, 2012). Li, Xiaofan Amy, ‘A Post-Orientalist Turn: Pascal Quignard, Michèle Métail, and China', The Western Reinvention of Chinese Literature, 1910–2010 (Leiden: Brill, 2022). Les Linguistes atterré(e)s, Le Français va très bien, merci (Paris : Gallimard, 2023). Métail, Michèle, Le Cours du Danube en 2888 kilomètres/vers… l'infini (Dijon : Les presses du réel, 2018). Les Horizons du sol : panorama (Marseille : CipM / Spectres familiers, 1999). Le Vol des oies sauvages (Saint-Benoit-du-Sault : Tarabuste, 2011). Nancy, Jean-Luc, The Creation of the World or Globalization, trans. François Raffoul and David Pettigrew (Albany: SUNY Press, 2007). Parish, Nina & Wagstaff, Emma, ‘Michèle Métail : traduire la contrainte', Michèle Métail : la poésie en trois dimensions, ed. Anne-Christine Royère (Dijon : Les Presses du réel, 2019). -------------- Image: “The Map of the Armillary Sphere” by Su Hui, from Michèle Métail's Le vol des oies sauvages : poèmes chinois à lecture retournée (Tarabuste Éditions, 2011). Credit: Hopscotch Translation, accessed via https://hopscotchtranslation.com/2021/10/18/janet-lee-marcella-durand/ [24 August 2023] --------------- Technecast is a podcast series showcasing research from across the arts and humanities. It is produced by Edwin Gilson, Felix Clutson, Isabel Sykes, Morag Thomas and Olivia Aarons. Fancy turning your research into a podcast episode? We'd be happy to hear from you at technecaster@gmail.com.

Em seu trigésimo terceiro episódio, o Estudos Medievais recebe Leandro Rust, professor de História Medieval da Universidade de Brasília e pesquisador associado do Projeto Temático Uma História Conectada da Idade Média, para discutir a Reforma Papal. No episódio, tratamos das diversas mudanças políticas e religiosas ocorridas no século XI e XII em torno da Igreja Católica. O professor explica as diferenças entre as denominações de Reforma Papal e Reforma Gregoriana e discute o legado desses conceitos para os historiadores que buscam entender esse período. Participantes Leandro Duarte Rust Rafael Bosch Batista ⁠ Membros da equipe ⁠⁠Arthur Gomes (edição)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Beatriz Gritte (edição)⁠⁠ ⁠⁠Diego Pereira (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠Eric Cyon (edição)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Gabriel Cordeiro (ilustração)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Isabela Silva (roteiro)⁠⁠ ⁠⁠José Fonseca (roteiro)⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠Marina Sanchez (roteiro)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Paulo de Sousa (edição)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Rafael Bosch (roteiro)⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Sara Oderdenge (roteiro)⁠ Sugestões bibliográficas AUSTIN, Greta. New Narratives for the Gregorian Reform. In: ROLKER, Christof (Ed.). New Discourses in Medieval Canon Law Research: Challenging the Master Narrative. Leiden: Brill, 2019, p. 44-57. CUSHING, Kathleen G. Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: spirituality and social change. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005. MAZEL, Florian. La réforme grégorienne. Un tournant fondateur (milieu XIe-début XIIIe siècle). In: MAZEL, Florian (Dir.). Nouvelle Histoire du Moyen Âge. Paris: Seuil, 2021, p. 291-306. RUST, Leandro Duarte. In: A Reforma Papal (1050-1150): trajetórias e críticas de uma história. Cuiabá: Editora da UFMT, 2013.

#magick #esoteric #witchcraft CONNECT & SUPPORT

References Giorgio Bocca, Noi terroristi. 12 anni di lotta armata ricostruiti e discussi con i protagonisti. Milan: Garzanti Editore, 1985. Monica Galfré. Il figlio terrorista. Il caso Donat-Cattin e la tragedia di una generazione. Torino: Einaudi, 2022. Chicco Galmozzi, Figli dell'officina. Da Lotta continua a Prima linea: le origini e la nascita (1973-1976), Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2019. Emilio Mentasti, Senza tregua. Storia dei Comitati comunisti per il potere operaio (1975-1976), Milano: Colibrì Edizioni, 2010. Fabrizio Salmoni, I senza nome. Il Servizio d'ordine e la questione della «forza» in Lotta continua. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2022. Andrea Tanturli, Prima linea. L'altra lotta armata (1974-1981), vol. 1. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2018. Andrea Tanturli, La parabola di Prima linea: violenza politica e lotta armata nella crisi italiana (1974-1979). Dottorato di ricerca in Culture umanistiche Curriculum Storia dei partiti e dei movimenti politici. Urbino: Università degli Studi di Urbino Carlo Bo, 2017. Steve Wright, The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

Nanni Balestrini, Primo Moroni, La Orda d'Oro: 1968-1977, La grande ondata rivoluzionaria e creativa, politica ed esistenziale. Milano: Feltrinelli, 2007. Nanni Balestrani, Tano D'Amico. Ci Abbiamo Provato. Parole e immagini del Settantasette. Firenze: Giunti Editore/Bompiani, 2017. Tommaso De Lorenzis, Valerio Guizzardi, Massimiliano Mita. Avete pagato caro. Non avete pagato tutto La rivista Rosso (1973-1979). Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2007. Marco Grispigni. Il Settantasette. Milano: il Saggiatore, 1997.Giampiero Mughini, Il Grande Disordine: I nostre indimenticabili anni Settanta. Milano: Mondadori, 1998. Clorinda Palucci, Il movimento del 1977 nelle lettere di Lotta Continua. Tesi di Laurea, Università degli Studi "Roma Tre," Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia o di Laurea in Letteratura e Linguistica Italiana, 2015-2016. Andrea Tanturli, La parabola di Prima linea: violenza politica e lotta armata nella crisi italiana (1974-1979). Dottorato di ricerca in Culture umanistiche Curriculum Storia dei partiti e dei movimenti politici. Urbino: Università degli Studi di Urbino Carlo Bo, 2017.Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

References Nanni Balestrini, Primo Moroni, La Orda d'Oro: 1968-1977, La grande ondata rivoluzionaria e creativa, politica ed esistenziale. Milano: Feltrinelli, 2007. Nanni Balestrani, Tano D'Amico. Ci Abbiamo Provato. Parole e immagini del Settantasette. Firenze: Giunti Editore/Bompiani, 2017. Marco Grispigni. Il Settantasette. Milano: il Saggiatore, 1997. Gad Lerner, Luigi Manconi, Luigi Sinibaldi, Agenda Rossa 1978. Roma: Savelli 1978. (quotation found in Grispigni 1997). Giampiero Mughini, Il Grande Disordine: I nostre indimenticabili anni Settanta. Milano: Mondadori, 1998. Alberto Pantaloni, La dissoluzione di Lotta continua e il movimento del '77. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2019. Franco Piperno. "La parabola del '77: dal «lavoro astratto» al «general intellect». Note sulla tecnica." In Sergio Bianchi, Lanfranco Caminiti, Eds., Settantasette: La rivoluzione che viene. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2004. Nicola Rao. Trilogia Della Celtica. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 2014. Carlo Rivolta, "L'ama or no Lama, non Lama nessuno," Repubblica, February 19, 1977. https://www.storiologia.it/apricrono/storia/a1977.htm Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021. Image from: Redazione, "E a un dio fatti il culo non credere mai. Cosa accade alla sapienza di Roma, il il 17 febbraio del '77," Il Tafferuglio, February 17, 2017. http://www.iltafferuglio.org/2017/02/17/e-a-un-dio-fatti-il-culo-non-credere-mai-cosa-accadde-alla-sapienza-di-roma-il-17-febbraio-del-77/

In this episode we are joined by Nikki Clark and Caroline Dunn to speak about their work on the role of ladies-in-waiting in the medieval and early modern English court. We'll hear their reflections on how the role changed over time and what life was like for these women as well as their thoughts about Queen Camilla's decision to eliminate this position in favour of the new post of ‘companions'.  Dr Nicola Clark is a Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Chichester. Her first book, Gender, Family, and Politics: The Howard Women, 1485-1558, was published by Oxford University Press in 2018, and she also writes for public audiences, with work featured in History Today and on the History Extra website. She has spoken about her research at events for Historic Royal Palaces, the National Archives, various schools, and academic institutions, and has recently appeared on television as part of the BBC's The Boleyns: A Scandalous Family, and More4's Royal Scandals. Before coming to Chichester, Nicola taught at the University of Winchester and Royal Holloway College, University of London. She has published widely on women's roles, queenship, the Reformation, and Tudor politics. Twitter: @NikkiClark86 Selected Publications:  Gender, Family, and Politics: The Howard Women, 1485-1558. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/gender-family-and-politics-9780198784814?cc=gb&lang=en&“Queen Katherine Howard: Space and Promiscuity Pre- and Post-Marriage, 1536-1541”, Royal Studies Journal 6.2 (2019), 89-103. https://rsj.winchester.ac.uk/articles/10.21039/rsj.202 Dr Caroline Dunn is a scholar of medieval Europe with a particular focus on women's roles and social networks in late medieval England. Her book, Stolen Women in Medieval England: Rape, Abduction, and Adultery c. 1100-1500 (Cambridge, 2012) offers the first comprehensive overview of women's experiences with ravishment, which ranged from forcible rape to consensual elopement and adultery, during the English Middle Ages. Professor Dunn's current research explores the lady-in-waiting in medieval England. Examining these highborn serving women reveals the nuances of soft power, social influence, and economic resources wielded by women who lacked official authority within political institutions or patriarchal households. Dr. Dunn teaches upper level courses on medieval women, crusades and conquests, aristocratic society, and preindustrial food at Clemson University. She received the Dean's award for teaching excellence in 2011 and the John B. and Thelma A. Gentry Award for teaching excellence in the Humanities in 2019. In 2016 Dr. Dunn co-organized the 5th annual Kings and Queens conference, introducing international scholars to Clemson University for the first time that the gathering was held outside of Europe. Dr Dunn was awarded the 2020 Bonnie Wheeler Fellowship to recognize and advance her scholarship.  Twitter: @SCmedievalist Selected Publications:“Serving Isabella of France, From Queen Consort to Dowager Queen.” In Elite and Royal Households in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Edited by Theresa Earenfight. Leiden: Brill, 2018."All the Queen's Ladies: Philippa of Hainault's Female Attendants." Journal of Medieval Prosopography 31 (2016), 173-208.Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty. Edited by Caroline Dunn and Elizabeth Carney. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.  

Thanks to Alberto Pantaloni for contributing his thoughts to this episode. Works Cited«A/TRAVERSO», "PICCOLO GRUPPO IN MOLTIPLICAZIONE," May 1975. In Settantasette: La rivoluzione che viene, Eds. Sergio Bianchi, Lanfranco Caminiti. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 1997. Nanni Balestrini, Primo Moroni, La Orda d'Oro: 1968-1977, La grande ondata rivoluzionaria e creativa, politica ed esistenziale. Milano: Feltrinelli, 2007. Luigi Bobbio, Storia di Lotta Continua. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1988. Lanfranco Caminiti, "Introduction," Settantasette: La rivoluzione che viene, Eds. Sergio Bianchi, Lanfranco Caminiti. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 1997. Silvia Federici, Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle. Oakland: PM Press, 2020. See previous interview with Vicky Franzinetti. Herstory, Gruppi e collettivi femministi a Roma e nel Lazio dagli anni '70 ad oggi, http://www.herstory.it/manifestazioni Fabio Morabito, "La sfida radicale: Per depenalizzare il reato d'aborto." Il partito radicale da Pannunzio a Pannella, September 1, 1977, http://old.radicali.it/search_view.php?id=46065&lang=&cms= Giampiero Mughini, Il Grande Disordine: I nostre indimenticabili anni Settanta. Milano: Mondadori, 1998. Clorinda Palucci, Il movimento del 1977 nelle lettere di Lotta Continua. Tesi di Laurea, Università degli Studi "Roma Tre," Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia o di Laurea in Letteratura e Linguistica Italiana, 2015-2016. Alberto Pantaloni, La dissoluzione di Lotta continua e il movimento del '77. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2019. Andrea Tanturli, La parabola di Prima linea: violenza politica e lotta armata nella crisi italiana (1974-1979). Dottorato di ricerca in Culture umanistiche Curriculum Storia dei partiti e dei movimenti politici. Urbino: Università degli Studi di Urbino Carlo Bo, 2017. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

References Nanni Balestrini, Primo Moroni, La Orda d'Oro: 1968-1977, La grande ondata rivoluzionaria e creativa, politica ed esistenziale, Milano: Feltrinelli, 2007. Luigi Bobbio, Storia di Lotta Continua. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1988. Tobias Hof, "Of Hobbits and Tigers: The Unlikely Heroes of Italy's Radical Right," Fair Observer, December 23, 2020, https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/tobias-hof-radical-right-jrr-tolkien-julius-evola-italy-terrorism-news-41662/ John N. Martin, Primo Moroni, La Luna Sotto Casa: Milano tra rivolta esistenziale e movimenti politici, Ed. Matteo Schianchi. Milan: ShaKe edizioni, 2007. "Memories of a Metropolitan Indian- Italian Autonomia," Void Network, August 29, 2021. https://voidnetwork.gr/2021/08/29/memories-of-a-metropolitan-indian-italian-autonomia/ Claudio Milanesi. L'underground italiano dalle riviste ai festival. Franco Cesati Editore. Controculture italiane, 2019, 978-88-7667-792-2. hal-02457511 Giampiero Mughini, Il Grande Disordine: I nostre indimenticabili anni Settanta. Milano: Mondadori, 1998. Nicola Rao. Trilogia Della Celtica. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer, 2014. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

From «No Truce» to the Front Line: The Rise of Prima Linea References Chicco Galmozzi. Figli dell'officina. Da Lotta continua a Prima linea: le origini e la nascita (1973-1976), Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2019. Emilio Mentasti, Senza tregua. Storia dei Comitati comunisti per il potere operaio (1975-1976), Milano: Colibrì Edizioni, 2010. Fabio Morabito, "La sfida radicale: Per depenalizzare il reato d'aborto." Il partito radicale da Pannunzio a Pannella, September 1, 1977, http://old.radicali.it/search_view.php?id=46065&lang=&cms= Fabrizio Salmoni, I senza nome. Il Servizio d'ordine e la questione della «forza» in Lotta continua. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2022. Andrea Tanturli, Prima linea. L'altra lotta armata (1974-1981), vol. 1. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2018. Andrea Tanturli, La parabola di Prima linea: violenza politica e lotta armata nella crisi italiana (1974-1979). Dottorato di ricerca in Culture umanistiche Curriculum Storia dei partiti e dei movimenti politici. Urbino: Università degli Studi di Urbino Carlo Bo, 2017. Luca Telese, Cuori neri, Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2015. Steve Wright, The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

References on Rosso and the CPO Commissione Parlamentare di Inchiesta sul Rapimento e Sulla Morte di Aldo Moro, Reperimento di documentazione relativa ai traffici di armi tra la Svizzera e l'Italia nei primi anni 70 (incarico deliberato nell'ufficio di presidenza del 26.01.2017). February 15, 2017. John Dickie. Blood Brotherhoods: A History of Italy's Three Mafias. New York: PublicAffairs, 2014. Phil Edwards. "More work! Less pay!": Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. Gruppo Gramsci, "Una proposta per un diverso modo di fare politica," Rosso, Dicembre 1973, N. 7, pg. 9, https://www.machina-deriveapprodi.com/post/rosso-giornale-dentro-il-movimento John N. Martin, Primo Moroni, La Luna Sotto Casa: Milano tra rivolta esistenziale e movimenti politici, Ed. Matteo Schianchi. Milan: ShaKe edizioni, 2007. Toni Negri. Spinoza: Then and Now, trans. Ed Emery. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2020 Toni Negri. Storia di un comunista. Ponte alle Grazie, 2015. Paolo Pozzi. Rosso giornale dentro il movimento (memorie di un redattore), February 3, 2021. https://www.machina-deriveapprodi.com/post/rosso-giornale-dentro-il-movimento Red Notes. Italy 1980-81 – "After Marx, Jail!" The Attempted Destruction of a Communist Movement. London, 1981. Marco Scavino, “La piazza e la forza. I percorsi verso la lotta armata del Sessantotto alla metà degli anni Settanta,” in Verso la lotta armata. La politica della violenza nella sinistra radicale degli anni Settanta, Ed. S. Neri Serneri. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012. Steve Wright. Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. Pluto Press, 2017. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021. Misteri d'Italia has some useful resources on this case sourced largely from the court transcripts. For more, see: Il Sequestro e l'Omicidio di Carlo Saronio, found in http://www.misteriditalia.it/cn/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/48.-IL-SEQUESTRO-E-LOMICIDIO-SARONIO.docx.pdf Le Dichiarazioni di Rachele Ferrario, found in http://www.misteriditalia.it/terrorismo/7aprile/sentenza1grado/18.%20DICHIARAZIONI%20DI%20RACHELE%20FERRARIO.pdf Lo Sviluppo delle Strutture dell'Autonomia Operaia Organizzata e il "Rilancio" di "Rosso." found at http://www.misteriditalia.it/cn/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/43.-IL-RILANCIO-DI-ROSSO.pdf See also: Mario Calabresi, Quello que non ti dicono. Milano: Mondadori, 2021. Note on sources: Some of these sources put forward the claim that all those implicated by the testimony of Fioroni and Casirati are guilty. For a critique of this position, see: Davide Steccanella, "Mario Calabresi ha sbagliato titolo," Insorgenze, December 2, 2020, https://insorgenze.net/2020/12/02/mario-calabresi-ha-sbagliato-titolo/

References Richard Drake, The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2021. Phil Edwards, "More work! Less pay!": Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. Giorgio Ferrari, Gian Marco D'Ubaldo. Gli autonomi vol. 4. L'Autonomia operaia romana, Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2017. Ruth Glynn, Women, Terrorism, and Trauma in Italian Culture. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Silvana Mazzocchi, Nell'anno della tigre, Storia di Adriana Faranda, Milano: ZoomMacro, 2015. Steve Wright, Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. Pluto Press, 2017. Steve Wright, The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

Como acalentar a arquitetura moderna nas geladas terras finlandesas? Dê o play para descobrir como Alvar Aalto criou obras que celebram a luz, a paisagem e a vida humana. REFERÊNCIAS LAMPREIA, Catarina Isabel Revez das Neves. Alvar Aalto e a essência humana da arquitectura. Dissertação (Mestrado em arquitetura) – Faculdade de Arquitectura de Artes da Universidade Lusíada de Lisboa, 2018. PELKONEN, Eeva-Liisa. Alvar Aalto around 1930 – Between Modernism and the Avant-Garde. In: A Cultural History of the Avant-Garde in the Nordic Countries 1925-1950. Leiden: Brill, 2019. https://www.alvaraalto.fi/en/information/alvar-aaltos-life/?gclid=CjwKCAiAioifBhAXEiwApzCztm4_iep25EMkSCgj5H8f7oFy5RmrejAKQ9NE96Tvw-j4pIuA14by1RoCZ_wQAvD_BwE

References Chicco Galmozzi. Figli dell'officina. Da Lotta continua a Prima linea: le origini e la nascita (1973-1976), Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2019. Emilio Mentasti, Senza tregua. Storia dei Comitati comunisti per il potere operaio (1975-1976), Milano: Colibrì Edizioni Colibrì, 2010. Fabrizio Salmoni, I senza nome. Il Servizio d'ordine e la questione della «forza» in Lotta continua. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2022. Andrea Tanturli, Prima linea. L'altra lotta armata (1974-1981), vol. 1. Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2018. Steve Wright, The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

References Commissione Parlamentare di Inchiesta sul Rapimento e Sulla Morte di Aldo Moro, Reperimento di documentazione relativa ai traffici di armi tra la Svizzera e l'Italia nei primi anni 70 (incarico deliberato nell'ufficio di presidenza del 26.01.2017). February 15, 2017. Phil Edwards. "More work! Less pay!": Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. Gruppo Gramsci, "Una proposta per un diverso modo di fare politica," Rosso, Dicembre 1973, N. 7, pg. 9, https://www.machina-deriveapprodi.com/post/rosso-giornale-dentro-il-movimento Toni Negri. Storia di un comunista. Ponte alle Grazie, 2015. Paolo Pozzi. Rosso giornale dentro il movimento (memorie di un redattore), February 3, 2021. https://www.machina-deriveapprodi.com/post/rosso-giornale-dentro-il-movimento Red Notes. Italy 1980-81 – "After Marx, Jail!" The Attempted Destruction of a Communist Movement. London, 1981. Marco Scavino, “La piazza e la forza. I percorsi verso la lotta armata del Sessantotto alla metà degli anni Settanta,” in Verso la lotta armata. La politica della violenza nella sinistra radicale degli anni Settanta, ed. S. Neri Serneri. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012. Ugo Maria Tassinari, "20 maggio 1996: muore Franco Tommei, un rivoluzionario professionale," L'alter-Ugo, May 20, 2020, https://www.ugomariatassinari.it/franco-tommei/ Steve Wright. Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. Pluto Press, 2017. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

Works cited Phil Edwards. "More work! Less pay!": Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. Giorgio Ferrari, Gian Marco D'Ubaldo. Gli autonomi vol. 4. L'Autonomia operaia romana, Roma: DeriveApprodi, 2017. Steve Wright. Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. Pluto Press, 2017. Steve Wright. The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

Halloween may be over, but Anna and Amber are keeping it spooky as they discuss curses and their consequences this week. Anna shares some tactics for recovering stolen tunics at Aquae Sulis (Bath, England), and what perils awaited medieval Javanese wrongdoers. Meanwhile, Amber looks at a ritual executioner from Australia, his highly collectible shoes, his supernatural counterpart, and the very real deaths that result from his work.To learn more about today's subject, check out: The Curse of King Tut: Facts & Fable (Live Science)Getting Even in Roman Britain: The Curse Tablets from Bath (Aquae Sulis) (Folklore Thursday)A Brief History of Bath, England (Local Histories)Roman Inscriptions of BritainAdams, Geoff W. “The Social and Cultural Implications of Curse Tablets [Defixiones] in Britain and on the Continent.” Studia Humanoria Tartuensia 7A, no 5. (2006):8-10.Cousins, Eleri H. “Votive Objects and Ritual Practice at the King's Spring at Bath.” TRAC 2013: Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, London 2013. Ed. Hannah Platts, Caroline Barron, Jason Lundock, John Pearce, and Justin Yoo. Philadelphia, PA: Oxbow, 2014. 52-64.Cunliffe, Barry, and Peter Davenport, eds. The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath: The Site. Volume 1 of the Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath. Oxford: OUCA, 1985.—. The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath: The Finds from the Sacred Spring. Volume 2 of the Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath. Oxford: OUCA, 1988.Fagan, Garrett G. Bathing in Public in the Roman World. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2005.Henig, Martin. Religion in Roman Britain. London: Batsford, 1984.Ireland, Stanley. Roman Britain: A Sourcebook. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2008.Ogden, Daniel. Magic, Witchcraft, and Ghosts in the Greek and Roman Worlds: A Sourcebook. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.Tomlin, R.S.O. “Voices from the Sacred Spring.” Bath History. Vol. 4. Ed. Trevor Facett. Bath, United Kingdom: Millstream, 1992.Versnel, H.S. “Prayers for justice, east and west: Recent finds and publications since 1990. ” Magical practice in the Latin West: Papers from the international from the international conference held at the University of Zaragoza, 30 Sept.-1 Oct. 2005. Ed. by R.L. Gordon and Marco Simon. Leiden: Brill, 2010.Indigenous Australia Timeline - 1500 to 1900 (Australia Museum)A rare and unusual West Australia Aboriginal ritual kit (Bonhams)Late 19th-Century Australian Aboriginal Artifacts (Antiques Roadshow)The Native Tribes of Central Australia (University of Adelaide)Death and sorcery (Forensic Science, Medicine and Pathology)

The fall of Beijing in 1644 did not immediately put an end to the Ming Dynasty. For almost half a century, Ming pretenders and loyalists in the south warred with the Manchus. One of the most prominent Ming loyalist factions was the Zheng family regime based in Fujian and Taiwan. Founded by the pirate-merchant Zheng Zhilong, the enterprise reached new heights under his son Zheng Chenggong, better known as Koxinga, who is best known for driving the Dutch out of Taiwan. This regime carried out the pro-Ming, anti-Manchu banner until it was finally defeated by the Qing in 1683. Joining me to talk about this fascinating regime is Professor Xing Hang of Brandeis University. He will cover the history of the regime from its rise to its fall, how it became so powerful, how and why Koxinga took over Taiwan, as well as what Ming loyalism meant to the Zhengs.  Contributors Xing Hang Professor Xing Hang is an Associate Professor of History at Brandeis University and a scholar of China and of the East Asian maritime world. His first project is about the Zheng organization in Taiwan, its role in seventeenth century East Asian maritime trade, and how it defined its legitimacy, and he has published extensively on the topic. His research on this topic has also greatly informed his more recent project, which is on Chinese communities in Southeast Asia from the seventeenth century to the twenty-first centuries.  Yiming Ha Yiming Ha is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of California, Los Angeles. His current research is on military mobilization and state-building in China between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, focusing on how military institutions changed over time, how the state responded to these changes, the disconnect between the center and localities, and the broader implications that the military had on the state. His project highlights in particular the role of the Mongol Yuan in introducing an alternative form of military mobilization that radically transformed the Chinese state. He is also interested in military history, nomadic history, comparative Eurasian state-building, and the history of maritime interactions in early modern East Asia. He received his BA from UCLA and his MPhil from the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Credits Episode no. 16 Release date: November 28, 2022 Recording location: Boston, MA/Los Angeles, CA  Transcript (proofread and punctuated by Lina Nie) Bibliography courtesy of Prof. Hang Images Cover Image: Painting of Zheng Zhiling (in green robes) and his son Zheng Chenggong by Dutch painter Pieter van der Aa (Image Source) 17th century portrait of Zheng Chenggong, also known as Koxinga (Image Source) Maximum extent of Koxinga's territories in the late 1650s/early 1660s. Red shows areas under his direct control, while orange shows his area of influence. (Image Source) Birth rock of Koxinga, in Hirado, Japan. (Image Source) Koxinga worshipped in a temple in Tainan. (Image Source) References Andrade, Tonio. Lost Colony: The Untold Story of China's First Great Victory over the West. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.   Andrade, Tonio and Xing Hang, eds. Sea Rovers, Silver, and Samurai: Maritime East Asia in Global History, 1550-1700. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2019.   Cheng Wei-chung. War, Trade and Piracy in the China Seas (1622-1683). Leiden: Brill, 2013.   Clulow, Adam. The Company and the Shogun: The Dutch Encounter with Tokugawa Japan. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016.   Ho, Daphon David. "Sealords Live in Vain: Fujian and the Making of a Maritime Frontier in Seventeenth-century China." PhD diss., UCSD, 2011.   Keliher, Macabe. Out of China: Yu Yonghe's Tales of Formosa: A History of Seventeenth-century Taiwan. Taipei: SMC Publishing, 2003.   Shephard, John R. Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan Frontier, 1600-1800. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993.   Struve, Lynn. The Southern Ming, 1644-1662. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984.    Wills, Jr., John E. "Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang: Themes in Peripheral History." In From Ming to Ch'ing: Conquest, Region, and Continuity in Seventeenth-Century China, edited by Jonathan Spence and John Wills, 201-238. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981.   Wong Young-tsu. China's Conquest of Taiwan in the Seventeenth Century: Victory at Full Moon. Singapore: Springer, 2017.  

Maud Anne Bracke, "Between the Transnational and the Local: mapping the trajectories and contexts of the Wages for Housework campaign in 1970s Italian feminism." Women's History Review 22.4 (2013): 625-642. Patrick Cuninghame, "Italian feminism, workerism and autonomy in the 1970s. The struggle against unpaid reproductive labour and violence." Amnis. Revue d'études des sociétés et cultures contemporaines Europe/Amérique 8 (2008). Patrick Cuninghame, "Mapping the terrain of struggle: autonomous movements in 1970s Italy." Viewpoint Magazine 1 (2015). Paola Di Care, "Listening and Silencing. Italian Feminists in the 1970s: Between autocoscienza and Terrorism," in Eds. Anna Cento Bull and Adalgisa Giorgio, Speaking Out and Silencing: Culture, Society and Politics in Italy in the 1970s, NYC: Legenda, 2006. Silvia Federici, Revolution at point zero: Housework, reproduction, and feminist struggle. Oakland: PM press, 2020. Grazia Longoni, "Del germe del Feminismo all'esplosione del movimento delle donne," Volevamo cambiare il mundo: Storia di Avanguardia Operaia 1968-1977, Eds. Roberto Biorcio e Matteo Pucciarelli. Milan: Mimesis Edizioni, 2021. Rivolta Feminile, Let's Spit on Hegel! trans. Veronica Newman, NYC: Secunda, 2010. Louise Toupin, Wages for housework: A history of an international feminist movement, 1972–77. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2018. Steve Wright, The Weight of the Printed Word: Text, Context and Militancy in Operaismo. Leiden: Brill, 2021.

In this episode Dr. Manamee Guha is joined by Drew Legere, a Junior at Fort Hays State University to discuss her research project on the tense relationship between the British and the Chinese leading up to the Opium Wars. As the British involved themselves in the opium trade, which brought British controlled Indian opium to China, both the opium merchants and Christian missionaries argued in support of the opium wars. Religious arguments were used by both groups to emphasize the importance of a British connection to China. For British opium merchants, demonizing the Chinese through their heathenism allowed the merchants to ignore the negative impact of the opium trade since the Chinese lack this vital British quality. Christian missionaries supported the opium wars to expand Christian influences on China, but later view the opium trade as a barrier to conversion which they viewed as a necessity for Chinese betterment. Suggested Reading: Berridge, Virginia and Edwards, Griffith. Opium and the People: Opiate Use in Nineteenth-century England. London and New York, NY: Allen Lane and St. Martin's Press, 1981 Derks, Hans. History of the Opium Problem the Assaulton the East, Ca. 1600 - 1950. Leiden: Brill, 2012 Mason, Mary Gertrude. Western Concepts of China and the Chinese,1840-1876. New York, NY,1939 Milligan, Barry. Pleasures and Pains: Opium and the Orient in Nineteenth-Century British Culture. Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1995 Said, Edward. Orientalism, New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1979 Paquette, Jean “An Uncompromising Land; the London Missionary Society in China, 1807-1860,” PhD Diss., University of California, 1987.  

The Flood has now subsided, and Noah has been commissioned to be fruitful and multiply and populate the earth. But before we read of mankind's dissemination across the earth, a very unusual story takes place in Noah's narrative. Ham, one of Noah's sons, goes into his father's tent while Noah is drunk with the wine of his vineyard and "looks upon his father's nakedness". Ham tells his brothers of this, and they proceed to take a garment and cover their father's nakedness while walking backwards. Upon waking up, Noah knows what Ham has done, but instead of cursing Ham... he curses Canaan, Ham's son. But what exactly did Ham do? And why did his son Canaan receive the curse from Noah? Was it taboo for sons to look upon their father's nakedness? What on God's green earth is going on here? Find out more on this episode in The Story of Noah! Resources: https://www-jstor-org.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/stable/30040989?seq=1 Albert I. Baumgarten, “Myth and Midrash: Genesis 9:20-29,” in Jacob Neusner, ed., Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults, Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty, vol. 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 55-71

Media-eval ventures to Valholl as Sarah and returning guest Miti von Weissenberg tackle 2022 film The Northman! Join us as we explore masculinity, gender, slavery, race, and vengeance in the film and in the real Norse past. CW for discussion of sexual assault (which is not graphically depicted in the film but is thematically important) and for discussion of white nationalism (which is relevant to the audience response to the film and to attitudes toward the Vikings in general). 
Want to learn more about the context for the film? 

Check out some classic Icelandic revenge sagas: The Saga of the People of Laxardal and Bolli Bollason's Tale. Transl. Keneva Kunz. London: Penguin Books, 2008  1903 Translation into English: https://sagadb.org/laxdaela_saga.en2    Njal's Saga. Transl. Robert Cook. London, Penguin Books, 2008.   1861 translation into English free and online: https://sagadb.org/brennu-njals_saga.en    Read some excellent scholarship on the Vikings and Scandinavia:   Brink, Stefan, in collaboration with Neil Price. The Viking World. London: Routledge, 2012.   Callmer, Johan, Ingrid Gustin, and Mats Roslund, eds. Identity Formation and Diversity in the Early Medieval Baltic and beyond : Communicators and Communication. The Northern World : North Europe and the Baltic, c. 400-1700 AD. : Peoples, Economics and Cultures: Volume 75. Leiden: Brill, 2017.   Clements, Jonathan. A Brief History of the Vikings (The Last Pagans or the First Modern Europeans?) London: Hachette, 2005.     Duczko, Wladyslaw. Viking Rus : Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe. Brill, 2004. Frank, Roberta. “The Invention of the Viking Horned Helmet” in International Scandinavian and Medieval Studies in Memory of Gerd Wolfgang Weber: Ein runder Knäuel, so rollt' es uns leicht aus den Händen, ed. Michael Dallapiazza, Olaf Hansen, Preben Meulengracht-Sørensen, and Yvonne S. Bonnetai, 199-208. Trieste: Edizioni Parnaso, 2000.    Jarman, Cat. River Kings. A New History of the Vikings from Scandinavia to the Silk Roads. London: William Collins, 2021.     Jóhanna Katrín Friðriksdóttir. Valkyrie. The Women of the Viking World. London: Bloomsbury, 2020.     Price, Neil. The Viking Way: Magic and Mind in Late Iron Age Scandinavia. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2019.   Price, Neil, Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, Torun Zachrisson, Anna Kjellstrom, Jan Stora, Maja Krzewinska, Torsten Guenther, Veronica Sobrado, Mattias Jakobsson, and Anders Gotherstrom. “Viking Warrior Women? Reassessing Birka Chamber Grave Bj.581.” Antiquity 93, no. 367 (February 1, 2019): 181–98. doi:10.15184/aqy.2018.258.  Price, Neil. Children of Ash and Elm: A History of the Vikings. New York, Basic Books, 2020.  Samson, Vincent. Les Berserkir. Les Guerriers-Fauves dans la Scandinavie ancienne, de l'Âge de Vendel aux Vikings (VIe-XIe Siècle). Villeneuve-d'Ascq: Universitaires du Septentrion, 2011.     Weiss, Daniel. “The Viking Great Army.” Archaeology 71, no. 2 (2018): 50–56.   Winroth, Anders. The Age of the Vikings. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014.    Winroth, Anders. The Conversion of Scandinavia: Vikings, Merchants and Missionaries. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012.   Social Media: Twitter @mediaevalpod E-mail: media.evalpod@gmail.com Find Miti at @MvonWeissenberg Rate, review, and subscribe!

O vigésimo segundo episódio do Estudos Medievais recebe Olivia Adankpo-Labadie, professora da Universidade de Grenoble Alpes, na França, para uma apresentação sobre a Etiópia medieval. A convidada explica as origens da cristianização e do monasticismo na Etiópia e como foi a formação da Igreja etíope. Ela explica como as diferentes dinastias conquistaram e mantiveram o poder no reino etíope durante a Idade Média e trata, também, das relações, por vezes cooperativas, por vezes conflituosas, entre os movimentos monásticos, o poder real e a aristocracia. Participantes: Olivia Adankpo-Labadie (https://univ-grenoble-alpes.academia.edu/OliviaAdankpo) Sara Oderdenge (http://lattes.cnpq.br/5858827438732525) Membros da equipe: Eric Cyon (edição e roteiro) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/7806715411713344) Gabriel Cordeiro (ilustração) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/7628010495040848) Isabela Silva (roteiro e revisão) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/6454497504913193) José Fonseca (divulgação) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/9553180032326054) Marina Sanchez (divulgação) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/8286053083896965) Sara Oderdenge (roteiro e revisão) (http://lattes.cnpq.br/5858827438732525) Recomendações bibliográficas: ADANKPO-LABADIE, Olivia. “A Faith between Two Worlds: Expressing Ethiopian Devotion and Crossing Cultural Boundaries at Santo Stefano dei Mori in Early Modern Rome”. In. MICHELSON, Emily; CONEYS, Matthew (Eds.). Religious Minorities and Catholic Reform in Early Modern Rome. Leyde: Brill, 2021, p. 169-191. DERAT, Marie-Laure. Le domaine des rois éthiopiens (1270- 1527). Espace, pouvoir et monachisme. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2003. DERAT, Marie-Laure. L'énigme d'une dynastie sainte et usurpatrice dans le royaume chrétien d'Éthiopie du XI e au XIII e siècle. Turnhout: Brepols, 2018. KELLY, Samantha (Ed.). A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea. Leiden: Brill, 2020.