Podcasts about Kamakura

A special interview with Dr. Ross Bender, who recently finished his translation of the Shoku Nihongi, including a capstone work on the court of the 8th century.  We cover his work, from his training with some of the greatest names in Japanese historical circles to his dissertation on the Hachiman cult and the Dokyo Incident, and then to his most recent work publishing translations of the various senmyo, the edicts, as well as the entirety of the Shoku Nihongi.  Throughout the discussion we touch on many different  topics, and for notes on everything, please check out our blogpost page:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/bender-interview   Rough Transcript: JOSHUA: Welcome to Sengoku Daimyō's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua, and this is a special episode I'd like to share with you an interview I had with Doctor Ross Bender, translator of the shogunate. Now, some of you may know Doctor Bender from his work translating the Shoku Nihongi, the official history of the Japanese court compiled in 797 and covering from the end of the Nihon Shoki in 697 through the entirety of the Fujiwara capital and Nara periods ending at the 10th year of the reign of Kanmu Tennō in 791. Not only has he translated the historical chronicles, but he has a series of books on the senmyō, the edicts, as well as more about that period, including institutional life more generally. And we cannot forget the paper that started at all, the Hachiman cult and the Dōkyō incident. We'll have links to all of this and more over on the episode blog post page. Now, in this interview, we cover the Shoku Nihongi and Dr. Bender's academic journey. Throughout that journey, he has had the chance to converse and study with some of the big names in Japanese historical circles, such as Donald Keene, Alexander Vovin, G. Cameron "Cappy" Hurst, and more. It was absolutely a pleasure to be able to talk with him about his career, his work, and about the Shoku Nihongi and this period more generally, and I really hope you all enjoy it as much as I did. So without further ado, I give you Sengoku Daimyo's interview of Dr. Ross Bender.    Dr. Bender, thank you very much for joining me for this. Dr. Bender has done some absolutely wonderful work, in particular with translating the Shoku Nihongi, which is going to be very key to some of the stuff we're going to be looking at here in the coming years. I want to thank you, first of all, for all of your efforts and welcome you to Sengoku Daimyo's Podcast, here; our little Chronicles of Japan.    DR. ROSS BENDER: Thank you. Happy to be here.    J: So your translation of the Shoku Nihongi: how did you come about deciding to do that? What was it that pulled you into the translation?    R: Well, it's a long story, but it does go back to my time in graduate school at Columbia in the 70s. In 1974, I finished my Master's thesis, which was "The Hachiman Cult and the Dōkyō Incident". I started grad school in 1971, and after a lot of intensive language training, became interested in Hachiman because, as you know, the common definition was that Hachiman was the Shinto god of war. Of course, at the time, the Vietnam War was raging. And so I became interested in, you know, what was this theology of a war God. And so I became rather obsessed with Hachiman, and, two things: In 74, I was in a seminar with Donald Keene on the Noh theater, and I found a play--a Hachiman play--called "Yumi Yawata". And I translated that and became interested in the way that Hachiman was portrayed in this Noh play. And then at the same time, I became interested in the Dōkyō incident and the Hachiman Oracle. So that was really my first encounter with Shoku Nihongi.    Two things I suppose really struck me. The first was that although the text is in classical Chinese or literary Sinitic, the senmyō and a few of the- there are a few poems are in the old Japanese script inscribed in Shoku Nihongi.    J: And the "senmyō": They are specifically the edicts.    R: They are the imperial edicts that are recorded in old Japanese.   And Motoori Norinaga, in the 18th century did an intensive study and interpretation, really, of them. And he came up with a canonical number of 62. There are some quibbles with that number, but that's the number. And so at the same time, I was discovering that some of the pioneers in the field had done work on these. So, for example, George Sansom in the 1920s had started to translate the senmyō, and he had also done work on the ritsuryo. And then in the 30s, JB Snellen had begun translation of the Shoku Nihongi, and he completed the years 697 to 715. So the reigns of Monmu and Genmei and-    J: I remember actually going through that translation. I think at one point I found it and was so enamored of like, oh, we have some of this, but then it then it stops.   R: Then it stops. And so both Sansom and Snellen are published in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. And as I say, these were real pioneers, you know, digging into this stuff. And it was amusing because Snellen prefaced his work by saying that Shoku Nihongi is "dry as dust". And he further said that translating it was like "intellectual coolie labor". But his translation, you know, is still very useful and extraordinarily well documented, footnoted. And of course, I was able to use that, although it needed updating.    J: You mentioned that you had language training before going into this.    R: Well, I started at Columbia in fall of 71 with no Japanese at all. I had visited Japan and as a teenager in 67, but no language training. So they gave me an intensive full year of language study. So you had first year, second year, and third year all in the first calendar year. And then in the second year of study you started Bungo and further modern Japanese. And I have to say that I was very fortunate to be at Columbia at a time when some of the giants and pioneers of the field were there. So Ivan Morris had the first class in classical Japanese, and we did bits of Hōjōki and Heike Monogatari. And he told us that when we eventually went to Japan, we might find ourselves at a cocktail party, and we could be sure to amaze the hosts. And so he had us memorize the opening lines of both of those.    J: That's fascinating. So, so all about the Gion bells, and-    R: Yes. "Gion shōja no kane no koe...", and "Yuku kawa no nagare wa..." So I actually- I think there was one time I was at a party with, oddly enough, bunch of pediatricians from Kobe Children's Hospital, and I tried them out and with Hōjōki, and they couldn't get it. They said, oh, is that Hyakunin Isshu?    J: [laughing] R: So I was kind of pleased about that. But then everybody knew the "Heike".    J: Right.    R: Yeah. So actually my first class in ancient Japanese history was with Morris. He tragically died in 1976, so he had the Bungo introduction in the fall. And then Donald Keene came back from Japan and did it in the spring. And so he introduced us to a Noh play and "Oku no Hosomichi" and Shinkokinshu, I think. So the language training was just excellent. And then in the third year, Doctor Hakeda did Shingon Buddhism and classical Chinese and so forth. So yes, there was a lot of front-loading and intensive language study, but it was very pleasurable.   J: As you're studying about Dōkyō and the Dōkyō Incident and Hachiman, that then allowed you to access these sources and the senmyō, and all of that, correct?   R: Right. That was my first introduction to them. Both the "Yumi Yawata" and the "Hachiman and the Dōkyō Incident" were published in the late 70s in Monumenta Nipponica, and then in 1980, I finished my dissertation, which was the political meaning of the Hachiman cult in ancient and early medieval Japan.    J: I came across that as I was going through Ōjin Tennō's period. R: Yes, it was sort of a simplistic construction, but what I did basically was to posit three stages of the Hachiman cult. The first at Usa, which was the oracular stage, the second at Iwashimizu, which was where the Ōjin Tennō connection developed, and also the Hachiman Daibosatsu connection. And then the third stage, you know, identified with Tsurugaoka in Kamakura, which was the Minamoto- Where the martial aspect--the god of war--really developed.    J: And that is fascinating because, you know, you go to Hachiman shrines today and that's probably where people's minds will first go. But it is such a fascinating religious exercise of like Shinto, but also kind of Buddhist and kind of continental.    R: Yes. And I don't know what the statistics are today, but at least I think 35 or 40% of Shinto shrines have some connection with Hachiman. So it's yeah, it's a fascinating study all by itself.   J: So as you were doing this, you come across the Shoku Nihongi. Can you talk a little bit about where the Shoku Nihongi falls in all of this?    R: Yes. Well, the notable thing about both Nihongi and Kojiki is that they begin with the Age of the Gods, so that the first sections, the Shinwa, are the mythologies. Nihongi probably becomes historically accurate sometime in the late, I don't know, it's late six hundreds, but for the seven hundreds it's probably pretty much historically accurate. And of course, you know that John Bentley just recently did the first English translation since I think 1898 was going to ask, so that was long overdue. And that's a very useful publication. J: It's interesting to see the differences in some of the things he updates and the different take he has on it in terms of how to do some of the translating.    R: Yes. And he is a historical linguist. And so he has a very valuable exegesis and commentary. And then, of course, Matthieu Felt just published the first volume of his translation. It was Oxford Press. That just came out a few months ago. That's also a useful document. He actually has the text of the Nihon Shoki along with the translation. And so that's very useful. And I'm not sure when he's going to be publishing the second half, but that's something to watch for.    So the first one started with The Age of the gods. Now, Shoku Nihongi is the second of the Rikkokushi, or 'Six National Histories', and it, unlike the first two, is judged to be a very accurate historical chronicle. And it, of course, was presented to the Court of Kanmu in two recensions, 794 and 797, and takes the story up to 791, which I think was the 10th year of Kanmu's reign. That's where it fits. And then, of course, you have the rest of the Rikkokushi. The next one is Nihon Kōki, which I'm just starting to get into now. Then Shoku Nihon Kōki, Nihon Montoku Tennō Jitsuroku, and then Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku. So they take the story up to 887, and they become increasingly detailed, and the language becomes more intricate as time goes on. But that's where Shoku Nihongi sits in terms of the six national histories, and they're all court chronicles, compiled by court scholars and ordered by the emperors. And of course, the point of view is that of the central court.    J: Right. You're not getting Kyūshū's take on things.    R: No. Although, you know, Kyūshū is a fascinating place. A lot happens there. So of course you have the Dazaifu, the Kyūshū government headquarters, which is an important outpost, almost a mini capital by itself. J: The first several dazai sōchi, I think, all become Daijin. Like Sadaijin, Udaijin. They kind of come back and do that if they don't pass away in the meantime.    R: Yeah, it's an important post. People take that position and come back. But also what's interesting is that the Hayato people of southern Kyūshū begin to appear in the chronicles, and in the early years, there are some major Hayato rebellions, and that's a story all by itself. Those rebellions are, for the most part, put down. And then there's some sort of accommodation because Hayato people show up at court almost as envoys from, you know, the barbarian realm, and then some of them become guards. So they are assimilated more or less early on. And then, of course, there's the whole question of the Hayato and the Emishi and where did they come from? There are some theories that when the Yayoi people came in they mixed with the Jōmon people and assimilated. But some theories that the Hayato in the far southwest and the Emishi in the northeast were remnants of the old Jōmon. So that's, you know, it's a possibility, but it's certainly interesting. And unlike the Hayato, the Emishi, as you know, were constant problem for the Nara court. And all through Shoku Nihongi, but particularly from about oh 780 on, there were more and more intense periods of warfare. And these are described in great detail in Shoku Nihongi. Karl Friday and Wayne Farris back in the 90s, both did books on. I think Farris was the "Heavenly Warriors: History of the Samurai". And then Karl Friday also did a book on the samurai, but they paid a lot of attention to these Emishi wars, so that's well documented in English. J: Getting back to the Shoku Nihongi, which includes all of this, really, what were some of the biggest challenges you found?    R: Well, part of the story is that after I finished my dissertation, I went off and did a variety of things, this and that, and finally wound up at University of Pennsylvania teaching in the English Language Programs, which was the program to teach English to foreign students. At that time the majority of the students when I started were from Japan. So I actually ran a program for the Monbushō, and they would send over Japanese high school teachers of English for a summer session, and we would give them language classes, but also pedagogical training, how to teach English. And so that was my connection with Japan during that period. And so I really was away from my original interest until the early 2000s. I took early retirement and I visited my old advisor, Paul Varley. He had, of course, taught at Columbia, but then he had retired and moved to University of Hawaii. I visited him, he introduced me to Wayne Farris, who was also there at the time, and they both encouraged me to get back, get back to work. So that was sort of the impetus. I have to give them credit for that. So I found myself in Kobe for several months in 2006, and that was when I decided I was interested in the senmyō. So my first thought, my first ambition was to translate the senmyō. As you know, in the late 80s and 90s, the immense five volume Iwanami collated and critical edition had come out, the one edited by Aoki Kazuo and his team. That was still a magnificent piece of work, you know, with I'm sure you've seen it with all of the head notes and footnotes, and on one page there's the kanbun and on on the facing page is the yomi-kudashi, and, you know, more than you could ever hope to know. But also at that time there were three modern Japanese translations, so that was very useful. It was a good time to be starting into this, so I went to a secondhand bookstore in Kobe and got myself the books, and that started, I guess, what's turned out to be a 20 year project.    J: 2006 to 2026.   R: Right.    J: And it looks like you're doing most of this through self-publishing. Is that correct?    R: Yes. I discovered early on that what's now called Kindle Direct--it used to be called Create Space--through Amazon was a very useful piece of software. In fact, I first published several volumes of poetry in 2012, and that was my introduction to using this platform. And I've been very pleased with it, because I don't have to wait years and years to try to find an academic publisher. And actually they pay royalties through Amazon, so... J: That's not bad.    R: Yeah, that's worked out well for me. So I never had a chance to have an academic position teaching Japanese studies. Although when I was at Penn, my friend Cappy Hurst--Cameron Hurst--was the chairman of the department and he had been a student also of Varley's at Columbia, although before my time. And he invited me to give some lectures in his class on Japanese history. So another thing was that my classical Chinese needed an upgrade. Fortunately, at Penn, Victor Mair was teaching a year long course in classical Chinese, and so I sat through that and he was extremely, extremely helpful. Then one other thing was that I also got to know Alexander Vovin, who at the time was at Hawaii, and he, of course, is *the*- was *the* authority on old Japanese. And, you know, his Man'yōshu translations and, and commentary are just really helpful. So he gave me some good advice. So I had good teachers all the way through. And, you know, I'm always very grateful for that.    J: You mentioned classical Chinese. I'm curious how much of it is a standard classical Chinese, or is it kind of their own thing in the archipelago? I'm curious what the language is like in the Shoku Nihongi.    R: Okay, so of course, at that time, the eighth century was sort of the apogee of the Tang dynasty, and at least from what Victor Mair told me. And he was very helpful in beginning this translation. And he would look at some of my stuff. And according to him, it was pretty much like the Tang dynasty Chinese. I think that's called Early- I forget- Early Middle Chinese. So at least for the eighth century, that seemed to be the case. And, you know, you have records in the Shoku Nihongi of teachers who come from the mainland and lecture and teach the correct pronunciation and how to read. And then, of course, with the Buddhist monks, they're using the Chinese translations of some of the Sanskrit, and they have their own techniques for reading. So, yeah, the eighth century is a really dynamic time because the Japanese, at least at the elite level, are and with the help of the Koreans and that should be emphasized after the fall of Paekche there were a large number of refugees and high ranking aristocrats who came to Japan and helped them to learn to read and write Chinese. And then, of course, the Japanese started sending students to China and, you know, staying there for ten, twenty years. So, yeah, it was a very dynamic time. And then, of course, they were learning how to use Chinese characters to express old Japanese. And that's another story in itself, using the characters as semantograms, but also as phonograms. That's one of the things I found really fascinating about old Japanese, about the senmyō. J: And how does that compare to- I think we usually just refer to "Man'yōgana" as any of that. Is it very similar to what's going on in the Man'yōshu, or is once again, is there something else going on with the senmyō?    R: The standard edition of the senmyō I think notes that there are about 250 some--if I've got the number right--of phonograms used in the senmyō. There is a huge number used in the Man'yōshu; much greater. In fact, I think Vovin once said that it's not really known that you can't count. Although Bentley has a very excellent book, I think it's called an ABC Dictionary of Phonograms, like that. He has really scoured the landscape. So- But you could say that the phonograms in the senmyō are Man'yōgana, but that the set of Man'yōgana is far, far greater. J: Only 250 phonograms to have to worry about, as opposed to going through the Man'yōshu and seeing every once in a while a character and going, which pronunciation or what are they trying to represent here?    R: Yeah, yeah. So I mean, Man'yō studies, you know, or a whole realm in themselves and some of the, the emperors--I'm thinking of Genmei especially, or is it Gensho? I think it's Gensho. She has three poems in the Shoku NIhongi and they may be included in Man'yōshu. So there's some crossover. I was going to say that, of course, once you start reading these phonograms, you begin to see where the kana systems developed from, from Man'yōgana.    J: Right. So I think I've read that in Old Japonic, we think that there were more or at least different sounds than maybe we have today. R: Yes.    J: And so you see it represented in different ways. You'll see the same--what we would think of as the same character--represented differently, because to them it was different.    R: Yes. So there's still, as far as I know, no absolute standard for representing old Japanese. You'll see different scholars have their own takes on it, and Vovin, in his Man'yōshu translations, has his own very intricate system. Another good place to look that's freely available. The Oxford, I think it's called the Oxford Ninjal Corpus of Old Japanese Texts, is an ongoing project. It's actually been ongoing for many years, but you can go there. They have laid out all of the Man'yōshu poems with their  romanization system. I suspect that, you know, that's very prestigious and will eventually become a standard. But that's where you find all these things. Like is it "Himiko" or "Pimiko"?    J: Do you say "Kapa", "Kaha", or "Kawa"?    R: Yes. There you go.   J: [Laughter]    R: Right. Yeah.    J: I'm constantly wondering that myself.    R: Yeah. So you'll see different scholars have different ways of approaching it. But my opinion is that the Oxford, which is a very long standing and slow running project, will probably produce the standard.   J: In doing this translation, were there any favorite moments or items of particular interest that you found? R: So yes, actually my first go at the senmyō were the edicts of the lady we call Koken/Shotoku. Actually, I think almost half of the senmyō were produced during her reign. And so that was where I started. I think the first article I got around to writing in 2009 was for the journal Oral Tradition, and it was called Performative Loci of the Shoku Nihoingi Edict 749 to 770. And also because of my interest in Dōkyō my interest in her went way back. So 2015 I did the edicts. I called it the Edicts of the Last Empress, and it was a translation of all of the edicts from her reign. That year and the next year I did the four volumes I called them, Nara Japan 749 to 757, 758 to 763. So that period was, yeah, my first period of interest. And of course it went back to the Hachiman cult and the Dōkyō incident. I mean, you know, the stories about this wild empress I saw I saw an article that's just come out. I think it's a compilation of Women in Japanese Buddhism. And the title of the article by Emily Simpson is "The Depraved Empress". So that was one of the things that, early on, I decided was not accurate. That's a whole rabbit hole by itself. But according to Shoku Nihongi, there's no evidence, you know, of any illicit goings on between the two. But in Nihon Ryoiki, which appears in the early Heian period, not much later, you find the first really scurrilous story that about Dōkyō and the Empress. And then, as if you look at, for example, Donald Keene's "Seeds in the Heart," he has a long excerpt from a medieval tale. I forget which one that, you know, really rings the changes. And what fascinated me was that in there was a Playboy fable- I forget they were called. Some sort of fabulous stories. This one was done anonymously, but it was a very scurrilous, licentious story about Dōkyō and the Empress, and done anonymously. But it was later found to have been Bill LaFleur--William LaFleur--who taught at Penn and passed away unfortunately, some years ago.    J: So then in the Shoku Nihongi, it's just straight up politics, right? Just about Dōkyō's rise. And then it's just the political conflict going on rather than anything else?   R: Right. And it's a very intense period of political- So of course, the story was that when she was at the Hora capital, which was up near Otsu, it was a brief capital, and she was there and she was ill, and Dōkyō apparently at that time attended her as a physician. And that was the beginning of their relationship. So this would have been 760 or so. But the only phrase is that Dōkyō received the favor of the Empress, but it doesn't have a sexual connotation. It's used in other political settings also.    J: Yeah, I have to wonder how much they weren't looking back at Wu in the Chinese, which of course she also gets excoriated for stuff that is questionable. How much worse was it than anything that any of the men did? But she was a woman doing it.   R: Yes. Well, that's what happens to female rulers. You know, you have Catherine the Great in Russia. So. Yes. So that was initially my what really excited me. It was that period. And then I finished the "Edicts" translation. This was 2012. Bryan Lowe, who's a good friend at Princeton, he was finishing his doctorate and he had a workshop on Shosoin documents, and he invited Dr. Sakaehara Towao to present at the workshop. And he had been Bryan's advisor in Japan. So I was able to meet him and then talk to him and said, you know, I think I'd like to translate Shoku Nihongi. And he basically said, go for it. But I met him later that fall in Nara. He was at the Todaiji Museum, and so he encouraged me. A lot of people gave encouragement along the way. Yeah. So 20 years later, actually, I finished the translation 2025. And then this year in the spring, I did what I- is sort of considered the capstone, the volume: "The Japanese Imperial Institution in the Eighth Century." That's available as an e-book and also paperback and hardcover. And so there I have about a 75 page overview of the eighth century and then the introductions, not the translations, but the introductions to each of the emperors throughout the period. I'm very happy with that. And that sort of puts a cap on it. I should mention that that was in memory of Herschel Webb, another one of my great teachers at Columbia. He had done a book way back in 68 called "The Japanese Imperial Institution in the Tokugawa Era". And so this is sort of an homage to his memory.   J: And we very much thank you for it.  I remember when that came out, and we definitely snapped it up as soon as we saw it.    R: Well, great.    J: [Laughter]   R: Yeah. And you know, it's all available on Amazon. So let me let me make my plug.    J: Absolutely. Absolutely. You mentioned something about the Nihon Kōki. Are you are you serious about taking this project on and moving forward, or is that just kind of something you're toying with? R: Well, no, I'm actually I've actually made a start. That's an immense document. And what I'm interested in is finishing the reign of Emperor Kanmu. He dies in 806. And so Nihon Kōki begins in 792, and I'm currently up to 799. But I'm not putting as much energy into it. I do maybe an hour a day if I feel like it, but it's slow going. But there's some really fascinating stuff. So Wake no Kiyomaro died in 799, and they've inserted this immensely long biography of his life at this point, although it was obviously produced later and it's set apart. But that has details of his miraculous trip to the Usa shrine. And, you know, it's not clear if somebody cut his tendons, but he was lame and so he was on his way to Kyūshū, and suddenly a pack of wild boars appeared and sort of escorted him down to the shrine. It is just a really wonderful story. Then he has a vision of Hachiman, which is not part of the Shoku Nihongi tale. Yeah, I'm trucking along. My ambition is at least to finish the reign of Emperor Kanmu, and then we'll see what time there is beyond that.    J: So do you have any recommendations for current students of Japanese history? Those coming up? R: Actually, there are some young scholars. I was at the Association for Asian Studies meeting in Columbus, Ohio, which was, I guess, yeah, 2025. And for some reason there were a good number of presentations on eighth and ninth century. So there's a scholar by the name of Nadia Kanagawa. She finished a dissertation at USC on immigrants in the eighth century. Then Abigail McBain finished up at Columbia, and her dissertation was on specifically Tang Buddhist monks and interchange with Japan. Yeah, so there are some young scholars who are digging in to this. You know, I was just looking the other day at Wikipedia, which is a good start for anyone. I would say, you know, take it with a grain of salt. But if you want to know the names of the, you know, the famous emperors and the rebels, you know, Tachibana no Naramaro, and Fujiwara no Nakamaro. And just, just the other day I found this amazing thing called 'Grokipedia', which apparently is a new. But it's one of those AI things. Yeah, but it had the best summary of the Shoku Nihongi that I've seen. So with the AI revolution, goodness knows what's going to happen. But yeah, I find that it's possible to dip in and a lot of things are available. For example, the Rikkokushi text is online, it's been online, and it was first published by Asahi Shimbun way back when. But I used that and then that the Oxford project that I mentioned is online -- more and more it's becoming possible to access, you know, original documents. J: Yeah, combination of making them available online, better online translations.    R: Machine translation is going great guns. Yeah-   J: Yeah. Although I have to admit, it can get you a sense of what the classical Chinese is kind of saying sometimes, but the translation for some of the old stuff just it still has some work to do. I think it's better if you can translate the at least the modern Japanese translation, rather than sometimes going back into this. It's still tricky.    R: Yeah, well, it's I admit I'm getting old, but this this stuff is getting kind of frightening. This machine translation...   J: It is, yeah.    R: I feel like I'd be out of the job if I had a job.    J: Well, I think there's still a lot of questions to be asked on that. I don't think we need to get into a whole thing on AI right now, but I think there's some great benefits, obviously. And then, you know, I definitely know there's some concerns too, because every once in a while it can just hallucinate an answer. And you might be going through things that seem absolutely wonderful and then find something that you're like, wait a minute, I never knew that. [laughter]     R: And then it turns out not to be true.    J: Yeah, I don't know if you heard there was one, and I mean, this was a year ago, which already seems, in AI terms, ages and ages, but apparently it hallucinated entire papers and authors.    R: Yes, that's there was I don't know if you follow the PMJS list.    J: Oh yeah.    R: But I think there was a discussion and an example of that. So it's-  J. But the world is going to be different. J: Things are changing. And I think we will figure out how to use the tools that are useful will hopefully win out. And there's always going to be certain things. For instance, I remember early days, Wikipedia and still, you know, looking at Wikipedia sometimes for certain things around more popular subjects got to be a little more wary, though I have found the Japanese Wikipedia has been great when you're just trying to look for something and go, let me at least get what a common sense of this is so that I know the other things to go research. R: Well, I was going to say, just to sort of sum up, yeah, we're in a very dynamic time, but the eighth century was very similar because the new technologies were pouring in from the continent and the peninsula, and people were learning these new methods of reading and writing and orality to literacy.    J: So any last thoughts? I do appreciate all your time. But any last thoughts as we finish up here?    R: Not really, but I noticed that yesterday you came up with a long spiel on the UNESCO World Heritage site, and that's exciting. The Asuka region you seem to have links to photographs that took me back to wandering around that area. The Ishibutai, I remember, was something. So party on and keep up the good work. J: Thank you very much and thank you again. Thank you for your time today, and thank you for all the work that you've put into this. You have made these sources so much more accessible for people in English, and I think that is going to be critical as we move forward. I know for me this is a huge help. I was looking at Shoku Nihongi going, okay, I know we've got like the first so many years so I can get through that and then I'm really going to have to up my game. Then I saw all the work that you'd been doing and it was like a big load felt lifted off of my back. Now I can, you know, take a look. But at least with the idea that someone more experience than I has already done some of the really hard labor. I really want to say thank you for all of that.    R: Yeah, you're very welcome.    J: And once again, I would like to say thank you to Doctor Bender and thank all of you for listening. If you think that this is something you would like to see more of, please let us know. We'll see what we can do. Perhaps we can make it the start of a new interview series. In the meantime, next episodes we get back to our regularly scheduled program. And as always, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more and want to help us keep this thing going, we do have information about how you can donate on Patreon, where we have early and add free episodes for you to listen to. You can also donate through our Ko-Fi or BuyMeACoffee Sites. Just look up SengokuDaimyo for all of that. You can also find the links over to our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com, where we will also have more discussion on topics from this episode. Finally, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.Sengoku.Daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you also to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan

This episode we continue with the reign of Uno no Sarara, aka Jito Tenno, and look at records of the various foreigners and immigrants who came to the archipelago. This includes immigrants from the Korean peninsula as well as those foreigners with whom Yamato shared the Central Land of the Reed Plains--like the Hayato and the Emishi. We also take a look at the Yamato court's widening relationship with and use of Buddhism. Along the way we take a look at a few different incidents and reports, including omens, hunting and fishing restrictions, and a story of sweet wine that reportedly cured the worst of diseases. For more check out the podcast website: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-155 (blogpost goes live 1 Sep 2026) Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 155: Immigrants, Priests, and Sweet Wine The three priests and their companions could see the distinctive pagoda from a distance away.   It stood several stories tall, and the bells at the eave ends glinted in the morning light. To their right, a tall, conical peak stood out from the other mountains, much like a miniature Mt. Fuji.  From there, the mountains swept down to the flat plain, which then ended at the edge of the giant body of water known as Lake Biwa.  The pagoda rose up between the two, its uppermost spire jutting upwards towards the sky.  Around it, much of the flat area had been carved into rectangular rice paddies, with paths and thatched roof buildings around—most of them low to the ground, distinctive of the muro style still prominent amongst most of the common people.  As such, though it didn't come anywhere near the grandeur of the temples in the capital, even a provincial temple stood out with its tiled roof and the brightly colored, red, white, and green walls and windows.  As they approached, the group saw a crowd of people by the gates.  Many of them seemed ill and infirm.  They had come to be healed by the waters of the temple—the same healing waters that had brought these priests all the way from the capital to investigate. We are covering a bunch of different things from the reign of Uno no Sarara, from 686 to 697.  This episode we take a journey through a few different topics.  Mostly we are talking about foreigners—both those from overseas and the ones that Yamato shared the archipelago with—and with Buddhism and how the court used this continental religion that had already become a key organ of the Yamato State. To start with, let's talk about immigrants.  Immigration to the archipelago by this point isn't anything new—and I'm not just talking about the groups that came over and kickstarted the Yayoi culture and the eventual mounded tomb period that we know as the Kofun era.  There were numerous ethno-linguistic groups that fell under Yamato's hegemony, and evidence of active migration. Of the various groups on the archipelago, there appear to be several categories.  For instance, we have groups that are clearly external immigrants, from outside of the archipelago  and then we have those groups that appear to be considered indigenous, at least by Yamato's thinking.. Some of this can be seen in how they are treated, discussed, and even assimilated.  Those external, while often presented as being in a tribute status, are still treated differently from those on the archipelago, where the land borders of Yamato would abut against the territories of local ethnic groups.  This probably also had something to do with the claim that the Heavenly Grandchild and their descendants, the current Tennou, were presumably given sovereignty over the entire Land of the Central Reed Plains, aka the Japanese archipelago. External immigrants included people from Silla, and, even though the kingdoms themselves had fallen and been absorbed by Silla, Gogureyo and Baekje.  This last one might be a bit surprising if we think about it in modern terms where we tend to think in terms of citizenship and nationality first and foremost.  So we think of someone as being American, French, or Japanese based on the country they came from.  But that American might be Dine—aka Navaho—or they could identify as Cajun or their parents might have been immigrants from somewhere else and they are the first generation born in the US.  That doesn't mean they aren't American, but "American" is only part of their identity.  Likewise that Japanese person could be Ainu, Ryukyuan, or even one of the Bonin islanders.  That is to say they may be from an ethno-linguistic group other than the majority ethnic group in that nation. In the same vein, while it's true that Baekje had been conquered by Silla, that doesn't mean that the Baekje people were suddenly erased and that the people suddenly changed their lifestyles or language overnight.  And so, while they may have been subjects of the Silla kingdom, there were still Baekje people both in Silla and in the archipelago.  And as late as 690, decades after it was conquered, we see that Baekje immigrants were arriving in Japan. Similarly, we see Goguryeo immigrants who came over in 687, three years earlier, even though that kingdom no longer existed.  They were settled in Hitachi, where they were given lands, received an allowance of grain to help tide them over, and then allowed to grow their community and work, as long as they did so peacefully, under the care of the local Yamato officials. And it isn't difficult to see why people of Baekje and Goguryeo might come to the archipelago.  Their other options were to head to the Great Tang, which had been the other conquering force, or possibly to go find refuge with various Tungusic ethnic groups around the Amur river area, outside of Tang control. What actually strikes me as a bit more surprising, to be honest, is the immigration of people from Silla.  After all, Silla was ascendant, was it not?  They had just unified the peninsula and this seems like it would have been a great time to be team Silla, and yet we see people leaving to come to Yamato. For instance, in 687 we see 14 immigrants from Silla settled in Shimotsuke.  22 more were presented by the Dazai-Sochi and settled in the land of Musashi.  In 689 and then in 690 we see more Silla immigrants settled in both places.  We also had 50 people come over with Buddhist priests, though we don't know where they ended up settling.  So both Musashi and Shimotsuke were being settled with immigrants from Silla.  Musashi, if you didn't already know, is the name for the area that would largely become the Tokyo metropolis in modern times.  Shimotsuke was the land adjoining it to the northeast.  In all likelihood, all of these people were probably being located to areas near each other, even though they are mentioned as being in different provinces.  That may have been more of an administrative distinction.  That also seems to indicate that they were likely being relocated to border areas where there weren't already large populations, probably because that is where there was open land that wasn't already claimed.  We see something similar with the court sending the people from Goguryeo all the way to Hitachi. It does make me wonder what must have happened for someone to choose to come to the Japanese archipelago from Silla to be sent all the way to the far end of Yamato to work the land.  In previous centuries I would have assumed that these were captives brought back from raids against the mainland, but by all accounts—and the fact that we continue to have relatively cordial diplomatic relations between Yamato and Silla—it appears that Yamato wasn't sending raids and that these individuals were likely coming willingly.  Perhaps they were getting crowded out somewhere in Silla, and had heard of new opportunities.  Or perhaps they had done something to make them persona-non-grata, as they say, back in their home country.   Whatever the reason, there were a number of people coming over, who would have also brought their cultural and technological knowledge along with them.  And many of them were being settled in the far eastern end of Honshu—though that may be something for another time. The indigenous category includes not only the Wa people of Yamato, but also the Hayato and the Emishi.  Of these we don't have a lot of information about who they were or what languages they spoke. For the Hayato we only have a few possible words of their language, and various other things that we know from Yamato's court records.  We know that the Yamato officials needed interpreters to speak with the Hayato.  There are those that theorize that the Hayato language had evolved from one of the languages spoken during the Jomon era—which doesn't give us much to go on other than the idea that it may not have been a Japonic language.  Attempts have been made to connect the Hayato with the unique burial features and other material artifacts of southern Kyushu, and then to the previous ethnic group, known as the Kumaso—or possibly the Kuma and So—but so far there are theories but no hard and fast connections. For example, we know that the Hayato were said to be from Ata and Ohosumi, according to the records of the court, but they also only show up in the late 7th century.  Prior to that we have stories of the Kumaso, and even people called Tsuchigumo.  Were those previous names for the ancestors of the Hayato?  Or were the Hayato encountered later, as Yamato's borders expanded, having perhaps encompassed the lands of the Kumaso and now running into the Hayato?  The fact that they show up so late in the narrative is particularly interesting, as they really only get mentioned in the reign of Ohoama and then Uno no Sarara—though they would be particularly active in the years to come, when the Nihon Shoki was being compiled.  For example, we know that the Hayato were brought into the court system, and also that they resisted, with numerous rebellions in the 8th century, though at this early point, things seemed to be going well. So Hayato were coming to the court, likely seeing some benefit in their association with Yamato.  They are shown coming in fairly significant numbers as well. Meanwhile, we have the ongoing assimilation of the Emishi.  Unlike the Hayato, the Emishi have shown up in the narrative since the legendary period.  We've talked about them quite a bit in various episodes.  Even within the Emishi, the Emishi of Koshi are differentiated from the Emishi further north in Tohoku.  Linguistically, a lot of place names in Tohoku and eastern Honshu have been compared to the Ainu language, with suspicions that a related language was in use in eastern and northeastern Japan for some time.  Tohoku is also the area that most resisted Yayoi culture, based on archaeological finds.  We know that wet rice paddy agriculture also made early in-roads into Tohoku, but then retreated much farther south, perhaps because it wasn't as suitable for the colder climate at that time.  Northern material culture continued to exhibit signs of evolution from the previous Jomon era, with Hokkaido continuing a tradition that we know as the Epi-Jomon, which we first talked about back in episode 50, and several times since then as well..  There were some mounded tombs—even some keyhole shaped tombs around Sendai and Osaki, in modern Miyagi prefecture—but nothing comparable to the large numbers of tombs found in areas further to the south. The Yamato people had had regular encounters with people called "Emishi" since at least the time of Kashikiya Hime, aka Suiko Tenno.  During the time that Takara Hime was on the throne a second time, there were massive military operations, first against the Emishi, and then supporting them against the Mishihase people in what appears to have been Hokkaido.  The Emishi were further brought under the Yamato court and into the court rank system, and we see rank handed out to various members of the group.  Then, in the reign of Uno no Sarara, we start to see further cultural assimilation in the form of the spread of Buddhism. In 689, we are told of Shiriko, an "Emishi of Kikafu, in Ukitamu district, in Michinoku".   This possibly refers to Okitama no Kori, a district in modern Yamagata Prefecture.  Shiriko had two sons, Maro and Kanawori, who requested permission to shave their hair and become Buddhist priests.  Perhaps related to this, about twenty days before, about 231 Emishi men and women had attended a banquet under the tsuki tree by Asukadera, where they were given gifts and rank.  Did that inspire them to want to learn more about this "Buddhism" thing? Either way, Uno no Sarara agreed.  In the edict she commented that Maro and his brother were both refined and modest, despite their youth, and that they were eating vegetarian dishes and keeping the Buddhist precepts.  So presumably this wasn't a last minute decision on their part, though we should probably take the wording in the edict with at least a grain of salt, given their purpose. Only six days later we see that the court is presenting a load of gifts to an Emishi monk named Doushin.  Doushin is said to have been a Koshi Emishi, rather than the Kitafu Emishi of Michinoku.  The court granted him a Buddhist statue, a purification flag, a wine cup, a begging bowl, five-colored silk cloth, thirteen pounds of flossed silk, 10 bolts of regular cloth, ten hoes, and a saddle. Six months later there is another priest:  Jitoku, an Emishi of Michinoku, who is granted a gold-copper image of Yakushi Buddha and a gold-copper image of Kanzeon—or Kannon—Boddhisatva, as well as a bell, a begging bowl, a precious curtain, an incense burner, and a banner. What this looks like, to me, is the court promoting Buddhism among the Emishi.  This feels similar to the way that priests also spread the worship of Mt. Miwa or other kami.  While Buddhism was technically universal, the Court had ensured that they had a hand on the center of Buddhist teaching, at least early on.  Indeed, at the same time that Uno no Sarara was building up the Jingikan and bolstering the worship of Amaterasu at Ise Grand Shrine, she and the court were also leveraging Buddhism and Buddhist concepts in a variety of ways.  She put it in an edict to the ministers in 691.  She noted that they had erected Buddhist Halls and Sutra repositories, and they practiced the six monthly fasts.  The sovereigns would occasionally send Ohotoneri to inquire after the welfare of priests.  As such, they should continue to uphold the Buddhsit Faith with zealous hearts. Upholding the faith wasn't just about words.  There were actual financial contributions.  Besides the national temples, there were gifts made, such as those to the Emishi priests, mentioned earlier.  In 692, Kwansei was presented silk and cloth and commended for making white lead, which was a popular ingredient for cosmetics.  Later that year, Yamada no Mikata was granted rank, and the fact that he had gone to Silla to study as a priest is mentioned in conjunction with that, though apparently he either didn't take orders or had gone back to being a lay person.   And in 693 they gave the priest, Hokyo, 3 chou worth or rice-land.  And in 696 there were 30 houses granted as a sustenance-fief to Bendou, a priest of Daikandaiji. And that tells us the kinds of resources the State was putting towards it, but what were they using Buddhism for?  What purpose did it serve the State, or was it purely altruistic?  A big part of it, as we have discussed in the past, was through the concept of karma and merit.  The court seems to have been making a variety of decisions that look to be efforts to increase the State's merit.  This is a continuation of things we saw in Ohoama's reign, along with some new moves.  For instance, we have previously mentioned in passing how the court was giving alms to the elderly and infirm, at least in the capital, and we see a lot more amnesties—though often qualified amnesties, with various crimes excluded. Then there were things like the edict of 689, in which Hunting and Fishing were prohibited in the Sea of Muko in the province of Settsu for a distance of 1000 paces, and for 20,000 shiro on the plain of Nagino in the district of Ate in the province of Kii, and for 20,000 shiro on the plains of Mino in the district and province of Iga.  The edict also attached keepers to these places in the same way as the Sea of Takashi in the district of Ohotori in the province of Kawachi.  Right off the bat we know a few things.  First off, this is the first time we've seen an edict like this, and yet the Chronicles say that this is similar to the way that "Keepers" were attached to the Sea of Takashi in Ohotori district.  The term used for "Keepers" appears to be "shugo", which would later be used for military governors in the Kamakura period, which would eventually become the shugo daimyo and then the Sengoku daimyo—our namesake.  But in this case it appears that "shugo" is just a literal translation of a "protector".  In front of that is the word "oku", meaning to keep or preserve.  Hence Aston's translation of these people as "keepers".  What is not clear to me is whether this is a reference to something that happened earlier, and just didn't get recorded, or if the Chroniclers are talking about a later practice which the audience for the Nihon Shoki would have been familiar with.  The Takashi sea would refer to the Seto Inland Sea just off the coast of Takashi, which was in Kawachi, south of modern Osaka.    The other places we see named are the Sea of Muko, in Settsu, which would have been north and west from modern Osaka, as well as Nagino in Kii and Mino in Iga. Nagino's location is not quite certain.  Ate is likely Arida, and Nagino may be what was eventually Nago, now thought to be near or including the Hirogawa region of Wakayama.  Later there were be prohibitions on fishining in the areas of Yuasa, Hiro, and Hirogawa, so perhaps there was also a prohibition on hunting on the plains.  This is all on the west side of the Kii peninsula, south of modern Osaka, so still facing the Seto Inland Sea. Iga, however, was on the other side of the peninsula.  Given that it was in Iga district of the land of Iga, this prohibition would definitely be about hunting, and not fishing.  It is also interesting to take a look at the measurements involved.  The one clear prohibition on fishing, in the Sea of Muko, is measured in paces while the other two are mentioned as being on the "plains"—though technically it should probably be "Nagi Plain" and "Mi Plain"—and they are measured differently, in something called "shiro".  By the way, I tried to find how big a "shiro" was and I couldn't quite do it. I wonder if the difference there, though, is area versus length:  For the sea of Muko it probably meant the waters directly out from the shore of Muko, and so I imagine that the paces were measure out from a certain point, walking along the shoreline, and then you couldn't go out into the sea in those areas to fish.  For the plains you could have more definitive markers indicating a particular area that was under the prohibition. For another clue to protected areas and distances, we see later that "long-life places" were established throughout the various provinces, each one being 1000 paces.  Aston notes that "long life places" indicated areas where animals couldn't be harmed, and given that they talk about it in terms of "paces" I would assume that means these were probably more prohibitions on fishing. That language also suggests to me that there was some kind of Buddhist reasoning behind it—mercy for the creatures of the land.  It isn't clear how long these prohibitions remained in effect, either.  This may also explain an order just a few days later that a white swallow that was caught in Mike, in the land of Sanuki, should be set free.  Unusually white or albino animals were often caught and presented to the throne as auspicious omens, not always in a live state.  However, Buddhism often teaches that there is merit in releasing animals, and so this feels like it was a way of demonstrating mercy and building merit, while also acknowledging the auspicious omen that accompanied its appearance. Also in this edict is who it is directed to:  Tanaka no Ason no Norimaro, who is named as the "soryo" of Iyo.  We've mentioned this before, in passing; this was a position similar to the Dazai no Sochi.  Effectively, the government official in charge of Iyo was in charge of the entire island of Shikoku.  Unlike the Dazai no Sochi, this position does not seem to have remained for long; instead, Shikoku was divided up into separate provinces and then each province had its own governor. By the way, we've talked about Norimaro before, as well.  He was previously in charge of the mission to Silla, when they went to announce Ohoama's demise, but then ran into a bunch of diplomatic etiquette issues such that they weren't able to deliver the news—or perhaps more appropriately they decided they couldn't deliver the news.  So from representing the court on missions, Norimaro went on to become the government official in Iyo overseeing all of Shikoku.  A couple of years later he would show up again, this time sending gold and silver that had apparently been found at Mt. Mima in Uwa district—modern Uwajima.  Unfortunately, after that he disappears from the narrative, and the position seems to end with him. Speaking of animals—the presentation of auspicious plants animals continued, and was often wrapped up with amnesties and similar such things.  The year 692 seems to have been of particular significance.  There we see the Governor of Sagami presenting a pair of fledgling red crows that had been caught in Miura.  Later we see that the governor, the vice governor, and the individual who had caught the crows—Kashima no Omi no Kusu—were gifted with rank and presents, while Miura district had its taxes and forced labor remitted for a period of three years. Later that same year, the Governor of Ise presented auspicious stalks of rice while the Governor of Echizen, that is to say the western part of Koshi closest to the capital, presented a white moth.  The stalks of rice don't seem to have warranted much, but the white moth, which presumably was not just a moth that is naturally white, was apparently considered something noteworthy.  We are told that it was caught on the shore at Uragami, in the district of Tsuruga.  As such, the Fief of the Kebi no Kami—the kami of Kebi, or at least his shrine—was increased by 20 houses.  Unfortunately, we have a lacuna or gap in the text so we don't get everything else.  This is a good reminder that sometimes we don't have anything because it wasn't written down, and sometimes because accidents happen.  Either something doesn't get transcribed properly or something gets damaged early on and there aren't enough copies for it to propagate from another source. Our next omens come in 694—the same year that the Fujiwara Palace was occupied.  We are told that a white copper-pheasant was presented by Sarara in Kawachi.  So the Governor and Vice-Governor of the district received promotions, as did the many who had caught it, Osakabe no Miyatsuko no Karakuni.  Four months later, a white bat was found by a man in Araki, in Hida province.  His name was Ohokunibe no Otohi, and he didn't receive a promotion in court rank, but he did get material presents in terms of silk cloth and floss, and, perhaps more importantly, he was exempted from all forced labor for the rest of his life.  Not a bad deal, if you ask me. Now omens were good and all, but omens were hardly active expressions by the government.  When things were happening—like damaging rains—or perhaps not happening—like droughts—people wanted the government to do something.  I know it may be hard for people to believe in this day and age, but many people believed that the government was responsible for all sorts of things that it had little control over.  In this case, that was the weather, and the state could at least prepare by collecting taxes in rice and then providing relief via those same resources.  But that still only did so much.  So when months went by with no rain falling, the state would turn towards ritual.  In some cases that ritual was directed at the kami and the new Jingikan, but in other cases, it fell on Buddhist priests. So, for example, in 688 we are told that there was a drought and the court initiated prayers for rain.  Those prayers were carried out by the priest Douzou.  Douzou was of Baekje extraction, but that didn't concern the court—they just wanted to know that he was effective.  Sure enough, after praying for rain, the clouds opened up and before morning the rain had fallen.  We are told it fell "across the realm", which I'm pretty sure is hyperbole.  It probably fell all across the Nara plains and surrounding areas, which was enough for the court. In 691, they were struck with the opposite problem, which we know because the court issued an edict dated to the 19th day of the 6th month of that year.  Apparently rain had fallen for two straight months.  And while the fifth month rains—the Satsuki-ame—are well-known, this apparently had started back in the 4th month of that year, and now there was a worry that it would start to injure the crops, reducing the annual yield.  The conclusion appears to have been that the country did not have enough merit.  Therefore the ministers and officials were prohibited from the use of strong drink or meat—Aston translates it directly as "animal food".  They were also ordered to compose their hearts and repent of any sins they may have committed.  At the same time, the priests in the temples of the capital and Home provinces were told to recite sutras for five straight days.  We also know that a day later they announced an amnesty for various criminals, as well.  Another act of mercy and hopefully for making merit. And it seems to have worked.  Or one could just say that the natural monsoon rains finally stopped after a particularly heavy season.  Who's to say? In the 5th intercalary month of 692, the rains were again pretty bad.  This time it isn't that they were long, but that it was heavy rain—what Japanese meteorology reports would likely call "Oyu", or Great Rain—which brought with it floods. Unfortunately, while they could pray for rain to start or stop, floods are another matter.  By the time you know the flood has happened it is too late.  And so this is where the government's preparedness came into focus.  Commissioners were sent to visit the districts and provinces.  There they found people affected by the flooding and they were empowered to make loans to provide relief.  Furthermore, they allowed people to access resources that might otherwise have been restricted, allowing them to fish and cut wood in the hills, forests, ponds, and marshes, even if that was normally a prohibited activity, so that they could sustain themselves until they were able to get back on their feet.  At the same time, the Sutra of Golden Light, the Konkwoumyou Sutra, one of the sutras for protecting the state, was to be read aloud in the capital and the Home Provinces.  The Sutra of Golden Light is the one which not only talks about the Shitennou, the four heavenly kings, but also emphasizes that if rulers support and honor the recitation of the sutra, then their kingdoms would be prosperous and peaceful, so what better time to read it than during or just after a disaster? There were other recitations and congregations that were not quite so obviously connected.  In 690, there were discourses in the inner precinct of the palace during the "Vassa", known in Japanese as "Ango" or "Dwelling in Peace".  This comes from the tradition in Buddhism where it is said that the Buddha and his disciples, though normally traveling around the countryside, would come together during the rainy season.  During this time they would talk and share.  It is still practiced in many Theravada schools, where monks will gather in temples during the rainy season.  Of course, as we've discussed, the 5th month was right in the middle of Japan's rainy season, so it seems like they may have been attempting to emulate that tradition. Three years later, we are told that they held a great-congregation of monks on that same date—the 15th day of the 5th month.  This is not referred to as an Ango, however, possibly noting a change in the way they were organizing or conducting it—or possibly just because it was referred to differently in the record the Chroniclers used.  That said, a great-congregation was simply a Buddhist gathering, where various priests would provide sermons or sutra readings, and not necessarily tied to a particular time.  Another one was called in the 9th month of 693 on behalf of the late sovereign, Ohoama and all prisoners were released, which was no doubt merit seen as accruing to the late sovereign. A month after that, the Benevolent King Sutra, or Ninnou-kyou, was expounded in the provinces for four days.  This is another one of the sutras considered important for the well-being of the state. In 694 we have 100 copies of the Konkwoumyou sutra—the Sutra of Golden Light—being sent out to the provinces, with the intent that they should be read together, at a certain time, when the moon of the first month was in the first quarter.  Any fees or resources needed by the temples to carry this out were to be defrayed from the public revenues of the provinces.  As Aston points out, "revenues" in this case would not necessarily be cash money.  Not that they didn't have coins—they had the Fuhonsen coins from Ohoama's time; see Episode 146 for more information.  We are even told that in 694 the court appointed three officials—Ohoyake no Maro, Utena no Yashima, and Kibumi no Honjitsu—to be governors for the mint, although Aston notes a Shoku Nihongi account from 708 that claimed that was the "first time" the title was given out.  Either way, even though they were minting coins, these wouldn't have been in common circulation.  The government may have used them to pay for things, but taxes coming in, especially in the provinces would have been in-kind taxes, meaning that the revenue to the temples were likely paid in rice, cloth, or similar. We similarly see another edict to read the Golden Light sutra on the first day of the twelfth month of 696.  This time it wasn't just a one time reading, though: they were setting a precedent.  The edict was to expound the Sutra of Golden Light and then, every year hence, they would schedule ten people of pure life who should be inducted as monks on the eve of the New Year.  I have to wonder about how they had people take orders—and whether it was a lifelong commitment or, as in some cultures, today, a temporary position.  After all, Ohoama took orders but didn't exactly remain "retired" for all that long. The same thing had happened back in 694, when one hundred and four people were made to enter religion for the sake of Royal Princess Asuka.  So how long did they remain Buddhist priests? There is a reference, in 693, of a priest being stripped of his monkhood.  It was done by royal order for a Goguryeo priest Fukuka, and it isn't made clear why.  Was it something that the priest wanted?  Maybe they wanted to stop being a monk for some reason?  Or was it done as a punishment?  There was apparently a great-congregation only about two weeks prior.  Maybe there was some drama?  We'll probably never know. In 697, there was an uptick in merit-making.  In the third month, a great-congregation was being held in the Eastern Palace.  The Eastern Palace was the home of the Crown Prince, so this may have something to do with the planned succession, but then in the 6th month we see a bunch of things happening.  There was a royal order for sutras to be read in temples in the Home Provinces, and then, nine days later, an order that people of 5th rank and lower were to go spend time cleaning out the temples in the capital.  On the 26th, 11 days after that, we get a record the seems to bring this into focus, as the Ministers and public functionaries started making votive images of the Buddha for the sake of Uno no Sarara's illness.  It seems that she was feeling unwell, which probably kicked off a lot of this activity, and may even be why she finally decided to abdicate.  There was one more seemingly related note.  On the 29th day of the 7th month the Ministers and public functionaries prepared a festival for the installation of Buddhist images in the temple of Yakushiji.  This was the temple Ohoama had originally commissioned for Uno no Sarara during his reign when she was sick back then.  She had recovered, then, and she would recover again—but her faith in the healing power of the Buddha may have been limited.  She would abdicate a few days later, leaving the throne to Prince Karu—the future Monmu Tennou. One last thing, somewhat tangential, it seems.  In the 11th month of 693, three priests, Houin, Zen'ou, and Shingi, set out, along with others, to the Yasu district in Afumi to taste the sweet wine of the local springs.  This is likely the area around the Yasu river, where it flows northwest from the mountains into Lake Biwa.  Today it is Yasu city on one side of the river and Moriyama city on the other. They apparently came back in the third month of the following year, as that is when we get a royal edict concerning said springs.  Based on that, we are told that the spring of quote-unquote "sweet wine" or "sweet sake" bubbled up at Mt. Tsuga in the Yasu district of Afumi.  Mt. Tsuga, or Tsugayama, may be related to "Moriyama", and Moriyama city is still known for the spring water that comes out of the nearby mountains. In the edict they mention that people who were afflicted with various disease would stay at Yasudera, where they presumably drank the water from the springs, and many of them found themselves healed.  For this miraculous occurrence, the temple itself was awarded four chou of rice-land, and an amount of cloth.  In addition, the district of Yasu was exempted from taxes and forced labor, as well as from any other kinds of corvees that might be levied, for at least one year.  Local authorities were promoted a grade in rank, and gifts were made out to those who were credited with first discovering the springs and their miraculous properties—Kadono no Hatsuki and the daughter of Kudara no Tsurara. A couple of extra notes, based on what we see here.  First off, it is unfortunately too often the case that we see women described like this—the daughter of so-and-so—without providing an actual name.  It is interesting that she is the daughter of someone with the name "Kudara", meaning "Baekje".  During the reign of Naka no Ohoe, aka Tenji Tennou, a number of Baekje people were settled in the areas around Lake Biwa and the Echi River, the next major river to the northeast. The temple mentioned, Yasudera, would have been the local temple, probably run by the local elites.  That likely means the Yasu no Atai family.  The temple itself is no more, and we aren't sure exactly where it was, but there is a strong case to be made that archaeological remains at Yoshimi-chou, in modern Moriyama city, might be that temple.  Still, there is no conclusive evidence. As for springs having healing properties—this is nothing new.  Minerals could have given the water a sweet taste, or perhaps there was something that clouded it, like nigori-zake—unfiltered rice wine.  Whether or not there were any natural healing properties I leave up to your own imagining.  Did people actually benefit from the waters?  Or maybe just because they believed?  Was the fact that a Buddhist temple was involved part of it, or is this just the same thing we see with people going to various springs and imparting to them some healing properties? Either way, it seems that at some point the spring no longer produced the "sweet wine" that had made it famous in its day, and people moved on to a different location. For now, I think we can stop here.  We have probably one more episode talking about specific items from this reign, but we are starting to get more and more sources, including the poetry of the Man'yoshu, which I hope to dig into here in a bit.  Plus a few other things in the works. Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

Derek Guy and Peter Zottolo return for the third installment of their quarterly AMA series, generously sponsored by our friends at Bezel. This time, they go deep on fabric: navy sport coats, green double-breasted suits, the five tweeds they would choose from scratch, and the right cloth for a balmacaan. They also revisit bespoke mistakes, the tailors still on their wish lists, shoes for serious walking, the difference between personal style and costume, and what actually reads from across the room. Plus: date-night clothes without tailoring, keeping pet hair off your wardrobe, finding occasions to wear the clothes you already own, the appeal of authentic workwear, their favorite versions of menswear staples, and why the person you imagine in the mirror may not be the person everyone else sees. They close by designing the elusive middle-ground jacket—dressier than a chore coat, easier than a sport coat, and made for the romantic life of a writer. * Sponsored by Bezel - the trusted marketplace for buying, selling, or insuring your next luxury watch ** Fabric Recommendations Navy Sport Coat Derek's Picks: Holland & Sherry Mesh & Hopsack Blazers Huddersfield or Smiths Mock Leno Harrison Spring Ram stitched hopsack Holland & Sherry cashmere doeskin Hainsworth doeskin Fox serge Peter's Picks: Hopsack or similar Spring Ram 16oz for fall/winter or Finmeresco 12oz for summer, I have experience with Moorhouse and while it's much softer it's too prone to fraying Green double-breasted suit in the South Derek's Picks: Harrisons Spring Ram Huddersfield Fine Worsted Super Gaberdine Peter's Picks: Spring Ram 12oz if you can stand it, or Isca 8oz if you can't. Bear in mind that Isca is 55/45 linen/wool so it won't be as crisp as Spring Ram. If you want a stiffer suit try Cape Kid 60/40 wool-mohair Five Tweeds Derek's Picks Brown Molloy & Sons Donegal (or Holland & Sherry for something softer) Gray glen check Fox tweed Something brown from W. Bill like a basic glen check or gun club Lovat Kirkton 523 Lovat Kirkton 502 Peter's Picks: For sportcoats, I prefer softer tweeds (Shetland, lambswool, even hairy faux tweeds such as Moonbeam or Sherry Tweed) as opposed to stiff & scratchy (Harris, gamekeeper, Hartwist, Thornproof). Porter & Harding Glenroyal True POW Brown, Dark Brown, Green & Tan Dogtooth Brown with green & red check W Bill Grey shetland herringbone Holland & Sherry Sherry Tweed either Brown w/hazelnut/blue check or Brown w/chestnut/blue mock glen check Balmacaan to wear with jeans Derek's Picks: W. Bill Classic Coatings Marling & Evans undyed wool (or this check) VBC Hope and Archive Overcoat Holland & Sherry overcoat Lovat Ettrick (as seen at Paul Stuart Japan) Harrisons cashmere overcoating Peter's Picks W.Bill Classic Coatings or Irish Donegal Lint Brushes Article at Put This On Best Of M43 is vintage Chore coat was Jack/Knife (RIP) – hand-hammered rivets and leather backs, single stitching everywhere, perfect fit, until you grow out of it OCBD is Kamakura – replication of old BB and good fabrics Chino - I only have one pair from Buck Mason, the paperback Jeans are either Strike Gold 5103 slub jean ( crazy fades) or Buck Mason Full Saddle Tees are Buck Mason Field Spec Chambray shirt is Brycelands USN Perfect chambray shirt Western shirt is Stevenson Overall Co Cody Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

This letter was written in reply to a report from Shijō Kingo that fires had broken out at both Gokuraku-ji temple and the palace of the shogun, the military ruler. Gokuraku-ji, a temple of the True Word Precepts school in Kamakura, burned down in the third month of 1275.Japan at that time was in a state of upheaval. In the tenth month of 1274, the Mongols launched a massive military attack against the southern part of the country. This contributed to the extreme anxiety of the people. The Mongol threat increased as another envoy from Khubilai Khan arrived in the fourth month of 1275, demanding that Japan swear allegiance to the Mongol empire or face another attack.Nichiren Daishonin attributes the fires in Kamakura and other calamities to the people's loss of good fortune, which he says was brought about by their slander of the correct teaching. The title of this letter is taken from the ancient story of Rājagriha (Royal Palace), the capital of the kingdom of Magadha, India. The Daishonin cites this story, which appears in T'ien-t'ai's Words and Phrases of the Lotus Sutra, to support his point about the necessity of good fortune.In a play on words, the Daishonin refers to the chief priest of Gokuraku-ji, Ryōkan-bō (Priest Ryōkan), as Ryōka-bō (Priest Two Fires), to show that the burning of Gokuraku-ji and the shogun's palace stemmed from Ryōkan's slander of the Lotus Sutra. The phrase “two fires” has two meanings. It indicates the fire that consumed both Gokuraku-ji and the palace—the centers of religion and government. And it means that Ryōkan's slander not only has brought about conflagration—one of the seven disasters—in this world, but also will cause him and his followers to fall into “fire,” or the state of hell, in the next.https://www.nichirenlibrary.org/en/wnd-1/Content/59

Bienvenue dans ce Mangacast Mini Omake n°230. Aujourd'hui, on vous parle d'un titre des éditions Delcourt/Tonkam: Kamakura Bakeneko Club !

This episode we are taking a quick break from our overall story of Uno no Sarara (aka Jito Tenno) and we are focusing on Ise Shrine and Amaterasu, the Sun Goddess. There is a lot, for a bit more, check out our podcast blogpost at:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-153   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is Episode 153:  Ise and the Sun Goddess.   In the newly built hall of the Fujiwara Palace, the nobles of the court were gathered for a grand banquet.  Snow-white walls were off-set by bright crimson pillars and trim, highlighted by bright green windows.   The nobles themselves were a rainbow of colors, arranged as they were by rank.   At the head of it all, on a dais, sat the Queen herself, Uno no Sarara.  However, the attention was no longer on her.  Instead, it was on another figure, standing in front of the assembled audience.  A quiet spread throughout the hall, the court listening as Hieda no Are began to tell the story of the Sun Goddess in the Plain of High Heaven.  They listened to the story of her and Susano'o, and of the backward flayed horse.  They heard the tale of the Heavenly Rock Cave, and of all that came after, including the sending of the August Grandchild, Ninigi.  They listened to the story—the story of Yamato.   Last episode, we talked in more detail about Uno No Sarara—starting from her early years as the daughter of Naka no Ohoe, granddaughter of Soga no Kurayamada, and child-bride to her uncle, Ohoama.  I'll admit we didn't look too hard at that last bit, and I don't have enough information to confirm what exactly "marriage" entailed in that context, but it is still something that I find tremendously creepy and, unfortunately, anything but unique.  So I'm not going to dive too much further into it right now but… ew. We talked about how she gave birth to her son, Kusakabe, in Kyushu, during the war on the continent, and how she eventually left for Yoshino with her husband when he retired from court, presumably to outsmart his court rivals, who were positioning him to be taken out.  She also is said to have played a part in the planning and execution of the resulting Jinshin no Ran, later helping her husband govern the realm.  And now, she was on the throne, overseeing the completion of many of the projects started in the reign of her husband.  This included the completion of the Kiyomihara code, the Fujiwara palace, and the support given to the institution of Ise Grand Shrine. This episode, I want to dive into that last topic: the emphasis in Uno no Sarara's reign on  Ise Shrine and its focus, the Great God, Amaterasu no Ohokami.  Although the Chronicles talk about Amaterasu as one of the founding deities of the Yamato royal line, there is plenty of evidence that this story was grafted into the tales at a later date, and that worship of Amaterasu, at least as anything more than a minor deity, likely also started relatively late.  Some have even suggested that Ise Shrine itself wasn't even built until the late 7th century.  So, all of this focus on Ise and Amaterasu appears to be part of the larger effort to structure the physical, cultural, and spiritual landscape of the new Yamato state. Last episode we mentioned how, according to the Nihon Shoki,   Ohoama turned to worship towards Ise.  Well, specifically, he worshipped Amaterasu Ohokami.  So let's take a moment and talk about what we know of the history of this Great God of Heavenly Brightness. Unfortunately, most of that history is based on what we know of the kami from works like the Nihon Shoki, the Kojiki, and the Sendai Kuji Hongi, all of which came out in the 8th century or so.  As such, it can be hard to know what things were actually like, earlier on, as opposed to what was added or removed later. Much of what I'm going to be talking about, today, I'm going to be pulling from a book written in 2017 by Mark Teeuvwen [Tayvin?] and John Breen titled "A Social History of the Ise Shrines", as well as Michael Como's work "Weaving and Binding: Immigrant Gods and Female Immortals in Ancient Japan", published in 2009, along with other sources.  In their book, Breen and Teeuwen point out that for those who do not take the events of the Nihon Shoki and Kojiki at face value, there are two primary theories for the origin of the worship of Amaterasu: an early theory and  a late theory.  The early theory places the development of the worship of Amaterasu in the 5th and 6th centuries, during the reigns of such figures as Wakatakeru no Ohokimi, aka Yuuryaku Tennou.  The Late Theory places the development in the 7th century, largely at the feet of such figures as Ohoama and Uno no Sarara herself.  We'll take a look at the evidence and see what it says. I would note that compared to the official history, both of these would be very late theories.  According to Ise Grand Shrine even today, Amaterasu arrived in Ise in the 26th year of Ikume Iribiko, aka Suinin Tennou, as stated in the Nihon Shoki, which corresponds to 4 BCE if you take the dating of the Nihon Shoki to be accurate. Of course, we've already spent plenty of time talking about the problems with the Nihon Shoki prior to the 6th century CE, as well as how the political nature of the text affected what it contained. So to kick things off, let's address the biggest question of all: why don't we believe that Amaterasu no Ohokami was always the primary deity of the pantheon of Yamato, at the very least, if not all of the Wa people of the archipelago?  After all, isn't she a sun goddess, and isn't sun worship fairly well documented among the ancient Japanese?  Just take a look at words like "Hiko" and "Hime", referring to rulers as sun man and sun woman.  Also note that early on, worship seems to have centered around places such as mountaintops, which focused worship towards the sky and the highest point.  In fact, as wet rice paddy agriculture became the dominant economic factor driving the engine of the archipelago in the Yayoi and early kofun period, early shrines were very likely about bringing the spirit of the mountain from the mountaintop and giving them a home amongst the rice fields.. And then we have the stories.  Don't the ancient stories all tell about Amaterasu as the ruler of Takama no Hara, the Heavenly Plain?  And isn't it her grandchild that then descends to the earth to pacify the Land of the Reed Plains—aka the Japanese archipelago? Well let's take a look at those same stories, which we've covered in earlier episodes of the podcast.  The first deities mentioned in the Chronicles are deities like Ama no Minaka Nushi, Lord of the August Middle of Heaven; Takami Musubi, High August Growth; and Kami Musubi, Divine August Growth.  There are other deities, like Kuni Toko Tachi, but they are barely mentioned again. Later we get Izanagi and Izanami, the masculine and feminine, who create the world and give birth to numerous deities from that point on.  Among the children of Izanagi are said to be Amaterasu, Tsukiyomi, and Susano'o.  Amaterasu, Heaven's Brightness, represents the sun while Tsukiyomi represents the dark of the moon.  Susano'o is then the god of the storms and seas, and was sent to the Nether Land, the Ne no Kuni. Right away we see that there are numerous different stories listed in the Nihon Shoki for just about everything.  Only the Kojiki gives everything as a single, coherent narrative, but surely the readers in the 8th century would have known some of these other stories, and thus the Nihon Shoki gives the alternates as well. Now the main narrative of the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki tells us that Ama-terasu no Oho-kami was born to rule over everything.  In the Nihon Shoki, Izanagi and Izanami specifically mention that divine destiny in Amaterasu's creation—although actually, in that part of the text, the deity they are creating is named Oho-hiru-me no Muchi; the Great Sun Female Holder.  And in the next entry they call Amaterasu: Ama-terasu Oho-hiru-me.  Tsukiyomi, the deity of the moon, is made to be her consort, and they are supposedly sent to rule the plain of Heaven, Takama no Hara. The problem is that there are other entries that suggest that Takama no Hara already had a ruler:  Taka-mi-Musubi.  Reading the sections on Taka-mi-Musubi, we see a deity who is said to have produced 1500 children, himself—no mention of Izanagi and Izanami.  Some of his children are mentioned as Omohi-kane:  the Thought-Combining deity, and Sukuna-bikona: the Little-Prince-Named deity. Amatsu Hiko Hiko Ho Ninigi no Mikoto, the August Heavenly Prince, Prince Ho-ninigi, is not just a grandson of Amaterasu no Ohokami, but also a grandchild of Taka-mi Musubi.  In at least one story, Takami Musubi is the one who wants Ninigi no Mikoto to become the ruler of the Central Land of the Reed Plains.  Towards that end, he gathers the various kami and chooses someone to go down and prepare the way—Ama-ho-hi no Mikoto—who was to quote-unquote "expel and subdue" the evil gods of that land.  We covered this story in episode 21 and 22.  When that doesn't work, he gathers them again, sending others to try and do the same.  Eventually he sends Takemikazuchi and Futsunushi down.  All of this sounds like Taka-mi Musubi, whose name appears to refer to being the "high" deity, was the one in charge. In addition, we have the court ritual from sources like the Engi Shiki, which illustrates the deities that were invoked for the protection of the palace and the royal family.  These were:  Kami-musubi, Takami-musubi, Iku-musubi, Taru-musubi, Tamatsume-musubi, Oomiya-no-me, Oomiketsu-no-kami and Kotoshironushi.  One might notice a lot of the "musubi" names among the deities, and a distinct lack of appeal to Amaterasu.  If Amaterasu were the central deity and ancestral deity of the royal family, why is she not invoked in the rituals of the court itself? The thought, here, is that these rituals are likely much older than the worship of Amaterasu, and while Amaterasu would come to prominence in the stories that the court would tell, it was much more difficult for them to rearrange the traditional rituals to put her front and center.  Those rituals were maintained by ritualist families like the Nakatomi, and they weren't likely to change the rituals willy-nilly, even for a sovereign.  That was playing with supernatural fire, after all—if you changed the rituals, would they still even be effective?  Granted, rituals do change, so it isn't a perfect argument; perhaps it was just not considered to be important enough to make the change since it was not something that anyone except the court ritualists needed to worry themselves over.  Either way, it appears that we do have a list of deities that may have been the deities of the ruling elite prior to the rise of Amaterasu and Ise shrine more generally. We have a few other clues of what was going on in the narrative.  For instance, we see the story from the reign of Mimaki Iribiko, aka Sujin Tennou, also called the First Sovereign of Yamato, despite the legendary figures inserted prior to his reign.  It is in this chapter that we see a note that Ama-terasu no Oho-kami and Yamato no Oho-kuni-dama, which is to say the Spirit of the Country of Yamato, were both worshipped together in the hall—that is in the royal palace itself.  And yet apparently Mimaki Iribiko feared these deities residing with him in the palace, and he had their worship moved to locations outside of the palace.  Amaterasu's worship was given to Toyosuki-iri-bime, one of Mimaki Iribiko's daughters, and established in the district of Shiki, in Yamato.  Yamato no Ohokunidama, on the other hand, was given over to Nunaki-iri-bime no Mikoto, another daughter through a different wife. but we are told that she was lean, and her hair was falling out, and so she couldn't perform the rites.  Turning our attention back to Ama-terasu—in the reign of Ikume-Iribiko, aka Suinin Tennou, son and heir of Mimaki Iribiko, the worship of Ama-terasu would pass from Mimaki Iribiko's daughter, Nunaki Iri Bime to Ikume Iribiko's daughter, Yamato Hime.  She would move the worship site from Shiki to Uda, in the shadow of Mt. Miwa, and then proceed over to the upper banks, or Kawakami, of Isuzu, in the district of Watarai.  Here, in one of the alternate stories about this episode, we get the Great God of Yamato—Ohoyamato no Ohokami—speaking through a medium to warn the sovereign that he had better be careful.  Mimaki Iribiko had not been quite thorough enough in his worship, so he had not had a long life, and if Ikume Iribiko didn't do the same, he would suffer a similar fate. And so, in a record eerily similar to what we see in the previous reign, the worship of the "Great God of Yamato", the Oho-Yamato no Oho-kami, is given to Nunaki-waka-hime—as opposed to Nunaki-Iri-bime—who also fails in the task because of her emaciated body.  This also introduces Fukayu nushi, an ancestor of the Nakatomi, who was the one who divined what should be done. There is so much to unpack in these stories.  For one, the kami bring power, but also danger.  One can try to placate the kami, but it isn't like a ritual will always work, and the story is of the sovereign being actively afraid of what they might do, so they were removed from the palace.  Then there is the fact that we see two seemingly similar names—Ohoyamato no Ohokami and Yamato no Kunidama both seem like we are talking about the same spirit of Yamato, though some would point out that one is the spirit of the country and one is the great kami of the country, so, clearly different. Both are also being given to someone named "Nunaki—something-something—Hime", and in both cases Nunaki seems to fail in her task because she is apparently not hot enough for the kami.  She's described as too thin and emaciated or balding.  We aren't given the lineage of Nunaki Waka Hime, but Nunaki Iri Bime is connected with the land of Owari.  Nunaki Iri-bime is said to be the daughter of Mimaki Iribiko and Ohoama Hime, ancestor of the Owari no Muraji.  Owari was the land that supported Ohoama during the Jinshin no Ran. Finally, in both cases, we see the worship of the spirit of Yamato being given over to someone name "Nagochi", later identified as Nagochi no Sukune, ancestor of the Yamato no Atahe. One more note—closely on the heels of moving these two kami out of the palace, we see that the court brings in the worship of Oho-mono-nushi, the god of Mt. Miwa, under Ohotataneko, the ancestor of the Miwa clan. So the stories here account for Ama-terasu being moved to Watarai and why she isn't worshipped in the palace.  It also places Oho-mono-nushi at the center of worship in Yamato.  Oho-mono-nushi and Miwa continue to dominate the narrative from here on out, with a few notable exceptions, such as with Okinaga Tarashi Hime, aka Jingu Tennou and her mythical conquest of the Korean peninsula.  I'm sure that had no political implications at all given everything that had happened with Baekje, Silla, and the Tang dynasty in the latter half of the 7th century.  Other than scenes like that, however, the Miwa clan and worship of the Miwa deity appear frequently in the narrative.  It is clear that Mt. Miwa, and its deity, were important, and when Breen and Teeuwen hypothesize that when Naka no Ohoe, which is to say Tenji Tennou, took the drastic step of moving the capital up to Ohotsu, in the land of Afumi, he also brought the Miwa deity with him.  Those Afumi court rituals were conducted under the auspices of the Nakatomi, and particularly the auspices of Nakatomi no Kane, who would become one of the chief opponents of Ohoama during the Jinshin no Ran in 672.  After that conflict, Ohoama and his wife, Uno no Sarara, were building new traditions using Ise and constructing new legends.  Legends that would be under their control and influence and which would further bolster their rule from the city that they had designed to fit inside of this newly constructed cosmological framework. And yet this also brings up what seems like an obvious question.  If Ise Shrine and the worship of Amaterasu were so central to Ohoama and Uno's plans, then why would they put it so far away?  Proponents of the "early" theory of the development of Amaterasu and Ise Shrine suggest that the answer lies in the text of the Chronicles.  That there is some truth to the idea that there was worship in Yamato and that, for various reasons, it moved out to Watarai district early on and developed into Ise Shrine.  Those who hold to the "late" theory of development see all of those stories as later inserts meant to explain away why Ise Shrine was so far away—and perhaps why Amaterasu was not included in the cool-kami club of court ritual.   Teeuwen and Breen mention a few of the theories, from Naoki Koujiro stressing Ise as a strategic gateway between Yamato and Eastern Japan to Tanaka Takashi proposing that the movement of Amaterasu to Ise is actually a stand-in for one or more military campaigns to that area to bring it under Yamato control. And before we move too much further in the narrative, let's talk about how Ise is physically and geographically situated.  Ise is part of modern Mie prefecture, on the eastern edge of the Ki peninsula.  It is at the southern end of a series of adjoining alluvial plains that follow the coastline north to the modern prefectures of Aichi and Gifu—the ancient provinces of Owari and Mino.  The capital of Ise Province used to be in Suzuka, near the the two Tsubaki shrines which both lay claim to the title of Ise no Ichinomiya, the First shrine of the land of Ise, and the pass that served as one of three major routes from eastern Japan into the Home Provinces and beyond.  This puts Ise about as far away as you can get from the capital of the province without going over the mountains, themselves.  It also puts it a good deal south of most major travel routes.  If you are going to Ise shrine then it is pretty clear you were going to Ise shrine, as there isn't a lot of evidence for anything else in the area. The Shrine itself is actually made up of two primary shrine complexes.  There is the Naiku, the inner shrine, and the Geku, or outer shrine.  The Naiku, or inner shrine, is probably the area most people think about.  It is at the foot of the mountains where the Shimamichi River joins the Isuzu River and both flow out of the mountains.  The Naiku contains the shrine to Amaterasu no Ohokami, and is famous for its layout, where there are actually two shrine enclosures, one next to the other.  The main shrine is then rebuilt in the empty enclosure every 20 years, at which point the worship is moved to the new shrine, the old shrine is torn down, and the cycle is started once again. The Outer Shrine, or Geku, is further north, and probably not as well known to foreigners.  The Geku is said to enshrine the spirit of Toyouke-bime, a kami dedicated to food.  According to the traditions of the Geku itself, Toyouke-bime was enshrined in the Geku at the command of Wakatakiru no Ohokimi, aka Yuuryaku Tennou, based on a dream. Regarding the history of why the Shrines—both Inner and Outer—are located here, archaeological evidence doesn't give us a lot to suggest that these might be the case.  Despite the presence of the Miya River near Ise Shrine, we haven't found evidence of a large harbor or port, like we might expect if it was the jumping off point for crossing Ise Bay—or even the center of another large polity.  Instead, the areas to the north—around Fujikata and Matokata inlets, for instance—show much more evidence of occupation and, presumably, use.  Heck, the modern district of Fujikata is in the town of "Tsu", which literally means "port".  And the capital area of Suzuaka and the Ichinomiya of Tsubaki Grand Shrine is even farther north, still.  So who, if anybody, was living down in the area of Ise Shrine?  If we look at the progression of tomb mounds in the area in previous centuries, we see that they start in the Matokata region in the 5th century and work their way down towards the south, with late 5th century tombs found in the district of Taki, the district bordering on Watarai and modern Ise City to the northwest.  It is also where you can find the Saikuu, the site of the old purification palace for the Shrine Princesses.  Grave goods seem to show close ties with Yamato, in the Nara basin.  While the tombs expanded to the south through the 5th century, they appear to have stopped altogether in the 6th century—or at least we haven't found any.  This may indicate that the political situation had changed and there was no group in the area that could organize the labor for such an undertaking.  Whether that was because Yamato was taking it as corvee labor or just that population had dwindled due to war, famine, or something else, I don't know that we could say. Around the year 600, at the opening of the 7th century, we do see a large grave mound erected in the core area of what would later become Ise Shrine, on the east side of the Miya River, overlooking what would become the Geku, the Outer Shrine of the Ise complex.  For those who aren't aware, Ise Grand Shrine is a large complex of shrines, and it is divided into two main areas.  The "inner shrine", or Naiku, is where most people go, and it is the site of the famous shrine building that is supposed to be rebuilt every 20 years.  The Geku is the "outer shrine" complex, technically dedicated to Toyouke hime, a kami of agriculture.  The kofun overlooking the outer shrine is known as the Takakurayama kofun.  This is a round kofun, about 35 to 40 meters in diameter, with a horizontal stone chamber.  It is the largest in the Ise region.  It has been mentioned in records going back to at least the Kamakura era, and even though most of the grave goods are gone, there is evidence that it was richly appointed.  Given its shape and location, there were even those in later centuries who connected it with the Heavenly Rock Cave in which Amaterasu hid according to the ancient stories. The fact that there was nothing around this area and suddenly we see a giant tomb mound is pretty puzzling.  Why was it built here?  Is it connected to the founding of the Outer Shrine in some way, or is that just coincidental?  Teeuwen and Breen point out that it is pretty rare for a large tomb mound to be build in the precincts of an active shrine, which suggests that whatever was happening there, that area was not part of the shrine grounds.  That said, I have to wonder if the ritual worship at the kofun might not have later been transformed or coopted into something else.  There also is no other indication that the Outer Shrine area was used for ritual purposes any earlier than the kofun would have been built.  In contrast, around the Inner Shrine area, several kilometers away, there are caches of beads dated to the 5th, 6th, and 7th centuries in a small valley where a brook runs down from Mt. Asama, not too far from the current shrine complex.  Teeuwen and Breen suggest that this may relate to the "upper reaches of the Isuzu River", mentioned in the Chronicles, and that it may have had to do with rituals related to water supply—hence being found at the point where the water was coming down from the mountains.  And yet, despite these finds, there really aren't any large scale archaeological remains that have been discovered east of the Miya river, though there are modest signs of dwelling and habitation, and some minor burials mounds. Compare this to Tsubaki shrine, the home of Saruta Hiko no Kami, and the main shrine of Ise, situated in the ancient capital of Ise no Kuni.  Downstream from there are numerous tomb mounds and indications of habitation.  So this was probably the center for early sun worship in the region. Teeuwen and Breen conclude that all of this indicates that the region of Taki and areas east of the Miya river were probably more of an outpost—no major powerful chieftains or large polity had set up in the region.  In the late 6th century, some power had to move in to build Takakurayama kofun, but that was an outlier.  Maybe this area just largely fell under Yamato hegemony.  And perhaps that was the key.  Perhaps initially this wasn't a place to center power and authority, but rather it was more like a prison.  It was a place far away from the court, where a deity that was more of a threat could be kept away from the palace and the sovereign.  Perhaps Amaterasu, or whoever the kami was at the time, was placed out here because of the threat they posed, much as the Chronicle seems to suggest—just not necessarily at the time that is suggested. One of the aspects of the mythmaking that we see in the Chronicles appears to be the stress on the Amatsu kami and Kunitsu Kami—the Heavenly deities and the Earthly deities.  The Heavenly deities are those in Takama no Hara, and they are the progenitors of the royal line.  On the other hand are the earthly kami, the Kunitsu Kami, those dwelling on the earthly plane.  In the stories that were recorded in the Nihon Shoki, before the August Grandchild of Takami Musubi and Ama Terasu descended to take control of the Central Land of the Reed Plain, they sent down heavenly kami as warriors to subdue the earthly kami.  On the one hand, this may have been driven by some kind of deep memory of early conquests of the archipelago by various forces.  However, these legends also served another purpose, in that they set up the royal family's right to rule, and appear to establish a de facto hierarchy between those families descended from the Heavenly Kami and those descended from the earthly Kami. Another thing that Teeuwen and Breen point out and that is that Amaterasu is not necessarily a female deity, to start with.  In fact, Amaterasu was probably easily overlain atop the worship of Oho-mono-nushi of Mt. Miwa, at least early on.  To that point, they note stories where Oho-mono-nushi and other deities were commonly depicted as arrows, snakes, or similarly phallic imagery finding or even penetrating women who were thought to have a connection with them.   This suggests a context of these priestesses being married to the kami, and even fits in with early descriptions of individuals like the famous Queen Himiko being a spiritual leader as well as a political one.  If the original Amaterasu was conceived of as a male deity, then this could also explain the tradition of the Saigu, the consecrated shrine princess.  We only see a few royal princesses designated to the position up to this point in the narrative, and, beyond Tokosuki Iri bime and Yamato hime, we don't necessarily learn much more.  One wonders if there weren't other royal princesses likewise sent elsewhere to serve other deities.  We know about Nunaki Iri Hime, and presumably Nunaki Waka Hime.  There was also Yamato Totohi Momoso Hime, who was married to Oho-mono-nushi.  Presumably there were others who just never ended up in the stories that were passed down. The idea of a kami taking a "wife" and connecting that to the idea of women holding these priestly positions seems to fall in line with much of what we see, though, as I said, we only hear occasionally about the appointment of royal princesses to the position until the reign of Ohoama.  That's when we see specifics about appointments, the purification palace in Hase, and other arrangements.  It makes you wonder more than a little bit if Royal Princess Ohoku was, perhaps, the first royal princess to actually be appointed.  It would have been easy enough to add in previous "shrine princesses" into the lineage, especially far enough back that nobody could really fact check it.  We also see Royal Princess Taki journey to Ise with her companions, Princess Yamashiro no Hime and Lady Ishikawa. It is intriguing that this practice was temporarily interrupted during the reign of Uno no Sarara, as I mentioned last episode.  Could this have something to do with a female ruler on the throne and a corresponding lack of urgency about having a female representative at Ise? And in stories about Amaterasu, she is frequently shown with certain masculine qualities.  When she confronts her younger brother, Susano'wo, she is concerned that he might try to take her authority from her, so she meets him decked out in armor, her hair tied up in a typical male fashion, with a bow, ready for a fight.  It would be just as easy to imagine that Amaterasu and Susano'wo were brothers, contending over rulership.  Add to all of that the idea that kami were often personifications of various natural phenomena or ideas, and Japanese is not a naturally gendered language, and there are those that believe that the stories of Amaterasu were not necessarily about a female deity in the beginning, but a male deity, similar to Ohomono Nushi and others, who then took on a feminine persona.  On the other hand there are passages in the old stories recounted in the Chronicles that clearly make Amaterasu out to be a woman. To start with the activities she is associated with, such as weaving, are often associated with women as something they do in the home.  This is a tradition carried over from the continent, along with silk and the techniques to weave it.  In the lands where silk production started, there are silkworm goddesses and the gendered nature of silk production and weaving appears to have come over to Japan as well.  There is also the fact that Amaterasu is said to have another name:  Oho-hiru-me no muchi.  In this case, it would seem to mean something like Great Noontime Female Possessor.  And in the weaving hall it is sometimes Amaterasu that is weaving and sometimes Waka Hirume.  "Hirume" certainly feels like a feminine name. There is the distinct possibility that the stories of Amaterasu as recorded were actually about two or more different kami, so Amaterasu and Ohohirume could have been separate deities having to do with the sun that were rolled into a single kami.  As mentioned before, it is also possible that Amaterasu ended up with some stolen valor taken from the other Ise deity worshiped at Tsubaki, Saruta-hiko no Kami.   Teeuwen and Breen also note that the name "Amaterasu" is hardly unique, noting at least ten other shrines with a kami called "Amateru" or "Amaterasu", mostly in Yamato, but some as far away as Kyushu and Tsushima.  Nine of those shrines were dedicated to Ame no Hoakari, an ancestor deity of the Owari lineage who was also closely tied to metalworking.  It is worth remembering that it was Owari who helped support Ohoama during the Jinshin no Ran, and who may have even fostered Ohoama for a while when he was just a young prince.  All that to say there may have been several different traditions that were all contributing different elements to the story. And then there is the connection between Amaterasu and Uno no Sarara. Herman Ooms, in his book: "Imperial Politics and Sybmolics in Ancient Japan", notes the similarities between Amaterasu and Uno no Sarara, talking about the differences between the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, both of which had events that mirrored Uno no Sarara's own life.  According to Ooms, "The Kojiki's Amaterasu is a transparent double of the female tennou Jitou".  He points out that Uno no Sarara, besides her posthumous title of Jitou Tennou, also had a title making reference to Takamanohara:  Takama no Hara Hirono no Hime—the Princess High-Heaven-Plain.  But beyond that, we also see other linkages between the stories.  For instance, it isn't Amaterasu's son, Ame no Oshihomimi who is given the realm, but rather her grandchild, Ninigi.  This parallels the way that Uno no Sarara's son, Kusakabe, didn't ascend to the throne, but instead Uno no Sarara was holding the seat for his son, her grandson.  So one sees how Uno no Sarara could be seen as Amaterasu, and her grandson, Prince Karu, could be seen as Ninigi, the August grandchild.  Teeuwen and Breen also note that during this same time, we see the rise of a new institution: the Jingikan.  Again, we touched on this last episode, so just a quick recap:  The Jingikan was a government organization set up specifically to oversee the shrines, rituals, ceremonies, and other such things pertaining to the kami matters.  It does not appear in the initial stand-up of the new, bureaucratic government, wherein is created the bureaus, ministries, or departments, depending on your chosen vernacular, which make up the Dajokan, the Great Council of State.  Instead, the Jingikan is a separate organization, specifically organized around kami matters. The term "Jingi" is also a shorthand for "Ama-tsu-kami, Kuni-tsu-kami", or the kami of Heaven and the Kami of the earth.  "Ama-tsu-kami", meaning Kami of Heaven, was written with two characters meaning "Heaven" and "Kami", pronounced "Tenjin".  "Kuni-tsu-kami", or the Kami of the Earth, was written as "Earth" and "Earth Spirit", which was then pronounced "Chigi".  By taking the last character of each compound Tenjin-Chigi becomes just Jingi, for short.  Throughout the Chronicles, this term, "Jingi" is thrown around when they want to quickly note all the kami, together, though sometimes it is fully written out as "Tenjin Chigi", as well.  Interestingly, "Tenjin" or "Ama tsu Kami", sometimes appears alone, especially in the chapters on the Age of the Gods.  However, "Chigi" seems to only be used in the whole phrase.  There are a few instances, however, of "Chijin" being used, but they are few. That said, the term "Jingikan", also read as "Kami Tsukasa" or even "Kan Zukasa",  doesn't appear until 690, in the reign of Uno no Sarara.  This probably means that it was part of the reforms encompassed by the Kiyomihara codes.  The head of the Jingikan is known as the Jingihaku or "Kan-zukasa no Kami".  This term actually shows up well in advance of the Jingikan itself, initially referring to an unnamed official or officials in charge of kami worship at the court.  Nakatomi no Kamatari is said to have been offered the position in the first reign of Takara, aka Kougyoku Tennou, though the first confirmed individual appears to be Nakatomi no Ohoshima, during the reign of Uno no Sarara. This appears to be a distinctly Yamato invention in the bureaucratic system.  It leverages the language and structure of the Tang dynasty, but in its own way.  There was a Tang department of shrines, but it was described differently, as befits a different spiritual environment focused on ancestor worship and Confucian and Taoist ideas.  The Jingikan system  seems to have been a deliberate re-organization of the indigenous kami worship, incorporating what was probably traditional roles into the new bureaucratic system.  In so doing, however, it also gave the court greater control, and given that this was happening at the same time as the establishment of various stories and myths around Ise and the foundation more generally, it appears to be part of a concerted and deliberate effort to construct a new narrative. All of this points to them architecting much of what was going on, from the stories to the landscape.  Ohoama likely built the inner shrine as we know it.  If it really was an obscure, out-of-the-way shrine, perhaps that also meant that there weren't any other powerful court factions that were enhanced by it.  And then, over time, the Ise shrine and the deity there could be better incorporated into the overall myths and stories that surrounded the formation of Yamato.  A new Yamato, one that would soon enough be referring to itself as the origin of the Sun:  Nippon, a name often attributed to Ohoama and Uno no Sarara, though not found in the record of their reigns in the Chronicles. Another aspect to all of this, however, is what happened immediately after Uno no Sarara's reign, and into the 8th and early 9th centuries.  In the 8th century—the Nara period—Buddhism started to merge with a lot of the local practices.  This was not uncommon.  Buddhism had been born in a land with myriad deities and styles of worship, and it had the means to incorporate local deities into its cosmological worldview.  Kami were just other beings, stuck in the cycle of rebirth, who, as sentient beings, could equally benefit from the Buddha's teachings.  They became guardians of Buddhist institutions, and the lines between shrines and temples were often blurred.  At the same time, kami worship was also taking on various concepts from continental worship, such that even today we find a lot of what we might consider Taoist practices influencing Shinto worship. Had this continued, worship of the kami may have been completely subsumed into the Buddhist ritual practices, but there were areas where kami worship remained distinct.  One of these was at Ise. Early on, there was an attempt to build a temple at Ise, but it didn't last long.  The temple was eventually moved out of the shrine complex, and then eventually it was removed altogether.  Later writings from the Shrine would include certain Buddhist terms among the things that were taboo within the shrine grounds, considering Buddhism as something of a corrupting or polluting influence.  Shrine Princeses, during their tenure, had to devote themselves to the kami, and though they might retire as nuns, later in life, during their appointment they were to be free of any Buddhist influences.  In many ways this would make Ise a prime example of what would eventually be termed "Shinto", which gave it, and the worship of Amaterasu, a certain pride of place.  Of course, it didn't hurt that it was also intertwined with the State and the founding myths of the nation.  As such, Ise Shrine and its worship would become a template for many others to follow, helping to shape what we know as "Shinto" today. There are still a lot of questions.  We don't exactly know what Uno no Sarara did on her trip to Ise Shrine, and we don't know how things surrounding the worship at Ise and of Amaterasu herself changed in the intervening years between when these events happened and when, about two to three decades later, the Chronicles were finalized and published.  Certainly some of this seems tied to the Fujiwara capital, which was no longer populated at that point, the move to Heijo-kyo, in Nara, occurring between 708 and 710, two years before the Kojiki and a decade before the Nihon Shoki would come out.  And yet, the three sacred mountains that were incorporated into the plan of the Fujiwara Capital, Mt. Kagu, Mt. Miminashi, and Mt. Unebi, seem to continue to be important.  This is especially true of  Mt. Kagu, whose heavenly counterpart, Ame no Kaguyama—literally Heavenly Mt. Kagu— continues to play a major role in the stories surrounding Amaterasu and the Heavenly Rock Cave.  In addition,Mt. Unebi is closely tied to the story of Iware-biko, aka Jimmu, conquering and settling the land—perhaps to draw attention away from the stories about Mimaki and Ikume iribiko, aka Sujin and Suinin, who were both associated more with Mt. Mimoro, aka Mt. Miwa.  So even though the physical presence was moved, by that point we know that foundation of many of these stories were likely laid down around the time that the Fujiwara capital was in operation.  What does seem clear is that, just as there were clear efforts to set up the new State government, including the new capital, the court were also taking control of other levers of power and influence.  We previously talked about how they had created National Temples and included government positions to oversee Buddhist affairs more generally.  With Ise and the creation of the Jingikan, it appears as though that trend continued with the traditional kami worship. Many of the elite families still had connections to their own shrines, with their own kami.  Through the stories collected and written down—with a few editorial additions to help place them in an approved context—they were able to construct a narrative from separate or divergent traditions.  These traditions had already accreted to themselves various stories and culture-ways, some of them with clear links to the continent and others with overlapping portfolios.  The kami, and the ability to intercede with them for their blessings or to avert their wrath, were a form of power that was being structured for the purpose of supporting the new State.  A state now under the control of one Uno no Sarara. And we don't exactly have to wonder about this… the preface of the Kojiki all but says it.  They put the words in the mouth of Ohoama, or, as they call him, the Sovereign of the Kiyomihara Palace.  But the words are pretty clear: "I hear that the Imperial Records and Ancient Writing handed down by the various houses have come to differ from the truth and that many false hoods have been added to them. If these errors are not remedied at this time, their meaning will be lost before many years have passed. This is the framework of the state, the great foundation of the imperial influence. Therefore, recording the Imperial Records and examining the Old Writings, discarding the mistaken and establishing the true, I desire to hand them on to later generations." With that, 28 year old Hieda no Are was given the command to learn all the stories and presumably to recite them for the court.  And several decades later, Oho no Yasumaro was given the task to take Are's stories and write them down.  I imagine that Hieda no Are, or perhaps someone else who had learned the stories well enough, would be called into court or banquets to present some of the stories, or would be asked questions if there was any need for precedence.  Thus creating a single source for truth, according to the administration.  At the same time, the court had a problem.  They couldn't control all of the sources of written material, with all of the various contradictions, so we also would eventually get the more comprehensive—but also less narratively direct—Nihon Shoki as well.  After all, the game of propaganda was being played at many levels, and while the royal household had their motivations—primarily to support the legitimacy of their claim to power and the system within which that claim was validated— other families wanted to ensure that they were properly recorded as having connections to traditional nexuses of power—be that the ancient kami of Heaven or Earth, or their relationship to the royal family.  This is because precedence was important, even as new traditions were being created.  Like the way that the Mononobe and the Nakatomi played important roles in Uno no Sarara's ascension ceremony despite the actual individuals using new or different names, like Isonokami or Fujiwara.  See Episode 151 for the explanation, there.  And new traditions were much easier to justify if you could connect them with older traditions—whether those older traditions were truly ancient or newly made inventions. And all of this suggests that this was not an accident and it wasn't simply being imposed from the top down.  One could be charitable and suggest that those involved felt that this got them closest to what the truth actually was, given that they had now been inculcated in a new worldview and they were trying to view the ancient stories through the interpretive lens of that worldview.  On the other hand, they were ultimately doing it to structure power and authority that favored them and the government they had created.  A government that they hoped would outlast them, and be passed on to their descendants. Next episode, we will continue our discussion of Uno no Sarara's life and reign and the incredible steps she took to ensure that her line would continue to rule Yamato for decades. Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

This letter was written at Minobu in the eleventh month of the second year of Kōan (1279) to young Nanjō Tokimitsu, the steward of Ueno Village in Suruga Province. Tokimitsu embraced the Daishonin's teaching quite early in life and revered Nikkō as his personal teacher.It is a reply to a report by Tokimitsu about his role in protecting the Daishonin's followers in the Atsuhara area, who were being persecuted by authorities associated with the Kamakura government. Tokimitsu used his influence to protect other believers, sheltering some in his own home and negotiating for the release of others who had been imprisoned. The Daishonin honored him for his courage by calling him “Ueno the Worthy.” In the ninth month of 1279, the government arrested on false charges twenty farmer believers, who all refused to recant their allegiance to the Daishonin, and on the fifteenth of the tenth month three of these farmers were beheaded.The last paragraph of this letter hints at the anxiety gripping Japan in the wake of epidemics and rumors of war. The Daishonin emphasizes that, since death is inevitable, life should be devoted only to the loftiest ambition—enlightenment.The Dragon Gate mentioned in this letter appears in Chinese folklore and, though it has not been conclusively identified, is thought to refer to a waterfall or rapids on the middle reaches of the Yellow River.https://www.nichirenlibrary.org/en/wnd-1/Content/140

Fluent Fiction - Japanese: Stars Over Kita Kamakura: A Festival of Dreams Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ja/episode/2026-07-04-07-38-19-ja Story Transcript:Ja: 北鎌倉の静かな町で、夏の大好きな季節がやってきました。En: In the quiet town of Kita Kamakura, the beloved summer season has arrived.Ja: セミの声が響く中、北鎌倉高校では学校祭の準備が進んでいます。En: Amidst the sound of cicadas, Kita Kamakura High School is bustling with preparations for the school festival.Ja: 生徒たちは祭りのテーマを決めようと議論しています。En: The students are discussing what theme to choose for the festival.Ja: 思慮深くやや内向的な高校生、遥斗は天文が大好きです。En: Haruto, a thoughtful and somewhat introverted high school student, loves astronomy.Ja: 七夕の満点の星空をテーマにしたディスプレイを作りたいと思っています。En: He wants to create a display themed around the starry sky of the Tanabata festival.Ja: しかし、遥斗のアイデアは人気者の桜と健に押しのけられます。En: However, Haruto's idea is overshadowed by the more popular Sakura and Ken, who pushed for a different theme.Ja: 遥斗は自信を失いかけますが、諦めません。En: Haruto starts to lose confidence but refuses to give up.Ja: 彼は天文部の先生に相談に行きます。En: He decides to consult his astronomy club teacher.Ja: 「自分の好きなことを信じなさい」と先生が言います。En: "Believe in what you love," the teacher says.Ja: その言葉に勇気をもらった遥斗は、星空のディスプレイを作ることを決意しました。En: Encouraged by these words, Haruto resolves to create the starry sky display.Ja: 祭りの準備の日、空から雨が降り始めます。En: On the day of festival preparations, rain begins to fall from the sky.Ja: 屋外で計画していたイベントが台無しになりそうでした。En: The events planned for outdoors seem to have been ruined.Ja: しかし、遥斗は諦めず、室内のホールにディスプレイを移すことにしました。En: Nevertheless, Haruto does not give up and decides to move the display indoors to the hall.Ja: 彼は手先が器用で、キャンドルとペーパースターを使い、幻想的な星空を作り上げました。En: With his deft hands, he uses candles and paper stars to create a magical starry sky.Ja: 祭りの日、そのディスプレイはみんなの目を引きました。En: On the day of the festival, the display catches everyone's eye.Ja: 桜と健も遥斗の才能に驚きました。En: Even Sakura and Ken are amazed by Haruto's talent.Ja: 「すごいね、遥斗！」と二人とも感心しました。En: "You're amazing, Haruto!" both of them say in admiration.Ja: これをきっかけに、遥斗は自分に自信を持てるようになりました。En: This experience helps Haruto become more confident in himself.Ja: クラスメイトや桜と健とも打ち解け、友達として強い絆を築きました。En: He warms up to his classmates and Sakura and Ken, building strong bonds of friendship.Ja: 星が輝く北鎌倉の夜空の下で、遥斗は笑顔になりました。En: Under the starry night sky of Kita Kamakura, Haruto smiles.Ja: 彼は自分の情熱を貫くことの大切さを学びました。En: He learned the importance of pursuing his passion.Ja: 星明かりの下での学校祭は、忘れられない思い出となりました。En: The school festival under the starlight became an unforgettable memory. Vocabulary Words:beloved: 大好きなbustling: 進んでいますastonomy: 天文display: ディスプレイovershadowed: 押しのけられますintroverted: 内向的なconfidence: 自信consult: 相談encouraged: 勇気をもらったresolve: 決意しましたruined: 台無しnevertheless: しかしindoors: 室内deft: 器用magical: 幻想的なadmiration: 感心しましたconfidence: 自信warm up: 打ち解けbonds: 絆passion: 情熱unforgettable: 忘れられないpreparation: 準備circulate: 響くargument: 議論theme: テーマrain begins: 雨が降り始めますcatch everyone's eye: みんなの目を引きましたtalent: 才能admire: 感心smile: 笑顔

Ok, now that we've got that out of the way... Back to the BOYS! Moxie the Yeen and Isekai Sensei-Sama are rolling right back into the hunt with Phantom Busters.Chat with us instantly by clicking here!Support the showCheck out our website, AnimePodcasterReincarnation.com, to leave a comment or check out our blog posts. Follow on Bluesky or Threads and subscribe on YouTube so you don't miss new episodes. You can also follow us on Facebook or Patreon, join our Discord server, or reach us by email at IsekaiSenseiSama@gmail.com.

We've looked at several different members of the court during the reign of Uno no Sarara, aka Jitou Tennou.  Today we start to look at her life, who she was, and what she did.  In this first part we'll touch on some of her big accomplishments, including building the Fujiwara capital, patronage of Ise Shrine, and even the publication of the Kiyomihara law code.   For more, check out the podcast blogpost:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-152   Rough Transcript: Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua, and this is episode 152: Queen Uno no Sarara, Part 1 It was rare that something would pull people from the fields at the height of the season, but it wasn't every day that people of Iga had the opportunity to watch a true royal procession.  They gathered on either side of the street as the parade passed through town.  There were horses and carts, but also just numerous men carrying various bags and provisions.  There were also military guards, decked out in their finest—just in case anyone got any ideas.  There were also various nobles and government officials, riding with her.  The outfits and color would have been striking, particular to those who had little business with the court.  And at the height of it all was a covered palanquin.  Nobody could see the royal presence inside through the screens, though later they would talk about getting a peek of her hair or her robes.  It didn't matter, the procession itself was enough of a spectacle for all to see. Not everyone was pleased.  A few of the more dour elders complained about how much of a disruption and a distraction it was.  They would at least be somewhat mollified by the news that, for enduring the disruption, they would at least get a break on their taxes that year.  The procession was headed east, to the land of Ise.  Apparently they were going to pay their respects at the shrine there.  Did you know that it was dedicated to the ancestor of the royal family itself?  The actual sun goddess herself, Amaterasu.  Some of the elders shook their heads.  They remembered when everyone had been focused on Mt. Miwa, to the west.  And what about this Buddha that had shown up from overseas?  There were temples to him popping up all over the place.  They weren't so sure about all of this, but they knew their local kami and their local priests, who helped with the local harvests, and that was enough for them.  The court and their fancy learning could figure out what the country needed, but they were going to stay focused on the day to day, instead. Here we are, in the reign of Uno no Sarara, widow of Ohoama and mother to the late Prince Kusakabe, known to history as Jitou Tennou.  We've actually been in Uno's reign for several episodes now, but while we've talked about how that reign began and the roles a lot of other people played in that beginning, this episode I would finally like to start focusing on her—who she was, where she came from, and what she did.  Since that covers a lot of ground, we are going to cover some of her history up to this reign, and we'll be mostly focusing on two major updates—the creation of the new capital of Fujiwara, aka Fujiwara-kyou, and the increased royal patronage of Ise, which is thought to have been responsible for the ascendancy of Amaterasu as the paramount kami of the pantheon of Shinto kami. So let's start at the very beginning. It is traditionally held that Uno no Sarara was born around 645 to Naka no Oe and Soga no Ochi no Iratsume.  Ochi was the daughter of Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa no Maro, cousin to the powerful Soga no Iruka.  Naka no Oe's marriage to Ochi no Iratsume and her sister, Mehi no Iratsume, had been part of a strategic alliance with Ishikawa no Maro, who helped him overthrow his cousins and institute the Taika Reforms.  We talked about all of that back in Episode 106, as well as subsequent podcasts after that covering the next several reigns. So 645 is about the earliest Uno no Sarara may have been born, the very start of the Taika era, when her father began instituting a lot of changes based on continental practices. She would have grown up in the inner buildings of the Asuka court during this  time of immense change.  She was probably a bit young when the Toyosaki palace was first built, though she may have remembered when the court abandoned it and moved back to Asuka.  Unfortunately, when she was only five years old, tragedy struck.  Ishikawa no Maro, who had been made the Udaijin, or Minister of the Right, was slandered by his own brother, Soga no Himuka, and in return, Naka no Oe sent a force to have him punished.  When he saw he could not get away, Uno no Sarara's grandfather, Ishikawa no Maro, took his own life.  The Nihon Shoki—written, I should note, at least partly under the direction of Maro's granddaughter—claims that evidence came to light demonstrating his innocence, and he was posthumously exonerated.  Maro's daughter, Miyatsuko no Iratsume, was so saddened by all of this that we are told she died of a broken heart. Miyatsuko no Iratsume appears to be another name for Ochi no Iratsume, and if so, it would mean that Uno no Sarara lost both her mother and grandfather when she was only five years old due to the actions of her own father.  This sounds to me like it should be some kind of villain origin story. From there, she was likely taken care of by her aunts and other women in the palace, at least until 657.  It was about that time, at the age of 13, that she was married off to her uncle, Prince Ohoama. We don't have a precise age for Ohoama, but he was likely no more than 5 years younger than Uno's father, Naka no Oe, and some estimates suggest he was in his late 20s or early 30s, taking to wife his 13 year old niece. I can't help but think, here, of the Heian period novel, the Tale of Genji, where the titular character, Genji, finds Lady Murasaki and marries her at the age of 10.  Uno no Sarara would have grown up in her uncle-husband's home, and she was still young when the entire realm was placed on a war footing.When the court moved to Kyushu in 661 for the prosecution of the war on the continent, Uno no Sarara went with her husband, and a year later gave birth to their son, Prince Kusakabe.  She was probably about 18 years old at the time.   I suspect that means She  probably knew about her grandmother, Takara Hime, passing away, something that the inner circle of the royal family had attempted to keep relatively quiet for fear of disrupting the war effort.   Soon after her own son was born, news came back that the forces on the continent had lost.  Baekje had fallen, and Yamato could be next.  She would have traveled with her husband and the rest of the court back to Asuka and, eventually, up to Ohotsu, where her father now ruled with his brother as his right-hand man and heir to the throne. At this time, Uno no Sarara was no stranger to politics.  While her husband was in line for the throne, she knew that her brothers were also potential claimants, once they came of age. The Nihon Shoki disqualifies them through their parentage, but we see that didn't stop the Afumi court from rallying behind Prince Ohotomo.  There was also the royal princes Kawashima and Shiki.  Prince Takeru would have technically been a potential threat as well, had he not died, tragically, at only eight years of age. Now, technically, some may have been more in line than others, but Uno no Sarara knew how her own father had jumped the line, displacing her late uncle, Furubito no Oe, and it was clear something similar might happen this time around.  There were also likely a few indications that not everything was great between her father and her husband, although you would hardly know it from the number of her siblings that were also residing in the north chambers of his residence. Things came to a head in 671.  At this point, Uno no Sarara was in her late 20s with a 10 year old son, and it was looking, for a moment, like her father, despite his illness, might have Ohoama killed to pave the way for Naka no Oe's own son, Uno's brother, Ohotomo.  When Ohoama surprised everyone and stepped down, taking the tonsure, she was the only one to follow him.  We don't know if this is because she was that loyal to her husband, or because she had no other options.  If her mother had taken her own life after her grandfather's death, she may have had nobody but her father, Naka no Oe, to turn to, and he was clearly doing poorly.  If she stayed, then she would be relying on the goodwill of Prince Ohotomo and others while looking after the nine year old son and heir of Ohoama, who was clearly persona non grata at court. In contrast, one of Ohoama's other consorts, Munakata no Amago no Iratsume would have had the Munakata family to fall back on, should she need it, and her son, Prince Takechi, was a bit older.  In addition, Uno's  sister, Ohota no Himemiko had passed away earlier, in 667, and it is unclear who cared for her son, Prince Ohotsu, who was only a year younger than Uno's son, Kusakabe.  However, he, too, appears to have remained at the Afumi court with his caretakers. So Uno no Sarara went to Yoshino with her husband.  From this point on, Yoshino would become an important place for her, and during her own reign she would frequently make visits to the palace there, sometimes just for a couple of days at a time. After Naka no Oe's death, and the entire conflict of the Jinshin no Ran that kicked off in 672, Uno stayed by her husband's side.  She and Kusakabe made the incredible overnight journey from Yoshino to the other side of the Kii Peninsula, eventually setting up in Mie.  Ohoama would continue on towards Fuwa pass, where his son Takechi was already stationed with loyal soldiers.  Before that, however, he is mentioned as turning towards Ise—towards Amaterasu.  The implication seems to be that he was praying for victory.  It is also notable that a large part of his support was coming from the East and from areas around Ise. Little is mentioned of Uno's role in the record of the Jinshin no Ran, but in the opening to her reign there is a mention that she addressed the troops and mingled with the throng, until at last they formed a plan.  This seems to indicate that she was involved in the planning, at least, for the prosecution of the war.  On the one hand she was placed well behind the front lines.  On the other hand, she was well positioned to assist with logistics.  Troops and supplies from the north could come down and be redirected to the south depending on what was needed, and communications would likely be more secure through that area fully controlled by Ohoama's troops.  It is easy enough to imagine Uno no Sarara taking a role, even if it isn't explicitly mentioned.  The fact that she is mentioned as much as she is suggests to me that she had plenty to contribute to the war effort. As the war of 672 came to a close, Ohoama had to move from a war footing to one of peacetime governance.  As he ascended to the throne in 673, Uno no Sarara was made his queen.  And in light of the recent issues, Ohoama appears to have leaned heavily on her and other members of the royal family for support. And so Uno no Sarara was not just a delicate flower sitting in the hinter palace, waiting on her husband.  She was an active participant in the government.  When Ohoama called the various princes down to Yoshino and had them swear to uphold and support each other, she was included in their number.  And the Chronicles explicitly mention that when the princes swore to uphold each other, Ohoama swore he would also support them, and then Uno no Sarara made her oath like his.  That is interesting in that she isn't included in the five princes, but rather with the sovereign, her husband.  It appears she approached this from the point of view of a ruler already.  Or perhaps she was not considered to be in the line of succession, and the focus was on upholding the various princes.  Either way, we see how that eventually turned out. Later, when starting the project for what is believed to be the Kiyomihara codes, she was seated on the dais with her husband, indicating that she certainly was involved in various matters of state.  She also gave and received presents from the various nobles, including suits of clothing, gold, and more.  When Ohoama grew ill, and could not carry out the functions of the government alone, he deferred matters to her and to the Crown Prince, presumably meaning her son, Prince Kusakabe. Now Kusakabe is recorded as being made Crown Prince, and thus heir to the throne, however, it has also been suggested that this might not have been the case.  Some have suggested that Prince Ohotsu may have been the actual Crown Prince, and that he wasn't plotting against Kusakabe and his mother, but rather it was the other way around, with Uno no Sarara clearing him off the field to make room for her son. Ohotsu, remember, was the son of Ohoama by way of Ohota-hime, who was a full sister to Uno no Sarara.  That meant that, from a strict bloodline perspective, Ohotsu had just as much of a claim to the throne as did Kusakabe, but Kusakabe was a year older—or so the Nihon Shoki, compiled under the reign of Uno and her successors, would have us believe.  We are also told that Uno was formally designated as Ohoama's queen—but again we have that from the Nihon Shoki, which is more than a little bit biased.   Personally, I feel this theory that Uno no Sarara plotted to have Ohotsu removed without anything else stretches some of what we know, but it does illustrate that Uno no Sarara had a vested interest in ensuring that the crown went to her own progeny.  I'd be more inclined to believe that there was some movement a foot, even if it was perhaps not quite as treasonous as the response to it would warrant. And this catches us up with much of what we know.  Ohotsu was executed, but then Kusakabe passed away, and so Queen Uno no Sarara became Tennou in her own right.  Things hadn't gone exactly to plan, but she still had her grandson, Prince Karu, the late Kusakabe's son, whose mother, Princess Abe, was a younger-half sister to Uno no Sarara.  Abe was the daughter of Naka no Oe and Mehi no Iratsume, making Abe another grand-daughter of Soga no Kuramayada no Ishikawa no Maro.  She was also 17 years Sarara's junior and only a year older than the late Kusakabe.  By all accounts, it seems that Abe and Sarara got on well together, though she is not as prominent in the narrative that we have in the Nihon Shoki.  Still, she had an important role, not in terms of governance, but in terms of ensuring that the line continued.  She was in charge or protecting and raising young Prince Karu until he was ready to take the throne.  In so doing, she would no doubt have had a front row seat to Queen Uno's own efforts. Since Uno no Sarara had already been so involved with the government, it should come as no surprise that she continued many of the efforts attributed to her husband.  In fact, you'll often find references to Temmu and Jitou side-by-side to describe what happened because very few things can be attributed to just one of the two, especially given how long some of these projects seem to have taken.  That said, there were some differences.  While Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou, had relied primarily on members of the royal family following the Jinshin no Ran, Uno was much more likely to rely on trusted nobles, whose position at court was largely held thanks to the patronage of the royal family.  Having nobles running things again, rather than handing over power to those of the Princely class, may have provided opportunities for those noble houses to once again flex and grow their political muscle, but it was either that or hand that same power over to other princes with claims to royal descent—princes who might encourage the court that it would better if they, themselves, were to succeed the Queen, rather than the young prince, her own actual bloodline.  Even the loyal Prince Takechi, who seems to have supported her and Prince Karu as best he could, could easily have become a threat.  This could be one of the reasons she held on to power as long she did.  It was, after all, a deliberate choice on her part.  She could have had someone else step in as regent, but she chose not to. We've talked about Uno's dealings with Silla and the continent at this time. That was back in Episode 148, when we talked about how Ohoama was mourned and how Yamato dealt with the early missions.  We discussed, thenhow she berated the Silla envoys for not adhering to protocol and turning them away.  She also met with Emishi and Hayato embassies, which only helped to cement Yamato's place as the central hegemony over the archipelago and all those living on the islands.  At first, this was just an extension of what she and Kusakabe had been doing since Ohoama had first grown ill and handed over the reins of government.  But then Kusakabe died—and life went on.  Later, Kusakabe would be remembered as Okanomiya Tennou and the Nagaoka Tennou.  While not counted in the formal lineage, he was still granted the title "Tennou" posthumously, likely to help legitimize his son and that lineage.  And yet, despite this, there is no report of a eulogy or anything similar upon his death.  Even Royal Prince Ohotsu, when he was killed for threatening Kusakabe's own ascendance, is given a fairly wordy entry full of praise for his virtues and how he was remember.  For Kusakabe we get silence.  Things just move on. Indeed, just two weeks after the Crown Prince's death, we get orders talking about given people four holidays each month.  It seems a rather banal announcement coming the same week that the Crown Prince passed away. And banal it may be, but I do want to pick at it a bit.  I think it helps us understand even more the life at that time.  In most of the world, today, we have become accustomed to the western concept of a week with seven days, including two holidays every week—though we just refer to it as the weekend.  Saturday and Sunday began as holy days—the Sabbath in Jewish and then Christian tradition.  Even Judaism only had a single day of rest every seven days.  Many cultures did not have the concept of a weekend.  After all, there wasn't anything particularly special about one day or the other.  A lunar month is just under 30 days—alternating between 29 and 30 days depending on various factors.  Five would fit into that much better than four seven day weeks and two more days.  Or divide it into two 15 day periods, more or less.  Or three weeks of ten days each.  In fact, that is what was popular in the Tang dynasty at the time—though a seven day week had crept in through Buddhism, which had been picked up on the Indian subcontinent thanks to Hellenic influences.  This seven day week, which is now used in modern times, was originally used more by astronomers.  The days corresponded to the Sun, the Moon, and the visible planets. The point is, there's no such thing as a natural weekend.  At some point, the Tang court introduced a rest period every five days for court officials.  In Yamato, it seems that they introduced four holidays.  Specifically, the local governors were to give laborers—those conscripted as corvee labor—four days every month.  It doesn't mention if they are spaced out, or at what intervals, and it was specifically for laborers.  I should probably also mention that, at this time, there wasn't a concept of a "9-to-5" job.  Sure, the court operated on a schedule that may have fit fairly well in our modern life, other than its extremely early start due to the lack of cheap, safe artificial light sources.  Most people, however, especially in the agricultural sectors, were likely working from sunrise to sunset, when necessary.  There was no concept of overtime or a forty hour work week.  You worked when you needed to work, and that was it.  No time cards, just life, punctuated by holidays, festivals, market days, and whatever else needed to happen.  Oddly, in our modern, more regular work schedule we work both more and less, in some ways, than our ancestors did.   Our labor often goes into things beyond our job—everything from taking care of our home to various hobbies that we enjoy. Giving laborers time off from their endeavors was no doubt something they appreciated, but I don't know how much of an impact it had on things long term.  A more interesting endeavor comes a few months later.  That is when Uno had a royal commission come together as commissioners of "good words".  We mentioned this before, especially when talking about Kose no Tayasu, who had been part of this commission, though he was the lowest ranked of the bunch.  At the top it was headed by Prince Shiki, a half-brother to Uno, and one of those who had pledged his loyalty with other members of the royal family down in Yoshino, though at the time Shiki was only about 11 years old.  He was the son of Koshi no Michi no Kimi no Iratsume, and a brother to Prince Osakabe.  In 689, when he took charge of this commission from his half-sister, he would have been in his 22nd year, so this was probably one of his first major assignments. We don't have a finished product that we can point to from this project, so there isn't a clear idea of exactly what the commission did.  Aston believed that they were attempting to determine auspicious words to be used by the court.  By this one could infer that they were looking into the way to draw up formal language for edicts, or how to formally address the sovereign and members of the court.  However, others have suggested that this was more about finding stories and other such things and writing them down.  If that is the case, this may have been a continuation of—or perhaps an addendum to—the history project started during the reign of Ohoama.  The words, or stories, that the commission wrote down were likely used by later Chroniclers, though there is no specific work that is clearly attributed to their efforts.  So in the end we can't exactly know for sure.  What we can see is that Uno no Sarara was continuing to make tweaks and changes to things—and in particular in how things were stated, remembered, and passed down to posterity, one way or another.  This is also part of what we see later that same month, when the 22 books of what we now call the Kiyomihara Law Codes were also published.  Like the history project, this was also begun during the reign of Ohoama, and Uno had continued to see it through.  It appears to have been just the law itself, not necessarily the punishments which made up the other half of the Ritsuryou, but it is still significant.  Unfortunately, we don't know exactly what was in it—the earliest law code that we have good evidence for is the Taihou code, which would come over a decade later—but we have seen some of the edicts and orders and we can make some assumptions based on later law codes as well as the language used to even define the court and how things ran.  Much of what was written had likely been promulgated, previously, and a lot of this may have been more documenting the changes they had already put in place. There is also the Afumi law code, but there are even more questions about that one.  This is possibly the first one written down to this level of detail.  Though it would be superseded, later, it was still an impressive work. As in past reigns, we see things both monumental and mundane.  A month after the law codes were finished, we see about orders to the Mayors of the Left and Right to set up places for Archery—literally glossed as "Ikusa", or "war", but likely because the two had a common root and archery and war were closely intertwined.  As for the Mayors of the Left and Right, this is the first time we are seeing those terms, and I suspect they are also part of the reforms that Uno no Sarara and her late husband had been implementing. The Mayors of the Left and Right of the Capital are known as Kyoushiki or, alternatively, as Misato-zukasa.  They were like kokushi, or governors, except they oversaw the capital city.  Now remember, the quote-unquote "capital city" in use at this point is Asuka—it is the Kiyomihara palace and environs.  There were other streets, buildings, and such around, but nothing terribly organized.  Most family estates were off in their own lands or strongholds.  At the same time, the court was building out a new, permanent capital.  It was taking time—and likely had been put on hold during the three year mourning period for the late Ohoama Ohokimi.  It required that they survey and transform an immense and populated area into a new and impressive capital in the area known today as Kashihara.  This work took years—they likely had to divert labor to build the late sovereign's mausoleum, or misasagi, and there were droughts and other reasons why they may have had to pause work.  And yet, it continued, nonetheless. The main ideal for a capital city was based off of continental models.  While Luoyang may have been the more active capital, the western capital of the Tang dynasty, at Chang'an—modern Xi'an—appears to have been a more quintessential capital city layout, and may have been what the Yamato capital was attempting to mimic—though they may have also been relying on the theoretical Confucian model, as well.  In fact, I tend to think that the Confucian model was closer to this first attempt at a permanent capital.  Early on, excavations assumed that the palace structures were towards the northern end of the city, but further investigations have suggested that the scale of Fujiwara-kyo was much more ambitious, and some maps of the area place the palace towards the center of the city.  Either way, there were several key things about the capital and how it mimicked the continental models.  One of the primary things that Yamato had appropriated from across the strait was the north-south orientation of the palace, with the main audience hall facing south, so as to get the sun.  This meant that, from the point of view of the sovereign in that hall, the left side would be the east and the right side would be to the west.  And so the capital city was divided into a left and right, east and west, and each half had its own administrator responsible for taxation, public safety, and general law and order.  They were, as I said, similar to the governors of the various provinces in the scope of their powers, except that they oversaw the capital city. The building of the Fujiwara capital is perhaps one of the most obvious changes that Uno no Sarara was overseeing.  As I've mentioned before, it was a physical manifestation of court.  The three sacred mountains which were included within the boundaries of the capital were woven into the myths and legends that would find their way into the Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki.  The size and scale of the earthworks and the stones laid as foundation demonstrate that this was clearly meant to be a permanent capital, overturning the idea that there would be a huge change every time a sovereign passed away.  Instead, there would be consistency.  The order of the state would go on. Later we'll talk about reasons why the Fujiwara capital was abandoned.  For now, though, let's look at what we see about its construction. In 690, the same year that Uno ascended to the throne, Royal Prince Takechi, Ohoama's oldest son, inspected the site where the new Fujiwara palace was to be placed.  Two months later, Uno no Sarara came out to see it for herself.  I imagine this as being the point where the land had been cleared, and they could see the mountains and the placement and get an idea of the overall size of what they were looking for.  With royal approval, the project continued. A year later, in 691, officials were sent to perform the Chin-sai, the pacification ceremony, for the new capital.  Today, this is a common ceremony, known as a Jichin-sai, or Earth Pacification Ceremony, done before undertaking a construction project.  Theoretically it is before breaking ground on the project, though there is often some amount of preparation that has to be done in preparation.  The idea for the Jichin-sai is to effectively negotiate with the spirits of the land before disturbing the area, a recognition that the process of construction is going to alter the natural landscape.  As such, one wants to propitiate the spirits and the kami that are on the land to ensure that the construction is successful.  This was likely a much older ritual, but this is the first mention we have of it in the record.  This ceremony was also apparently directed at the new capital as a whole, while a year later another ceremony was held specifically for the new palace complex.  In the intervening time we see the court laying out the roads and giving land for the various mansions of court nobles, like Tajihi no Shima's four chou of land—roughly ten acres.  Those of Jikikwoni rank and above were given two chou, and those from Jikidaisan down were given one chou.  Those of Gon rank on down would get land dependant on the number of inhabitants in their fiefs.  First class fiefs would get one chou, while second class would warrant a half chou and at the bottom they would get one quarter chou.  This was apparently the land that they were being given in the capital to build their personal residences.  Other land was given out for markets, temples, and other necessary facilities, but this whole city really was being built from scratch. Shortly after the pacification ceremony for the palace, officials were sent out to the major shrines of the time.  This included the great gods, the Ohokami, of Ise, Yamato, Sumiyoshi, and Kii.  So not just the local kami, but also the larger kami who were seen as the kami of the archipelago more generally. It would still take another year to build the palace.  Uno visited the site a few times during the construction, with her last visit just a quick outing on the 8th month of 693.  At that point it was likely ready, though she wouldn't formally move into the new palace until the first month of 694.  Before that, though, there was one other thing that had to happen.  In the 2nd month of 693 they had to rebury the bodies. That's right.  The Fujiwara capital occupied a huge swath of the plain of what is now known as Kashihara.  And that plain had been settled for centuries—all through the kofun period.  And those kofun, and possibly even older funkyubo, the older mixed-use burial mounds—would have been destroyed in the making of the new capital.  There also may have been plain pit burials that were dug up while laying out roads and foundations.  I don't know that there was anything approaching the size of the larger, keyhole shaped mounds, but we have no way to know for certain how many were there that had to be destroyed or moved.  I also have not seen any indications of any mass reburial site—whether they opened an existing tomb or simply dug a pit in the ground somewhere.  I imagine that such a find would be incredible, but unless archaeologists stumble upon it, I guess we'll never know.  Still, it is interesting, and almost poetic as we move further and further from the kofun period, this feels like the final nail in the proverbial coffin, if you'll forgive the pun.  Indeed, when Uno no Sarara finally passes away, she will become one of the first sovereigns to be cremated, with her ashes and burnt remains then deposited in the existing tomb with her husband, Ohoama, rather than having a new mounded tomb built.  Buddhist style cremation would eventually become commonplace throughout the archipelago, though sovereigns would still have special mausoleums built for their memory, it really was a change from the ancient practices. From 694 onward, the court would meet at the new Fujiwara Palace.  Compared to previous palaces, I can only imagine how impressive this one must have seemed.  Based on what we can tell, it was likely built much more in the continental style.  Previous palaces had largely been in the style of the archipelago, with what we believe was plain wood and a thatched roof.  The Fujiwara palace was likely a mix, but with more of the continental style than the previous Kiyomihara place.  It also dwarfed its predecessor, at over twice the size.  It was actually much closer in size and shape to the Toyosaki palace, in Naniwa.  At the southern end of the palace was the Suzaku mon, the Suzaku gate, followed by the choshu-den'in, a courtyard with two buildings, one in the east and one in the west, where officials could wait and prepare for the day.  From there they would be let into the Chodoin, a large court yard with four buildings on the east and west, and four more at the southernmost point.  These would be where the various departments, or bureaus, would operate.  There were also gates in the east and west of the Chodoin for easier access.  To the north was another gate, leading to the Daigokuden, the main audience hall.  This would have been quite the impressive and imposing structure—the main focus of the palace.  It was in its own walled enclosure, and would have been the seat of the sumera Mikoto, or Tennou.  It was both inside and apart from the Dairi, the inner palace.  This was the actual residence of the sovereign and the royal family.  The dairi itself occupied more land than the entire Kiyomihara palace.  None of the buildings exist, but we can see their footprint from the large foundation stones and there are numerous rooftiles and other architectural features that fell off or were removed and then buried, purposefully or not, allowing us to get some idea of the size and scale of the project. And yet, it appears that this palace may not have been completed when they moved in.  The entire city was likely still under construction, in fact.  The main pieces were in place, but to build an entire city from scratch took a lot of work.  Most of the buildings would have been built with more traditional—and less labor intensive—practices.  You didn't need a false second story gallery some thirty feet off the ground, even if you were the Minister of the Right.  It was enough to have a relatively simple mansion with gardens, servants quarters, and everything else needed to keep you comfortable.  That in and of itself was going to put a strain on labor and other resources. And so it looks like some parts of the galleries and other features may not have been finished even while Uno no Sarara was there.  In fact, it may not have been fully finished by the time they moved again.  The Fujiwara capital, the first permanent capital city, was only occupied from 694 until about 710—less than two decades.  This massive project, taking multiple years and how many people to create, would be abandoned several years later.  The buildings would be torn down and moved to the new site—Heijou-kyou, in modern Nara city.  And yet, the impact of Fujiwara kyou would remain. Besides making changes to the physical landscape, Uno no Sarara was also focused on the spiritual landscape as well.  Both Ohoama and Uno not only supported the Buddhist temples, building new temples and leveraging the ceremonies, but they also supported the traditional kami.  During the Jinshin no Ran, Ohoama turned and addressed the kami of Ise before heading to the Fuwa barrier.  Later we see a greater focus on Ise Shrine, with Saigu, the royal princesses sent to Ise Shrine as the Shrine priestess, being heavily reported.  In fact, the position seems to have not been commented on much until this reign, and there is some thought that Ohoama and Uno actually instituted the practice—or at least made it a formal part of the court and the royal household.  This is combined with their support of the Jingikan, the state governmental body responsible for dealing with kami matters.  At this time it appears to have been even more powerful, in many ways, than the other bureaus or departments of the Great Council of State, the Dajokan. There are plenty who argue that the preeminence of Ise was born in this period.  Early Yamato worship focused more on the deity of Mt. Miwa:  Ohomononushi.  Sun worship seems to have also been baked into the rituals of the ethnic Wa people, but that wasn't necessarily focused on Amaterasu—and Amaterasu was not necessarily seen as a feminine goddess.  Early worship appears to focus on the deities such as Takabi Musubi, and similarly named deities.  These are deities that show up in court ritual, and presumably date back to well before this period.  Thanks to the fact that we get alternate stories in the Nihon Shoki, we occasionally see them take a more central role in events, such as the descent of the Heavenly Grandson, but at the same time we also see that the main throughline of the Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki has placed Amaterasu more front and center in the narrative.  Ama Terasu effectively translates to something like "The Shining of Heaven".  In neither the Japanese nor Sinitic language is she particularly gendered most of the time, and this may have been a more generic name for the concept of a sun deity.   I believe it is also somewhat telling that the Ichi-no-miya, the First Shrine, or primary shrine, of Ise is not Ise Shrine, but rather Tsubaki Grand Shrine, which is the home of Sarutahiko Ohokami.  Even in the Nihon Shoki, there is a narrative regarding the yata no kagami, the great mirror, that it was moved from its original location in the Nara Basin over to Ise and the shrine was then established there, marking the shrine as a relative late-comer to the region rather than marking a particularly ancient spot.  The Great Kami of Ise then appears to have taken on some of the shine, pun intended, of Sarutahiko, who is no longer seen as a sun-deity, and is even placed in the way of the Heavenly Grandchild's descent—perhaps a subtle nod to some of the tensions between the worship of one over the other. Besides sending the Shrine Princess, the Saigu, to Ise, the sovereigns themselves made plans to go, in person.  Ohoama made preparations, including purifying himself, but his trip was cancelled due to a sudden death in the palace.  He is never recorded as making the trip, after that.  Uno no Sarara, however, did make the trip, in 692. This was clearly quite the production, and requires several entries in the Nihon Shoki.  The first entry is in the 2nd month of the year, when she makes her intentions clear.  The Court officials were set to task to prepare all the necessary clothing for the trip, which was about 3 weeks out.  This likely also meant preparing the road, ensuring that there would be food, and a place for Uno no Sarara and her entourage to stay when they reached Ise.  The preparations clearly had an impact, as Miwa no Ason no Takechimaro, a Chunagon, or Middle Counselor, presented a memorial to remonstrate with her majesty on the trip.  He noted that they were in the middle of the agricultural season—roughly April or May by modern standards—and a royal trip would have an outsized impact on the areas where she would be traveling through.  His remonstration was heard, and overruled.  Uno no Sarara was determined to go.  As she delegated the Prince Hirose, Tahema no Mabito no Chitoko, and Ki no Ason no Yumibari to all look after the palace while she was away, Miwa no Takechimaro reiterated his remonstration and then took a drastic step:  He offered to her his cap—basically he offered to resign his rank.  This was quite the step, and not from nobody. Miwa no Takechimaro was from a prominent family.  As their name suggests, they were connected to Mt. Miwa, and the worship, there.  Based on what evidence we have, he was probably born around 657 CE, and when he was about 16 years old he was fighting on the side of Ohoama in the Jinshin no Ran.  In particular, he was involved in the fighting near Hashihaka kofun, and then moved over to attack the Afumi forces on the Middle Road.  There is evidence after that of him making his way up through the ranks, and was even one of those who offered a eulogy for Ohoama.  As Chunagon, he was in a fairly powerful position in court, and giving up his court rank would mean not just a loss in status, but also giving up the income associated with that rank. And this remonstration may be why we are told that the court commuted taxes, including forced labor, for the lands that she passed through, and she recognized the local Kuni no Miyatsuko with cap-rank.  She also remitted taxes for those who had been conscripted to help from elsewhere, such as her baggage handlers, the people who built the temporary palace for her to stay in, in Ise, etc.  So even if the procession to Ise had an impact, she seems to have done her best to lessen the blow. As for Takechimaro, we don't see him again in the Nihon Shoki, but he does show up later.  He would become the governor of Nagato, and then later he is given positions such as the Mayor of the Sakyou, or Left Capital.  So it would seem that either his resignation wasn't accepted, or that he was re-hired at some later point.  He would pass away in 706 CE. By the way, there is one other notable feature about him, and you may have caught it as I went over all of this.  That was the name of his uji, or clan:  Miwa, or Ohomiwa.    This means he had a connection to—and possibly a vested interest in—promoting the worship at Mt. Miwa, the traditional Yamato cultic center.  Nothing is outright stated, but it makes sense that someone from Miwa might be a little bit concerned with the extra attention being given to the shrine at Ise around this time—so there is that, as well. Regardless of his intentions, it certainly seems that from that point on Ise Shrine and the deity worshipped there, Amaterasu Ohokami, would be tied to the imperial line from the late 7th century onward.  Clearly the royal patronage of the shrine stepped up, and for the most part we do see a fairly regular stream of Saigu, with one slight exception:  There doesn't appear to have been one during Uno no Sarara's reign.  Ohoku no Himemiko had been sent down during the reign of Ohoama, but she was the sister to Prince Ohotsu, and appears to have returned after his death.  The position appears to have remained vacant until after Uno no Sarara's reign.  It makes me wonder if she wasn't "filling in" for the Saigu, in a way.  That could, in part, explain her travels there. There also may not have been a good candidate at the time, but I find that less believable—perhaps there was no candidate that Uno trusted given the precarious position her own bloodline was in at the moment.  Still, after her reign, the position of Saigu would be regularly filled by a member of the royal family through the end of the Heian period.  It was interrupted by the Genpei wars, and then the practice fell into decline during the period of the Kamakura bakufu.  Late Edo period pro-imperialists tried to restore the practice, but it didn't catch back on. Despite the apparent importance of the shrine to the royal family, it would also remain somewhat aloof.  The priests of the shrine would provide the sacred mirror for ascension ceremonies, but it would be very rare for any sitting sovereign to actually pay a visit to the shrine, and, as I mentioned before, Amaterasu was not one of the deities reflected in the inner court rituals.  Still, she would come to be seen as the dominant kami of the Shinto pantheon, and even today, many shrines will hold space for her as well as the primary deity; home shrines, or kamidana, will often include ofuda for Amaterasu as a central point of worship, with kami associated with one's local shrines as well. So there you have just a little taste of what Uno no Sarara was up to.  Whether she had intended to be in this position or had it thrust onto her, she was no shrinking violet.  She took control of the ship of state and set a course that would continue to influence the archipelago down to the modern day.  The reforms that started with her father and husband she continued and made manifest in the physical and spiritual world.  And this is only the beginning.  There is more to talk about regarding Uno no Sarara's reign, and her eventual abdication, but for that, we will have to wait until Part 2. Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

This letter was written to Shijō Kingo, a samurai and one of Nichiren Daishonin's most loyal followers, in the seventh month of the eighth year of Bun'ei (1271). Shijō Kingo had sent various offerings to the Daishonin as a donation for a memorial service to be held for his mother, who had passed away some years before on the twelfth day of the seventh month. The Daishonin wrote Kingo this letter in reply, explaining that, in the profoundest sense, only the act of chanting Nam-myoho-renge-kyo benefits the deceased.Traditionally held in Japan on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the service for deceased ancestors is a Buddhist observance honoring the spirits of the ancestors. This tradition originated in China and is based on the story of Maudgalyāyana's saving his deceased mother that is related in the Service for the Deceased Sutra. Records indicate that the service for deceased ancestors was first held in China in 538, and in Japan in 657. Recent scholarship has established that the Service for the Deceased Sutra has its origins not in India, but in China, where filial piety was highly valued.According to popular belief in Kamakura-period Japan, those who were greedy or egotistic in life would inevitably suffer from hunger in death. In this letter, the Daishonin discusses the various kinds of hungry spirits mentioned in Buddhist texts and explains the causes, that is, the evil acts they committed in past existences, that led them to acquire these forms.The Daishonin also exposes the true motives of many of the priests of his day, referring to them as “Law-devouring hungry spirits” who use the Buddhist teachings as a means to gain personal fame and profit. Though they pretend to have a sincere desire to preach the Buddhist teachings, in their hearts they are greedy. They conceal the offerings they receive from others, keeping them to themselves. The Daishonin also censures those Buddhists, whether of the priesthood or of the laity, who neglect to pray for the repose of their deceased parents or teachers.https://www.nichirenlibrary.org/en/wnd-1/Content/21

L'Ascesa dei Samurai - Ep. 9 - La Guerra Gempei, Fase 2 – La Nascita della Stella del MattinoIn questa puntata, dopo lo stallo dovuto alla Carestia Yowa, la guerra riprende, ma vede come protagonista un Minamoto diverso, la cui luce ha brillato fortissimo!Sto parlando di Minamoto no Yoshinaka, conosciuto come Kiso Yoshinaka.La trascrizione è disponibile sul sito:https://www.podcastdelloshogun.itCerca il podcast sui social!https://www.facebook.com/podcastdelloshogunhttps://www.instagram.com/podcastdelloshogun/https://www.tiktok.com/@podcastdelloshogun---Mi trovi anche su Spotify:https://open.spotify.com/show/18pSpwnHNWevxRPaFpXh26Su Apple Podcast:https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/podcast-dello-shogun/id1649546421Su Youtube:https://www.youtube.com/@PodcastDelloShogunSu Spreaker:https://www.spreaker.com/show/podcast-dello-shogun---Se desideri sostenere il podcast, puoi farlo in due modi:- Tramite ko-fi: https://ko-fi.com/podcastdelloshogun- Tramite Paypal: https://paypal.me/podcastdelloshogunFonti: -George Sansom - A History of Japan to 1334 -Stephen Turnbull - The Gempei War 1180-85The founding of the Kamakura shogunate, 1180-1185 - Minoru ShinodaImmagini: Battle_of_Kurikaradani_Kassen_Zu/Statua Kiso e Tomoe GozenMusica: Fate Grand Order GudaGuda 8(modified), Sturm un Drang - Samurai Shodown(modified)Capitoli:00:00 - Intro01:40 - Inizio puntata14:10 - Outro#podcast #samurai #shogun #storia #japan #japanese #giappone #giapponese #cultura #medioevo #bushido #kyoto #nippon #history #minamoto #eroi #leggendari #guerra #gempei #legendary #hero #lord #podshogunGuerra Genpei, Guerra Gempei, guerra tra Minamoto e Taira,Minamoto no Yoritomo, Kiso Yoshinaka, Yoritomo.

Many of us feel like we're drowning in invisible complexity. So I wanted to hit pause and ask a simple question: What are 1-3 decisions that could dramatically simplify my life in 2026? To explore that, I invited five long-time listener favorites: Maria Popova, Morgan Housel, Cal Newport, Craig Mod, and Debbie Millman.This episode is brought to you by:Shopify global commerce platform, providing tools to start, grow, market, and manage a retail business: Shopify.com/timHelix Sleep premium mattresses: HelixSleep.com/TimTimestamps:Intro: [00:00:00]Maria Popova [00:01:49]Morgan Housel [00:04:40]Cal Newport [00:12:20]Craig Mod [00:24:04]Debbie Millman [00:33:08] More about today's guests:Maria Popova (@mariapopova) thinks and writes about our search for meaning, lensed sometimes through science and philosophy, sometimes through poetry and children's books, always through wonder. She is the creator of The Marginalian (born in 2006 under the name Brain Pickings), which is included in the Library of Congress permanent digital archive of culturally valuable materials. Her books and projects include Traversal, The Universe in Verse, Figuring, The Coziest Place on the Moon, and An Almanac of Birds: 100 Divinations for Uncertain Days.Morgan Housel (@morganhousel) is a partner at The Collaborative Fund. His book The Psychology of Money has sold more than three million copies and has been translated into 53 languages. Morgan is also the author of Same As Ever: A Guide to What Never Changes and The Art of Spending Money.Cal Newport is a professor of computer science at Georgetown University, where he is also a founding member of the Center for Digital Ethics. In addition to his academic work, Newport is a New York Times bestselling author who writes for a general audience about the intersection of technology, productivity, and culture. His books have sold millions of copies and been translated into over forty languages. He is also a contributor to The New Yorker and hosts the popular Deep Questions podcast. His latest book is Slow Productivity: The Lost Art of Accomplishment Without Burnout.Craig Mod (@craigmod) is a writer, photographer, and walker living in Tokyo and Kamakura, Japan. He is the author of Things Become Other Things and Kissa by Kissa. He also writes the newsletters Roden and Ridgeline and has contributed to The New York Times, The Atlantic, Wired, and more. Debbie Millman (@debbiemillman) has been named one of the most creative people in business by Fast Company and one of the most influential designers working today by Graphic Design USA. She is the host of Design Matters—a great show and one of the world's longest-running podcasts. She is also chair of the Masters in Branding Program at the School of Visual Arts in New York City, editorial director of Print magazine, a Harvard Business School Case Study, and a member of the board of directors at the Joyful Heart Foundation.*For show notes and past guests on The Tim Ferriss Show, please visit tim.blog/podcast.For deals from sponsors of The Tim Ferriss Show, please visit tim.blog/podcast-sponsorsSign up for Tim's email newsletter (5-Bullet Friday) at tim.blog/friday.For transcripts of episodes, go to tim.blog/transcripts.Discover Tim's books: tim.blog/books.Follow Tim:Twitter: twitter.com/tferriss Instagram: instagram.com/timferrissYouTube: youtube.com/timferrissFacebook: facebook.com/timferriss LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/timferrissSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Amy discusses the relationship between anti-foreign sentiment, overtourism, and tourist manners in Japan. Protests in Kyoto, Kamakura, and Tokyo claim that overtourism negatively impacts the daily lives of locals. Right-wing populist groups like the Sanseito party further use overtourism to fuel anti-foreign sentiment. With Japan's aging population, and only 59% of the Japanese people in the working age range, foreign workers are being brought to Japan to fill jobs, creating a perceived burden to locals, who are already battling overtourism. Amy also shares examples of poor tourist behavior that exacerbates anti-foreign sentiment. She emphasizes the importance of understanding and respecting Japanese culture to improve the tourist experience. Lastly, she offers tips from her book on how to be polite because, actually, many Japanese manners are not that obvious! The Books on Asia Podcast is co-produced with Plum Rain Press. Podcast host Amy Chavez is author of The Widow, the Priest, and the Octopus Hunter: Discovering a Lost Way of Life on a Secluded Japanese Island. and Amy's Guide to Best Behavior in Japan.The Books on Asia website posts book reviews, podcast episodes and episode Show Notes. Subscribe to the BOA podcast from your favorite podcast service. Subscribe to the Books on Asia newsletter to receive news of the latest new book releases, reviews and podcast episodes.

Hojo Masako, la “Monaca-Shogun” – Special 8 Marzo 2026 In questo special per la Giornata internazionale delle donne parliamo di una donna che non ha avuto bisogno di indossare armature o imbracciare armi per poter occupare un posto di rilievo nella storia. Con il suo acume politico è riuscita non solo a elevarsi in un mondo comandato dagli uomini, ma anche a consolidare il potere dello Shogun per i successivi 600 anni.La trascrizione è disponibile sul sito:https://www.podcastdelloshogun.itCerca il podcast sui social!https://www.facebook.com/podcastdelloshogunhttps://www.instagram.com/podcastdelloshogun/https://www.tiktok.com/@podcastdelloshogun---Mi trovi anche su Spotify:https://open.spotify.com/show/18pSpwnHNWevxRPaFpXh26Su Apple Podcast:https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/podcast-dello-shogun/id1649546421Su Youtube:https://www.youtube.com/@PodcastDelloShogunSu Spreaker:https://www.spreaker.com/show/podcast-dello-shogun---Se desideri sostenere il podcast, puoi farlo in due modi:- Tramite ko-fi: https://ko-fi.com/podcastdelloshogun- Tramite Paypal: https://paypal.me/podcastdelloshogunFonti: -George Sansom - A History of Japan to 1334 The founding of the Kamakura shogunate, 1180-1185 - Minoru Shinoda Immagini: Utagawa Kuniyoshi: Minamoto no Yoritomo viene ammesso nella casa di MasakoMusica: Fate Grand Order GudaGuda 8(remix)Capitoli:00:00 - Intro01:20 – Hojo Masako09:40 - Outro#podcast #podcastitalia #podcastitaliani #samurai #shogun #storia #japan #japanese #giappone #giapponese #womensday #masako #internationalwomensday #history #podshogun #culturagiapponese #culturaorientale #podshogun #festadelladonna #marzo #mimosa #donna #donne #giornatainternazionaledelladonna #strongwomen #womenshistorymonth #happyinternationalwomensday

Send a textEpisode 250The air is thick with the scent of pine and salt, drifting in from the nearby coast, as a boy of ten stands at the edge of a world he barely understands. The capital of Kyoto, full of gilded halls and whispered intrigues, has turned against him. Banished, stripped of comfort, and forced to wander the wild landscapes of the east, he carries only the memory of family and the fragile hope of survival.In the quiet hills of Izu, life slows, and the boy begins to stretch into a young man, learning the rhythms of rivers, the secrets of forests, and the ways of people who live close to the land. Here, among the olive-green terraces and bamboo groves, he meets a woman whose calm strength and fierce loyalty will shape the life he is yet to claim. Together, they navigate alliances and rivalries, learning that power is not taken but earned, slowly, in steps that often feel perilously small.By the time he reaches the shores of what will become Kamakura, the boy is gone. In his place stands a man with the weight of exile behind him, eyes fixed on the horizon, ready to build a home not just for himself but for a new order, one that will endure long after the capital has forgotten his name. The scent of pine still lingers, but now it carries promise, and the wind carries the first whispers of a city that will rise from ambition, resilience, and quiet determination.Support the showInsta@justpassingthroughpodcastContact:justpassingthroughpodcast@gmail.com

As we approach Ash Wednesday and the 2026 Lenten season, Makoto Fujimura's vision of slow art, hospitality, and kenotic creativity invites us to resist the speed, fear, and fragmentation of this cultural moment by learning again how to pay attention, to rest, and to become people capable of holding one another with care even amid grief, violence, and uncertainty. In this conversation, fine artist Makoto Fujimura reflects on art, trauma, hospitality, and the slow practices that help us remain human in fractured times. "I wanted this book to serve as a portal… to recognize something as maybe ordinary or as extraordinary as holding your granddaughter." Together with Mark Labberton, Fujimura reflects on art as generativity, kenosis, and the healing practice of attention. Together they discuss slow art, Ground Zero and trauma, Japanese aesthetics and hospitality, dandelions and attention, Sabbath rest, and self-emptying love. They explore how making art helps people remain human amid violence, polarization, and technological acceleration. Episode Highlights "I wanted this book to serve as a portal… to recognize something as maybe ordinary or as extraordinary as holding your granddaughter." "We are not just making… we are being made." "God is indeed the host." "Art is… a way for us to navigate our complex times." "It is okay for me to give my life away." About Makoto Fujimura Makoto Fujimura is a contemporary artist, writer, and cultural thinker known for "slow art" rooted in Japanese Nihonga painting traditions. His work explores generativity, culture care, theology of making, and the relationship between beauty and suffering. Having lived and worked near Ground Zero after 9/11, his artistic practice reflects themes of trauma, hospitality, and new creation. He is the author of Art Is: A Journey into the Light and other books on art, faith, and culture. Helpful Links And Resources Art Is: A Journey into the Light https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300273656/art-is/ Makoto Fujimura Website https://makotofujimura.com/art International Arts Movement https://iamculturecare.com/ Art and Faith: A Theology of Making https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300285482/art-and-faith/ Show Notes Lifelong friendship, artistic influence Slow art as resistance to acceleration Minneapolis demonstrations; dignity across legal status; 50,000 people marching in extreme cold as witness to human worth "I was holding Jane." Art as portal into ordinary life Making and being made simultaneously Scientist father, generative language framework Kamakura childhood aesthetics Insider–outsider identity formation Japanese language, visual thinking, layered perception Ground Zero studio years after 9/11 shaping imagination, community awareness, and artistic responsibility Hospitality as artistic and theological practice Survivor identity discovered through conversation with Columbine survivor "God is indeed the host." Attention, "minute particulars," and gratitude amid suffering Dandelions meditation: beauty in unwanted places; seeds surrendering to wind; healing compacted soil; overlooked gifts of creation Slow art practice: pausing, observing, letting meaning emerge rather than forcing conclusions Sabbath, rest, and imagination as resistance to productivity-driven identity Kenosis paintings, gold, generosity, and self-emptying love as cultural antidote "It is okay for me to give my life away." #MakoFujimura #SlowArt #CultureCare #FaithAndArt #Hospitality #Kenosis #CreativeProcess #SpiritualFormation Production Credits Conversing is produced and distributed in partnership with Comment magazine and Fuller Seminary.

Fluent Fiction - Japanese: Finding Light: Yuki's Journey to Self-Discovery Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ja/episode/2026-01-23-08-38-20-ja Story Transcript:Ja: 波の音が優しく響く鎌倉のビーチは、冬の澄んだ空気に包まれていました。En: The gentle sound of the waves echoed across the Kamakura beach, enveloped in the clear winter air.Ja: 空はピンクやオレンジの色で染まり、日が暮れるとともに美しい光景を見せていました。En: The sky was painted in shades of pink and orange, presenting a beautiful scene as the sun set.Ja: この静かな場所で、ユキはじっと自分の未来について考えていました。En: In this quiet place, Yuki was pondering her future.Ja: ユキは今年で二十歳、ついこの間ひどい風邪を乗り越えたばかりでした。En: Yuki is twenty years old this year and just recently overcame a severe cold.Ja: 彼女は成人の日を迎えるにあたって、自分の人生の目的を見つけたいと思っていました。En: As she approached Coming of Age Day, she wanted to find her life's purpose.Ja: でも、体の疲れがまだ彼女を悩ませ、自分の未来に対する不安も消えません。En: However, the lingering fatigue still troubled her, and the anxiety about her future remained.Ja: 「自分は一体何をしたいんだろう？」ユキは自分に問いかけます。En: "What do I really want to do?" Yuki asks herself.Ja: 社会の期待と、自分の願望の狭間で揺れていました。En: She was caught in the tension between societal expectations and her own desires.Ja: そこでユキは決意しました。一人で鎌倉のビーチに行き、考えを整理しようと。En: Thus, Yuki decided to go to the Kamakura beach alone to organize her thoughts.Ja: ビーチについて、彼女はゆっくりと波打ち際を歩きました。En: When she arrived at the beach, she walked slowly along the water's edge.Ja: 潮風が頬を軽く撫で、海の匂いが心を落ち着かせます。En: The sea breeze lightly brushed her cheeks, and the scent of the ocean calmed her mind.Ja: しかし、風邪の影響でまだ体が重い。En: However, her body still felt heavy due to the remnants of her cold.Ja: ユキは一度砂の上に座り込み、静かに海を見つめました。En: Yuki sat down on the sand and quietly gazed at the sea.Ja: 時が経ち、ついに日が完全に沈み始めました。En: As time passed, the sun finally began to set completely.Ja: 夕焼けの光が海面を照らし、一瞬にして空と海が金色に輝きました。En: The sunset's glow illuminated the ocean surface, and in an instant, the sky and sea shone with golden light.Ja: その美しさに心を動かされたユキは、突然、自分の心の中に新しい目標を見出しました。「自分自身に正直でいよう。」En: Moved by this beauty, Yuki suddenly discovered a new goal within her heart: "Be honest with myself."Ja: その瞬間、彼女の中で何かが変わったのを感じました。En: At that moment, she felt something change inside her.Ja: これからの自分の道が少しずつ見えてきました。En: She began to see the path for her future gradually.Ja: ユキは立ち上がり、帰る準備をしました。En: Yuki stood up and prepared to head back.Ja: 心は軽く、足取りも自然と軽やかになりました。En: Her heart felt lighter, and her steps naturally became more buoyant.Ja: 家に帰る道すがら、ユキはこれからの計画を心に決めました。En: On the way home, Yuki resolved her plans for the future.Ja: 成人の日を迎えるにあたって、彼女は自分の人生を自分で切り開いていくことを誓いました。En: As she approached Coming of Age Day, she vowed to carve out her own life.Ja: 自分の強さと可能性を信じ、ユキは前に進む勇気を手に入れたのです。En: By believing in her own strength and potential, Yuki gained the courage to move forward. Vocabulary Words:gentle: 優しくwaves: 波echoed: 響くenveloped: 包まれてpondering: 考えてsevere: ひどいovercame: 乗り越えたlingering: 残るfatigue: 疲れtroubled: 悩ませtension: 狭間でsocietal: 社会のexpectations: 期待desires: 願望remnants: 影響calmed: 落ち着かせgazed: 見つめましたilluminated: 照らしinstant: 一瞬にしてmoved: 心を動かされたgoal: 目標honest: 正直でbuoyant: 軽やかになりましたvowed: 誓いましたcarve: 切り開いてpotential: 可能性courage: 勇気breeze: 潮風golden: 金色scene: 光景

Fluent Fiction - Japanese: Tea Ceremony Triumph: A Tale of Friendship and Festival Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ja/episode/2025-11-03-08-38-19-ja Story Transcript:Ja: 体育館には色とりどりの旗が飾られ、中世風の装飾が施されていました。En: The gymnasium was adorned with colorful flags and decorated in a medieval style.Ja: 厚いカーテンが窓を覆い、早秋の柔らかな光が蛍光灯と混ざり合って、独特の雰囲気を作り出しています。En: Thick curtains covered the windows, and the soft early autumn light blended with the fluorescent lamps, creating a unique atmosphere.Ja: 香の香りが漂い、生徒たちは忙しく文化祭の準備をしています。En: The scent of incense lingered, and the students were busily preparing for the cultural festival.Ja: 春樹は日本の伝統的な茶道を発表しようとしています。En: Haruki was planning to present a traditional Japanese tea ceremony.Ja: 彼の茶道は、学校の文化祭の一番の見どころにしたいと思っています。En: He hoped his tea ceremony would become the highlight of the school's cultural festival.Ja: 「頑張って、春樹！」雪と奈央が彼に声をかけます。En: "Do your best, Haruki!" Yuki and Nao called out to him.Ja: 二人は春樹の親友で、文化祭のためにそれぞれの催し物を準備しています。En: The two were Haruki's close friends, each preparing their own events for the festival.Ja: 雪は書道の展示、奈央は素晴らしい物語を語るパフォーマンスを用意していました。En: Yuki was setting up a calligraphy exhibition, while Nao was preparing a performance of storytelling.Ja: 春樹は心の中で不安を感じています。En: Haruki felt a sense of anxiety inside.Ja: 「僕の茶道でみんなに認めてもらえるかな？」と。En: "I wonder if my tea ceremony will be recognized by everyone?" he thought.Ja: 雪と奈央の展示も素晴らしいと評判で、特に雪の書道は人気があります。En: The exhibitions of Yuki and Nao were also reputed to be wonderful, with Yuki's calligraphy being particularly popular.Ja: 茶道を普通に行うだけではもっと競争相手にならないと感じた春樹は、決心しました。En: Feeling that performing a standard tea ceremony would not be enough to stand out among competitors, Haruki made a decision.Ja: 「鎌倉時代の茶文化を再現しよう。それで目立つことができるかもしれない。」En: "I'll recreate the tea culture of the Kamakura era. That might make me stand out."Ja: 茶道のセットを用意するのは大変です。En: Preparing the tea ceremony set was challenging.Ja: 歴史を調べ、新しいアイデアを組み込むために頑張ります。En: He worked hard to incorporate new ideas while researching history.Ja: しかし、いざ発表の日、春樹は悲劇に見舞われます。En: However, on the day of the presentation, Haruki was struck by disaster.Ja: 茶道の道具が突然倒れ、敷物は乱れ、茶碗は転げ落ちます。En: The tea ceremony tools suddenly fell, the mat was disheveled, and the tea bowls toppled over.Ja: 観客たちは驚き、ざわめいています。En: The audience gasped in surprise and murmured among themselves.Ja: 春樹は目を閉じて深呼吸します。En: Haruki closed his eyes and took a deep breath.Ja: 観客の注目が集まる中、彼は頭を働かせます。En: Amidst the audience's attention, he began to think.Ja: すると、雪と奈央が彼の傍に駆け寄ります。En: Then, Yuki and Nao rushed to his side.Ja: 「大丈夫、春樹。私たちが手伝うから。」En: "It's okay, Haruki. We'll help you."Ja: 三人は急いで茶碗を拾い、舞台を整え直し、限られた道具でなんとか茶道を再開します。En: The three quickly picked up the tea bowls, rearranged the stage, and somehow managed to resume the tea ceremony with the limited tools available.Ja: 歴史的な説明を交えつつ、雪は筆を使って、奈央は物語を語り始めます。En: While incorporating historical explanations, Yuki began writing with her brush, and Nao started telling a story.Ja: 茶道は新しい形となり、二人の助けを借りて、審査員や観客に強い印象を与えました。En: The tea ceremony took on a new form, and with the help of his friends, Haruki made a strong impression on the judges and the audience.Ja: 「見事だ、春樹、雪、奈央。」審査員は、その感想を述べ、彼らに高評価を与えました。En: "Excellent work, Haruki, Yuki, Nao," the judges remarked, giving them high praise.Ja: 春樹は胸を張ります。En: Haruki stood tall.Ja: 「実は、友達との協力が一番大切なんだって気づいたんだ。」En: "I realized that working together with friends is the most important thing."Ja: 三人は微笑み合って、体育館を後にしました。En: The three smiled at each other and left the gymnasium.Ja: 秋の冷たい風が吹く中、文化祭の日の思い出は心の中に温かく残りました。En: As the chilly autumn wind blew, the memories of the cultural festival day remained warmly in their hearts.Ja: 春樹は、友達や学校の仲間との絆が新しい始まりであることを実感し、より自信を持って前に進むことができました。En: Haruki felt that the bonds with his friends and schoolmates were a new beginning, allowing him to move forward with greater confidence. Vocabulary Words:adorned: 飾られcurtains: カーテンincense: 香tea ceremony: 茶道highlight: 見どころanxiety: 不安reputed: 評判competitors: 競争相手recreate: 再現challenging: 大変disaster: 悲劇disheveled: 乱れmurmured: ざわめいてamidst: 中でincorporating: 交えつつrearranged: 整え直しimpression: 印象judges: 審査員remarked: 述べconfidence: 自信bonds: 絆decorated: 装飾atmosphere: 雰囲気lingered: 漂いreputed: 評判remarkable: 素晴らしいpresentation: 発表resumed: 再開explanations: 説明performance: パフォーマンス

This episode we start to get more into the material culture of the period with court fashion, as we look at the court robes that went along with the updated court ranks.  Granted, we only have a few resources, but from those it does seem like we can construct at least a plausible idea of what the court may have looked like at this time. For more discussion, check out the blogpost:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-137   Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is Episode 137:  Courtly Fashion. In the New Year's ceremony, the court officials lined up in front of the Kiyomihara Palace, arranged by their relative court rank, dressed in their assigned court robes.  The effect was impressive—the rows of officials painting the courtyard like the bands of color in a rainbow, albeit one with only a couple of hues.  The fact that they were all wearing the same style of dress and black, stiffened gauze hats only added to the effect.  The individual officers were all but lost in what was, at least in outward form, a single, homogenous machine of government, just waiting for the command of their monarch to attend to the important matters of state. We are covering the reign of Ohoama no Ohokimi, aka Ama no Nunahara oki no mabito no Sumera no Mikoto, aka Temmu Tennou.  Last episode we went over the changes he had made to the family titles—the kabane—as well as to the courtly rank system.  For the former, he had consolidated the myriad kabane and traditional titles across Yamato into a series of eight—the Yakusa no Kabane.   These were, from highest to lowest: Mabito, Asomi, Sukune, Imiki, Michinoshi, Omi, Muraji, and Inaki.  By the way, you might notice that "Mabito" actually occurs in Ohoama's posthumous name:  Ama no Nunahara oki no mabito, which lends more credence to the idea that that kabane was for those with a special connection to the royal lineage. Besides simplifying and restructuring the kabane, Ohoama also reformed the court rank system.  He divided the Princely ranks into two categories:  Myou, or Bright, and Jou, or Pure.  For the court nobles the categories were:                Shou – Upright                Jiki – Straight                Gon – Diligent                Mu – Earnest                Tsui – Pursue                Shin – Advancement Each category was further divided into four grades (except for the very first princely category, Myou, which was only two).  Each grade was then further divided into large, "dai", or broad, "kou". And this brings us to our topic today. Along with this new rank system, Ohoama's administration also instituted a new set of court sumptuary laws. Some are vague in the record—we can just make assumptions for what is going on based on what we know from later fashion choices.  Others are a little more clear.  We'll take a look at those sumptuary laws, particularly those that were directly associated with the new court rank system, but we'll also look at the clothing styles more generally. To start with, let's talk about what we know about clothing in the archipelago in general.  Unfortunately, fabric doesn't tend to survive very well in the generally acidic soils of the Japanese archipelago.  Cloth tends to break down pretty quickly.  That said, we have fragments here and there and impressions in pottery, so we have some idea that there was some kind of woven fabric from which to make clothing out of. And before I go too far I want to give a shout out to the amazing people at the Kyoto Costume Museum.  They have a tremendous website and I will link to it in the comments.  While there may be some debate over particular interpretations of historical clothing, it is an excellent resource to get a feel for what we know of the fashion of the various periods.  I'll also plug our own website, SengokuDaimyo.com, which has a "Clothing and Accessory" section that, while more geared towards Heian and later periods, may still be of some use in looking up particular terms and getting to know the clothing and outfits. At the farthest reaches of pre-history, we really don't have a lot of information for clothing.  There is evidence of woven goods in the Jomon period, and we have Yayoi burials with bits of cloth here and there, but these are all scraps.  So at best we have some conjecture as to what people were wearing, and possibly some ability to look across the Korean peninsula and see what people had, there. There are scant to no reliable records from early on in Japanese history, and most of those don't really do a great job of describing the clothing.  Even where we do get something, like the Weizhi, one has to wonder given how they tended to crib notes from other entries. There is at least one picture scroll of interest: Portraits of Periodical Offering of Liang, or Liáng -Zhígòngtú.  It is said to have been painted by Xiao Yi in the early 6th century, and while the original no longer exists there is an 11th century copy from the time of the Song Dynasty.  The scroll shows  various ambassadors to the Liang court, including one from Wa.  The Wa ambassador is shown with what appears to be a wide piece of cloth around his hips and legs, tied in front.  His lower legs are covered in what we might call kyahan today: a rather simple wrap around leg from below the knee to the foot.  He has another, blue piece of cloth around his shoulders, almost like a shawl, and it is also tied in front.  Then there is a cloth wrapped and tied around his head. It's hard to know how much of this depiction is accurate and how much the artist was drawing on memory and descriptions from things like the Weizhi or Wei Chronicles, which stated that the Wa people wore wide cloths wrapped around and seamlessly tied As such, it may be more helpful to look at depictions actually from the archipelago: specifically, some of the human-figured haniwa, those clay cylinders and statues that adorned the burial mounds which gave the kofun period its name.  Some of these haniwa are fairly detailed, and we can see ties, collars, and similar features of clothing. These haniwa primarily seem to cluster towards the end of the Kofun period, in the later 6th century, so it is hard to say how much they can be used for earlier periods, though that is exactly what you will typically see for periods where we have little to know evidence.  I'm also not sure how regional certain fashions might have been, and we could very much be suffering from survivorship bias—that is we only know what survived and assume that was everything, or even the majority. Still, it is something. Much of what we see in these figures is some kind of upper garment that has relatively tight sleeves, like a modern shirt or jacket might have, with the front pieces overlapping create a V-shaped neckline.  The garment hem often hangs down to just above the knee, flaring out away from the body, and it's held closed with ties and some kind of belt, possibly leather in some cases, and in others it looks like a tied loop of cloth.  There is evidence of a kind of trouser, with two legs, and we see ties around the knee.  In some cases, they even have small bells hanging from the ties.  Presumably the trousers might have ties up towards the waist, but we cannot see that in the examples we have. We also see individuals who have no evidence of any kind of bifurcated lower garment.  That may indicate an underskirt of some kind, or possibly what's called a "mo"—but it could also be just a simplification for stability, since a haniwa has a cylindrical base anyway.  It is not always obvious when you are looking at a haniwa figure whether it depicts a man or woman: in some cases there are two dots on the chest that seem to make it obvious, but the haniwa do come from different artisans in different regions, so there is a lot of variability. We also see evidence of what seem to be decorative sashes that are worn across the body, though not in all cases.  There are various types of headgear and hairstyles.  Wide-brimmed and domed hats are not uncommon, and we also see combs and elaborate hairstyles depicted.  On some occasions we can even see that they had closed toed shoes.  For accessories, we see haniwa wearing jewelry, including necklaces (worn by both men and women), bracelets, and earrings.  In terms of actual human jewelry, early shell bracelets demonstrate trade routes, and the distinctive magatama, or comma shaped jewel, can be found in the archipelago and on the Korean peninsula, where it is known as "gogok".  Based on lines or even colored pigment on the haniwa, it appears that many of these outfits were actually quite heavily decorated.  Paint on the outfits is sometimes also placed on the face, suggesting that they either painted or tattooed themselves, something mentioned in the Wei Chronicles.  We also have archaeological examples of dyed cloth, so it is interesting that people are often depicted in undyed clothing.  There is one haniwa that I find particularly interesting, because they appear to be wearing more of a round-necked garment, and they have a hat that is reminiscent of the phrygian cap: a conical cap with the top bent forward.  These are traits common to some of the Sogdians and other Persian merchants along the silk road, raising the possibility that it is meant to depict a foreigner, though it is also possible that it was just another local style. If we compare this to the continent, we can see some immediate difference.  In the contemporaneous Sui dynasty, we can see long flowing robes, with large sleeves for men and women.  The shoes often had an upturned placket that appears to have been useful to prevent one from tripping on long, flowing garments.  Many of these outfits were also of the v-neck variety, with two overlapping pieces, though it is often shown held together with a fabric belt that is tied in front.  The hats appear to either be a kind of loose piece of fabric, often described as a turban, wrapped around the head, the ends where it ties together trailing behind, or black lacquered crowns—though there were also some fairly elaborate pieces for the sovereign. As Yamato started to import continental philosophy, governance, and religion, they would also start to pick up on continental fashion.  This seems particularly true as they adopted the continental concept of "cap rank" or "kan-i". Let's go over what we know about this system, from its first mention in the Chronicles up to where we are in Ohoama's reign. As a caveat, there is a lot we don't know about the details of these garments, but we can make some guesses. The first twelve cap-ranks, theoretically established in 603, are somewhat questionable in their historicity, as are so many things related to Shotoku Taishi.  And their names are clearly based on Confucian values:  Virtue, Humanity, Propriety, Faith, Justice, and Wisdom, or Toku, Nin, Rei, Shin, Gi, and Chi.  The five values and then just "Virtue", itself. The existence of this system does seem to be confirmed by the Sui Shu, the Book of Sui, which includes a note in the section on the country of Wa that they used a 12 rank system based on the Confucian values, but those values were given in the traditional Confucian order vice the order given in the Nihon Shoki.   The rank system of the contemporaneous Sui and Tang dynasties was different from these 12 ranks, suggesting that the Yamato system either came from older dynasties—perhaps from works on the Han dynasty or the Northern and Southern Dynasty, periods—or they got it from their neighbors, Baekje, Silla, and Goguryeo.  There does seem to be a common thread, though, that court rank was identifiable in one's clothes. As for the caps themselves, what did they look like?  One would assume that the Yamato court just adopted a continental style cap, and yet, which one? It isn't fully described, and there are a number of types of headwear that we see in the various continental courts. Given that, we aren't entirely sure exactly what it looked like, but we do have a couple of sources that we can look at and use to make some assumptions.  These sources l ead us to the idea of a round, colored cap made of fabric, around the brim that was probably the fabric or image prescribed for that rank.  It is also often depicted with a bulbous top, likely for the wearer's hair, and may have been tied to their top knot.     Our main source for this is the Tenjukoku Mandala Embroidery (Tenjukoku-mandara-shuuchou) at Chuuguuji temple, which was a temple built for the mother of Prince Umayado, aka Shotoku Taishi.    This embroidery was created in 622, so 19 years after the 12 ranks would have been implemented. It depicts individuals in round-necked jackets that appear to have a part straight down the center.  Beneath the jacket one can see a pleated hem, possibly something like a "hirami", a wrapped skirt that is still found in some ceremonial imperial robes.  It strikes me that this could also be the hem of something like the hanpi, which was kind of like a vest with a pleated lower edge.  Below that we see trousers—hakama—with a red colored hem—at least on one figure that we can see.  He also appears to be wearing a kind of slipper-like shoe. As for the women, there are a few that appear to be in the mandala, but it is hard to say for certain as the embroidery has been damaged over the years. That said, from what we can tell, women probably would have worn something similar to the men in terms of the jacket and the pleated under-skirt, but then, instead of hakama, we see a pleated full-length skirt, or mo.  We also don't have a lot of evidence for them wearing hats or anything like that. The round necked jacket is interesting as it appears to be similar to the hou that was common from northern China across the Silk Road, especially amongst foreigners.  This garment  came to displace the traditional robes of the Tang court and would become the basis for much of the court clothing from that period, onwards.  The round necked garment had central panels that overlapped, and small ties or fastenings at either side of the neck to allow for an entirely enclosed neckline.  This was more intricate than just two, straight collars, and so may have taken time to adopt, fully. The next change to the cap-rank system was made in 647, two years into the Taika Reform.  The ranks then were more directly named for the caps, or crowns—kanmuri—and their materials and colors.  The ranks translate to Woven, Embroidered, Purple, Brocade, Blue, Black, and finally "Establish Valor" for the entry level rank. The system gets updated two years later, but only slightly.  We still see a reference to Woven stuff, Embroidery, and Purple, but then the next several ranks change to Flower, Mountain, and Tiger—or possibly Kingfisher.  These were a little more removed from the cap color and material, and may have had something to do with designs that were meant to be embroidered on the cap or on the robes in some way, though that is just speculation based on later Ming and Qing court outfits. Naka no Ohoye then updates it again in 664, but again only a little.  He seems to add back in the "brocade" category, swapping out the "flower", and otherwise just adds extra grades within each category to expand to 26 total rank grades. And that brings us to the reforms of 685, mentioned last episode.  This new system was built around what appear to be moral exhortations—Upright, Straight, Diligent, Earnest, etc.  And that is great and all, but how does that match up with the official robes? What color goes with each rank category?  Fortunately, this time around, the Chronicle lays it out for us pretty clearly. First off we are given the color red for the Princely ranks—not purple as one might have thought.  Specifically, it is "Vermillion Flower", hanezu-iro, which Bentley translates as the color of the "Oriental bush" or salmon.  In the blogpost we'll link to a table of colors that the founder of Sengoku Daimyo, Anthony Bryant, had put together, with some explanation of how to apply it.  I would note that there is often no way to know exactly what a given color was like or what shades were considered an acceptable range.  Everything was hand-dyed, and leaving fabric in the dye a little longer, changing the proportions, or just fading over time could create slightly different variants in the hue, but we think we can get pretty close. From there we have the six "common" ranks for the nobility.  Starting with the first rank, Upright, we have "Dark Purple".  Then we have "Light Purple".  This pattern continues with Dark and Light Green and then Dark and Light Grape or Lilac.  Purple in this case is Murasaki, and green here is specifically Midori, which is more specifically green than the larger category of "Aoi", which covers a spectrum of blue to green.  The grape or lilac is specifically "suou", and based on Bentley's colors it would be a kind of purple or violet. The idea is that the official court outfits for each rank would be the proper color.  And yes, that means if you get promoted in rank, your first paycheck—or rice stipend—is probably going to pay for a new set of official clothes.  Fortunately for the existing court nobles at the time, in the last month of 685, the Queen provided court clothing for 55 Princes and Ministers, so they could all look the part. And the look at court was important.  In fact, several of the edicts from this time focus specifically on who was allowed—or expected—to wear what.  For instance, in the 4th month of 681, they established 92 articles of the law code, and among those were various sumptuary laws—that is to say, laws as to what you could wear.  We are told that they applied to everyone from Princes of the blood down to the common person, and it regulated the wearing of precious metals, pearls, and jewels; the type of fabric one could use, whether purple, brocade, embroidery, or fine silks; and it also regulated woollen carpets, caps, belts, and the colors of various things. And here I'd like to pause and give some brief thought to how this played into the goals of the court, generally, which is to say the goal of creating and establishing this new system of governance in the cultural psyche of the people of the archipelago.  From the continental style palaces, to the temples, and right down to the clothing that people were wearing, this was all orchestrated, consciously or otherwise, to emphasize and even normalize the changes that were being introduced.  When everything around you is conforming to the new rules, it makes it quite easy for others to get on board. The court had surrounded themselves with monumental architecture that was designed along continental models and could best be explained through continental reasoning.  Even if they weren't Confucian or Daoist, those lines of reasoning ran through the various cultural and material changes that they were taking up.  Sure, they put their own stamp on it, but at the same time, when everything is right in front of you, it would become that much harder to deny or push back against it. And when you participated in the important rituals of the state, the clothing itself became a part of the pageantry.  It reinforced the notion that this was something new and different, and yet also emphasized that pushing against it would be going against the majority.  So court uniforms were another arm of the state's propaganda machine, all designed to reinforce the idea that the heavenly sovereign—the Tennou—was the right and just center of political life and deserving of their position.  Getting back to the sumptuary laws and rank based regulations: It is unfortunate that the record in the Nihon Shoki doesn't tell us exactly how things were regulated, only that they were, at least in some cases.  So for anything more we can only make assumptions based on later rules and traditions.  A few things we can see right away, though.  First is the restriction of the color purple.  Much as in Europe and elsewhere in the world, getting a dark purple was something that was not as easy as one might think, and so it tended to be an expensive dye and thus it would be restricted to the upper classes—in this case the princely and ministerial rank, no doubt.  Similarly brocade and fine silks were also expensive items that were likely restricted to people of a particular social station for that reason. The mention of woolen rugs is particularly intriguing.  Bentley translates this as woven mattresses, but I think that woolen rugs makes sense, as we do have examples of woolen "rugs" in Japan in at least the 8th century, stored in the famous Shousouin repository at Toudaiji temple, in Nara.  These are all imported from the continent and are actually made of felt, rather than woven.  As an imported item, out of a material that you could not get in the archipelago, due to a notable lack of sheep, they would have no doubt been expensive. The funny thing is that the carpets in the Shousouin may not have been meant as carpets.  For the most part they are of a similar size and rectangular shape, and one could see how they may have been used as sleeping mattresses or floor coverings.  However, there is some conjecture that they came from the Silk Road and may have been originally meant as felt doors for the tents used by the nomadic steppe peoples.  This is only conjecture, as I do not believe any of these rugs have survived in the lands where they would have been made, but given the size and shape and the modern yurt, it is not hard to see how that may have been the case.  Either way, I tend to trust that this could very well have meant woolen rugs, as Aston and the kanji themselves suggest, though I would understand if there was confusion or if it meant something else as wool was not exactly common in the archipelago at that time or in the centuries following. The last section of the regulations talks about the use of caps and belts.  The caps here were probably of continental origin:  The kanmuri, or official cap of state of the court nobles, or the more relaxed eboshi—though at this time, they were no doubt closely related. In fact, a year later, we have the most specific mention to-date of what people were actually wearing on their heads: there is a mention of men tying up their hair and wearing caps of varnished gauze.  Earlier caps related to the cap rank system are often thought to be something like a simple hemisphere  that was placed upon the head, with a bulbous top where the wearer's hair could be pulled up as in a bun. The kanmuri seems to have evolved from the soft black headcloth that was worn on the continent, which would have tied around the head, leaving two ends hanging down behind.  Hairstyles of the time often meant that men had a small bun or similar gathering of hair towards the back of their head, and tying a cloth around the head gave the effect of a small bump.  This is probably what we see in depictions of the early caps of state.  Sometimes this topknot could be covered with a small crown or other decoration, or wrapped with a cloth, often referred to as a "Tokin" in Japanese.  But over time we see the development of hardened forms to be worn under a hat to provide the appropriate silhouette, whether or not you actually had a topknot (possibly helpful for gentlemen suffering from hair loss).  And then the hat becomes less of a piece of cloth and more just a hat of black, lacquered gauze made on a form, which was much easier to wear.  At this point in the Chronicle, the cap was likely still somewhat malleable, and would made to tie or be pinned to that bun or queue of hair.  This explains the mention of men wearing their hair up.  This pin would become important for several different types of headgear, but ties were also used for those who did not have hair to hold the hat on properly. Two years after the edict on hats, we get another edict on clothing, further suggesting that the court were wearing Tang inspired clothing.  In 685 we see that individuals are given leave to wear their outer robe either open or tied closed. This is a clue that this outer robe might something akin to the round-necked hou that we see in the Tenjukoku Mandala, where the neck seems to close with a small tie or button.  However, we do see some examples, later, of v-necked garments with a tie in the center of the neck, so that may be the reference..  Opening the collar of the formal robes was somewhat akin to loosening a necktie, or unbuttoning the top button of a shirt.  It provided a more relaxed and comfortable feeling.  It could also be a boon in the warm days of summer.  Leaving it closed could create a more formal appearance. The courtiers also had the option of whether or not to wear the "Susotsuki", which Bentley translates as "skirt-band".  I believe this refers to the nai'i, or inner garment.  This would often have a pleated hem—a suso or ran—which would show below the main robe as just a slight hem.  Again, this is something that many would dispense with in the summer, or just when dressing a bit more casually, but it was required at court, as well as making sure that the tassles were tied so that they hung down.  This was the uniform of the court.  We are also told that they would have trousers that could be tied up, which sounds like later sashinuki, though it may have referred to something slightly different.  We are also given some regulations specifically for women, such as the fact that women over 40 years of age were allowed the discretion on whether or not to tie up their hair, as well as whether they would ride horses astride or side-saddle.  Presumably, younger women did not get a choice in the matter.  Female shrine attendants and functionaries were likewise given some leeway with their hairstyles. A year later, in 686, they do seem to have relaxed the hairstyles a bit more: women were allowed to let their hair down to their backs as they had before, so it seems that, for at least a couple of years, women under the age of 40 were expected to wear their hair tied up in one fashion or another. In that same edict, men were then allowed to wear "habakimo".  Aston translates this as "leggings" while Bentley suggests it is a "waist skirt".  There are an example of extant habakimo in the Shousouin, once again, and they appear to be wrappings for the lower leg.  It actually seems very closely related to the "kyahan" depicted all the way back in the 6th century painting of the Wo ambassador to Liang. Even though these edicts give a lot more references to clothing, there is still plenty that is missing.  It isn't like the Chroniclers were giving a red carpet style stitch-by-stitch critique of what was being worn at court.  Fortunately, there is a rather remarkable archaeological discovery from about this time. Takamatsuzuka is a kofun, or ancient burial mound, found in Asuka and dated to the late 7th or early 8th century.  Compared to the keyhole shaped tombs of previous centuries, this tomb is quite simple: a two-tiered circular tomb nestled in the quiet hills.  What makes it remarkable is that the inside of the stone burial chamber was elaborately painted.  There are depictions of the four guardian animals, as well as the sun and the moon, as well as common constellations.  More importantly, though, are the intricate pictures of men and women dressed in elaborate clothing. The burial chamber of Takamatsuzuka is rectangular in shape.  There are images on the four vertical sides as well as on the ceiling.  The chamber is oriented north-south, with genbu, the black tortoise, on the north wall and presumably Suzaku, the vermillion bird, on the south wall—though that had been broken at some point and it is hard to make out exactly what is there. The east and west walls are about three times as long as the north and south walls.  In the center of each is a guardian animal—byakko, the white tiger, on the west wall and seiryuu, the blue—or green—dragon on the east.  All of these images are faded, and since opening of the tomb have faded even more, so while photos can help, it may require a bit more investigation and some extrapolation to understand all of what we are looking at. On the northern side of both the east and west wall we see groups of four women.  We can make out green, yellow, and red or vermillion outer robes with thin fabric belt sashes, or obi, tied loosely and low around the waist.  There is another, lightly colored—possibly white, cream or pink—that is so faded it is hard to make out, and I don't know if that is the original color.  These are v-necked robes, with what appear to be ties at the bottom of the "v".  Around the belt-sash we see a strip of white peaking out from between the two sides of the robe—most likely showing the lining on an edge that has turned back slightly.  The cuffs of the robe are folded back, showing a contrasting color—either the sleeves of an underrobe or a lining of some kind.  Below the outer robe is a white, pleated hem—possibly a hirami or similar, though where we can make it out, it seems to be the same or similar color as the sleeves.  Under all of that, they then have a relatively simple mo, or pleated skirt.  The ones in the foreground are vertically striped in alternating white, green, red, and blue stripes.  There is one that may just be red and blue stripes, but I'm not sure.  In the background we see a dark blue—and possibly a dark green—mo.  At the base of each mo is a pleated fringe that appears to be connected to the bottom of the skirt.  The toe of a shoe seems to peek out from underneath in at least one instance.  They don't have any obvious hair ornaments, and their hair appears to be swept back and tied in such a way that it actually comes back up in the back, slightly.  They appear to be holding fans and something that might be a fly swatter—a pole with what looks like tassels on the end. In comparison, at the southern end of the tomb we have two groups of men.  These are much more damaged and harder to make out clearly.  They have robes of green, yellow, grey, blue, and what looks like dark blue, purple, or even black.  The neckline appears to be a v-necked, but tied closed, similar to what we see on the women.  We also see a contrasting color at the cuff, where it looks like the sleeves have turned back, slightly.  They have belt-sashes similar to the women, made of contrasting fabric to the robe itself.  Below that we see white trousers, or hakama, and shallow, black shoes.  On some of the others it is suggested that maybe they have a kind of woven sandal, but that is hard to make out in the current image.  On their heads are hats or headgear of black, stiffened—probably lacquered—gauze.  They have a bump in the back, which is probably the wearer's hair, and there is evidence of small ties on top and larger ties in the back, hanging down.  Some interpretations also show a couple with chin straps, as well, or at least a black cord that goes down to the chin.  They carry a variety of implements, suggesting they are attendants, with an umbrella, a folding chair, a pouch worn around the neck, a pole or cane of some kind, and a bag with some kind of long thing—possibly a sword or similar. The tomb was originally found by farmers in 1962, but wasn't fully examined until 1970, with an excavation starting in 1972.  The stone at the entryway was broken, probably from graverobbers, who are thought to have looted the tomb in the Kamakura period.  Fortunately, along with the bones of the deceased and a few scattered grave goods that the robbers must have missed, the murals also survived, and somehow they remained largely intact through the centuries.  They have not been entirely safe, and many of the images are damaged or faded, but you can still make out a remarkable amount of detail, which is extremely helpful in determining what clothing might have looked like at this time—assuming it is depicting local individuals. And there is the rub, since we don't know exactly whom the tomb was for.  Furthermore, in style it has been compared with Goguryeo tombs from the peninsula, much as nearby Kitora kofun is.  Kitora had images as well, but just of the guardian animals and the constellations, not of human figures. There are three theories as to who might have been buried at Takamatsuzuka.  One theory is that it was one of Ohoama's sons.  Prince Osakabe is one theory, based on the time of his death and his age.  Others have suggested Prince Takechi.  Based on the teeth of the deceased, they were probably in their 40s to 60s when they passed away. Some scholars believe that it may be a later, Nara period vassal—possibly, Isonokami no Maro.  That would certainly place it later than the Asuka period. The third theory is that it is the tomb of a member of one of the royal families from the Korean peninsula—possibly someone who had taken up refuge in the archipelago as Silla came to dominate the entire peninsula.  This last theory matches with the fact that Takamatsuzuka appears to be similar to tombs found in Goguryeo, though that could just have to do with where the tomb builders were coming from, or what they had learned. That does bring up the question of the figures in the tomb.  Were they contemporary figures, indicating people and dress of the court at the time, or were they meant to depict people from the continent?  Without any other examples, we may never know, but even if was indicative of continental styles, those were the very styles that Yamato was importing, so it may not matter, in the long run.     One other garment that isn't mentioned here is the hire, a scarf that is typically associated with women.  It is unclear if it has any relationship to the sashes we see in the Kofun period, though there is at least one mention of a woman with a hire during one of the campaigns on the Korean peninsula.  Later we see it depicted as a fairly gauzy piece of silk, that is worn somewhat like a shawl.  It is ubiquitous in Sui and Tang paintings of women, indicating a wide-ranging fashion trend.  The hire is a fairly simple piece of clothing, and yet it creates a very distinctive look which we certainly see, later. Finally, I want to take a moment to acknowledge that almost everything we have discussed here has to do with the elites of society—the nobles of the court.  For most people, working the land, we can assume that they were probably not immediately adopting the latest continental fashions, and they probably weren't dressing in silk very much.  Instead, it is likely that they continued to wear some version of the same outfits we see in the haniwa figures of the kofun period.  This goes along with the fact that even as the elite are moving into palaces built to stand well above the ground, we still have evidence of common people building and living in pit dwellings, as they had been for centuries.  This would eventually change, but overall they stuck around for quite some time.  However, farmers and common people are often ignored by various sources—they aren't often written about, they often aren't shown in paintings or statues, and they did often not get specialized burials.  Nonetheless, they were the most populous group in the archipelago, supporting all of the rest. And with that, I think we will stop for now.  Still plenty more to cover this reign.  We are definitely into the more historical period, where we have more faith in the dates—though we should remember that this is also one of the reigns that our sources were specifically designed to prop up, so we can't necessarily take everything without at least a hint of salt and speculation, even if the dates themselves are more likely to be accurate. Until then, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  

En el Japón a fondo de hoy hacemos una excursión de día desde Tokio hasta la prefectura de Chiba, para ver el monte Nokigori y, allí, el templo Nihon-ji. Este templo cuenta con un Gran Buda impresionante (el Buda antiguo más grande, más que en el de Nara o Kamakura). Además, la excursión por la montaña te lleva a ver estatuas de arhats, una estatua moderna de Kannon, varios miradores (a veces puedes llegar a ver el monte Fuji, según la época del año), etc. También te contamos cómo llegar, por si quieres hacer la excursión como nosotros, la ida atravesando en ferri la bahía de Tokio y la vuelta por Chiba y montando en su monorraíl un ratito para hacer un poco de Fun with Trains ;) Luego, en Japonismo mini te contamos que estuvimos en Madrid presentando nuestro cuarto libro (el que trata sobre Tokio), leemos varios comentarios de japonistas y te contamos cómo se dice teleférico y funicular en japonés (y por qué solemos siempre confundirnos ^^). ¡Mata ne! ¿Quieres colaborar con el programa? - Colabora en Patreon - Únete a la Comunidad Japonismo - Reserva hoteles en Japón (y en todo el mundo) - Consigue seguro de viajes (¡no sólo para Japón!) - Busca los mejores vuelos - Lleva Internet (pocket wifi o SIM) - JR Pass para viajes ilimitados en tren ---- Continúa la conversación en: - Web: https://japonismo.com - Discord: https://discord.gg/hZrSa57 - Facebook: https://facebook.com/japonismo - Twitter: https://twitter.com/japonismo - Instagram: https://instagram.com/japonismo - Pinterest: https://pinterest.com/japonismo - Newsletter semanal: http://eepurl.com/di60Xn

For my very first podcast episode recorded in Japan I'm honoured to be joined by Kousuke Suda, one of the co-founders of the iconic menswear brand Kamakura Shirts, also known as Kamakura Classic. From their roots in Kamakura to a global reputation for craftsmanship, the brand has become a symbol of timeless Japanese style, blending precision tailoring with deep influences from Jazz culture and Ivy League fashion.We explore how Kamakura Shirts captures the spirit of 1960s Americana while staying grounded in Japanese tradition and how music, culture, and classic menswear come together in every detail of their design. Kousuke shares the story behind the brand, what Ivy Style means in a modern context, and why Jazz continues to inspire their aesthetic. As I start this episode journey from Japan, it's the perfect conversation to set the tone personal, stylish, and rooted in culture. If you're into Japanese menswear, heritage brands, Jazz-inspired style, or just curious about the intersection of tradition and modernity, this episode is for you.

Luk van Haute is auteur, gastprofessor aan de Universiteit Gent en vertaler. Hij studeerde Japanologie aan de Universiteit Gent en Universiteit van Tokio en verbleef in diverse hoedanigheden in Japan, onder andere als werknemer bij een filmproductiemaatschappij, als tolk, als schoonfamilie, als academicus, als journalist en als literair vertaler. Vooral als laatstgenoemde is hij sinds 2005 actief. Inmiddels vertaalde hij ruim dertig werken, van onder andere Haruki Murakami, Kenzaburo Oe en Yasunari Kawabata. Voor de door hem samengestelde en vertaalde bloemlezing ‘Liefdesdood in Kamara en andere Japanse verhalen' ontving van Haute in 2015 de Filter Vertaalprijs. Nu verschijnt zijn nieuwe boek ‘Trein naar Kamakura'. In dit boek gidst van Haute de lezer door zijn herinneringen aan zijn trips naar Japan, bezoekt hij plekken die een belangrijke rol spelen in boeken en interviewt hij de belangrijkste hedendaagse schrijvers.  Femke van der Laan gaat met Luk van Haute in gesprek.

◆ In this episode, I am talking about two Great Buddhas in Japan, using vocabulary and grammar from GENKI 1. (GENKI 1 is a Japanese textbook meant for beginners at JLPT N5 / CEFR A1 level.)   ◆ This story was originally released as Ep.25 in 2024. I just re-recorded it and created a listening comprehension exercise, answer key, vocabulary list and transcript for it for Patreon members, which was not available when it was first released.   ◆ Patreon monthly membership Here are the benefits for my Patreon paid members : - Full version of the podcast audio - Vocabulary lists with English translation - Transcripts - Listening comprehension exercises (These are all in Kanji with Furigana.) - Answer keys for the exercises - Photos related to the episodes with captions  Check out  my Patreon page for more information : patreon.com/JapanesewithMeg   ◆ You are cordially invited to... - leave me a review on Apple Podcast - rate my podcast on Spotify

◆ In this episode, I am talking about a historical city called Kamakura, using vocabulary and grammar from GENKI 1. (GENKI 1 is a Japanese textbook meant for beginners at JLPT N5 / CEFR A1 level.)   ◆ This story was originally released as Ep.24 in May, 2024. I just re-recorded it and created a listening comprehension exercise, answer key, vocabulary list and transcript for it for Patreon members, which was not available when it was first released.   ◆ Patreon monthly membership Here are the benefits for my Patreon paid members : - Full version of the podcast audio - Vocabulary lists with English translation - Transcripts - Listening comprehension exercises (These are all in Kanji with Furigana.) - Answer keys for the exercises - Photos related to the episodes with captions  Check out  my Patreon page for more information : patreon.com/JapanesewithMeg   ◆ You are cordially invited to... - leave me a review on Apple Podcast - rate my podcast on Spotify

Fluent Fiction - Japanese: Bamboo Grove Serenade: Finding Inspiration in Unexpected Places Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ja/episode/2025-07-24-22-34-02-ja Story Transcript:Ja: 古い竹林の中を歩くと、時間が止まったような感覚になる。En: When walking through an old bamboo grove, it feels as though time has stopped.Ja: 鎌倉の竹林は、都会の喧騒から逃れるための静かな避難所だった。En: The bamboo grove in Kamakura was a quiet refuge from the hustle and bustle of the city.Ja: 夏の暖かい風が竹を揺らし、光が木漏れ日となって足元に降り注いでいる。En: The warm summer wind rustled the bamboo, and the light filtered through the leaves, casting dappled sunlight at his feet.Ja: 日曜日、ヒロシはいつものルートを変え、新しいインスピレーションを求めてこの竹林を訪れた。En: On Sunday, Hiroshi changed his usual route and visited this bamboo grove seeking new inspiration.Ja: もうすぐオボン祭りが始まる。En: The Obon festival was about to begin.Ja: 町は祭りのために賑わっているが、ヒロシの心は落ち着かなかった。En: The town was bustling in preparation, but Hiroshi's heart was uneasy.Ja: グラフィックデザイナーとして、創造力の壁に直面していた。En: As a graphic designer, he was facing a creative block.Ja: なかなか良いアイデアが浮かばない。En: Good ideas just weren't coming to him.Ja: 彼は苦労していた。En: He was struggling.Ja: 竹林の奥の方へ足を進めると、そこには小さな休憩所があった。En: As he walked deeper into the bamboo grove, he found a small rest area.Ja: 突然、夏の夕立が降り始めた。En: Suddenly, a summer shower began to fall.Ja: 雨宿りをしなければならなかった。En: He needed to take shelter from the rain.Ja: 休憩所に駆け込むと、そこでアイコとケイコという二人の女性に出会った。En: Rushing into the rest area, he encountered two women named Aiko and Keiko.Ja: アイコは明るく若い小学校の先生で、友達であるケイコは大阪から遊びに来ていた。En: Aiko was a bright, young elementary school teacher, and her friend Keiko was visiting from Osaka.Ja: 二人はオボン期間中にゆっくりしたいと言っていた。En: They said they wanted to relax during the Obon period.Ja: 雨音が竹の葉をたたく中、ヒロシとアイコは自然と会話を始めた。En: While the sound of raindrops beat on the bamboo leaves, Hiroshi and Aiko naturally started a conversation.Ja: アイコは、小さなことを楽しむ大切さを話し、将来について考えていると打ち明けた。En: Aiko talked about the importance of enjoying small things and confided that she was thinking about her future.Ja: ヒロシは緊張したが、その静かな場所とアイコの自然体な話し方で次第にリラックスした。En: Hiroshi was nervous, but the tranquil setting and Aiko's natural way of speaking gradually put him at ease.Ja: 彼らは興味を共有し、特にヒロシはアイコの前向きで明るい考え方に惹かれた。En: They shared interests, and Hiroshi was particularly drawn to Aiko's positive and bright outlook.Ja: 話をしているうちに、ヒロシは新しい視点を得ることができた。En: As they talked, Hiroshi gained a new perspective.Ja: インスピレーションは、意外な出会いやつながりの中から生まれるものだと悟った。En: He realized that inspiration often comes from unexpected encounters and connections.Ja: 雨が止むと、彼らは竹林の静けさに別れを告げた。En: When the rain stopped, they bade farewell to the tranquility of the bamboo grove.Ja: ヒロシは新しい気持ちでいっぱいになっていた。En: Hiroshi was filled with a renewed feeling.Ja: アイコのおかげで、彼の心の中に新しい創造力と温かいつながりが芽生えた。En: Thanks to Aiko, new creativity and a warm connection blossomed in his heart.Ja: 竹林を出る頃、ヒロシは自分に言い聞かせた。「もっと心を開き、世界と関わっていこう。」En: As he exited the bamboo grove, Hiroshi told himself, "I should open my heart more and engage with the world."Ja: ヒロシの歩みは少しだけ軽やかになっていた。En: His steps felt a little lighter.Ja: そして、アイコとの出会いは、彼の心にほのかな希望の光を灯したのだった。En: The encounter with Aiko had kindled a faint light of hope in his heart. Vocabulary Words:grove: 竹林refuge: 避難所bustle: 喧騒rustled: 揺らしdappled: 木漏れ日uneasy: 落ち着かなかったcreative block: 創造力の壁struggling: 苦労していたshower: 夕立shelter: 雨宿りencountered: 出会ったconfided: 打ち明けたtranquil: 静かなperspective: 視点encounters: 出会いconnections: つながりbade farewell: 別れを告げたrenewed: 新しいcreativity: 創造力blossomed: 芽生えたengage: 関わっていくkindled: 灯したperspective: 視点dappled: 木漏れ日inspiration: インスピレーションtrivial: 小さなことbustling: 賑わっているquiet: 静けさ

Good Times Episode 11: Doki TV and Switch 2 Cyberpunk 2077 Episode 113 Lost Without Japan Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/lostwithoutjapan/  Please Consider Kindly Supporting Our Crowd-Funded Show By Supporting Us Through Our Shows Patreon:  Doki TV: https://www.doki-tv.com/ Patreon:  https://www.patreon.com/posts/paying-for-our-4-109129803?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link  Sora News: https://soranews24.com/2025/06/07/can-japans-favorite-cheap-chocolate-also-be-a-good-craft-beer-taste-testing-black-thunder-stout/  As always, the link to our shows Google Resource doc can be found at https://docs.google.com/document/d/1WEVbRmvn8jzxOZPDaypl3UAjxbs1OOSWSftFW1BYXpI/edit#

Shogunatet, som existerade från medeltiden till den industriella revolutionen, innebar att den militära ledaren shogunen hade all makt på kejsarens bekostnad. Ursprungligen var "shogun" en titel för militära befälhavare, men när centralmakten försvagades av rivalitet mellan kejsaren, ex-kejsare och Fujiwara-ätten, fick samurajerna ökad makt. På 1100-talet ledde detta till att en militärdiktator tog kontrollen.Shogunatet var anpassningsbart och kunde omforma sig över tid. Tokugawa-shogunatet (1603–1868) blev Japans mest stabila era, men dess fall markerade början på en ny tid. Under ytan på ett till synes stillastående samhälle pågick gradvisa förändringar. Japan var isolerat, styrt av ett strikt klassystem och reglerat enligt samurajernas kod.I podden Historia Nu samtalar programledaren Urban Lindstedt med Ingemar Ottosson, docent i historia vid Lunds universitet, aktuell med boken Shogun: Generalerna som ledde Japan (2025).Shogunatet – eller bakufu – har rötter i Japans tidiga historia. Redan under Yamato-riket på 300-talet formades centralmakt under kinesiskt inflytande. Men på 800-talet började kejsarens makt vackla, vilket öppnade för militära ledare. Titeln "shogun" användes först i krig mot emishi-folket, men dessa generaler styrde inget eget shogunat. Det förändrades 1192 då Minamoto no Yoritomo utnämndes till seii taishōgun och grundade ett verkligt parallellt maktcentrum.Det första shogunatet etablerades i Kamakura (1185–1333), där samurajerna fick en central roll. Makten förflyttades från hovet i Kyoto till krigarnas hierarki, med drag av europeisk feodalism. Alla tre shogunat följde mönstret av dynastisk uppgång och fall. Shogunerna varierade stort i duglighet – från marionetter till historiska gestalter som Yoritomo, Yoshimitsu och Ieyasu.Med tiden förändrades shogunrollen från krigsherre till civil ämbetsman. Den mest stabila perioden inleddes med Tokugawa Ieyasus seger vid Sekigahara 1600, vilket ledde till hans utnämning till shogun 1603. Tokugawa-styret, med säte i Edo, byggde ett samhälle präglat av militär, byråkrati och neokonfucianism. Kejsaren behöll en symbolisk roll, medan verklig makt låg hos shogunen.Samhället styrdes med strikt klassindelning: samurajer, bönder, hantverkare, köpmän. Länsherrar (daimyōer) kontrollerades genom sankin-kōtai – ett system som tvingade deras familjer att bo i Edo, vilket motverkade uppror. Landet isolerades genom sakoku-politiken: endast holländare fick bedriva handel via ön Dejima. Kristendom förbjöds, missionärer avrättades och utländska kontakter begränsades kraftigt.Paradoxalt nog blomstrade kulturen: kabuki, haiku och urban tillväxt i städer som Osaka och Edo. Trots det yttre lugnet började samhället långsamt förändras. Samurajerna, som en gång var krigare, förvandlades till byråkrater utan svärd. Köpmännen, trots sin låga formella status, blev ekonomiskt mäktiga.Bild: Porträtt av Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543–1616), grundare av Tokugawa-shogunatet. Målningen är utförd av konstnären Kanō Tan'yū och finns i huvudtornet på Osaka slott. Källa: Wikipedia Kanō Tan'yū, Public Domain.Musik: ”Japanese Hotchiku Flute” av Velimir Andreev (Psystein), Storyblocks Audio.Lyssna också på Samurajerna dominerade Japan under ett millenium.Klippare: Emanuel Lehtonen Vill du stödja podden och samtidigt höra ännu mer av Historia Nu? Gå med i vårt gille genom att klicka här: https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Osaka Day Trip: Echoes of History Day Trip Japan LWJ Episode 111 Lost Without Japan Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/lostwithoutjapan/  Please Consider Kindly Supporting Our Crowd-Funded show By Supporting Us Through Our show's Patreon: https://patreon.com/lostwithoutjapanpodcast?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=creatorshare_creator Google Shared Maps For This Episode:  https://maps.app.goo.gl/BGqKS91QiXnxDHND9  Rome2Reo: https://www.rome2rio.com/ 

All Expense Paid Trip To Japan Through The Japan Fulbright Memorial Fund Experience Lost Without Japan Episode 109 Lost Without Japan Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/lostwithoutjapan/  Please Consider Kindly Supporting Our Crowd Funded Show By Supporting Us Through Our Shows Patreon: https://patreon.com/lostwithoutjapanpodcast?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=creatorshare_creator

We traveled to Kamakura, Japan to have a one on one discussion with Lanai Tabura! We were in the process of one of his food tours and got to hear stories from his days on the radio. Such good stuff! Find Lanai on Insta: @lanai Find Kyle's designs here: https://www.hilifeclothing.com/ Find Devon Nekoba here: @localboy56 Love watching HI*Sessions? Well, now you can join our Patreon community and directly impact our ability to continue making great videos like this one. For as little as $1/mo. you'll get early access to our content as well as cool exclusive stuff for the Patreon community. Visit http://www.patreon.com/hisessions and sign up today! Make sure you subscribe to get notified when we release new videos! Follow HI*Sessions: http://hisessions.com http://www.facebook.com/hisessions http://twitter.com/hisessionsl!

We traveled to Kamakura, Japan to have a one on one discussion with Kamasami Kong! He tells us about his radio history and how he became one of the largest voices in Hawaiian music broadcasting. Find Kamasami Kong on Insta: @kamasamikong Find Kyle's designs here: https://www.hilifeclothing.com/ Find Devon Nekoba here: @localboy56 Love watching HI*Sessions? Well, now you can join our Patreon community and directly impact our ability to continue making great videos like this one. For as little as $1/mo. you'll get early access to our content as well as cool exclusive stuff for the Patreon community. Visit http://www.patreon.com/hisessions and sign up today! Make sure you subscribe to get notified when we release new videos! Follow HI*Sessions: http://hisessions.com http://www.facebook.com/hisessions http://twitter.com/hisessionsl!

Craig Mod Returns! Craig is a writer, photographer, and walker living in Tokyo and Kamakura, Japan. He is the author of Things Become Other Things and Kissa by Kissa. He also writes the newsletters Roden and Ridgeline and has contributed to The New York Times, The Atlantic, Wired, and more.Sponsors:Shopify global commerce platform, providing tools to start, grow, market, and manage a retail business: https://shopify.com/tim (one-dollar-per-month trial period)Momentous high-quality supplements: https://livemomentous.com/tim (code TIM for 20% off)Helix Sleep premium mattresses: https://HelixSleep.com/Tim (Between 20% and 27% off all mattress orders and two free pillows)Timestamps:00:00 Molly Joins the Podcast 00:52 Meet Craig Mod07:46 Living in a Six-Tatami Mat Room12:24 Golden Gai: Tokyo's Historic Drinking District17:33 Epic Walks: From Tokyo to Kumano Kodō18:05 The Influence of John McBride31:25 The Magic of Polite Japanese38:38 The New Generation of Japanese-Speaking Foreigners40:30 Kevin Kelly's Walk41:08 The Birth of the Photo Book Idea43:05 The Big Solo Walks Begin43:56 Launching a Membership Program44:58 The Nakasendo Walk50:06 Rules of Walking01:00:43 Booking Logistics in Japan01:04:24 The Wired Magazine Essay01:16:23 Creating CraigStarter: A Kickstarter Alternative01:17:26 The Success of CraigStarter and Membership Strategy01:19:50 Membership Community Rules and Goals01:22:22 The Dangers of Scale in Creative Work01:26:56 Navigating the Publishing Industry01:38:37 Promoting Midsize Cities in Japan01:50:48 Unexpected Cultural Encounter01:52:50 Economic Benefits of Spotlighted Cities01:54:46 Exploring Hidden Gems in Japan01:56:55 Global Walking Adventures01:59:46 Adoption Journey and Family Reconnection02:05:27 Reflections on Family and Identity02:19:46 Closing Thoughts and Future PlansSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Craig Mod is a writer, photographer, and walker living in Tokyo and Kamakura, Japan. He is the author of Things Become Other Things and Kissa by Kissa. He also writes the newsletters Roden and Ridgeline and has contributed to The New York Times, The Atlantic, Wired, and more.Sponsors:David Protein Bars 28g of protein, 150 calories, and 0g of sugar: https://davidprotein.com/tim (Buy 4 cartons, get the 5th free.)AG1 all-in-one nutritional supplement: https://DrinkAG1.com/Tim (1-year supply of Vitamin D (and 5 free AG1 travel packs) with your first subscription purchase.)Eight Sleep's Pod 4 Ultra sleeping solution for dynamic cooling and heating: https://eightsleep.com/tim (save $350 on the Pod 4 Ultra)See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

El arte marcial de arquería sobre un caballo al galope recibe el nombre de yabusame y es muy, muy curioso de ver. Además, sus orígenes son muy antiguos y en este episodio te contamos todo sobre ello y su relación con el shogunato Kamakura. Hablamos también de otros estilos de arquería, de cómo es la vestimenta del arquero, las escuelas principales que hay y, lo más interesante, dónde puedes ver demostraciones de yabusame en lugares de fácil acceso turístico. ¡Mata ne! ¿Quieres colaborar con el programa? - Colabora en Patreon - Únete a la Comunidad Japonismo - Reserva hoteles en Japón (y en todo el mundo) - Consigue seguro de viajes (¡no sólo para Japón!) - Busca los mejores vuelos - Lleva Internet (pocket wifi o SIM) - JR Pass para viajes ilimitados en tren ---- Continúa la conversación en: - Web: https://japonismo.com - Discord: https://discord.gg/hZrSa57 - Facebook: https://facebook.com/japonismo - Twitter: https://twitter.com/japonismo - Instagram: https://instagram.com/japonismo - Pinterest: https://pinterest.com/japonismo - Newsletter semanal: http://eepurl.com/di60Xn

Last time we spoke about how Zhang Xueliang lost Manchuria. In September 1931, the Mukden Incident ignited conflict in Manchuria as Japan executed a false flag attack, prompting a swift assault on Peitaying Barracks. Zhang Xueliang, urged by Chiang Kai-shek, chose not to resist, fearing a full-scale war. The Japanese invasion revealed deep political divisions in Manchuria, with some officials defecting, others sabotaging, and a few fighting back. Amidst chaos, Zhang sought to unify his forces, but rivalries and external threats complicated his efforts, setting the stage for prolonged conflict. In post-1929 Manchuria, nationalist activists joined the KMT, including Yan Baohang and his friends, who attended a 1931 conference in Nanjing. They aimed to resist Japanese influence while navigating local elite tensions and economic struggles. As Zhang Xueliang rose to power, he sought reform but faced distrust and challenges, including high military spending and a devastating depression. By 1931, Japanese aggression loomed, culminating in a coup that threatened the fragile nationalist aspirations in the region.   #139 Gokokujo and Collaborators  Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The Japanese Imperial General Headquarters had hoped to localize the Mukden Incident and communicated their orders to Kwantung Command. However as we had seen, the Kwantung Command in chief General Shigeru Honjo, had his wrist twisted somewhat by certain culprits in the form of Ishiwara Kanji and Itageki Seishiro. Honjo thus ordered the forces to proceed with expanding operations along the South Manchuria Railway zone. On September the 19th, the 29th infantry regiment stormed Mukden, easily overwhelming the Chinese forces within the inner walled city. Simultaneously the 2nd battalion occupied Pei Ta Ying, where they were met with some fierce resistance before storming Tung Ta Ying. Afterwards the 2nd Division drove out the remaining Chinese resistance from the eastern area of Mukden. Meanwhile the 1st Battalion fought Chinese forces at Kuan Cheng Tze near Changchun. By this point Honjo's request for assistance from the Korea Army was confirmed. General Senjuro Hayashi ordered the 20th infantry division to divide itself, forming the 39th mixed brigade who marched into Manchuria, without any authorization from Tokyo nor the Emperor to do so. By the end of the 19th, the Japanese had seized Liaoyang, Shenyang, Yingkou, Dandong, Fushun, Changchun and Jilin.  On the 20th, Wan Shu Cheng, the commander of the Chinese 2nd army ordered a withdrawal of the 44th and 643rd regiments stationed at Taching to head for Tiantsin. On the 21st the Japanese took Jilin city, by the 23rd they captured Jiaohe and Dunhua, both within Jilin. On the 26th, the Governor of Jilin, Zhang Zuoxiang who was not there at the time, was overthrown by a newly formed provisional provincial government with Xi Xia as its chairman. By October 1st Zhang Haiping would surrender the area of Taonan, later in October Ji Xing surrendered the Yanbian Korean Autonomous prefecture area and on the 17th Yu Zhishan surrendered Eastern Liaoning. General HQ in Tokyo were flabbergasted at the news all of this was being done without their orders, in fact in most cases it was directly against their orders. The civilian government of Japan was in absolute disarray over what was an act of Gekokujo. Gekokujo directly translated meaning "the low overcomes the high",was when someone of a lesser position in the military or politics overthrew someone in a higher position to seize power. The term goes all the way back to the Sui Dynasty of China, for Japan during the Kamakura period, but its most prominently known for being used during the Sengoku period. It was through the chaotic political climate of the Sengoku period that Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi rose to power. During the Showa period, Gekokujo would occur often. Those of the Kodoha faction used it as a means to an end during the 1920s and 1930s, assassinating political opponents as they tried to press for a Showa restoration. Back to Manchuria, as Gokokujo ran rampant, with reports coming in after each quick victory and city taken by Japanese forces, Tokyo General HQ felt utterly powerless to stop it. There is also another facet to this, the role of Emperor Hirohito. Many of you might only have a vague idea of how much “actual power” Emperor Hirohito had during the Showa Era. The Meiji Constitution of Japan going back to 1889 remained in force until 1947. It was enacted after the Meiji restoration in 1868 and provided a form of mixed constitutional and absolute monarchy. Thus in theory the Emperor governed the empire upon the advice of his ministers. In practice this meant while the Emperor was head of state, it was still the Prime Minister who was actually heading the government. Now this was all fine and dandy, however the constitution also stated the Emperor had direct control over the military. Imagine this scenario, you work for a company and take orders from the boss of the company. The father of the boss used to run the company and is seen as the face of it, but retired long ago and has no real authority. So you do the orders your boss gives you, but what about if that father figure suddenly shows up and gives orders? Many in the company would go ahead and do what the father says, feeling this obligatory need to. Now in the case of Showa Era Japan, the entire population of Japan saw the Emperor as a divine being, maybe you can call him the spiritual leader of Japan. He wasn't expected to intervene in political or military matters, but if he did, you but your ass people would follow his orders. Now since the Japanese navy and army knew the Emperor could directly control them, they actually used this as a tool. On many occasions in order to secure further funding or specific policy adjustment, military leaders would appeal to the Emperor or do things in the name of the Emperor, completely superseding the civilian government. Basically the military used the Meiji Constitution to earn a large degree of autonomy, case and point being the Mukden Incident. As long as they made it seem like they were doing everything they believed the Emperor wanted them to do, they believed they could get away with it. If the Civilian government came after them for their actions, they could appeal to the emperor, but how did Hirohito feel about all this? Rumors had emerged even before the Mukden Incident, to which Hirohito demanded the army be reigned in. Attempts were made, but the Mukden Incident went off on September 18th. The next day the imperial palace were given a report and Hirohito was advised by chief aide de camp Nara Takeji “this incident would not spread and if the Emperor was to convene an imperial conference to take control of the situation, the virtue of his majesty might be soiled if the decisions of such a conference should prove impossible to implement”.  As the Mukden incident was getting worse, the Kwantung officers began to demand reinforcements be sent from the Korea army. The current Wakatsuki cabinet met on the issue and decided the Mukden incident had to remain an incident, they needed to avoid a declaration of war. The official orders were for no reinforcements of the Korea army to mobilize, however the field commander took it upon his own authority and mobilized them. The army chief of staff Kanaya reported to Hirohito the Korea army was marching into Manchuria against orders. At 31 years of age Hirohito now had an excellent opportunity to back the current cabinet, to control the military and stop the incident from getting worse. At this time the military was greatly divided on the issue, politically still weak compared to what they would become in a few years, if Hirohito wanted to rule as a constitutional monarch instead of an autocratic monarch, well this was his chance. Hirohito said to Kanaya at 4:20pm on September 22nd “although this time it couldn't be helped, [the army] had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito accepted the situation as fait accompli, he was not seriously opposed to seeing his army expand his empire. If it involved a brief usurpation of his authority so bit, as long as the operation was successful.    It actually a lot more complicated, but to general sum it up, Emperor Hirohito cared about only one thing, the Kokutai. The Kokutai was the national essence of Japan. It was all aspects of Japanese polity, derived from history, tradition and customs all focused around the cult of the Emperor. The government run by politicians was secondary, at any given time the kokutai was the belief the Emperor could come in and directly rule. If you are confused, dont worry, its confusing. The Meiji constitution was extremely ambiguous. It dictated a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor and the “seitai” that being the actual government. Basically on paper the government runs things, but the feeling of the Japanese people was that the wishes of the emperor should be followed. Thus the kokutai was like an extra-judicial structure built into the constitution without real legal framework, its a nightmare I know.    Emperor Hirohito was indoctrinated from a young age that the most important aspect of his reign was to defend the Kokutai. This is actually why Hirohito took so long to finally intervene during WW2 and call for Japan's surrender. I have taken far too long going down the rabbit hole of Showa Era Japan and Hirohito, if you are interested on the subject, over only my Youtube Membership or Patreon I did a two part exclusive podcast specifically on Hirohito's responsibility for the war.  The weeks following the Mukden Incident were marked by wide scale cooperation between the local Chinese leaders and Japanese invaders. In many places there was of course valiant resistance by Chinese forces, but it was not centrally coordinated and honestly amounted to little. The Kwantung army despite being vastly outnumbered was highly trained and highly mechanized in comparison to the Chinese. The Kwantung army had very few troops to conquer over 350,000 square miles, populated by over 30 million Chinese. Prior to 1931 the Kwantung Army numbered under 10,000, by late 1931 this would increase to 65,000 and by 1933 140,000. Yet during the initial invasion the army's behavior was heavily affected by the actions of the Chinese, or in many cases their inability to act. The only way Japan was going to do what they wanted to do was to encourage co-optation amongst the Chinese elites of Manchuria, typically at the provincial and local levels. This meant showering them with extravagant new positions in the new regime, promoting a policy of nonresistance and targeting prominent members of Zhang Xueliang's regime who were expected to oppose Kwantung rule.  When the Mukden Incident broke out, Zhang Xueliang was in Beiping acting in his new capacity as the North China Garrison commander. On the night of September 18th, Zhang Xuliang was enjoying an opera performance by the famous singer Mei Lanfang. His deputies also all happened to be away from Shenyang. Wan Fulin was in Beiping and Zhang Zuoxiang was attending his fathers funeral in Jinzhou. Within their absence the most senior provincial commanders were quickly pounced upon by Kwantung operatives who secured their cooperation. Within Shenyang the Eastern Borders Garrison commander Yu Zhishan and Xi Xia the acting provincial forces commander of Changchun both immediately defected to the Japanese. Although the Northeastern Army had roughly 130,000 troops within Manchuria, compared to the Kwantung and Korea army troops who together were roughly 50,000, Chiang Kai-Shek hastily issued a nonresistance order that was confirmed by Zhang Xueliang. The troops were to not fight back and instead await a negotiated settlement. While they waited, the Japanese secured high level provincial elite cooperation within a few weeks time. On November 10th, Zhang Zuolin's former civil affairs minister, Yuan Jinkai was made chairman of the committee in charge of Japanese controlled Liaoning. On December 16th, the formerly existing post of governor was re-established and a previous holder of this post under Zhang Xueliang, Zang Shiyi was appointed. Thus Yuan Jinkai's post as chairman was redundant. Meanwhile Xi Xia was made governor of Jilin.  Some of you might be wondering, why in the hell would Chiang Kai-Shek relay orders to not resist an invasion? Let us not forget the timeline here, during this exact time period, Feng Yuxiang and Yan Xishan formed an alliance in North China against the NRA; the Soviet of Jiangxi was running rampant and in the south the Old Guangxi clique was running amok. Even though Zhang Xueliang had 250,000 men on paper, only 100-130,000 of them were in Manchuria while the rest were scattered around Hebei. Chiang Kai-Shek had an expert understanding of the Japanese numbers, their training and equipment. To put it frankly, if the quote en quote “incident” escalated into a full-scale war, China would most likely lose. There was also another aspect to this, the role of the League of Nations and the current Wakatsuki government in Tokyo. Either of these bodies could potentially restrain what appeared to be renegade Japanese forces on the asia mainland.  Going a bit forward in time, the last redoubt during the invasion would be at Jinzhou where Zhang Xueliang would establish his HQ. When it was about to finally fall, Zhang Xueliang ultimately decided to withdraw his forces from Manchuria. According to the US minister to CHina, Nelson Johnson, Counselor Yano of the Japanese legation tam at Beiping had conducted informal discussions with the Young Marshal, in which he stated Jinzhou would inevitably fall to the Japanese and quote “the Tokyo Foreign Office would gain prestige and be better able to shape events to the advantage of China if the Chinese avoid[ed] a clash by withdrawing voluntarily.” He also advised Zhang Xueliang, that some of his followers might be reappointed to official positions within the newly emerging government in Shenyang. Nelson tells us “Chang is believed to have been led to his present decision by these inducements, along with the bitter hostility toward him at Nanking and the lack of support from that quarter.” Thus Zhang Xueliang was being blackmailed by both sides into nonresistance. By late December of 1931 it also seemed certain international intervention was not going to happen and Chiang Kai-Shek's resignation over Nanjing did not provide the Young Marshal with many options.  Now what about the Japanese government during all of this. When the Mukden Incident boke out, the government in Tokyo, headed by premier Wakatsuki Reijiro were appalled to hear the news of what was essentially a mutiny. The Kwantung officers disagreed with Tokyo's policies and kept Tokyo's consul in Shenyang under lock and key during the night of September 18th. If there had been more significant resistance to the invasion, Tokyo probably would have ordered the Kwantung army to withdraw. Without the co-optation of many Chinese elites, the Kwantung Army would have most likely not succeeded in taking all of Manchuria. The co-optation policy the Japanese took was also very much not an ad hoc measure. There had been elements within the IJA who had been working overtime to persuade cooperation with local power holders as part of their strategy. The Kwantung officers who launched the Mukden Incident, mostly working under Ishiwara and Itegaki had initially aimed to enact a simply military occupation in which “local Chinese officials would be granted a considerable degree of autonomy in exchange for their cooperation.” However, Tokyo HQ outright rejected annexation out of fear of Soviet reprisals and this led the mutiny leaders to  “the subterfuge of Manchurian independence.” The improvised nature of the original plan led to arguments between the different sections of those Japanese forces in Manchuria. Historian Akira Iriye noted “What emerges . . . is an almost total absence of ideology as a driving force behind military action.” While this sounds clearly dysfunctional, it actually aided the occupiers, because many areas of life in Manchuria were not immediately affected by the occupation and thus were more likely to cooperate.  The actual coordination of the occupation was placed in the hands of the Kwantung Army Special Affairs Unit “Tokumubu”, operating via the General Affairs Board of the Council of State under Komai Tokuzo. Komai Tokuzo had been born near Kyoto and from an early age was consumed with a desire to see China. He was trained as an agriculturalist, before he joined the SMR and worked for a company during the reign of Zhang Zuolin. He became acquainted with the Old Tiger and debated with him and other prominent leaders on questions such as Mongol land rights and the Guo Songling rebellion. During this time he befriended Yu Chonghan and Zhang Jinghui. After the Mukden Incident, he was appointed as a financial adviser to the Kwantung Army, a very senior post with direct access to Honjo Shigeru, the commander of the Northeast. As Akira Iriye also notes “in fact, [Komai] was a top-level adviser to the army on politics and economics in Manchuria.”Komai would become responsible for the strategies of co-opting local elite, and thus was essential to the power structure of the Kwantung Army going forward.  The Japanese utilized a lethal combination of violence and persuasion to take over. Many power brokers refused to cooperate and were forced into exile in North China. However, plenty of collaborators were found to quickly set up structures and controls within the new regime. The bulk of the Japanese forces moved into the principal cities of the SMR region first. Robert E Lewis, the adviser to the foreign affairs ministry in Nanjing sent a telegram declaring the Japanese had sent a large number of troops into Manchuria just prior to the 18th of September “On Friday night September eighteenth the Japanese Army sent from Korea into Manchuria through Antung seven army railway trains fully loaded with soldiers. On Saturday night September ninteenth [sic] Japanese army sent four additional trains loaded with soldiers in to [sic] Manchuria at the same point . . . Japanese occupied every Chinese public office in Antung excepting the customs house which has Europeans in it, also placed guard over Chinese customs superintendent to prevent his free action. [The Japanese] arrested superintendent of schools and forbad [sic] teaching of Dr Sun Yatsen's principles. Japanese army occupied Kirin seventy nine miles east of the south Manchuria railway zone on September ninteenth [sic] they seized and held the telegraph office telephone office wireless station provincial arsenal waterworks plant Bank of China Kirin Provincial Bank police headquarters and subdivisions Kuo Ming Tang [sic] Party headquarters and all other public offices. Search and seizure was conducted of non-military population. Troops and military cadets were disarmed when captured and the arms and munitions of the Chinese arsenal were removed by Japanese including modern rifles field guns heavy guns military motor trucks.”. The capture of Shenyang only took a single day. The Japanese military, their Chinese military collaborators and the local media all coordinated efforts to persuade the people to continue life as normal. Many businesses closed down temporarily within the first few days, worried about a breakdown of the social order or Japanese attacks. But a week after the initial occupation, reports came to the Chambers of Agriculture and Commerce in Shenyang that businesses were all operating normally again, public order was restored. On the second day of the occupation the Kwantung installed Colonel Doihara Kenji as the new mayor of Shenyang, yes that psychopath a mayor. However by October 20th, the mayorship would be handed over to Zhao Xinbo, who by that point became a legal adviser to the Kwantung Army.  The capture of Changchun took a bit longer than Shenyang. On September 23rd the Japanese demanded of the Jilin based forces their surrender. Their acting commander Xi Xia agreed to the demands so that in his words “the province fortunately to escape the horrors of war.” However there were some troops looking to resist. In some ensuing clashes, 200 Chinese soldiers and around 10 civilians were killed in combat. An eye witness reported “At 4 P.M. on the 23rd, the Japanese army made strong use of their armaments, causing Xi Xia concern. So that afternoon, he met [Japanese] commander Tamon, and said that the present situation was serious[;] . . . only he himself could take responsibility for removing the Jilin army's weapons . . . As a result, at 2 P.M. [the next day], they handed over 1,200 rifles, 11 machine-guns and 6 mortars.” Afterwards the city police were given permission to maintain public order, though they clearly were working under the Japanese. On September 24th, Xi Xia announced to the provincial assembly that the Chamber of Commerce of the old government was dissolved and that he would be leading the new Jilin governor's office. He also added that there would be no maintenance committees and that he would exercise complete control. Of course that was bullshit, he was nothing more than a Japanese puppet taking direct orders from Kwantung officers. Despite all of this, Jilin would not be fully dominated, for several months, northern Jilin was in control of rebel forces, based out of Bin county.  The Japanese occupation led to the removal of the Northeastern Governmental Affairs Council, the structure Zhang Xueliang used to nominally control the region. The Japanese did not seek to create a new cross-provincial authority until it seemed there existed popular demand for an independent state. While in the interim, the policy was to establish provincial authorities headed by prominent Chinese figures, secretly under Japanese control. Within Fengtian, the authority was originally only there to maintain public order, but by December it was declared to be a full provincial government. Within Jilin, Xi Xia declared an independent provincial government from the very start. Within the special Zone, Zhang Jinghui declared autonomy, but still stayed in contact with Zhang Xueliang for several months, fence sitting as it were.  At the provincial level, Zhang Xueliang had never really controlled Manchuria, it was honestly in the hands of his subordinates, many of whom already had close ties to the Japanese. For example, Yu Chonghan, a former foreign minister under Zhang Zuolin had for many years received a regular retainer as an “adviser” to the Japanese. He was retired in Liaoyuan when the Mukden Incident occurred and by November was persuaded to return to Shenyang to form a pro-Japanese statement. As far as Yu Chonghan was concerned “Zhang Xueliang squandered the regional assets on expanding their armies in a futile quest for national supremacy through military conquest”. The Japanese also made it apparent to various interest groups that cooperation with them would be advantageous. Take for example the imperial restorationists, yes they still existed. One was Zheng Xiaoxu, who would become the first Manchukuo prime minister. People such as him were persuaded by the prospect of restoring the Qing Dynasty, as batshit crazy as that sounds. There was also White Russians in Harbin persuaded they would be protected from KMT hooligans who had been assaulting them as of late.  In general a huge motivation for regional military leaders to collaborate was to minimize the effect that the Japanese occupation would impose on their spheres of influence. I mean lets be honest, if your choice was to collaborate and maintain some autonomy over your own little slice of Manchuria, or go into exile in North China, what would you choose? Many who opted to collaborate retained the same roles they had before the Mukden Incident. Zhang Shiyi who was acting governor of Liaoning prior became governor of Fengtian province. Zhang Jinghui was the commander of the Harbin Special Zone and this went unchanged. Xi Xia was deputy governor of Jilin, and since his superior Zhang Zuoxiang was exiled to Jinzhou, he simply succeeded his post. Through the initial cooperation, southern manchuria was taken over without wide-scale bloodshed, though there was of course some savage bombing of certain cities.  On September 24th, a Liaoning public order maintenance committee was set up and a Jilin provincial government followed on the 26th. Liaoning did not have a provincial government spring up immediately because the prominent elites such as Yuan Jinkai and Zang Shiyi at first had some qualms about turning against Zhang Xueliang. They of course believed it was possible Zhang Xueling could rally the Northeastern Army and recapture the occupied areas. Yet they chose immediately to maintain public order in a quasi neutral stance. To coordinate all of the newly formed collaborative bodies, the Kwantung Army set up a Control Bureau “Tochibu” with Komai Tokuzo in charge. He was given sole control over it  “so that if it were successful, then it would be the Kwantung Army's success, but if by some chance it should fail, then Komai alone could take the responsibility.” By far and large the Japanese wanted a cross-provincial administrative structure to appear organically created by the Manchurian lites. Therefore during the initial phase of the occupation the Japanese exercised control through the medium of public order maintenance committees, which had long been tradition in Manchuria to form organizations to deal with local social issues such as policing, fire fighting and so forth. Yuan Jinkai, the former chief secretary for military and civil affairs and governor of Fengtian, was now appointed by the Kwantung Army to lead their newly established public order maintenance committee. The committee's stated purpose was "to uphold local order and ensure that finance and businesses operate normally, as well as to establish police and militia forces responsible for maintaining public order." Additionally, other prominent local figures were recruited to various similar committees, including a Liaoning United People's Provisional Committee and a Northeastern Gentry and People's Committee for Discussing Solutions to the Current Situation. On September 28, both the Liaoning Committee and Xi Xia's Jilin administration issued a "declaration of independence" and created new government departments staffed by Chinese officials. It quickly became evident to the Japanese that Yuan Jinkai was not suited for the role of chairman. A contemporary Japanese commentator remarked that “his attitude appeared half-formed and confusing to those outside the provincial capital.” Specifically, Yuan was still reluctant to officially establish a Liaoning provincial government. Consequently, the Kwantung Army turned to the other remaining member of the triad of elders from Zhang Zuolin's administration, Yu Chonghan. From the early days following the Manchurian Incident, there had been indications that Yu was “moving toward participation.” Yu had a long history of collaboration with the Japanese, dating back to the Russo-Japanese War, during which he served as a spy for them. He would have been an obvious choice for the council from the outset if not for his recovery from a serious illness at his home in Liaoyuan. As it became apparent that local leaders had lost faith in Yuan Jinkai's judgment, consultations were held among the provincial heads, who recommended that Yu Chonghan be brought out of retirement to join the committee, provided his health permitted. On November 1, Morita Fukumatsu from the Fengtian Japanese Residents' Association visited Yu's home to assess his health. After Morita briefed Yu on the Committee's situation, they discussed a policy aimed at unifying the Northeast and the adoption of the Kingly Way (Wangdao) as a guiding principle for the new state. Yu agreed to come out of retirement, and on November 3, he traveled to Shenyang for a meeting with Honjo. During this meeting, Yu presented eight points he believed would foster a “paradise” of Sino-Japanese cooperation, which included reforms in local policing, tax and salary systems, and a commitment to non militarism. Subsequently, Yu was appointed head of the committee, with Yuan reporting to him. By the end of 1931, committee members who had previously hesitated to declare an autonomous government due to concerns that Zhang Xueliang might launch an attack to reclaim the Northeast were convinced to support the idea of separating from Nanjing's authority. Well Zhang Xueliang would try to face the Japanese with his northeastern Army. It would not only be him, other figures would emerge to lead resistance efforts against the Japanese, trying to claw back Manchuria from the Empire of the Rising Sun.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Yes thus far the episodes have been awfully heavy on the politics, schemes and dynamics of how Manchuria was invaded. Some of you must be clamoring for the battles, and for the next few episodes that's exactly what we will jump into. For the fight for Manchuria has only just begun.

Good Times Episode 9: Lost Without Japan Takes A Winge Episode 104 Lost Without Japan Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/lostwithoutjapan/  Please Consider Kindly Supporting Our Crowd Funded Show By Supporting Us Through Our Shows Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/posts/paying-for-our-4-109129803?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=postshare_creator&utm_content=join_link  As always, the link to our shows Google Resource doc can be found at https://docs.google.com/document/d/1WEVbRmvn8jzxOZPDaypl3UAjxbs1OOSWSftFW1BYXpI/edit#  

Two-Day Hiroshima Day Trip Itinerary: Lost Without Japan LWJ Season 4 Ep 103 Start Of Day Trip Time Stamp:  8:59 Lost Without Japan Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/lostwithoutjapan/  Please Consider Kindly Supporting Our Crowd Funded Show By Supporting Us Through Our Shows Patreon: https://patreon.com/lostwithoutjapanpodcast?utm_medium=clipboard_copy&utm_source=copyLink&utm_campaign=creatorshare_creator Google Shared Maps For This Episode:  https://maps.app.goo.gl/GNdxq1QWarMLLQGu6    The link to Google Doc that includes Google Maps for all cities covered on Lost Without Japan, as well as the link to Amazon for travel purchase recommendations and other helpful information for your travel to Japan, can be found at: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1WEVbRmvn8jzxOZPDaypl3UAjxbs1OOSWSftFW1BYXpI/edit?usp=sharing 

Dopo libri come "Quel che affidiamo al vento", "L'isola dei battiti del cuore" e "Il Giappone a colori", nel nuovo romanzo "Tutti gli indirizzi perduti" (Einaudi) Laura Imai Messina, scrittrice italiana che vive fra Kamakura e Tokyo, ci racconta con il suo stile poetico e delicato di una piccola isola giapponese dove si trova realmente l'Ufficio postale alla deriva: un posto dove arrivano le lettere non recapitate perché manca l'indirizzo o perché non è più leggibile. La protagonista è una ricercatrice universitaria, Risa, figlia di un postino che ha conservato negli anni la corrispondenza che non è riuscito a consegnare. Decide di passare un mese in questo ufficio postale insolito per archiviare le lettere. Un modo per onorare il lavoro del padre amatissimo, ma anche un disperato tentativo di comprendere una madre ritenuta instabile, una madre fatta di scatti di rabbia e stravaganze.

Dopo libri come "Quel che affidiamo al vento", "L'isola dei battiti del cuore" e "Il Giappone a colori", nel nuovo romanzo "Tutti gli indirizzi perduti" (Einaudi) Laura Imai Messina, scrittrice italiana che vive fra Kamakura e Tokyo, ci racconta con il suo stile poetico e delicato di una piccola isola giapponese dove si trova realmente l'Ufficio postale alla deriva: un posto dove arrivano le lettere non recapitate perché manca l'indirizzo o perché non è più leggibile. La protagonista è una ricercatrice universitaria, Risa, figlia di un postino che ha conservato negli anni la corrispondenza che non è riuscito a consegnare. Decide di passare un mese in questo ufficio postale insolito per archiviare le lettere. Un modo per onorare il lavoro del padre amatissimo, ma anche un disperato tentativo di comprendere una madre ritenuta instabile, una madre fatta di scatti di rabbia e stravaganze. Nella seconda parte parliamo di "Il ritorno è lontano" (Bompiani) di Alessandra Sarchi. Al centro c'è il rapporto fra una madre e una figlia. Sara, la madre, nel momento in cui la figlia Nina va via di casa per studiare in Germania, si sente "come se le avessero tolto un polmone". Non è solo la sindrome del nido vuoto, è soprattutto la consapevolezza di non riuscire a comprendere la figlia, di parlare proprio due lingue diverse. Nina è un'attivista per l'ambiente, è completamente assorbita dai suoi ideali e dalle sue attività e chiama raramente i genitori. Per colmare il vuoto e per reagire a un altro trauma che investe la sua vita, Sara decide di prendere in affido un bambino. Arriva in famiglia Pietro, 7 anni, un bambino problematico che non dorme e distrugge gli oggetti. E così Sara è costretta a fare i conti con sentimenti decisamente contrastanti.

みなさんこんにちは、かなこです！今日のシャドーイングは「Noun AのようなNoun B」。今回のPodcastは、デニスさんの提供でお送りします。 Hi everyone, it's Kanako. Today's shadowing is “Noun B like Noun A. “Noun AのようなNoun B” is used when Noun B has the same quality or appearance as A, or A is an example of B. For instance, if you want to be a person like Shohei Otani you can say something like this.「大谷翔平のような人になりたいです。」   Before we get started, I want to thank Denis for supporting my show. ありがとうございます!   それでは はじめていきましょう！ Let's get started！ ***************************************************** ▼Subscribe to my YouTube channel ⁠⁠⁠⁠https://bit.ly/KANAKOYOUTUBE⁠⁠⁠⁠ ▼Buy me a coffee  ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://bit.ly/KANAKO-Coffee⁠⁠⁠⁠ ▼Get your Genki 2 textbook ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://amzn.to/3VIRHKP⁠ ***************************************************** I want to be a person like my father. 父のような人になりたいです。 I like cities like Rome. ローマのような町が好きです。 I want to live in a town like Kamakura. 鎌倉のような町に住みたいです。 I like sweets like cheesecake. チーズケーキのような甘い食べ物が好きです。 I don't really like sweet drinks like Coke. コーラのような甘い飲み物があまり好きじゃないです。 I like sports like basketball. バスケットボールのようなスポーツが好きです。 I like kind people like Tanaka. 田中さんのような優しい人が好きです。 I don't like spicy foods like chili peppers. 唐辛子のような辛い食べ物が苦手です。 I like old towns like Kyoto. 京都のような古い町が好きです。 I want to be friends with interesting people like Suzuki. 鈴木さんのような面白い人と友達になりたいです。 I want to be a teacher like Mr. Yamashita. 山下先生のような先生になりたいです。 I want to work for a big company like Tesla. テスラのような大きい会社で働きたいです。 I would like to visit a small island like Cebu. セブ島のような小さい島に行ってみたいです。 I'm not good at winter sports like skating. スケートのようなウィンタースポーツが苦手です。   ***************************************************** では もう 一度、最初から 全部 いってみましょう。 Let's try shadowing the whole thing again from the beginning.

Kyukei Goto was saddled with massive responsibility from birth. He was the first born son to his father of 50, meaning Goto would have to carry the weight of a tradition going back 28 generations. He comes from a lineage that has perfected the art of Kamakura Buri which is a method of carving wood and then coating lacquer to make sculptures, plates, tea sets, cutlery and other household items. But this sentence belies the spiritual and technical intricacies of this art form. Facing the death of his father, Goto dove deeper into his artistry and craft as a way to understand his father, his ancestors, but also as a way to understand and explore his own identity as an artist. He now owns the Kamakura Carving Gallery in Japan, selling pieces and hosting workshops to continue the Kamakura tradition. From his bamboo art to his popular exhibition in the Tokyo Art Museum, Goto strives for perfection in his work, and he's not alone in the practice. With 28 generations to make proud, Goto shares with us the story of how this tradition came to be in the first place… Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This week on the Footnotes to the Revised Introduction to Japanese History: many describe Zen as the religion of the samurai. In reality, it was not--but samurai influence was crucial to making Zen a part of Japan's cultural framework. That history is bound up in a system called the "Five Mountains"; so how did that system come to be? Show notes here. 

A long time coming... Finally a disaster film thats actually about a disaster. J 5.5/10 M 6/10 For daily horror movie content follow the podcast on Twitter / Instagram @darkroastcult Each week we choose a movie from one of the horror genre to discuss the following week. Follow along each week by keeping up with the movies we are watching to stay in the loop with the movie club! Check out other podcasts, coffee and pins at www.darkroastcult.com ! THANKS TO ANDREW FOR MAKING THE INTRO SONG. (soundcloud.com / andoryukesuta)@andoryukesuta In 2016, the Japan Coast Guard investigates an abandoned yacht in Tokyo Bay, its boat is destroyed, and the Tokyo Bay Aqua-Line is flooded with blood. After seeing a viral video of the incident, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Rando Yaguchi believes it was caused by a living creature, which is confirmed as news reports reveal its tail emerging from the ocean. Shortly thereafter, the creature moves inland, crawling through the Kamata district and the Shinagawa area of Tokyo, leaving a path of death and destruction during a disorganized and chaotic evacuation. The creature quickly evolves into a bipedal form but overheats and returns to the sea. The government officials focus on military strategy and civilian safety; Yaguchi is put in charge of a task force researching the creature. With high radiation readings from the creature's path, the task force realizes that it is energized by nuclear fission. The U.S. sends a special envoy, Kayoco Anne Patterson, who reveals that Goro Maki, a disgraced, anti-nuclear zoology professor, studied mutations caused by radioactive contamination, predicting the appearance of the creature. Maki was disbelieved by both American and Japanese scientific circles. The U.S. then prevented him from making his conclusions public. The abandoned yacht in Tokyo Bay belonged to Maki, who left his research notes, jumbled into a code, on the boat before disappearing. The creature—named "Godzilla," after Maki's research—reappears in its fourth form, twice its original size, making landfall near Kamakura. The Japan Self-Defense Forces mobilize but prove ineffective as Godzilla breaks through their defenses into Tokyo. The U.S. intervenes with a massively destructive airstrike plan, prompting the evacuation of civilians and government personnel. Godzilla is wounded with MOP "bunker-buster" bombs but responds with destructive atomic rays fired from its mouth and dorsal plates, destroying a helicopter carrying the prime minister, along with top government officials and incinerating large swaths of Tokyo. Depleted of its energy, Godzilla goes into hibernation. Yaguchi's team discovers that Godzilla's plates and blood work as a cooling system, theorizing that it could use a coagulating agent to freeze Godzilla. Analyzing tissue samples, it's discovered that Godzilla is an ever-evolving creature, able to reproduce asexually. The United Nations, aware of this, informs Japan that thermonuclear weapons will be used against Godzilla should the Japanese fail to subdue it in a few days; evacuations are ordered in multiple prefectures in preparation. Unwilling to see nuclear weapons detonated in Japan again, Patterson uses her political connections to buy time for Yaguchi's team, in which the interim government has little faith. Yaguchi's team manages to decipher Goro Maki's encoded research using origami. The team adjusts its plan and procures the means to conduct its deep-freeze plan with international support. Hours before the planned nuclear attack, Japan enacts the deep-freeze plan. Godzilla is provoked into expending its atomic breath and energy against Predator and Reaper drones. The team then detonates nearby buildings and sends unmanned trains loaded with explosives toward Godzilla's feet, subduing it, and enabling tankers full of coagulant to inject it into Godzilla's mouth. Many are killed, but Godzilla is frozen solid.

Last time we spoke about the return of Chiang Kai-Shek and reunification of the KMT. After Wang Jingwei left for France, the KMT elected on bringing back Chiang Kai-Shek, believing he was the only one capable of unifying the NRA. During his exile, Chiang married Soong Meiling, ensuring financial support from bankers and industrialists. Chiang had been working behind the scenes to ensure support and restructured the party upon his return. He centralized power, promoted military academies, and prepared for the resumption of the Northern Expedition. In early 1928, the KMT launched a campaign to capture northern China. However as the NPA fled north towards Jinan, the Japanese began reinforcing the city under the guise it was to defend their citizens. A large incident known as the Jinan incident occurred, nearly bringing Japan and China to war in 1928. Henceforth Chiang Kai-Shek would consider Japan the greatest enemy to China…perhaps after communism.   #117 The Northern Expedition Part 8: The reunification of China Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In early May of 1928, the NRA began advancing north out of its bridgehead over the Yellow River. They had been deprived of the use of the Tianjin-Pukou railway, thus forced to march 60 miles. General Chen Tiaoyuan of the first collective army captured Tehzhou on May 13th. At this point the NRA had cleared out most of northern Shandong. The first collective army then combined with Feng Yuxiang's 2nd along the North China plain to march upon Beijing over 200 miles away. Meanwhile Yan Xishans 3rd collective army was in position to take the left wing of the wrong, arched around the Yellow River all the way to the Great wall near Beijing. Yan Xishans 3rd collective army had been fighting the NPA ever since early April, when Zhang Zuolin attempted an invasion of Shanxi, just before the NRA arrived in the north. In mid april Yan Xishan had heavily fortified the mountain range that oversaw the railroad to Taiyuan while Zhang Zuolins offensive had been blocked. In north Shanxi, Zhang Zuolin had pressed deeply inside the ancient part of the Great Wall of China, first taking Dadung and then Shuozhou. On May 8th Yan Xishan had assembled enough forces to mount a counteroffensive. He recaptured Shuozhou and pushed the NPA over the northern border. By the 25th, the eastern point of Yan Xishans counteroffensive was advancing along the railway connecting Taiyuan with the North China plain pushing the NPA out of the Shanxi highlands. As Yan Xishans forces descended into the North China plain, alongside other NRA forces, there were now nearly 1 million troops assembled for battle. Over the plain Feng Yuxiangs 2nd collective army followed the Beijing-Hankou railway while Yan Xishan followed parallel north through the highlands bordering Shanxi. Both collective armies converged upon Baoting, erecting a siege. Yan Xishan unleashed his attack threatening the side gate of Beijing, forcing Zhang Zuolin to divide the NPA. The NPA forces fought fiercely to defend Baoting over in the south while at Chang-chia-k'ou, also known as Kalgan, the strategic ancient gateway for caravans and armies of Beijing to cross, fell to Yan Xishan on May 25th. The next day Yan Xishan captured Nankou, the last mountain pass defending Beijing. It seemed likely Yan Xishan would be the first to enter Beijing.  The joint operation by the 3 collective NRA armies had faced a lot of hardship through the North China Plain. In early April when the NPA invaded Shanxi they had also advanced south against Feng Yuxiangs bridgehead along the Yellow River. Had their double offensive succeeded, the Northern Expedition probably would have ground to a halt, right smack dab during the Jinan incident, holding back the 1st collective army. At that point the three large NPA forces who numbered around 1.5 million troops and enjoyed shorter supply lines over shortened rail would have devestated the NRA. Yet by mid april, Feng Yuxians 2nd collective army halted the NPA's southern thrust and tossed them back on their ass. South of the Yellow River, elements of Feng Yuxiangs men aided Chiang Kai-Sheks against Jinan to take the Hantan station, part of the Beijing-Hankou railway line on April 17th. The NPA as per usual enjoyed an advantge in heavy artillery and along the North China Plain it was placed atop railway cars causing havoc against the advancing NRA. Yet as powerful as their armored trains and railway artillery was, the NPA had become too dependent on it for victory. The NRA simply hooked around to threaten the NPA's railway line arteries in the rear, forcing commanders to retreat once taken.  Thus when Yan Xishans 3rd collective army broke out of Shanxi and confronted the NPA down in the plain at the railway intersections such as at Shihchiachuang, Zhang Zuolin began to withdraw north taking a defensive posture. Following the NPA retreat, Feng Yuxiang linked up with Yan Xishan to besiege Shihchiachuang from the south. Being assaulted from two sides, the vital railway crossroad fell on May 9th. The final drive to Beijing saw enormous masses of troops converging upon a deminishing field. While from the southeast it was still another 200 miles, Yan Xishans forward outposts in the northwest could look down on Beijing. The southern sector was divided into 3 routes; Yan Xishan advanced through the Shanxi border highlands; Feng Yuxiang over the Beijing-Hankou railway and Chiang Kai-Shek over the Tianjin-Pukou railway. While the bulk of Chiang Kai-Sheks 1st collective army had been forced to detour around Jinan, some units stayed behind to act as a guard force around the city. There remained an air of anxiety amongst the NRA commanders that the Japanese might intervene at Beijing. By mid May the end of the battle for Beijing still seemed distant. Zhang Zuolin had tossed 200,000 troops in a desperate counteroffensive from May 17th to the 25th. He concentrated his forces into a gap between the 1st and 2nd NRA collective armies. This saw the 1st crumble under the pressure and fall back south. The 1st then mounted a stand at Dunkuang, but were unable to regain the momentum of their offensive until end of May. Within the central sector, the NPA did not only smash Feng Yuxiangs siege of Baoting, they forced the 2nd collective NRA army south 40 miles along the Beijing-Hankou railway to Dingzhou. There the NPA unleashed their heavy artillery to keep Feng Yuxiangs forces locked down. It would not be until May 25th, when the NPA failed to hit Feng Yuxiangs flank, that the tide of battle turned.  The NPA counteroffensive had driven the NRA collective armies to cooperate. From Honan, Li Zongren rushed his 4th Collective Army under the leadership of Pai Chongxi north of the Beijing-Hankou railway to assist Feng Yuxiang's battered sector. Yan Xishan's capture of Nankou far in the north heavily helped the war effort by weakening  diverting the NPA's forces and resources from the southern push. Chiang Kai-Shek then launched his forces by rail to be at assembly points by May 25th so the momentum could resume. Feng Yuxiang launched cavalry units, spearheading north between the two north-south railway lines to threaten the NPA's lines of communications. Within the hills bordering the north China plain, Yan Xishans men fought their way down into the flatland and captured Mancheng by the 27th.  Meanwhile at Beijing, Zhang Zuolin oversaw 100,000 of his Manchurian troops holding the line alongside the other NPA units along the plain. They were under threat from growing pressure along the two railway lines, from the flanking attack coming out of Shanxi and from the rear as some of Yan Xishans forces were reaching the suburbs of Beijing. On May 30th, Zhang Zuolin, the leader of the NPA began to concentrate his own men towards himself. To shorten his lines of communication and concentrate more forces into a compact area, he tossed a counterattack against Mancheng. However the arrival of the 4th collective NRA army from central china simply made that flank untenable, his counterattack was cut in the bud. Zhang Zuolin pulled his troops back, even out of Baoting. Yet his desperate counter attack on Mancheng had inflicted heavy casualties upon Yan Xishans forces, claiming the lives of 4300 and wounded 15,000. Zhang Zuolin's troops suffered similar losses.  Over on the right wing along the Tianjing-Pukou railway, the 1st collective NRA army had been pushed back to Dungkuang, but by late May was rejoining the offensive. By the 28th, they were advancing forward alongside the other armies, covering within 30 miles of Zangzhou. The NRA advance sped up greatly as the NPA began a general retreat, shortening their defensive perimeter along the Ding River, the Wen'an swamp and across the Grand Canal at Mancheng. The leaders of the collective armies met on May 29th at the Lowei railway station where they agreed on a plan to perform a final assault to take the capital of China. Since Yan Xishan was already in place at Nankou, and the hills overlooking Beijing's plain, it was agreed that he would enter first. Thus the turtle warlord earned an incredible honor. See kids the turtle always beats the hare.  Once again Chiang Kai-Shek became anxious over the prospect a foreign power like Japan might intervene. When meeting with Feng Yuxiang and Yan Xishan, Chiang Kai-Shek informed them of the possible dangers after what had been seen at Jinan. All the foreign garrisons at Beijing seemed to be on high alert, over 4500 men of 4 different nations between Tianjin and Beijing along its railway. Chiang Kai-Shek gave strict orders not to molest any foreign troops, no need to start a new Boxer Rebellion. To fan Chiang Kai-Shek's fears, on May 18th a official Japanese memorandum addressed to him, but with copies sent to all the NRA leaders, warned both sides not to drag their civil war into Manchuria. It was stated if Zhang Zuolin's army was annihilated “Japan may take appropriate and effective steps for the maintenance of peace and order in Manchuria.” This memorandum was accompanied by Japanese reinforcements to Beijing, now reaching nearly 2000 men. They were forming a defensive perimeter around the legation quarter and the Japanese hospital. Over in Shandong the Kwantung army now had 15,000 troops who were refusing to depart Jinan. In fact the Kwantung army sent an ultimatum demanding the removal of all Chinese troops from Qingdao. While this may look like a saving grace for Zhang Zuolin, in many ways it was a death sentence to his career. Zhang Zuolin had struggled ever since becoming the Tiger of Manchuria to not be seen as a Japanese puppet, and Japan was doing a terrible job of hiding it. Yet again Zhang Zuolin took action to disassociate from the Japanese, by replying to the memorandum stating, that in light of the Washington Conference principles he could not recognize Japan's interests in Manchuria. Uh Oh. Very unwise words from the old Marshal. The KMT propaganda against him was working like a charm, demoralizing the NPA forces. By early June the 3 NPA armies holding on desperately to the defensive perimeter were wearing down. Baoting had fallen to the NRA and the KMT propaganda was breaking morale. The Kwantung army was demanding the NPA withdraw back into Manchuria where a better defensive line could be established. Yet the NPA for all their defeats and misgivings, were not broken, they were not defeated and still enjoyed greater firepower and shorter logistical lines. Now defending the line was Zhang Zuolins forces in the western sector; Sun Chuan fangs in the center and Zhang Zongchang in the east near Tianjin.   On June 3rd Zhang Zuolin departed with his general staff back to Manchuria by train, dramatically dropping morale for the NPA. The KMT pumped up the propaganda, stressing the NPA's position was hopeless and publicized that Zhang Zuolin had sent his family back to the safety of Mukden. Meanwhile a KMT agent named Nan Kueixiang had been working since early June to persuade Sun Chuanfang to abandon his allies. On June 4th he did just that, suddenly departing with his troops away from the center sector of the defensive line. Feng Yuxiangs men stormed the vacant central sector, cutting the railway line connecting Beijing to Tianjin by June 6th. Sun Chuanfang had managed to escape, fleeing first for Dairen, then Japan into exile. Over in the western sector, Yan Xishan's 7th division led by Sun Qu hooked quickly around the NPA flank and by the morning of the 6th, marched triumphantly through the gates of Beijing. The occupation of the capital was to be bloodless, as agreed upon by the collective army commanders. This was mostly the case, though incidents certainly occurred. The foreign powers demanded protection in Beijing and that the NPA regiment of Pao Yulin remain in the capital to maintain order and then be permitted safe passage to Manchuria. But a subordinate of Feng Yuxiang broke such agreements by grabbing some of the Manchurians captive causing quite a crisis. The crisis was soon averted when the captives were handed back over, but such an incident showcased how the NRA units were still not fully united. Over in the eastern sector, Zhang Zongchang put up a more determined resistance as he tried to extort over 2 millions dollars from Tianjin's merchant associations in return for a bloodless and orderly retreat from their city. The Dogmeat General to the bitter end. In a fit of frustration he laid down a giant barrage of heavy artillery against the approaching 1st collective NRA army trying to ford the Hai river approaching Tianjin. Because the foreign concessions at Tianjin sat on the south bank of the Hai River, the 1st collective army was forced to approach from the west to avoid them, especially the Japanese concession.  Chiang Kai-Shek gave strict orders for the units to “disarm all northerners who try to enter the foreign concessions … and … make no attempt to enter the foreign concessions…. We will do our best to handle the difficult situation in the most pacific manner.” KMT agents had been secretly contacting NPA officers since late 1927 and within Tianjin their efforts paid off. Lu Hosheng had been offering NPA officers various deals for their defection or surrender. By June of 1928, Lu Hosheng secured a deal with General Xu Yuanquan of the Fengtian 6th army who had been reinforcing Zhang Zongchangs sector around Tianjin. During a secret meeting on June 7th Lu Hoshen persuaded Xu Yuanquan to turn himself and his men over to the 1st collective NRA army on the 11th. This defection weakened Zhang Zongchangs line, ending any hopes of him retaining Tianjin. Xu Yuanquan got a position under Yan Xishan commanding the 11th corps. From June 11th to September 3rd, mop up operations were undertaken by Pai Chongxi east of Beijing. It was not until the 7th of September that Pai Chongxi's force consisting of various elements of the 4 collective NRA armies would see real action. On that day, Zhang Zongchang lined up his army behind a defensive system built around Tangshan. Zhang Zongchang was completely alone, but determined to not go down without a fight. He led his forces for two days fighting at Tangshan until they withdrew towards Shanhaiguan. His last stand was made along the Luan River from September 15-23rd. The NRA breached his lines, overwhelmed his men, killing and capturing countless.  Zhang Zuolin had become very uncooperative towards the Japanese upon the 23rd hour of the war. Even before the Beijing campaign, in 1927 when Tanaka Giichi became prime minister of Japan, he began demanding railway and mining rights, to set up new factories and to rent out land from Zhang Zuolin. This was met with large scale protests, 100,000 people demonstrated in Mukden calling for Tanaka's cabinet to fall. Zhang Zuolin rejected the demands and publicly said ‘I, Zhang Zuolin, am Chinese, and I am at odds with the Japanese. Japan is trying to invade Northeast China. I the King of the Northeast, will never allow it!”. Bold words of the old Marshal. From the Japanese point of view, or to be more specific, from the perspective of junior, youthful officers of the Kwantung army, many of whom were affiliated with the Kodoha faction and avid listeners for speeches made by Kanji Ishiwara. Zhang Zuolin had become a major problem. From their viewpoint, the NRA, whose ranks held some communists and support from the Soviet Union, were on the verge of invading what they considered their most significant sphere of influence, Manchuria. If Manchuria were to fall under the Nationalists or worse communists, this was deemed strategically unacceptable towards Japan's future goals. They had used the Tiger of Manchuria for a long time to act as a bulwark against such an occurrence, but he went renegade, trying to conquer China proper and in doing so, lost and dragged their enemy to the doorstep of Manchuria. The Kwantung army had helped build up the Fengtian army and had deep connections to it. They had gradually groomed a new puppet in the form of General Yang Yuting, to be a possible replacement for the Old Marshal, and it seemed that time had come.  Zhang Zuolin had departed Beijing for Mukden on the night of June 3rd of 1928. He got aboard a train along the Jingfeng railway, a route defended by his own Fengtian troops. However there was a single location along said railway that was not under his control, a bridge a few kilometers east of Huanggutun station. Here the railway crossed over the South Manchuria Railway via a bridge, which of course was owned by Japan. A junior officer, Colonel Daisaku Kōmoto, for those who listen to my personal podcast, the Pacific War Channel Podcast, he has become kind of a funny character. He will be responsible for an unbelievable amount of false flag operations, but this would be his first famous one. Komoto, alongside many of his junior officer colleagues, believed assassinating Zhang Zuolin and replacing him with General Yang Yuting would benefit the Empire of Japan. If they could install their hand picked puppet, perhaps he would be more malleable to their demands. Now again if you want a more thorough explanation for what is going on in the Japanese military, head on over to my personal channel, I recommend the 4 part series on Kanji Ishiwara, fascinating stuff. But to brutally summarize, there exists a term in Japanese Gekokujō. It means for a person in a lower position to overthrow someone in a higher position, specifically in terms of military or politics. It loosely means in english “the lower rules the higher”. This term actually goes all the way back to Sui dynasty China and came over to Japan during the Kamakura period. During the chaotic Sengoku period it was seen quite often. During the Showa Period it would become a very popular tool employed by junior officers, particularly those of the Kodoha faction. Now I keep saying that word, Kodoha Faction, many of you might be asking, what the hell is that, some other warlord group? In the years leading up to WW2, Japan's political and military landscape was characterized by intense internal rivalries and ideological divisions. Two of the most significant factions within the Japanese military were the Kōdōha or “Imperial Way Faction” and the Tōseiha or “Control Faction”. These factions, though both rooted in nationalism and the desire for Japan's expansion, differed markedly in their ideologies, goals, and methodology. The Kōdōha faction was a radical nationalist group within the Japanese Army. This faction was deeply influenced by the ideas of Shintoism and bushido, and it advocated for a return to traditional Japanese values and an emphasis on spiritual purity and moral integrity. The Kōdōha believed that Japan was destined to lead Asia and that this could only be achieved through the overthrow of the existing political system, which they saw as corrupt and overly influenced by Western ideas. Now to be more specific the Kōdōha envisioned a military dictatorship led directly by the Emperor, supported by the army. They were fervent supporters of direct imperial rule and sought to eliminate the influence of what they deemed to be corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. I simply cant go to far down the rabbit hole, but these Kodoha guys were young and many came from rural Japan, from poor families. They say the industrialists, specifically the Zaibatsu as this corrupt part of their nation, strangling her and the emperor. They blamed much of Japans problems on the industrialists and their corrupt colleagues, the politicians. The faction was also characterized by its anti-modernization stance, opposing Western-style industrialization and instead promoting agrarianism and self-sufficiency. Although its not pertinent to our story yet, the Tōseiha Faction by contrast, represented a more pragmatic and modernizing force within the Japanese military. This faction recognized the importance of industrialization and technological advancement in building a strong and competitive nation. The Tōseiha believed that Japan needed to modernize its military and economy to succeed in its imperial ambitions. The Tōseiha favored a more bureaucratic and technocratic approach to governance. They sought to work within the existing political framework, strengthening the influence of the military in government affairs through legal and political means rather than revolutionary violence. The faction aimed to create a centralized, efficient state apparatus capable of mobilizing the nation's resources for war. While both factions shared the ultimate goal of expanding Japan's power and influence, their methods and underlying philosophies were markedly different. The Kōdōha's radicalism and emphasis on traditional values and spiritual purity stood in stark contrast to the Tōseiha's pragmatism and modernization efforts. Quite the detour, can you tell I have explained these two factions multiple times before haha? The Japanese military during the Showa era is a fascinating and horrifying subject, again for you guys who want to know more check out some of recent work covering the Huanggutun incident, mukden incident, invasion of Manchuria series and the Kanji Ishiwara series. Currently working on a Japanese invasion of Mongolia and north china series with a new animator, exciting stuff.  Back to Komodo, he like many Kodoha youth saw gekokujō as this ultimate tool to use to make ends meet. During the 1920's they assassinated countless, politicians, businessmen, military commanders and such. The period literally became referred to as “government by assassination” it was that bad. And here with Zhang Zuolin gekokujō would reak its ugly head. Komodo came up with a plan, well another colleague, Lt General Sasaki Toichi would later claim he gave him the idea, but Komodo planned to lay a bomb over the railway track Zhang Zuolin was traveling to kill him. Komodo had his subordinate, Captain Kaneo Tomiya plan the operation. Captain Kaneo found the bridge point and enlisted other Kwantung officers, such as a Major who was in charge of guards in the area and a demolition expert installed the explosives. Komoto also hired 3 dissatisfied Manchurians to be close by the explosion site. If Zhang Zuolin survived the explosion, they were to rush to his car and kill him. The bomb was planted by Saper 1st Lt Sadatoshi Fujii. At 5:23am on June 4th the bomb exploded as Zhang Zuolin's train was passing over. Several of Zhang Zuolins officials, like the governor of Heilongjiang province, Wu Junsheng were killed instantly. Zhang Zuolin was sitting at a mah jong table when his car blew up, sending a steel fragment into his nose which would kill him hours later. After the incident, Komodo's gang stabbed 2 out of the 3 Manchurians trying to pin the blame on them, but the 3rd got away rushing straight to the headquarters of Zhang Zuolin's son, Zhang Xueiliang. Things did not go as planned for the Kwantung assassins. They knew Zhan Zuolin had chosen as heir his son Zhang Xueliang, but this did not trouble them. That was of course because Zhang Xueliang was a major drug addict and considered easily controlled. But they had not considered the fact someone got away and reported the young marshal who had killed his father.  Zhang Xueliang kept his father's death a secret for over two weeks while he secretly spoke with Chiang Kai-Shek striking a deal. Then Zhang Xueliang officially took his father's mantle as ruler of Manchuria on June 21, but knowing a public announcement of his fathers assassins would cause a violent reaction from Japan, chose to keep the peace. Oh and by keeping the peace he made sure to execute two of his father's pro-japanese subordinates, who may have even been implicated in the assassination.  The Kwantung Army leadership were caught completely off guard. Komoto's radical group had performed the assassination without approval of the Imperial General Headquarters nor from his own Kwantung Army leadership. The Kwantung army was unable to rally forces together to take advantage of the chaos…because there simply was no chaos, Zhang Xueliang made sure of that. Even with Zhang Xueliang as the new ruler, the Kwantung Army still probably hoped that he would prove to be more pliant than his father as he had a reputation as a playboy and was a rampant opium addict. But murdering his father proved to have backfired spectacularly, for he immediately switched allegiances from Japan to Chiang Kai-shek in December of 1928. He even got off opium with the help of his friend, journalist William Donald. Way to go Japan. Tanaka was outraged when he found out who was responsible and resolved to punish Komoto and his radical gang, but some of his fellow cabinet members sympathized with their cause and began to oppose holding the assassins responsible. Army Minister Shirakawa Yoshinori and Railway Minister Ogawa led a coalition against Tanaka, claiming his actions would harm the imperial house, worsen Sino-Japanese relations and undermine Japan's special interests in China. Oh and of course the cabinet did not want to be held accountable for basically allowing the radicals to do what they did.   Emperor Hirohito was likewise outraged, immediately calling for those responsible to be punished which forced an internal investigation of the matter. Tanaka gave a formal report of what occurred to Emperor Hirohito, stating he intended to court martial the assailants, purge the army and re-establish discipline. … Well Tanaka would be informed later that the Emperor refused to meet with him further, leaving Tanaka alone to face the entire army, basically meaning he was being dismissed. Tanaka resigned, and the cabinet covered up the incident, treating it as an internal administrative matter. Emperor Hirohito accepted the army's intention to lie to the public about the incident and give the culprits minor administrative punishments. Thus Hirohito saved his own face, but also allowed the Kwantung Army to defy the Tokyo government, something that would not bite him in the ass later. Colonel Komodo was forced to resign his post as senior staff officer and would be succeeded by Lt Colonel Ishiwara. Komodo and Ishiwara would work very closely before he left his station, making sure the next steps to solve the Manchurian problem were met.  Thus Zhang Xueliang negotiated with Chiang Kai-Shek from June until the end of 1928. During this period Zhang Xueliang consolidated his hold over Manchuria and he was given quite the challenge by his fathers former subordinates. On December 29th of 1928, the KMT flag flew over Mukden. China was unified. The next day the KMT government appointed Zhang Xueliang commander of the Northeast Border defense army with his own Manchurian troops. Chiang Kai-Shek had done the unimaginable in only two years. However, on June 11th as Yan Xishan entered Beijing, he whispered an ominous warning to Feng Yuxiang, that there were those going around “spreading rumors to stir up inner dissensions”. Not all was well in camelot.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. At long last, Chiang Kai-Shek had finally done it, he reunified China. A new golden age, without any conflict would soon emerge, whereupon all the vast Chinese peoples would live harmoniously. The future looked bright, one could see a rising sun in the distance, oh wait that is the empire of Japan. 

Learn why Japan is so amazing and important to visit, and the value of incorporating world travel into your parenting.   ____________________________________ Subscribe to The Maverick Show's Monday Minute Newsletter where I email you 3 short items of value to start each week that you can consume in 60 seconds (all personal recommendations like the latest travel gear I'm using, my favorite destinations, discounts for special events, etc.). Follow The Maverick Show on Instagram ____________________________________ In Part 2 of this interview, Zoe Moore talks about her role in organizing the Latino Travel Fest and Nomadness Fest (which centers BIPOC travel experiences). She then explains how living in Korea inspired her world travels, and shares highlights from trip she organized to Ghana in 2019 for the Year of Return. Next, Zoe talks about traveling with her teenage son to Puerto Rico, Colombia, Japan and the impact those travels had on his life. She also talks about her time in Tokyo, the powerful and emotional experience she had in Hiroshima, and why Kamakura is her favorite place in Japan. Finally, Zoe reflects the impact travel has had on her life. FULL SHOW NOTES AND DIRECT LINKS TO EVERYTHING DISCUSSED IS AVAILABLE HERE.   ____________________________________ See my Top 10 Apps For Digital Nomads See my Top 10 Books For Digital Nomads See my 7 Keys For Building A Remote Business (Even in a space that's not traditionally virtual) Watch my Video Training on Stylish Minimalist Packing so you can join #TeamCarryOn  See the Travel Gear I Use and Recommend See How I Produce The Maverick Show Podcast (The equipment, services & vendors I use) ____________________________________ ENJOYING THE SHOW? Please Leave a Rating and Review. It really helps the show and I read each one personally.  You Can Buy Me a Coffee. Espressos help me produce significantly better podcast episodes! :)

Talking points: zen, meditation, mindfulness, psychedelics, mindset I'm one of those people who hated sitting down and meditating, even after a few years of trying to practice. It's now something I do nearly every day, and it grounds me in ways I can't explain. This is a pretty common story, especially among men I've worked with, so I brought Henry Shukman back on the show to dig into what novice meditators get wrong, what some good starter methods are, and really: what IS thought, anyway? Listen in for a great look at the start and "end" goal of mindfulness, and Henry's infectious enthusiasm for this powerful practice. (00:00:00) - Intro (00:03:47)- Do men and women have different struggles with meditation? (00:08:35) - Why do meditation and mindfulness draw more women than men? (00:18:45) - What are the initial resistance points when people start a meditation practice? (00:25:03) - What IS thinking? (00:31:57) - But what's the actual goal of mindfulness, and how do you get there? (00:38:56) - The power of allowing, and what it actually means (00:49:29) - What is “original nature”? (00:56:16) - Do psychedelics offer the same glimpse into reality as meditation does? (01:04:24) - Henry's upcoming app Henry Shukman is a mindfulness teacher and the spiritual Director of Mountain Cloud Zen Center. He has been trained by several Zen teachers, particularly the roshis Joan Rieck, John Gaynor, Ruben Habito, and Yamada Ryoun Roshi, as well as by teachers and mentors in other traditions. Henry has an MA from Cambridge and an MLitt from St. Andrews, and has written several award-winning books of poetry and fiction. He currently guides a wide range of students from all walks of life. He received dharma transmission (inka shomei) from Yamada Ryoun Roshi, the abbot of Sanbo Zen, and is a Zen Master of the Sanbo Zen lineage of Kamakura, Japan. Connect with Henry -Upcoming app: The Way: https://www.thewayapp.com/ -Website; Mountain Cloud Zen Center: https://www.mountaincloud.org/ -Website; Original Love Meditation: https://originallove.org/ -Book; One Blade Of Grass: https://bit.ly/3CFLuFz -Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/mountaincloudzencenter/ *** Build brotherhood in person. Join a Men's Weekend Pick up my book, Men's Work: A Practical Guide To Face Your Darkness, End Self-Sabotage, And Find Freedom: https://mantalks.com/mens-work-book/ Check out some free resources: How To Quit Porn | Anger Meditation | How To Lead In Your Relationship Build brotherhood with a powerful group of like-minded men from around the world. Check out The Alliance.  Enjoy the podcast? If so, please leave a review on Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, or Podchaser. It helps us get into the ears of new listeners, expand the ManTalks Community, and help others find the tools and training they're looking for. And don't forget to subscribe on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts | Spotify For more episodes, visit us at ManTalks.com | Facebook | Instagram | Twitter | and yes, even TikTok

This week: the dramatic career of Emperor Go-Daigo, who brought down the Kamakura shogunate and ended Hojo rule in Japan. This despite the fact that just a few months before victory, his forces were on the verge of defeat! Show notes here. 

This week, we're taking a look at some of the economic and social structures of Kamakura period Japan in order to answer the question: just what makes medieval Japan so...medieval? Also, I'll be taking next week off for the New Year. See you all in 2024! Show notes here. 

This week: why did the Mongols invade Japan? How did a seemingly invincible military machine falter in its assaults on the island of Kyushu? And why, in the long term, did the Mongol invasions begin the process of bringing down the Kamakura shogunate? Show notes here.