Podcast appearances and mentions of Rocky Point

In this landmark episode of the Vacation Rental Success Podcast, Heather Bayer is joined by Steve Schwab, the Founder and CEO of Casago, at a truly pivotal moment - not just in his personal journey, but in the history of the vacation rental industry. As Casago steps into a groundbreaking merger with Vacasa, Steve reflects on the path that led him here and the deeply held leadership values that have shaped the company's evolution. From climbing rooftops in Rocky Point, Mexico, to becoming the driving force behind a national franchise brand, Steve's story is anything but typical. In this conversation, he opens up about the early moments that launched his career, the foundation of the ORANGE Credo that anchors Casago's culture, and what it means to scale a values-based business without losing its soul - especially in the wake of one of the industry's biggest mergers to date. If you're thinking about growth, culture, or the future of professional property management, this episode delivers both heart and strategy in equal measure. Revolutionize Your Employee Onboarding with THRIVE Essentials: Faster Training, Stronger Teams, Better Results! Discover how THRIVE Essentials accelerates onboarding for new property management staff, boosting performance and reducing turnover. >> THRIVE Essentials Are you listening to this podcast on the move? Get to the show notes here: https://www.vacationrentalformula.com/VRS610

Send us a textIn this episode, I share the hilarious and frustrating story of how Border Patrol held me up on the way to Rocky Point, Mexico. From passport drama to unexpected checkpoints, hear how a simple Mexico trip with friends turned into a chaotic border-crossing saga. If you've ever had travel issues or wild group trips, this one's for you.Thank you for listening now please go back and check out some of my previous episodes.Buzzsprout - Let's get your podcast launched! Start for FREESupport the showInstagram your questions and spread the love using the hashtag #seasonablecloutpod on X,Threads and everywhere else, and don't forget to Subscribe, rate & review, listen on iTunes, Google, Spotify, Stitcher, or your favorite podcast app.⁣

About the Guest: Caroline Tracey is a distinguished writer focusing on topics related to art, literature, environment, and migration in the U.S., the Southwest, Mexico, and borderland regions. Caroline contributes to the Border Chronicle, among other reputable publications such as N1, The Nation, and The Guardian. Not only does she have expertise in English, but she is also trilingual, proficient in Spanish and Russian. Caroline's significant contributions to journalism include winning the 2019 Scoundrel Time Summer Literary Seminars nonfiction contest for her work on migrant deaths in South Texas. With a PhD in geography from UC Berkeley, Caroline is currently working on a book about salt lakes, set to be published by W.W. Norton. Episode Summary: In this episode of "90 Miles from Needles," host Chris Clarke converses with Caroline Tracey, a talented journalist with a focus on the borderlands of the U.S. and Mexico. The discussion revolves around Plan Sonora, a significant energy transition and development initiative in the Mexican state of Sonora, which borders the U.S. state of Arizona. Through this lens, Caroline explores the impacts of renewable and fossil fuel energy developments, such as lithium mining and solar arrays, on both local ecosystems and indigenous communities. Her insights underscore the complex balance between industrial progress and environmental conservation. The episode gives an in-depth look at Plan Sonora's four key components: a major solar array in Rocky Point, the nationalization of lithium mining reserves, an expansive natural gas pipeline project, and logistic developments that aim to transform Sonora into an economic hub. Caroline delves into activism efforts against these developments, particularly highlighting successful campaigns led by environmental groups against the Mexico Pacific's Saguaro Energy Project. By doing so, she paints a vivid picture of the current tensions between commercial ambitions and advocacy for ecological protection and cultural preservation. Key Takeaways: Plan Sonora: This encompasses solar power projects, lithium mining, natural gas pipeline proposals, and logistical developments, transforming Sonora into a critical player in renewable energy. Cross-border Impacts: Renewable energy developments in Mexico cater largely to U.S. demands, raising concerns about "green colonialism." Opposition and Activism: Indigenous communities and environmental activists are actively opposing certain projects due to cultural and environmental implications, most notably the pipeline and terminal proposals along the Gulf of California. Political Dynamics: Recent changes in Mexico's administration and judicial system reform are smoothing the way for energy investment and curtailing environmental regulations. Economic and Environmental Tensions: Despite opportunities for economic growth, critics argue these projects risk damaging vital ecosystems and stripping local communities of benefits. Notable Quotes: "Personally, I increasingly think that enlisting large corporations to do your climate mitigation work is inevitably going to kick you in the butt." - Chris Clarke "They plan to build a couple other solar plants that are of similar size…[in] the Gulf of California." - Caroline Tracey "There are four pipelines that are being developed right now…[raising] economic development to the detriment of people in Mexico." - Caroline Tracey "If indeed we're going to transition to renewable energy, that means first of all, stopping new extraction projects." - Caroline Tracey Resources: Caroline Tracey’s work at the Border Chronicle: https://www.theborderchronicle.com Caroline Tracey’s personal website: https://cetracey.com Ballenas ó Gas in Spanish: https://ballenasogas.org/ and in English: https://whalesorgas.org/ Article by By Martha Pskowski, Inside Climate News, and Alejandra Martinez, the Texas Tribune on opposition to the Saguaro Pipeline in Van Horn, TX: https://insideclimatenews.org/news/20122023/west-texans-rally-against-cross-border-pipeline/ Stay tuned to "90 Miles from Needles" for more enlightening discussions on desert protection and environmental advocacy.Become a desert defender!: https://90milesfromneedles.com/donateSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of the Deep Dive Podcast, we explore the power of missions, redemption, and God's ability to use anyone for His purposes. We're joined by Cliff Caesar and Ali Simpson, who share insights from the recent Dan Murrow Family Mexico Mission Trip, the incredible impact of Living Streams in Rocky Point, and the stories of those who encountered God along the way. We also dig into the biblical story of Rahab, the meaning of repentance in Hebrew, and how God transforms lives—no matter their past. Whether you're new to missions or wrestling with your own faith journey, this episode is filled with encouragement and deep biblical wisdom.

Join the Putas as they revisit Season 6, Episode 7 of "Ghost Adventures" titled, "Rocky Point Manor" there are a ton of Zany Zaddy quotes and we discover Puta Bethany's beautful mind! Be sure to tune-in now for the haunts and laughs!

Last time we spoke about the Victory at Leyte. In the Ormoc Valley, General Krueger's forces pushed the Japanese into a retreat toward Palompon. As the Americans advanced, they faced entrenched enemy positions and challenging terrain. On Christmas Day, the 77th Division successfully captured Palompon, cutting off the Japanese's main route. General Suzuki, forced to relocate his headquarters, prepared for a counteroffensive. Despite fierce resistance, American troops continued to push forward, eliminating remaining Japanese units and securing strategic positions along the coast as the year closed. As General Eichelberger's 8th Army took command of Leyte Island, the 77th Division relieved other units in preparation for future operations. Meanwhile, American forces faced fierce resistance while securing strategic positions on Samar and Mindoro. Despite enemy air assaults, they successfully disrupted Japanese plans, including a failed counter-landing. In Bougainville, Australian troops engaged in intense fighting, capturing Pearl Ridge after fierce battles. Their victory provided a crucial vantage point for future offensives, marking a significant moment in the campaign. This episode is the Aitape-Wewak Campaign Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  As previously discussed, General Dunckel's task force successfully invaded Mindoro. Despite recent enemy efforts to reclaim control of the island, the Americans managed to establish airfields that enabled land-based aircraft to target specific locations on Luzon while also safeguarding the assault and resupply ships heading to Lingayen Gulf. This location was chosen because it had direct access to Luzon's key military objective, the Central Plains-Manila Bay region, and it featured the best and most extensive landing beaches on the island. With General Eichelberger's 8th Army taking charge of Leyte and Mindoro, General Krueger's 6th Army was assigned to capture and secure a beachhead at Lingayen Gulf and then advance south through the Central Plains to seize Manila and open Manila Bay. Furthermore, air and logistical bases would be established on Luzon to support future operations against Japan, and the legitimate government of the Philippine Commonwealth would be reinstated in its capital. For Operation Mike I, the reconquest of Luzon island, the Southwest Pacific's intelligence estimates concerning Japanese strengths, dispositions, capabilities, and intentions on Luzon were reasonably accurate from the start of planning. The abundance of information must be attributed in large measure to the efforts of guerrillas on Luzon, an island that was becoming a veritable hotbed of guerrilla resistance, both American-led and Filipino-led. Carefully nurtured by MacArthur's headquarters, especially after mid-1943, the guerrilla organizations had grown steadily in strength and effectiveness not only as sabotage units but also as valuable sources of information. The Leyte invasion in October 1944 gave great encouragement to the guerrillas, who redoubled their efforts in preparation for the invasion of Luzon, which they realized could not be too far off. Throughout 1944 supplies of all types had been sent to the guerrillas, first by submarine and later by airdrop and clandestine inter-island transportation. After the establishment of the Allied base on Leyte, the flow of supplies increased by leaps and bounds. The guerrillas themselves established a network of radio communications that soon came to be sustained and, to some extent, controlled by MacArthur's headquarters, which also sent into Luzon special intelligence parties to develop new sources of information and provide guerrilla efforts with more effective direction. In the end, one of the major difficulties Southwest Pacific intelligence agencies had was not obtaining information from Luzon but rather sifting the plethora of guerrilla reports, which attained every conceivable degree of accuracy and detail. Once sifted, the information had to be evaluated and correlated with that received from other sources such as radio intercepts, captured documents, and prisoner interrogations. MacArthur allocated the majority of his Army's ground combat and support forces, most of General Kenney's Allied Air Forces, and nearly all of Admiral Kinkaid's Allied Naval Forces ships and landing craft. He needed to ensure enough forces to defeat a strong Japanese garrison, secure a beachhead against potential fierce resistance, advance south through the Central Plains against expected strong defenses, defend the beachhead from anticipated counterattacks, and secure the Central Plains-Manila Bay area within four to six weeks. Krueger was assigned command of the 1st Corps, which included the 6th and 43rd Divisions, as well as the 14th Corps, comprising the 37th and 40th Divisions. In reserve were the 25th Division, the 11th Airborne Division, the 158th Regiment, the 13th Armored Group, and the separate 6th Ranger Battalion. Supporting these units were 13 nonorganic field artillery battalions of various calibers, two chemical mortar battalions, two additional tank battalions, the majority of five engineer boat and shore regiments, four amphibious tractor battalions, and 16 engineer aviation battalions, totaling approximately 203,000 personnel, of which 131,000 were classified as combat troops.  By the way, since I mentioned one, for those curious, a Chemical Mortar Battalion were US Army non-divisional units attached to infantry divisions during WW2. They were armed with 4.2-inch chemical mortars. Chemical shells were on standby during WW2, to be used in retaliation should the enemy employ chemical weapons first. Toxic agents such as phosgene or mustard gas could be used as well as white phosphorus. Additionally, Eichelberger's 8th Army was tasked with conducting a subsidiary landing on Luzon with the 11th Corps, which included the 32nd Division and the separate 112th Cavalry and 503rd Parachute Regiments. Furthermore, MacArthur designated the 33rd and 41st Divisions as General Headquarters Reserve and made plans to send the 33rd and 38th Divisions, along with the 1st Cavalry Division and the 19th and 34th Regiments, to Luzon within two months. Krueger's plan for the Lingayen assault, set for January 9, involved an amphibious attack on the southern beaches of the gulf, which were lightly defended but presented numerous obstacles that impeded maneuverability. Aiming for a swift landing with a robust force to achieve tactical surprise, Krueger opted for a broad front assault, with Major-General Innis Swift's 1st Corps landing on the eastern beaches near San Fabian and Major-General Oscar Griswold's 14th Corps on the western beaches facing Lingayen town. Each corps would land two divisions side by side, with one regiment from each division held in floating reserve. The initial missions of the two corps were the same: to capture the beachhead area within their designated zones, protect the flanks of the 6th Army, and maintain communication with one another. Both corps were also ready to advance quickly inland to secure a crossing over the Agno River, which would serve as the starting point for the final push south toward Manila and Manila Bay. Anticipating some congestion on the beaches, Krueger decided to keep the 25th Division, the 158th Regiment, and the 13th Armored Group afloat until January 11. On that date, the 158th would land on the extreme left of the 1st Corps to block the coastal corridor along the eastern shore of the gulf, preventing any Japanese counterattacks from the north. Similarly, the 25th Division and the 13th Armored Group were also ready to be deployed in Swift's area for both defensive and offensive operations. To facilitate the amphibious assault, Kinkaid took direct command of Task Force 77, which comprised the entire 7th Fleet, along with some Australian and Dutch vessels assigned to MacArthur, as well as warships borrowed from Admiral Nimitz's Pacific Ocean Areas. Kinkaid organized his Luzon Attack Force into several combat components, with Admiral Barbey's Task Force 78 tasked with landing the 1st Corps and Admiral Wilkinson's Task Force 79 responsible for the 14th Corps. Admiral Oldendorf once again led the Bombardment and Fire Support Group, which included six battleships and five heavy cruisers, while Admiral Berkey headed the Close Covering Group of four light cruisers. This time, Kinkaid's escort carriers were under the command of Rear-Admiral Calvin Durgin, who had a total of 17 escort carriers to provide convoy protection, conduct airstrikes on the target area alongside pre-assault minesweeping and bombardment, and offer close air support for ground operations until that responsibility was handed over to Kenney's land-based aircraft. Admiral Halsey's 3rd Fleet would once again play a crucial role in the operation by targeting enemy airfields, while also being ready to provide direct support if the Japanese gathered enough surface forces to initiate a significant naval confrontation. Meanwhile, Kenney's Allied Air Forces were tasked with safeguarding the convoy's sides and rear through overwater reconnaissance and attacks on enemy facilities in the southern Philippines and the Dutch East Indies, with General Whitehead's 5th Air Force responsible for carrying out most of these missions. Additionally, army aircraft were to protect convoys traversing central Philippine waters and offer air support for ground operations whenever possible. To complement Operation Mike I, a comprehensive deception strategy was in place, aimed at diverting the enemy's attention to a potential Allied threat against Formosa and southern Japan through naval activities in nearby waters. Consequently, Admiral McCain's Task Force 38 launched its initial strikes in support of the Lingayen operation on January 3 and 4. Although poor weather conditions hindered attacks on Formosa and the Ryukyu Islands, they still achieved moderate success. MacArthur also aimed to mislead the Japanese into believing that the primary focus of any Allied offensive on Luzon would be directed towards western Batangas or the Bicol Provinces. Therefore, on January 1, Company I of the 21st Regiment advanced on Bongabong along Mindoro's east coast, beginning the clearance of northeastern Mindoro. The next day, Company B of the 503rd Parachute Regiment started operations on the northwestern coast, moving towards Mamburao. On January 3, Company K of the 21st Regiment landed without opposition at Buenavista on the southwestern shore of Marinduque Island and established positions to set up radar installations. Meanwhile, other troops continued their advance toward Calapan, ultimately intercepting the recently landed enemy raiding unit at Pinamalayan on January 8, compelling it to retreat back to Calapan. Although some Japanese forces managed to reach Mansalay on the southeast coast of Mindoro and infiltrated overland toward San Jose, all attempts to raid enemy airfields were unsuccessful. Conversely, the 21st Regiment successfully captured Calapan on January 24, resulting in approximately 135 Japanese casualties, while the Americans incurred the loss of 1 soldier killed and 7 wounded. By the end of the month, Dunckel's forces had killed 170 Japanese and taken 15 prisoners, at a cost of 16 American soldiers killed, 71 wounded, and 4 missing, not including casualties from Japanese air attacks, which raised the Allied totals to 475 killed and 385 wounded. Looking back to Luzon, General Yamashita was also focused on finalizing plans and preparations to counter the impending enemy assault. During the latter part of December, battle preparations proceeded with discouraging slowness. Overburdened transport facilities, enemy strafing and bombing attacks, guerrilla interference and an acute shortage of automotive fuel impeded progress in every direction. On the other hand, there were numerous indications that General MacArthur was virtually ready to strike. In the Batangas area, enemy air reconnaissance was conspicuously frequent, while the dropping of dummy parachutists and the activity of small surface craft along the coast also caused grave alarm in the 8th Division. Other reports indicated that guerrilla forces were beginning to assemble in the mountains east of Manila, and that enemy submarines were delivering arms to guerrillas in the Lamon Bay area. Yamashita accurately predicted that the invasion would occur between January 10 and 20, targeting either the Batangas area or Lingayen Gulf. However, recognizing that he lacked sufficient forces for a decisive battle, particularly given the decimation of Japanese air power and the enemy's air superiority. As of the 1st of December the Japanese Army and Navy had probably had a combined air strength of some 500 planes in the Philippines, the bulk of them based on Luzon. This strength had been largely destroyed by Allied air strikes in support of the Mindoro operation and during Japanese air attacks against Mindoro-bound convoys and the Mindoro beachhead area. By the 20th of December, the Japanese Naval Air Service in the Philippines had no more than 30 planes, and the Japanese Army Air Force was down to approximately 100 first-line combat aircraft. About that date, some 50 naval planes flew to Luzon from Formosa to renew attacks against Mindoro, and shortly thereafter, it appears, a few Army aircraft also came down from Formosa or the home islands to reinforce Luzon. Many of these planes were lost during continued attacks against Mindoro until, by 31 December, the Japanese had probably no more than 150 operational aircraft left on Luzon, and about a third that many on other fields in the Philippine archipelago, for a total of about 200. Yamashita planned to execute a coordinated delaying strategy, launching local counteroffensives only when conditions were favorable. This approach aimed to deplete enemy resources and buy valuable time to reinforce Japanese defenses in Formosa and the Ryukyus. Consequently, on December 19, Yamashita finalized a new operational outline that established two forces: one to cover northern Luzon and the other for central and southern Luzon. The plans outlined an initial strategy for the forces defending coastal regions to inflict significant damage on the enemy during their landing. This would be followed by delaying actions aimed at hindering the capture of crucial inland communication hubs and airfields. The final phase would involve a sustained last stand in the three mountainous areas previously identified as zones of ultimate resistance. To delay further enemy operations against Formosa and the Ryukyus, Yamashita decided to strengthen the northern sector, as its mountainous terrain and limited access routes from the central Luzon plain offered the best tactical conditions for prolonged resistance. As a result, Southern Luzon would be nearly stripped of troops to reinforce the second-largest concentration of forces in the mountains east of Manila. Yamashita positioned the 103rd Division in the Aparri coastal area, with three battalions stationed on the northwest coast; the 23rd Division, along with the 58th Independent Mixed Brigade, near the eastern shore of Lingayen Gulf; the 10th Division in the San Jose, Umingan, and Natividad sectors, along with the 11th Independent Regiment at Baler and Dingalan Bays; the 2nd Tank Division as a mobile unit in the Cabanatuan-San Miguel area, with the 6th Tank Regiment in Manila; the Manila Defense Force responsible for Manila and the surrounding mountains, with a garrison on Corregidor and the 39th Regiment on the Bataan Peninsula; the 8th Division securing key communication points to the east and west of Lake Taal, as well as important coastal positions in Batangas; the majority of the 105th Division stationed in the critical area east of Manila, while the Noguchi Detachment continued to hold Bicol; and the 82nd Brigade occupying coastal positions in the Lamon Bay region. Upon its arrival on Luzon, the 19th Division was tasked with gathering its main forces south of San Leon, while also deploying units to secure critical locations around Tuguegarao and Echague. Additionally, the 2nd Mobile Regiment and the newly landed 2nd Glider Regiment were ordered to bolster defenses in the Clark Field area, which was primarily protected by ground air units. However, by the end of the month, due to the slower-than-anticipated withdrawal of the 105th Division, Yamashita instructed the 8th Division to relocate its main forces to the region east of Manila, leaving only the 17th Regiment stationed in Batangas Province. Lieutenant-General Yokoyama Shizuo then took command of the Shimbu Group, which encompassed all forces in the southern half of Luzon, below a line approximately extending from Manila to Lamon Bay. That is gonna be it for the Philippines today as we now need to head over to the Aitape-Wewak region.  In the coastal sector the 19th Brigade had moved forward in accordance with Stevens' orders of 26th November that it should relieve the 2/7th Commando Squadron, clear the enemy from the area west of the Danmap, and concentrate round Babiang and Suain in preparation for operations east of the river. A company of the 2/4th Battalion had therefore relieved the 2/7th Squadron at Suain and Babiang on the 29th and 30th November. In the next 16 days patrols clashed with small groups of Japanese on seven occasions, and killed 28 without loss to themselves. By 17th December the main body of the 2/4th Battalion was at Suain, with a company at Idakaibul and one at Babiang.  In the second week of December, the squadron expanded its control by establishing outposts at Yasile and Yambes, from which they successfully repelled several minor Japanese attacks. On 11th December an enemy patrol approached the perimeter held by Byrne's troop at Yambes. The Australians held their fire until the Japanese were 35 to 50 yards away, killed 6 and, during the day, 2 more. There were patrol clashes that day and on the 13th. At 1.30 a.m. on the 15th an enemy force of at least 35 attacked. This time the Australians let the leading Japanese come to within three yards of the perimeter then fired with automatic weapons and threw grenades. After pressing the attack for a while the enemy withdrew, dragging away their wounded and about 10 dead. By mid-December, the commandos had advanced along the coastal sector to the Danmap, over 40 miles from Aitape and approximately 20 miles into the Torricellis, without encountering significant enemy forces. The majority of Lieutenant-General Mano Goro's 41st Division was positioned south of the Danmap, with the reinforced 237th Regiment under Major-General Aotsu Kikutaro occupying forward positions between the Anumb and Danmap Rivers. Following the defeat at the Driniumor River, General Adachi's 18th Army implemented a strategy to minimize contact with the enemy. They positioned outpost forces for ambush and scattered their units across a broad area, especially in locations where they could cultivate food and regain their strength. Despite these measures, many soldiers faced hunger, malnutrition, and illness, and they often lacked essential modern military equipment. Meanwhile, on December 12, Stevens instructed the seasoned 17th Brigade, led by Brigadier Murray Moten, to relieve the 2/7th Squadron at Tong and conduct patrols south towards Mimbiok and Yanatong, southeast to establish a base at Musimbe, and east to set up a base at Musu. Subsequently, the 2/7th Squadron was to relocate to Makuir and scout a route through Chem to the Dandriwad River and Babiang, aiming to establish a forward base on the Danmap, about five miles east of Makuir. In line with this plan, Moten dispatched Major Ian McBride's Piper Force, consisting of two companies from the 2/5th Battalion, which arrived at Tong on December 20. That day Major Goode of the 2/7th Squadron reported that, except for foraging parties, the area which he had been ordered to patrol had been cleared of the enemy. The squadron had killed 26 Japanese and lost two killed and five wounded; two attached Papuan police had been wounded. The squadron's headquarters were now moved to Lambuain and it began its new task: to clear the Walum area. Walum village was occupied on 30th December after clashes in which several Japanese were killed. Documents captured by the squadron that day indicated that the main enemy line of communication from the coast to Balif was via Walum- Womisis-Womsak. At the same time, Piper Force occupied Musimbe and Musinau, coinciding with the arrival of the rest of the 2/5th Battalion in the Yambes area. Meanwhile, Stevens ordered the 19th Brigade to seize the Abau-Malin line and eliminate the enemy at the Danmap. On December 14, Martin sent the majority of the 2/4th Battalion to cross the river, with one company successfully fighting through Lazy Creek to reach Rocky Point. As the other companies assembled, the 2/8th Battalion began its advance into the foothills to establish a forward base at Idakaibul and move towards Malin. Patrolling from Lazy Creek the 2/11th had two sharp clashes with the enemy force west of Niap on 30th and 31st December, three Aus- tralians and 11 Japanese being killed. At Matapau village, early on 2nd January, from 30 to 35 Japanese attacked the perimeter of Captain Royce's company. Artillery fire was brought down and the Japanese with- drew leaving six dead. This was the beginning of five days of sharp fighting against Japanese who seemed determined to stop the advance along the Old German Road. As soon as the enemy's attack had been repulsed Royce's company pushed forward along the road to a spur whence the artillery observer, Captain Lovegrove, might direct fire. A platoon crossed the little Wakip River at 10.20 a.m. but came under fire from Japanese on the steep-sided spur. The infantry withdrew and accurate artillery fire was brought down. At 2.10 p.m. the spur was occupied and from it Lovegrove directed fire on a pocket of Japanese so close that he had "to almost whisper his orders into the phone". In the day 14 Japanese were killed, and two Australians killed and five wounded, of whom four remained on duty. Next day, and on the 4th and 5th, there was sharp fighting round the spur and towards Niap, and on the 6th, after a strike by 11 bombers and a bombardment by the artillery, a platoon attacked across the Wakip but was held by the resolute enemy pocket at Niap. On January 7, the Japanese defense was finally breached when three tanks broke through the beach and entered the town, followed by infantry. The next day, the leading company of the 2/8th Battalion entered Malin without facing any opposition. However, the 2/11th Battalion struggled to advance towards Doreto Bay, as the determined defenders repelled their attacks for another ten days. On January 18, a company executed a successful flanking maneuver through the foothills to Nimbum Creek and eventually positioned itself south of Abau, capturing the town two days later. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-Colonel Alfred Buttrose had sent one company to assault Perembil and secure the Musu area, while another advanced through Sumul towards Maharingi, and McBride's company at Musinau moved eastward to patrol deep into the south. On January 3, the Australians unexpectedly drove a strong force of the 238th Regiment from Perembil, though they had to fend off several counterattacks in the following days. Continuing their advance, Asiling fell on January 9, followed by Samisai two days later, and another company secured Maharingi by January 15. Now, it is time to return to the Marianas to prepare for the next missions of General Hansell's 21st Bomber Command.  The United States military took steps to improve Saipan's defenses after the damaging raids of November 27. In a frantic effort to detect future intruders, Admiral Hoover stationed two destroyers 100 miles northwest of Saipan to provide early radar warning, and an AN/TPS-3 radar was rushed to Saipan from Oahu by air. The destroyers in some instances gave ample warning, but on other occasions the enemy planes still managed to come in unannounced. Arnold became frustrated that the microwave early warning radar set still was not in use; and on December 3 Admiral Nimitz ordered that the highest priority be given to installing the radar. Despite this, it still was not ready until after the conclusion of the Japanese air campaign. Two B-24 Liberator bombers fitted with air-to-air radar sets were also dispatched to Saipan. This was the first use of airborne warning and control aircraft by the United States, but they were not used in combat. To maintain pressure on the enemy following the San Antonio strikes, he conducted a night radar mission with 30 Superfortresses on November 29, although it was unsuccessful. This mission was part of his preparations for a daylight attack on the Nakajima Aircraft Plant in Ota, scheduled for December 3. By D minus I weather reports were forbidding: at bombing altitudes over Ota, winds were reaching velocities of I 80 miles per hour or more. At 01:30 on the 3d it was decided that the only hope for the day was to go back to Musashino where visible bombing might be possible." Crews had already been briefed twice for the target; the 73d Wing hurriedly cut field orders and by 0945 eighty-six bombers were heading for Tokyo. Seventy-six got over the city to find clear weather but high winds; 59 planes bombed visually from a mean altitude of 28,700 feet with poor results. Out of this mission, six bombers were lost, and another six were damaged, resulting in just 26 bombs hitting the plant area, causing minimal damage to buildings and equipment. Once again, the strike was disappointing. Musashi's records indicate that twenty-six bombs fell in the plant area with some small damage to buildings and equipment and almost none to machinery; Japanese casualties were moderately high. Strike photos, the command's only source of information, seemed to show even less damage, and for these slight results the command had paid dearly, with six B-29's lost and six damaged. In response, on December 7, several Japanese aircraft, including two squadrons of Ki-67 bombers, launched a coordinated attack from both high and low altitudes, destroying three B-29s and damaging 23 others. This assault was observed by Lieutenant-General Millard Harmon, the commander of Army Air Forces in the Pacific, who had been sent by Nimitz to coordinate an extensive attack on Iwo Jima's installations using both air and surface forces. On December 8th, at 0945 twenty-eight P-38's swept over the island, followed at 1100 by the B-29's and at noon by the Liberators. Hoover's crusiers began seventy minutes of shelling at I 347. The bomb load carried by the planes forcefully illustrated the difference in performance between the heavy and very heavy bomber at 725 miles tactical radius: the 62 B-29's dropped 620 tons, 102 B-24's only 194 tons.” All told, enough metal was thrown to produce a good concentration on Iwo's eight square miles, but because the bombers had been forced to loose by radar, results, so far as they could be judged from photography-handicapped, like the bombing, by adverse weather-were much less decisive than had been expected. Eyen so, the enemy's raids on Saipan stopped until 25 December. Although the results were not as decisive as hoped, the enemy raids on Saipan were temporarily halted. On December 13, Hansell sent 90 Superfortresses to bomb the Mitsubishi Aircraft Engine Works in Nagoya.  The choice for primary visual target was the Mitsubishi Aircraft Engine Works at Nagoya, and the same company's aircraft works was named as radar target; strays, it was hoped, would spill into crowded Nagoya, Japan's second city and an industrial center of great importance. The engine works, still in top priority for 21st Bomber Command, lay in the northeast section of Nagoya, about two and a half miles from Nagoya Castle. The plant was considered by the JTG as a single target though it actually consisted of three separate but closely related units of the vast complex comprising the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd.: I) the No. 2 Engine Works, responsible for research, design, and manufacture of prototype engines; 2) the No. 4 Engine Works, which between 1939 and 1945 manufactured 44,004 engines, the most important model being the Ha-102, a 1,000-horsepower motor used on the Nick and Dinah 2; and 3) the No. 10 Engine Works, which furnished castings and forgings for all Mitsubishi engine plants. On the 13th, the 73d Wing was able to get ninety bombers up, most of them carrying ten 500-pound GP's but one squadron from each group loaded with incendiary clusters. As on previous missions, a number of planes failed to reach the primary target: sixteen B-29's aborted and three bombed targets of opportunity. Japanese resistance was lively and, in all, four B-29's were lost, thirty-one damaged. Despite significant losses, the recent bombing campaign demonstrated improvement, resulting in the destruction of an assembly shop and seven auxiliary buildings. Additionally, damage was inflicted on an assembly shop, a prototype engine-manufacturing facility, two other shops, and 11 buildings, leading to approximately 351 casualties. The bombing, if of less than pickle-barrel precision, showed improvement. Strike photos indicated that 16 per cent of the bombs dropped had fallen within 1,000 feet of the aiming point and that 17.8 per cent of the roofed area had been destroyed?' Although this in itself was encouraging, had intelligence officers been able to read from their photos the whole story, there would have been even more optimism on Saipan. At the No. 4 Engine Works an assembly shop and 7 auxiliary buildings were destroyed, and an assembly shop and 11 buildings were damaged; at the No. 2 Engine Works a prototype engine-manufacturing shop and 2 other shops were damaged; and personnel losses ran to 246 killed and 105 injured.  For the first time, the 21st Bomber Command made a noticeable impact on the aircraft industry, prompting the Japanese to start relocating equipment to underground facilities. Plant officials calculated that the attack reduced productive capacity from 1,600 to 1,200 engines per month; after December 13 parts were no longer machined at No. 4 Engine Works, and engine production was limited to assembling parts on hand and those received from other plants. Mitsubishi officials had been considering the advisability of dispersing the Nagoya facilities ever since the fall of Saipan. After the strike of December 13 the transfer of equipment to underground sites began, but even at the end of the war the movement had not progressed far enough to allow production in the new plants. Five days later, Hansell dispatched 89 B-29s to target the Mitsubishi Aircraft Works in Nagoya. The Mitsubishi Aircraft Works was the giant assembly plant which used most of the engines produced in the No. 4 Engine Works. Located on reclaimed land at the northeast corner of Nagoya harbor, it was, like the engine works, composed of three integrated plants: I) the No. I Airframe Works for research and experimental engineering; 2) the No. 3 Airframe Works, which built navy planes-Zeke and Jack fighters and Betty bombers; and 3) the No. 5 Airframe Works, which manufactured bombers and reconnaissance and transport planes for the army. Large, compact, and conspicuous, this complex offered an excellent visual target, and the proximity of the harbor's shore line made it suitable for radar strikes as well. On this 18 December attack many planes, as usual, failed to follow the flight plan so that only sixty-three planes bombed the primary target. Cloud cover was heavy and forty-four of these dropped by radar, to add considerably to the damage caused by an earthquake on 7 December. Though few bombs were plotted in the area, 17.8 percent of the roofed area appeared to have been destroyed. The No. 3 Works suffered extensive damage to the sheet-metal, heat-treatment, fuselage assembly, and final-assembly shops, and at No. 5, approximately 50 per cent of the total assembly area was damaged. Casualties, in dead and injured, amounted to 464.  On December 22, Hansell was compelled to alter his tactics and initiated a daylight incendiary mission. Unfortunately, only 48 B-29s targeted Mitsubishi's engine works due to poor weather, resulting in minimal damage. The Nagoya mission on the next day, though using only incendiaries, was not in fulfillment of Norstad's request; it involved only 78 bombers dispatched instead of IOO and it was planned as a daylight precision attack. The weather turned bad, however, and before the last formations were over Nagoya the target was covered by 10/10 cloud. Only forty-eight planes bombed the Mitsubishi plant and they had to drop by radar; strike photos were few and revealed little. Actually there was not much damage to reveal: 252 fire bombs fell in the area of the No. 4 Works, damaging a few buildings but hurting no machine tools and causing no loss to pruduction On Christmas night, the newly renamed 6th Air Army, led by Lieutenant-General Sugawara Michio, launched its final significant assault on the Marianas, deploying 25 aircraft to bomb from both high and low altitudes. This attack resulted in the destruction of one B-29, serious damage to three others, and minor damage to 11. Overall, the Japanese had deployed over eighty planes over Saipan and Tinian, losing around 37, while managing to destroy 11 B-29s, seriously damaging 8, and causing minor damage to 35. Finally, on December 27, Hansell's last mission involved a return trip to Nakajima, where only 39 out of 72 dispatched B-29s caused little damage to the Musashi plant, although an incendiary attack unfortunately set a hospital on fire. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In a fierce battle for control, forces devised a strategy to defend coastal regions and key locations in Luzon. As troops repositioned, Australian commandos clashed with Japanese units, achieving victories despite challenges. Meanwhile, U.S. bombers targeted Japanese industrial sites, inflicting damage but facing heavy losses, marking a pivotal struggle in the Pacific theater.

Last time we spoke about the invasion of Morotai. After capturing the Marianas and Sansapor, the Allies planned to invade the Palaus and Halmahera. The Japanese stationed the 14th Division at Palau and the 32nd Division at Halmahera. General Ishii, with 11,000 troops, defended Halmahera's nine airfields, while Major Kawashima led 500 Formosans on Morotai. Meanwhile Colonel Nakagawa commanded the forces at Peleliu with extensive defenses, emphasizing attrition tactics. The Allies planned Operation Stalemate for Peleliu and Angaur, with General Geiger's corps set to land on September 15. Aerial reconnaissance and submarine missions informed their strategy. At Morotai, Operation Tradewind was executed by General Krueger's 31st Division. Supported by air and naval bombardment, Allied troops swiftly secured key areas, encountering minimal Japanese resistance. These operations were part of broader Allied strategies involving coordinated air support and subsequent invasions in the region. This episode is the Invasion of the Palau Islands Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  In last weeks episode we talked about the plans and preparations for the invasion of Palau. General Rupertus' 1st Marine Division was assigned to assault Peleliu while General Mueller's 81st Division would conduct a dual-pronged landing on Angaur. Meanwhile, Admiral Hoover's land-based aircraft, General Kenney's Allied Air Forces, and Admiral Mitscher's carrier-based aircraft carried out an extensive neutralization program against Japanese airfields within range of Palau. When fighter planes of three fast carrier groups started sweeping over the Palaus on September 6, they found that the efforts of the Southwest Pacific's land-based bombers had succeeded in eliminating many ground targets. Nevertheless, fighters and bombers of the three groups started full-scale attacks on all the principal islands in the Palaus the next day. There was no air opposition, nor had there been any on the 6th. On the 8th, because observable targets were scarce, the weight of attack was reduced, and the carriers began preparing to move to Philippine waters. During their three days at the Palaus, the carrier-based planes flew about 1470 sorties, causing extensive damage to ammunition and supply dumps, barracks, warehouses, and a number of miscellaneous buildings. The groups claimed destruction of only four enemy aircraft, while losing eight of their own. Admiral Fort's slower-moving tractor groups, responsible for transporting both divisions to the islands, departed Guadalcanal with their respective screening forces on the morning of September 4. Four days later, fast transports and LSDs also set out to rendezvous with them in the early hours of September 15 after an uneventful voyage. In the interim, Admiral Davison's carrier group launched a final sweep over the Palaus on September 10. The next day, Rear Admiral Jesse Oldendorf's Western Fire Support Group and Rear Admiral Ralph Ofstie's escort carriers arrived to begin the naval gunfire bombardment. Over the following three days, approximately 2,200 tons of naval projectiles were successfully fired on Peleliu. While Japanese positions pinpointed by the fire support ships were generally destroyed, many hidden by natural or man-made camouflage remained intact, as did those in areas not accessible to naval gunfire. Minesweepers cleared the 670 mines laid by the Japanese in the Peleliu-Angaur region and at least 240 more in the Kossol Passage. Nearly 175 mines were destroyed in the four days leading up to the landings, with the remaining mines marked at the cost of one minesweeper. Underwater demolition teams also began clearing obstacles from the landing beaches on September 12, providing the Japanese with clues about the Allied landing plans, leading them to hastily lay many land mines in the last few days. By 05:15 on September 15, Fort's transports had finally gathered off the Palaus and taken their assigned positions in the transport areas, ready for the landings to begin. Under clear skies, the small craft and amphibian vehicles of the assault waves formed up without difficulty and moved toward the reefs in front of Peleliu's White and Orange Beaches. At 05:30, Oldendorf's cruisers and destroyers started the pre-landing bombardment of the beaches, which was scheduled to cease at 07:50 to allow the carriers to conduct a final sweep. Ten minutes later, the first assault wave began advancing, supported by an LCI rocket barrage and aerial strafing attacks. However, the pre-landing bombardment had been inefficient, leaving many Japanese positions intact. Artillery and mortar fire quickly targeted the American amtracs, with several LVTs taking direct hits. Approximately 26 were destroyed during the landings, their burning hulks cluttering the beaches. Despite the smoke from Japanese fire and burning amtracs, the first wave reached the shore at 08:32. Colonel Chesty Puller's 1st Marines landed on the left, Colonel Harold Harris' 5th Marines in the center, and Colonel Herman Hanneken's 7th Marines on the right. For those of you interested, a rather famous marine was with Harris's 5th marines this day. Serving with K Company, 3rd battalion, 5th Marines was Eugene Sledge, the author of “with the Old Breed” probably the most famous Pacific War book of all time. If you are a fan of the HBO series: the Pacific, it was based loosely off this book amongst others. I think overall with the Old Breed does an outstanding job, particularly for when it was written, to showcase the brutal reality of the war in the Pacific. Eugene Sledge did not sugar coat things or gloss over terrible things he saw his fellow marines do, such as ripping out gold teeth from dead or even alive Japanese as well as taking human trophies like skulls or hands. Here is a passage: We learned that our battalion would leave Peleliu as soon as a ship was available to transport us back to Pavuvu. By day we rested and swapped souvenirs, but we had to be on the alert at night for possible Japanese movement. To the south we could hear the constant rattle of machine guns and the thud of mortars and artillery as the 81st Infantry Division kept up the pressure around the Umurbrogol Pocket. “Have you gone Asiatic?” I gasped. “You know you can't keep that thing. Some officer'll put you on report sure as hell,” I remonstrated as I stared in horror at the shriveled human hand he had unwrapped. “Aw, Sledgehammer, nobody'll say anything. I've got to dry it in the sun a little more so it won't stink,” he said as he carefully laid it out on the rock in the hot sun. He explained that he thought a dried Japanese hand would be a more interesting souvenir than gold teeth. So when he found a corpse that was drying in the sun and not rotting, he simply took out his kabar and severed the hand from the corpse, and here it was, and what did I think? “I think you're nuts,” I said. “You know the CO will raise hell if he sees that.” “Hell no, Sledgehammer, nobody says anything about the guys collecting gold teeth, do they?” he argued. “Maybe so,” I said, “but it's just the idea of a human hand. Bury it.” He looked grimly at me, which was totally out of character for his amiable good nature. “How many Marines you reckon that hand pulled the trigger on?” he asked in an icy voice. I stared at the blackened, shriveled hand and wondered about what he said. I thought how I valued my own hands and what a miracle to do good or evil the human hand is. Although I didn't collect gold teeth, I had gotten used to the idea, but somehow a hand seemed to be going too far. The war had gotten to my friend; he had lost (briefly, I hoped) all his sensitivity. He was a twentiethcentury savage now, mild mannered though he still was. I shuddered to think that I might do the same thing if the war went on and on Its a gripping read, highly recommend it, especially for quote en quote normie friends you might want to get into the Pacific War. Back to the story.Rupertus' objectives for the first day were to push inland 300 yards to objective line O-1, then attack and capture O-2. Landing simultaneously with the fourth wave were the division's tanks (M-4 Shermans). Because of their excellent waterproofing for the operation, they successfully negotiated the reef, where the worst of the underwater obstacles had been removed by UDTs, and continued toward land in six parallel columns led by their respective LVT guides. The enemy fire, however, proved so intense that over half of 30 tanks organic to the division suffered from one to four hits during the 10 minutes necessary to cross the reef. In the 1st Marines' zone, for example, only one of the assigned tanks escaped being hit during the trip ashore. only three, however, were completely knocked out of action. "Thus within a half hour after the initial landing the infantry had full tank support--a record unsurpassed in any previous Marine landing in the Central Pacific, except for the Marshalls." To make matters worse, no sooner had the lead elements of 3/1 landed and advanced less than 100 yards inland, than they found themselves confronted by a most formidable natural obstacle, a rugged coral ridge, some 30ft high. This had not shown up on any maps. Worse, the face of this ridge (christened "The Point" by the Marines) was honeycombed with caves and firing positions which the Japanese had blasted into the coral and had turned into excellent defensive positions which resisted all initial assaults. Even after tanks arrived to support the assault troops attempting to storm the northern portion of the ridge, they stumbled into a wide, deep anti-tank ditch, dominated by the ridge itself. Here they came under severe and accurate enfilading fire and were pinned down for hours. The loss of much communication equipment further left Puller and Rupertus unaware of the situation on the left flank. A major effort was then launched to assault The Point from the rear.  It became apparent to the Marines that The Point was unassailable from the front and so eventually units fought inland and assaulted The Point from the rear. These units, commanded by Capt George P. Hunt, fought their way along The Point for nearly two hours, during which time they succeeded in neutralizing all of the enemy infantry protecting the major defensive blockhouses and pill boxes. The principal defense installation was a reinforced concrete casement built into the coral, mounting a 25mm automatic cannon, which had been raking the assault beaches all morning. This blockhouse was taken from above by Lieutenant William L. Willis, who dropped a smoke grenade outside the blockhouse's embrasure, to cover the approach of his men, and Corporal Anderson who launched a rifle grenade through the firing aperture. This disabled the gun and ignited the ammunition inside the blockhouse. After a huge explosion, the fleeing Japanese defenders were mown down by waiting Marine riflemen. Hunt's surviving 32 men remained isolated on The Point for the next 30 hours, constantly under attack from Japanese infiltrators. Meanwhile, Puller's 2nd Battalion pushed inland about 350 yards against moderate resistance. Despite this success, the 1st Marines' front was divided by two huge gaps. Puller's 1st Battalion was then committed to support the Marines on the left, successfully gaining a foothold on the southern area of The Point, but still unable to close the critical gaps. In the center, Harris' 1st Battalion advanced through coconut groves that provided ample cover, successfully reaching O-1 to link up with Puller's 2nd Battalion in front of the airfield by 09:30. On the right, however, Harris' 3rd Battalion and Hanneken's 3rd Battalion experienced a confused landing and made no progress, with only Harris' Company I reaching O-1 an hour after landing. At 10:30, the two battalions began pushing inland. Harris' Company K rapidly advanced deep into Peleliu's interior under the cover of fairly dense scrub, while the 7th Marines used a large anti-tank ditch to move forward in relative safety. Again I thought it give more flavor if I took a passage from this moment when K Company advanced from Sledge:  We started to move inland. We had gone only a few yards when an enemy machine gun opened up from a scrub thicket to our right. Japanese 81mm and 90mm mortars then opened up on us. Everyone hit the deck; I dove into a shallow crater. The company was completely pinned down. All movement ceased. The shells fell faster, until I couldn't make out individual explosions, just continuous, crashing rumbles with an occasional ripping sound of shrapnel tearing low through the air overhead amid the roar. The air was murky with smoke and dust. Every muscle in my body was as tight as a piano wire. I shuddered and shook as though I were having a mild convulsion. Sweat flowed profusely. I prayed, clenched my teeth, squeezed my carbine stock, and cursed the Japanese. Our lieutenant, a Cape Gloucester veteran who was nearby, seemed to be in about the same shape. From the meager protection of my shallow crater I pitied him, or anyone, out on that flat coral Hanneken soon faced strong opposition, leading him to pause his troops and request tank support in the afternoon. The requested tank support became somewhat confused by an unexpected coincidence: the flank battalions of the two assaulting regiments in the center and right were both the 3rd (3/5 and 3/7) with both containing Companies I, K, and L. The unfortunate tank commanders looking for 3/7 who had wandered into 3/5 area due to obstacles - in particular the large anti-tank ditch on Orange 3 - enquired of a body of troops they encountered "is this Company I, 3rd Battalion?" Hearing the right answer in the wrong place, they proceeded to operate with these troops, who were in fact Company I of 3/5 and not Company I of 3/7. Happily, this was one of those confusions of battle that helped more than it hindered. The confusion resulted in a gap between the two regiments as 3/7 paused to take stock of the situation, whereas 3/5 was actually pushing ahead. In an effort to re-establish contact with 3/5, Company L of the 7th Marines worked patrols further and further to the left until its foremost patrol emerged on the southern edge of the airfield. This was completely out of its regimental zone of action and several hundred yards to the rear of the units it was looking for. By this time, Harris' 2nd Battalion and Hanneken's 1st Battalion had landed, with Harris' battalion pushing vigorously northeast, while Hanneken's battalion dealt with fierce Japanese resistance and a dense swamp to the south as they advanced toward O-1. Concerned about the slow progress on the right and the heavy casualties suffered by Hanneken's forces, Rupertus decided to land the divisional reconnaissance company. However, the reserve 2nd Battalion, 7th Marines could not be disembarked until the next day.  One major Japanese counterattack occurred at around 16:50hrs on D-Day, consisting of a tank-infantry sortie in force across the northern portion of the airfield. This attack had been expected by the Marines, especially those of the 5th Marines facing open ground in front of the airfield, and accordingly the regimental commanders had brought up artillery and heavy machine guns as well as tanks to support that area. Increase in Japanese artillery and mortar fire in that area was the first indication that something was brewing. Soon after Japanese infantry was observed advancing across the airfield, not as a fanatical, drunken banzai charge but as a coolly disciplined advance of veteran infantrymen. A Navy air observer spotted Japanese tanks forming east of the ridges above the airfield with more infantry riding on them. These tanks moved forward, passing through the Japanese infantry advancing across the airfield and some 400 yards in front of the Marine lines. For a moment, but only for a moment, the Japanese counter-attack looked like a serious coordinated movement. Then the formation went to pieces. Inexplicably, the Japanese tank drivers opened their throttles wide and raced towards the Marine lines. Charging like the proverbial "Bats outa Hell," with the few infantry atop the tanks clinging on for dear life, they left their accompanying infantry foot support supp far behind. No positive account exists of what happened thereafter. The tanks involved in the charge numbered between 13 and 17 (insufficient pieces were left afterwards to give a definite count) and headed for the Marine lines, cutting diagonally across the front of 2/1, who subjected them to murderous flanking fire from all weapons, small arms, light and heavy machine guns, 37mm antitank guns and artillery. Two of the Japanese tanks veered off into the lines of 2/1, hurtling over a coral embankment and crashing into a swamp, the escaping crews were quickly disposed of by the Marines. Meantime, the remaining tanks came under heavy fire from the marines of 1/5, while the advancing Japanese infantry was subjected to fire and bombing from a passing Navy dive bomber. The tanks and their riding infantry were decimated as they passed right through the Marine lines which simply closed behind them. At 17:00, a heavy mortar barrage struck Harris' 3rd Battalion's command post, causing the Marine companies to lose cohesion, though they eventually formed a defensive line along the airfield's edge. Under this barrage Eugene Sledge had this to say: Under my first barrage since the fast-moving events of hitting the beach, I learned a new sensation: utter and absolute helplessness. The shelling lifted in about half an hour, although it seemed to me to have crashed on for hours. Time had no meaning to me. (This was particularly true when under a heavy shelling. I never could judge how long it lasted.) Orders then came to move out and I got up, covered by a layer of coral dust. I felt like jelly and couldn't believe any of us had survived that barrage. By the end of the day, despite 210 men killed and 901 wounded, the progress of the beach expansion was disappointing. Again Eugene Sledge has a passage about getting through the first heat of combat on D-day at Peleliu: We had to be alert constantly as we moved through the thick sniper-infested scrub. We received orders to halt in an open area as I came upon the first enemy dead I had ever seen, a dead Japanese medical corpsman and two riflemen. The medic apparently had been trying to administer aid when he was killed by one of our shells. His medical chest lay open beside him, and the various bandages and medicines were arranged neatly in compartments. The corpsman was on his back, his abdominal cavity laid bare. I stared in horror, shocked at the glistening viscera bespecked with fine coral dust. This can't have been a human being, I agonized. It looked more like the guts of one of the many rabbits or squirrels I had cleaned on hunting trips as a boy. I felt sick as I stared at the corpses. A sweating, dusty Company K veteran came up, looked first at the dead, and then at me. He slung his M1 rifle over his shoulder and leaned over the bodies. With the thumb and forefinger of one hand, he deftly plucked a pair of hornrimmed glasses from the face of the corpsman. This was done as casually as a guest plucking an hors d'oeuvre from a tray at a cocktail party. “Sledgehammer,” he said reproachfully, “don't stand there with your mouth open when there's all these good souvenirs laying around.” He held the glasses for me to see and added, “Look how thick that glass is. These sonsabitches must be half blind, but it don't seem to mess up their marksmanship any.” He then removed a Nambu pistol, slipped the belt off the corpse, and took the leather holster. He pulled off the steel helmet, reached inside, and took out a neatly folded Japanese flag covered with writing. The veteran pitched the helmet on the coral where it clanked and rattled, rolled the corpse over, and started pawing through the combat pack. The veteran's buddy came up and started stripping the other Japanese corpses. His take was a flag and other items. He then removed the bolts from the Japanese rifles and broke the stocks against the coral to render them useless to infiltrators. The first veteran said, “See you, Sledgehammer. Don't take any wooden nickels.” He and his buddy moved on. I hadn't budged an inch or said a word, just stood glued to the spot almost in a trance. The corpses were sprawled where the veterans had dragged them around to get into their packs and pockets. Would I become this casual and calloused about enemy dead? I wondered. Would the war dehumanize me so that I, too, could “field strip” enemy dead with such nonchalance? The time soon came when it didn't bother me a bit. During the night, coordinated local counterattacks were repelled with relative ease, thanks to the support from naval gunfire and the artillery of the 11th Marines. However, the enemy's resistance, which was not the frenzied banzai charges of previous encounters, began to suggest that the prolonged and organized opposition Rupertus had anticipated might indeed persist for a longer time. Meanwhile, with the 3rd Battalion, 15th Regiment cut off to the south, Nakagawa chose to withdraw most of his forces to the ridgelines and high ground north of the airfield, aiming to hold out as long as possible. The 1st Marine Division, enduring a night of harassment from Japanese mortar and artillery fire, faced heavy resistance from these ridgeline defenses on September 16. Despite this, after landing on Peleliu at 09:50, Rupertus made significant progress that day. His only adjustment was to order the reserve 2nd Battalion, 7th Marines to support Puller's beleaguered 1st Marines to "maintain momentum." On the right flank, the 7th Marines pressed their hold on the southern part of the island despite heavy resistance and thick scrub, capturing all but two small promontories at the southern tip, where isolated defenders established their final positions. In the center, the 5th Marines cleared most of the remaining airfield area and set up defenses at night in a hangar and shop area on the field's north side, while Puller's 2nd Battalion secured the northwestern section of the airfield, including several headquarters buildings and barracks. On the left flank, the 1st Marines struggled to advance against the determined and well-coordinated resistance from Nakagawa's main defenses, which were concentrated around the Umurbrogol Mountains. Only after intense fighting and with the help of tanks did the Marines manage to capture a 500-yard stretch of the ridge. By nightfall, at the cost of approximately 30 additional men killed and 115 wounded, the division had established a perimeter extending over 3,000 yards from north to south, and about 2,000 yards deep at its farthest point. Over the course of two days, the Americans suffered nearly 1,500 casualties, with more than 1,000 from Puller's 1st Marines alone. Despite these losses, the crucial objective—the Peleliu airfield area—had been secured. The Japanese defenses had been divided, with two small pockets in the south and the main stronghold in the central ridges. Feeling that operations were progressing well and possibly aiming to keep Peleliu an all-Marine endeavor, Rupertus decided not to request reinforcements from the 81st Division. Consequently, General Mueller's forces were set to proceed with landings on Angaur the next day. Rear-Admiral William Blandy, commanding the Angaur Attack Group, reported that based on air and naval bombardments, hydrographic surveys, and UDT activities, a successful landing on Angaur appeared achievable. Admiral Fort and General Geiger thus approved the decision. Meanwhile, Major Goto Ushio had stationed his 1,400 men from the reinforced 1st Battalion, 59th Regiment in four defensive sectors with a small reserve in the center. Expecting the Americans to land on the well-prepared Green Beaches to the southeast, he had fortified that area with his strongest coastal defenses. However, the Americans anticipated this and chose instead to land Colonel Benjamin Venable's 322nd Regiment on Red Beach to the north and Colonel Robert Dark's 321st Regiment on Blue Beach to the east. In the early hours of September 17, Blandy positioned his forces off Angaur and at 0530 the Angaur Fire Support Group started its bombardment, employing for the most part slow, methodical area fire rather than shooting at specific targets. The fire was characterized by the 81st Division as being "very satisfactory," and it accounted for about 40 percent of all naval shells thrown at Angaur from 12 through 17 September.  Due to a delay in the arrival of support aircraft, the shore bombardment continued past the scheduled time while General Mueller's assault troops boarded the landing craft and amphibian vehicles meant to take them ashore. By 08:00, the LVT assault waves began positioning themselves at the line of departure, while the 323rd Regiment executed a feint at Green Beach to distract the Japanese from the actual landing sites. Ten minutes later, the assault waves moved toward the shore, supported by LCI rocket fire, ongoing bombardments, and strafing planes that had also arrived late. Despite encountering only light mortar and small-arms fire, Dark's forces successfully landed on Blue Beach at 08:31, just one minute behind schedule. Venable's first wave, however, was delayed and arrived at Red Beach six minutes late. Subsequent waves landed throughout the day amid light resistance but faced challenges such as traffic congestion and limited beach space. By 16:45, all tanks of the 710th Tank Battalion were ashore, and the 316th and 906th Field Artillery Battalions had successfully landed at Red Beach by nightfall. The artillery for Blue Beach was landed the following day. Additionally, Venable's reserve 2nd Battalion landed by 11:30, and Dark's reserve 1st Battalion arrived by 13:00. After landing, Mueller's green regiments began advancing inland about 300 yards to their first phase line, quickly becoming entangled in dense scrub forests teeming with Japanese machine guns and snipers. On Blue Beach, Dark's troops proceeded cautiously at first, but by noon they had secured Rocky Point, Cape Ngariois, and established a beachhead approximately 1200 yards long and 350 yards deep. Meanwhile, Venable's 1st Battalion moved swiftly north and inland through less dense undergrowth to secure its designated beachhead area. The 3rd Battalion bypassed some enemy bunkers set in jagged coral and proceeded south and west, successfully linking up with the 1st Battalion but falling short of reaching Cape Ngatpokul. With two secure beachheads and a 700-yard gap along the first phase line between regiments, Mueller ordered the 322nd Regiment to extend its right flank onto the second phase line about 400 yards inland and to continue pushing south with its left flank towards the sister regiment. By 14:30, the advances resumed, with Venable's 1st Battalion pushing westward against light resistance into increasingly rough terrain along the coast and into a densely overgrown basin near the north end of Lake Aztec. Meanwhile, the 3rd Battalion engaged in patrol actions against isolated Japanese positions to secure the coastal area between the two landing beaches, though little progress was made. Dark's forces also struggled, hindered by difficult terrain and mounting Japanese resistance. Ignoring the gap between regiments, Mueller ordered Venable's 3rd Battalion to advance to the second phase line. The battalion moved along railroad beds without encountering opposition, reaching the objective by nightfall. Simultaneously, Dark attempted to advance to the second phase line but made little progress before having to dig in. Goto, on the other hand, chose not to launch an immediate mass counterattack, believing that the 81st Division might land at other beaches. Instead, he deployed a company-strength mobile reserve for a counterattack, but this effort was disrupted by air and naval gunfire before it could commence. By late afternoon, realizing that the Americans had firmly established themselves ashore, Goto began moving his units and withdrew the southern defense force to the northwest hills for a final stand. To cover this movement, he ordered a night counterattack by two companies. At 05:50 on September 18, enemy infantry emerged from cover below Rocky Point and attacked Dark's Company B, pushing the Americans back about 75 yards before being halted by a heavy concentration of fire. Meanwhile, small groups of Japanese forces repeatedly assaulted the defensive line south of Lake Aztec, near the boundary between the 1st and 3rd Battalions. Despite their efforts, they failed to exploit the gap between regiments and withdrew to the northwest hills shortly after dawn. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Thus the Marines were yet again storming new islands that would see them experience some of the worst horrors of WW2. A young enlisted man, Eugene Sledge would get his first experience of combat on Peleliu, and from there would begin to write a book that would captivate the minds of many in America, post WW2.

The journey to ever after.Based on a post by Senor Longo. Listen to the ► Podcast at Connected.THE FREAK; Part 6; The ConclusionOver the river and through the woods.The roads in this part of the Island are narrow two-lane secondary roads with low speed limits and frequent no-passing zones, but the traffic is typically light. I headed west until I ran into Route 25A. It runs along the North Shore all the way from Queens to Riverhead, the Suffolk County seat. From Riverhead the bungalow was only a half-hour away. There was no driveway so I drove onto the lawn, parking next to Mom's car, just before lunch. Carole and my other sisters ran out to see us and Kelly was excited to see them, as well. All the same, I slipped her leash onto the collar before letting her out. She sniffed Marie and Angela then licked Carole's face as I handed her the leash's handle. She ran off, leading our pet into the house. Barbara was laughing. “Quite a welcome, eh?”“Pretty much what I expected; they've wanted a dog for years, but my mom always said no. Maybe she'll change her mind one of these days.” I leaned across the seat and we kissed. Unfortunately, that was all we'd be able to do over the next week unless we walked down to the beach late at night, maybe for an evening swim. Hmmm, that was a really good idea.I carried our suitcase and Kelly's bed into the house while Barbara handled her food and bowls. I dumped the bottle of water that we'd brought for her onto the lawn after closing up the car. We never locked anything here, not even the front door when we left for the beach or shopping. I dropped everything in what used to be my room while Barbara set up Kelly's bowls in the kitchen.We changed into our suits and walked down to the beach after lunch. Mom was really old-school, insisting that none of us swim for at least an hour after eating even though I had debunked that as an old wives tale for years. Once again, my experiences at the public library had proven fruitful. My research had turned up more than a dozen articles; some scholarly; on the subject and all were contrary to the idea that digesting food could lead to a fatal “stomach cramp.” Barbara and I joked with my sisters as we strolled down the path.Our first trip to the beach had been in late March when the weather was cool. Today the temperature was in the mid-to-high eighties with only a light breeze. It was Barbara's first opportunity to see the beach's real appeal. Looking to the left and right from the bottom of the steps we couldn't see another living soul for almost a mile. The water was glass flat and the tide was coming in. I liked low tide for snorkeling and spear-fishing, but there were lots of rocks; some as big as a foot across only eight to ten feet from shore at low tide. There were only tiny pebbles and sand to walk on at high tide. However, I knew from experience that stepping on those tiny objects would hurt like hell once our feet were wet and the skin was soft. That's why I had told Barbara to wear flip-flops to and from the water.We had just placed the blanket onto the sand when Barbara smiled at me and said, “I can see why you love it here, Jack. I can't believe that the water is so clear and clean.”“It should be exactly like this every day unless the wind shifts and we get a nor'easter. Then the water will be rough and cloudy for a day or two. I'd have to say that high tide will be around four today. That means it will be later at night by the weekend. We can come down after dinner and go for a swim. It's only safe at high tide because of the rocks. Of course, there are other things we could do here on the beach; alone; together; in the dark.”“Imagination; that's only one of the reasons why I love you.” She reached up to kiss me then we walked together into the warm water.We swam out about fifty feet. It was my first chance to see Barbara swim. She'd never make the Olympics, but I thought she was much better than average. We swam and floated and showed our love for each other, getting out of the water only when we began to get cold. Even then I was recruited by Carole to be her diving platform. I lifted her so she could stand on my shoulders, only letting her dive when I knew she was in deep enough water. I stood there helping her for almost twenty minutes before I picked her up and threw her bodily into the water. “J.J.!” She acted as though she was pissed, but we both knew better. A few seconds later she began to laugh and I joined her as Barbara stood to towel me dry.I showed Barbara the rock I had told her about; the one we could dive from once the tide was high enough. We walked there around 3:30, climbing up the rear of the rock and diving off the deeper front then swimming back up its smooth sloped surface. We were on the rock when Barbara asked, “Where is our lot, Jack?”I pointed to a long staircase that ran from almost the top of the bluff to the beach's surface about two hundred feet away. “That staircase belongs to my friend Mike's family. You haven't met him yet, but you will. He's in the Navy now, but he lives there with his mother and grandmother. Anyway, our lot is just to the right of his; figure about 100 feet from the staircase.” I pointed so Barbara could see more clearly. We left the beach at five so we could walk up, and wash at the shower just outside the kitchen window. Once on the concrete base we could wash and dry ourselves without walking grass or dirt into the house.After dinner I suggested we get Carvel for dessert. Not surprisingly, everyone enthusiastically agreed. We closed the doors to keep Kelly inside and everyone piled into the Olds for the fifteen minute ride to Rocky Point. Most of us ordered cones, but Mom insisted that Carole get a cup; she was a slow and sloppy eater. We stood outside, leaning against the car as we joked and enjoyed our treats. It was dark and almost time for Carole to go to bed when we returned to the bungalow. That's when we learned that she would sleep in her sleeping bag in the room with my other sisters. “You deserve to have some privacy, but please remember that my head is only a foot or so from your bed so DO try to keep the noise down.” I laughed, but I could see the twinkle in Barbara's eyes. We turned in early because we had an early appointment with Mark Hanley, my friend's brother-in-law.We drove into Rocky Point again early the following morning to buy some pastries from the local bakery. Their donuts and Danish were great, but my favorite was the fruit ring; a 12-inch Danish crust filled with cherry, blueberry, and pineapple fillings. Everyone loved it so I bought two. We left to meet Mark at 8:50, walking down the hill to our lot.We wore jeans because the lot had yet to be cleared and there was almost certainly going to be a lot of poison ivy. Mark was right on time. We shook hands and walked onto the lot which I knew from the survey was two thirds of an acre; 150 feet by almost 195 with the land sloping up from the road to the top of the bluff. First, we talked about where to locate the house so we'd have a yard in the front and back then we got into the details of what we wanted; a family room and attached two-car garage, living and dining rooms, kitchen, two full bathrooms, and four bedrooms. We also wanted a screened porch in back where we could sit and enjoy the view. “We don't know much about floor plans so we'll leave it to you to come up with some ideas.” He agreed and gave us a few which we incorporated into the drawings he would make for us within the next week.Both Barbara and I had orientation scheduled for the second full week of September so we planned to stay on Long Island for almost all of the week of Labor Day before driving back to Somerville. We'd have the beach entirely to ourselves. The summer season ends on Labor Day which I had always thought was a shame because the weather in September is ideal for the beach and the water is perfectly warm; for Long Island, anyway.Mark phoned three days later, telling us that he had a few books of floor plans and had made a few scale drawings using them as a guide. He came the following morning at ten, spreading several large sheets of graph paper on the table for us to look at. He had given us exactly what we wanted and more. The basement held a two-car garage on the right with a large family room and small kitchenette on one side with a laundry room and lavatory behind a wall on the other. Also there was the oil burner and hot water heater and room for a workshop and storage.Upstairs the house was shaped in a “U” with the dining room, eat-in kitchen, and another lavatory on the left. The center was a large living room with sliding glass doors leading out to the screened porch. The other side held the master suite, three smaller bedrooms, and another full bath. Mark explained that he thought a vaulted ceiling in the living room and master bedroom would be interesting touches if our budget could handle them. He also suggested a tray ceiling in the dining room so we could have a real chandelier.He also showed us a typical colonial house, but commented that we'd have to remove a lot of soil to accommodate it. I thought that was a bad idea and told him so. He agreed, saying, ”I have to show clients a variety of plans and I always list the pro's and con's. You beat me to the punch on that one.” Barbara liked the U-shaped house so we asked him to put together a formal proposal.I remembered to ask about access to the attic, thinking about storage and Mark agreed to add a regular staircase rather than folding stairs near the kitchen to that area, also suggesting that his men place plywood flooring up there to accommodate us. Barbara asked if we could add doors from our bedroom to the screened porch. Mark agreed that would be a good idea. I knew that there would be dozens of additional decisions as the house progressed, but we weren't that far away. He returned the Tuesday after Labor Day with an estimate of $93,000. I wrote a check for $20,000 as a down payment when we signed the contract.Barbara and I took my sisters out for miniature golf and banana splits on Thursday night and on Friday we gave Mom and Dad who had driven out after work the night off by taking them out to the drive-in. It was a family movie; a comedy; that we all enjoyed although Big C fell asleep long before it was over. I carried her into the house around eleven then Barbara, Kelly, and I went for a late night swim.The walk down the path was aided by a flashlight as Kelly capered back and forth in front of us. I knew that I'd have to check her for ticks tomorrow, but that wouldn't take more than half an hour; less with Barbara's help.Once on the beach Barbara came into my open arms for the most passionate kiss of our trip. We'd had sex our first night; oral, a sixty-nine to keep the noise under control. Tonight we'd make glorious love under the moonlight, maybe in the water. That would be a first for both of us.I led my fantastic wife down to the water. The tide was ebbing, but was still high enough to enter the water safely. We had worn our suits, but they dropped to the ground in an instant. Holding hands we walked together into the water as Kelly scampered back and forth, barking, but not getting any deeper than her paws.I began by massaging Barbara's ass as we came together for a long steamy kiss. Her arms were around my neck and her legs around my waist. I moved my hands to massage what I thought were the perfect breasts, knowing that Barbara loved the sensation of my hands on her nipples and areolas. She got down to business by gripping my hard cock and bringing it to her molten tunnel. I was initially concerned about whether she would be lubricated, but my fears were unfounded. She shimmied down my shaft easily, moaning in ecstasy the entire time.Barbara laid back, floating while her legs moved up my torso. I must have been hitting that spot I hit when her legs were over my shoulders. I was driving into her at a brisk pace, but she was moving even faster. I thought it funny at the time that we were making one hell of a wave with every thrust. There was white foam all around us and that's not all. Our every movement resulted in a pale green light coming from the numerous comb jellies in the water.Unlike jellyfish, comb jellies have no stinging cells and, in fact, have no tentacles. They're basically filter feeders on plankton as they drift on the tide. There were probably millions or even billions in Long Island Sound, but unless you actually look for them you'd never know.We went at it furiously for only five minutes until I felt the familiar rumbling and Barbara shook wildly. I knew that she had cum when she screamed at the top of her lungs. The sound bounced off the bluffs probably for miles as I pumped her full of frothy white semen. I lowered her legs and held her tenderly for another ten minutes until she began to laugh. “We are definitely doing this again. I loved it, but I love you even more.” Then she showed it once again by kissing me, her tongue deep into my mouth.The rest of the trip passed quickly as we spent our days at the beach and our evenings entertaining my sisters, our late nights back on the beach making the most incredible; the most fantastic; love with my wife. Dad left early Tuesday morning as he did every week in order to get to work in time to eat some breakfast. We packed Mom's car with the suitcases in the morning and they left just after lunch. Barbara and I were alone except for Kelly as we waved good-bye to my family. We stayed until Thursday morning when I turned the water off, draining it out the hose cock and throwing the circuit breakers to turn off the electricity. Then I double checked the windows and front door before locking up the kitchen door and joining Barbara in the Olds with Kelly in the rear seat.The drive to Orient Point took just over an hour so we were early for our 11:00 reservation. I put the leash on Kelly and walked her near the beach on the side away from the ferry dock. She did her business and I dutifully cleaned up. We returned to the car just as the ferry was pulling in. Ten minutes later we were onboard and sitting on deck in the warm sun, knowing that we'd be in the shade once the boat turned around. We relaxed for the hour-long trip then drove north on I-95; the New England Thruway; all the way to Boston then west to Somerville.Kelly was obviously thrilled to be home. I had just parked in the garage when Barbara led her to the gate that enclosed the back yard. She bolted in, running around the perimeter at a wild pace causing us and our neighbor Paul, two yards away, to laugh wildly. “I'll be over in a few minutes with your mail.” We had just walked into the house when he rang the bell. We thanked him several times, but he just shrugged it off telling us that's what good neighbors do for each other. All the same we thanked him again, shaking hands before he left.We had a great weekend, taking Kelly into Boston for a stroll along the Charles River. We were stopped often by young children who asked if they could pet her. We went through the ritual of having her sit while I held her collar, sniffing the kids' hands, and then the energetic petting. It was great seeing the laughter and joy in the children's faces. Twice kids were afraid until I showed that Kelly would never bite them by pushing my arm into her mouth.Barbara and I made love; frantic monkey love; every night and every morning until Sunday when we spent the entire afternoon in bed, showering right after dinner and setting out our clothes tor Monday morning; the first day of orientation.I personally thought that most of it was a waste of time, but I did find the campus tour helpful as were the placement exams in English, math, and Spanish. I was exempted from Freshman English and from the math requirement. I was placed in Spanish 4 which I thought was appropriate. Barbara told me that she enjoyed her campus tour even though it was quite short. She found the placement exams “challenging.” On the positive side her freshman mixer was on Wednesday night while mine was on Thursday.I was challenged at the door to the gym where the mixer was held because I obviously had no Lesley Student ID. “This is my wife who is a student here. She wants to attend so she can meet some of the other freshmen. However, she is not going without me, just as I will not attend my mixer tomorrow evening without her. Don't worry; I'm not going to cause any trouble.” I pushed my way past him as Barbara and I entered the large open expanse. There was a huge canvas tarp over the gym floor, I assumed to protect the finish of the floor and there were several hundred chairs in a long continuous row all around the perimeter of the room. Canteens with soda and snacks had been set up at both ends of the basketball court.I led Barbara over to the opposite side for no reason other than to keep the entryway clear. We had a seat for a few minutes before getting up to dance. I was reminded of junior high with the boys and girls on opposite sides, neither quite willing to venture into hostile foreign territory so Barbara and I were the only dancers. That was okay with us. I had my hands around her succulent body while she moved into mine as closely as humanly possible.We had danced five slow and two fast dances when Barbara told me she was thirsty. I left her at the seats and walked over to the nearest canteen where I pulled two cold Coke cans from an ice-filled cooler. I saw that Barbara had acquired an admirer as I returned.“I'm flattered, but I'm really not interested.”“You're saying no, but we both know that you really mean yes.”“No, I'm definitely saying no to you. I mean it. Leave me alone. I'm a married woman.” Barbara held up her hand to show her rings.Then I heard her “suitor” respond. “Hey! That's okay; I love married women. There's no substitute for experience.”“That may be, but I think my husband would not approve. Oh, here he is now.”I handed the Cokes over to her as the jerk turned around. I had a scowl on my face as I reached out, taking his shirt and tie in my left hand. “This is your lucky day, little man.” There was terror etched into his face as I lifted him bodily off the floor and for good reason. I was at least eight inches taller and sixty pounds heavier and I was obviously all muscle while he was not. “I promised at the door that I wouldn't cause any trouble so I'm not going to take you apart. You were told no, weren't you? No means she's not interested so a gentleman would just turn around and try somewhere else. There are probably at least a hundred good looking girls here tonight. So, why don't you try your luck with those girls over there?” I pointed to a group of about ten standing about thirty feet away. “It goes without saying that you'll never approach my wife again. I'm right next door at Harvard and I promise I'll hunt you down like a mad dog if I hear even a single complaint from her lips. Do we understand each other?” He nodded quickly.I slowly lowered him to the floor, brushing away the wrinkles I had made in his clothes. Reaching into my pocket I found a ten dollar bill and pushed it into the pocket of his suit. “You'll need to have this suit and shirt cleaned and pressed. Now; get lost!” He did and that was the time I noticed the puddle he'd made. Looking at Barbara I laughed. “I think we need to find some new seats. There's a bit of a mess here.” She laughed, too then handed one of the cans to me. I opened it and took a long pull before leading Barbara away.Barbara waved to two girls who seemed to be walking toward us. “I met them at the tour and again during the placement exams. They're both from Massachusetts.” Barbara introduced me to Darla and Marianne. Even I ha

On this episode of The Power of Love Show we welcome special guest & friend of Dee Dee Jackson Foundation, Mariella Arroba. Mariella Arroba is the Director of Foundation and Corporate Relations at Calvary Hospital, bringing over 7 years of dedicated fundraising experience to her role. With a strong academic background, Mariella holds an MBA, which has equipped her with strategic insight and leadership skills in the philanthropic sector. Beyond her professional achievements, Mariella is passionate about giving back to the community through active volunteering. Most recently, she served as a volunteer firefighter in Rocky Point, NY, demonstrating her commitment to public service and community safety. Mariella's multifaceted expertise in fundraising, coupled with her hands-on approach to community engagement, underscores her dedication to making a positive impact both professionally and personally. Learn More About Mariella: Instagram: @CalvaryCares Facebook: Calvary Hospital YouTube: Calvary Hospital LinkedIn: Calvary Hospital Website: Fund.CalvaryHospital.org Learn More About DDJF: Website: DDJF.org Instagram: @DeeDeeJacksonFoundation Facebook: Dee Dee Jackson Foundation LinkedIn: Dee Dee Jackson Foundation X: @DDJFoundation Leave a podcast review: Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-power-of-love-show/id1282931846 Spotify Podcasts: https://open.spotify.com/show/6X6zGAPmdReRrlLO0NW4n6?si=koXehESfSrSwA-zWi2vf-w Can't make the live-stream? You can always watch our interviews later on YouTube or Facebook! Prefer to listen as a podcast? Click here: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-power-of-love-show/id1282931846 Subscribe to our YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-Nd1HTnbaI Like Our Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/884355188308946/ Join our Official Facebook Page full of supportive community members: https://www.facebook.com/groups/1500933326745571/?ref=share_group_link Visit the DDJF official website: http://www.ddjf.org/ Donate to DDJF (501c3): https://www.flipcause.com/hosted_widget/hostedWidgetHome/MTIxODI3 Check Out DDJF Merch: https://my-store-10253433.creator-spring.com/?# Join the Dee Dee Jackson Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/1500933326745571 Follow us on Instagram: @DeeDeeJacksonFoundation • https://instagram.com/deedeejacksonfoundation?utm_medium=copy_link --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/thepowerofloveshow/support

Last time we spoke about landings at Biak. General Fuller unleashed a amphibious assault against Biak that faced countless hurdles. The Hurricane Task force encountered a lot of terrain issues at Humboldt bay, leading to logistical headaches. Despite the disorganization, they shipped off and landed, forming a beachhead. Colonel Kuzume and his men were caught with their pants down, units were scattered all over the place. The first tank battle of the Southwest Pacific occurred, seeing American Shermans absolutely desolate Japanese Type 95's. General Fuller planned to consolidate his troops at Ibdi and Bosnek while reinforcements arrived, but the Japanese continuously lobbed surprise night attacks to horrible effect. Over in the Burma front, Mutaguchi's operation continued to unravel as his subordinate officers disregarded his orders and performed their own withdrawals. As Mutaguchi relieved men of command and replaced them, General Slim finally reopened the Imphal-Kohima road spelling doom for the Japanese. This episode is the Fall of Mogaung Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  As General Vinegar Joe unleashed what he believed to be a masterstroke against Myitkyina, it soon turned out to be an absolute gruesome struggle. As we last saw, General Stilwell's men had begun a long and difficult siege of Myitkyina. The 22nd and 38th Chinese Divisions were now pinned down by General Tanaka's battered 18th Division south of Kamaing. To the south Brigadier Calvert's Chindits began a battle for Mogaung, which forced General Takeda's 53rd Division to suspend the relief of Myitkyina and rush back to reinforce the town. Though the Mogaung Garrison and the 1st Battalion, 128th Regiment to the north had been effectively destroyed by the Chindit and Chinese attacks, the Japanese had been able to maintain their hold on Mogaung by mid-June. To the east, General Wei's Y Force had opened a new offensive on Yunnan, gradually pushing Colonel Kurashige's 148th Regiment to Tengchong but failing to seize Longling against the tenacious resistance of General Matsuyama's forces. Along the Kamaing-Mogaung front, by late June, Tanaka had been able to assemble most of his depleted command at Lakatkawng, determined to keep the blockade on the Hukawng Valley. His main aim was to clear the Seton roadblock, which had been recently reinforced with General Sun's 113th Regiment; but once again, his attacks would fail to dislodge the tenacious Chinese defenders. Yet upon receiving orders from the 33rd Army commander to withdraw, General Tanaka reported that the 18th Division could continue to hold in the Kamaing area. This statement, inspired by Colonel Ohgoshi, the chief of staff, proved to be unwarranted optimism. The 18th had staged a desperate resistance in the vicinity of Kamaing for about a month and, for most of the period, had only 80 men for each mile of front. Supplies of ammunition and food were very low with only about 1400 rounds of rifle ammunition per day for the entire Division and 60 rounds per machine gun. The daily ration was about 2.5 ounces of rice per man. On receipt of the Army's message to withdraw, Colonel Ohgoshi had advised the Division commander that further resistance in the area was possible, but had not made it clear that this was his personal belief and did not reflect the opinions of the rest of the Division staff. Within a day or two the commander became aware of the fact that the other staff officers were convinced that further resistance in the Kamaing area was impossible. He therefore forwarded to the 33rd Army a revised report of the Division's actual situation. Upon receipt of the second message, on June 27 the Army directed the Division to retire to the Sahmaw sector. Tanaka believed he needed to stand his ground while the 53rd Division pushed aside the Seton Block and reopened his line of communications. Thus, he elected to continue to resist the attacks from the north while he himself attacked Seton for three more days; but failing to make any progress, he would finally comply with his orders to withdraw to the hills north of Sahmaw in early July.  While the 4th and 146th Regiments performed covering attacks, the remnants of the 55th and 56th Regiments destroyed their artillery and heavy equipment, and withdrew along an escape trail cut through the forest west of the Seton roadblock. On 2 July the 18th Division began its withdrawal, utilizing an obscure trail that ran directly south from Kamaing. Crossing the mountain range west of Seton, the Division completed its concentration near Sahmaw about 7 July. The Hukawng Operation was then considered concluded, ending a campaign that had been a miserable failure and had cost almost 8,000 casualties. By July 15th, the 18th Division would finally assemble in the Indaw area. Though only 3000 men from the elite 18th Division would survive the Hukawng Valley Campaign, Tanaka had effectively managed to keep intact the blockade to China for another year, something that would have profound repercussions later on in Chinese history. Further south, the 114th Regiment finally arrived at Gurkhaywa on June 16th, ready to reinforce the Chindits; yet Takeda had also brought most of his troops back to Mogaung, subsequently starting a deadly shelling of the Chindit positions. By when June 15th arrived, the Chinese still had not appeared, and Calvert pulled his troops back towards the bridge. At that moment, remarkable news arrived: The Japanese were abandoning their positions along the river. Calvert was exuberant. This meant he could move out of his bridgehead perhaps capture the town. Certainly, it meant a reduction of the shelling which was claiming at least 15 of his men a day. Yet, when the shelling did not die down and it quickly became apparent that Takeda was merely redeploying his troops along the railway, to get them out of flooding in low-lying areas. Chindit recce teams reported the area from the train station, in the heart of the town to the Mogaung Railway Bridge, further north, was heavily defended with eight bunkers dominating the landscape. Shelling from the village of Naungkyaiktaw, astride the road to Mogaung, set between fields of paddy, was persistent. Naungkyaiktaw had to be captured. Calvert estimated the village was held by a hundred Japanese. Because of this, on June 18th, Calvert ordered his forces to attack the apparent Japanese artillery encampment at Naungkyaiktaw after a heavy air and mortar bombardment. His troops outnumbered them, but unwilling to suffer needless casualties, Calvert directed the American fighter-bombers against the village, which was bombarded on the night of the 17th. Half an hour before dawn on the 18th, the Chindit mortars pummeled the place with 400 rounds for good measure. Calvert then sent in his assault force. Among the attackers was a company of 70 men from King's Liverpool led by Major Fred Reeman. This was a company that had stayed on with the 77th Brigade after the rest of the battalion had been transferred to the 111th Brigade. They were joined by 12 men of Blaine's Detachment, once evacuated to India but since returned, this time armed with about a dozen flamethrowers.  In the darkness, Blaine's Detachment was told to advance in front of the company of King's, and to “turn the fucking lights on.” As the detachment began to hurl flames far and wide, the Chindits behind them began cheering. The men had been told that the village had many bunkers, but never saw any at first. The scene soon turned fantastic. They went through the entire village “with twenty or thirty yards of flame shooting out in front.” They soon found the bunkers. The Japanese became crazed with fear especially after the British began yelling “put out the fucking lights,” and turning the flamethrowers their way. Many Japanese fled the bunkers, joined by those outside. They fled through the paddy fields, making for the railway station 400 yards away. Calvert's machine gunners had been waiting and blazed away, killing at least forty. Meanwhile, the rest of Fusiliers and the Kings walked up the paddy, picking off Japanese hiding or trying to crawl away in the ditches. Calvert, his mobile brigade-major Brash and his orderly Lance-Corporal Young decided to join the mop-up, shooting at Japanese while standing on chairs, as more Fusiliers began clearing the last of the bunkers, hurling grenades into them and blasting the insides with flamethrowers. As twilight set in that day, the most peculiar thing happened. The Fusiliers were cooking an evening meal in their newly-won positions, when a weary, seven-man patrol walked into their billet and began to take off their kit. The Fusiliers who looked up casually, noticed to their horror, that the new men were Japanese. The Japanese, for their part, had not noticed. The Fusiliers lunged for their weapons and opened fire. The Japanese patrol did not survive. In all, Calvert estimated that his troops had killed about 70 Japanese in the capture and holding of Naungkyaiktaw, while suffering 16 killed and 38 wounded. Major Reeman's King's company had become reduced to a platoon.  Calvert was considerably cheered on the evening of the 18th, when the much promised Chinese reinforcements finally arrived, guided over the river in motorized ranger boats by a towering Chindit officer, Captain Andrew. This was the 1st Battalion of the Chinese 114th Regiment led by Major P'ang, which quickly deployed in the positions pointed out by Calvert but left the Chindits a little flummoxed when they proclaimed that they were in no particular hurry to fight as they had been fighting for years. On the following day, another battalion of Chinese arrived under the personal command of the regimental leader, Colonel Li Hung, as did a battery of 75mm pack howitzers  the “6th Battery” under US Major Wayne Cook. The Chinese quickly assumed the defense of Mahaung, prompting an American liaison officer with the Chinese to send a press release that the Chinese had “captured” the village, which embarrassed Li. Cook's battery was deployed into position at Pinhmi village began operations on the 20th, hurling fire against the Japanese positions as the Chinese infantrymen consolidated their positions. Meantime, elements of the Chinese 113th Infantry, operating five miles north of Mogaung, surrounded a Japanese company, while Cook's guns hammered them. Fifty Japanese died from first blast alone. The Chinese finished off those who survived.The assault, was so ferocious that all the bunkers were overrun The reinforcements heartened Calvert for his own brigade was now a shell of its former self. The Lancashire Fusiliers and the King's Liverpool had only 110 men, the South Staffords had 180 and the Gurkha Rifles had 230. He planned a fresh advance, this time aiming for the hamlet of Natgyigon, on Mogaung's right flank, near the river. This area, Calvert believed, was the “key to Mogaung.” For the time, he chose the early hours of darkness on June 23rd a day which would go down in the annals of the 77th Brigade as the “stuff of legends.” The plan called for a mortar barrage of 1,000 bombs, in addition to shelling from the 75mm guns to cover the advance of the Chindits across the open ground towards Natgyigon. The Gurkhas were to move on the right, with the South Staffords on the left. Blaine's Detachment and the Lancashire Fusiliers were in reserve. The objective was to capture the entire stretch of ground from the Mogaung Bridge to the train station, the latter of which the Chinese were to secure. Once the area was in Allied hands, the troops were to dig in while the reserve troops mopped up. In addition, Allied aircraft were to bombard the area before the start of the assault, which itself was timed to launch at about 3.10 am. In the dark, section commanders could be heard telling their men: “We attack Mogaung tonight and once we've taken it the Brigadier says we are through!” Later, during the attack, Calvert discovered the Chinese infantry had not captured the all-important train station, even as their American liaison officer insisted that they had. Calvert angrily pointed out that no, the Chinese had not, because enemy fire from that direction continued to pick off his men at the railway embankment. The Gurkhas, moving along a wide right flank along the banks of the Mogaung River, headed for the railway bridge. Approaching the bridge, they came under heavy fire. Captain Allmand, by now suffering from trench foot as were most of the troops, moved forward to silence a machine gun firing on his men. He could barely run because of his affliction but advancing through the mud, he hurled grenades at the Japanese position. A burst of gunfire plunged into him. He fell, badly wounded. One of his Gurkhas, Sergeant. Tilbir Gurung pulled Allmand and another wounded NCO to safety. For this, Gurung was to get a Military Medal. Allmand's own valor was to be recognized by a Victoria Cross. The South Staffords swept into Mogaung town. Resistance was heavy. Lt Durant of the South Stafford deployed his machineguns to rake Japanese positions with fire. Meantime, the flamethrowers were brought up. As they moved up past Durant's positions, a shell burst exploded one, setting the man wielding it on fire. The man screamed and somehow shook off the flamethrowing unit from his back. Durant and some of his men rushed forward and rolled him into water in a nearby ditch. The Japanese had dug-in beneath the ruins of a brick house from where they were stubbornly holding the Staffords at bay. The rest of the flamethrowers moved in and sprayed the building. One Japanese, his clothes ablaze, leapt from his positions and tried to make a run for it. A scythe of gunfire cut him down. The rest valiantly held their positions and were burned to cinder. The Staffords, mopping up the, found the Japanese officer. He had shot himself with his revolver. The Japanese had entrenched themselves at a strategically important building known as the Red House, which was well-protected with machine-gun nests. The advancing Gurkhas consequently ran smack into this killing zone, getting caught in a murderous crossfire and suffering heavy casualties. In response, Calvert threw his reserves into the fray and the Chindits also began to pummel the Japanese positions with mortars and machine-guns, which allowed the infantry to reach the all-important train station. Inflicting some 120 casualties and losing 60 dead and over 100 wounded, the Chindits then successfully captured all their objectives by noon. For the rest of the day, heavy fighting would continue as the Chindits dug in on their gained positions; but during the night, the Japanese would finally pull out, leaving the town to the shattered remnants of the 77th Brigade. Mopping up then continued until June 27, when Mogaung was declared void of Japanese. Though this was the first major town to be recaptured in Burma, Calvert lost over 250 killed and 500 wounded at Mogaung, which was more than any Chindit formation was prepared to take. This was also a bittersweet victory for Calvert because Stilwell would claim that the town had been taken by his Chinese troops, even though the Chindits had done most of the fighting. Stilwill wrote in his diary on June 27th “Good news from Mogaung, We have it!” Then came a remarkable broadcast from Stilwell's headquarters via the BBC “The Chinese had captured Mogaung”. There was no mention of the Chindits. Calvert was incensed. Colonel Li was appalled and apologized profusely. “If anyone has taken Mogaung it is your Brigade and we all admire the bravery of your soldiers.” Calvert, his anger against Stilwell unmitigated, sent a message to US headquarters  “Chinese reported taking Mogaung. My Brigade now taking umbrage” this prompted Stilwell's staff to scour the maps for the location of Umbrage. Meantime, congratulations poured in from Lentaigne, from “Scottie” Scott, from John Masters, and the other brigade commanders. Among the lot, there was one, from Derek Tulloch, which struck Calvert's heart the most: “Wingate would have been proud of you.” After this defeat, and learning of the concurrent withdrawal of the 18th Division, Takeda's 53rd Division would withdraw to the Sahmaw River line in early July, where it was also reinforced with the recently-arrived 119th Regiment.  Meanwhile over at Myitkyina, General Boatner had to order a stop to the attacks after June 18th because of the heavy casualties. For the time being, tunneling would be used to close with the enemy. On June 25th, however, Boatner would have a severe recurrence of malaria that would force him to abandon the frontlines. This led General Stilwell to appoint Brigadier-General Theodore Wessels in command of the Myitkyina Task Force on June 26th. Luckily for Wessels the situation started to improve after the fall of Mogaung, as Chinese troops there could now move up the railroad to connect with Wessels' forces. This removed the recurrent menace of a Japanese drive from Mogaung, guaranteed reinforcements and the opening of a ground line of communications, and further eliminated one of General Minakami's two bases from which supplies had trickled into the Japanese perimeter. Despite this, the only gains in the week of June 25th were a few hundred yards taken by the 150th Regiment and the 236th Engineers. Alongside this, Stilwell ordered the 1st Battalion, 42nd Regiment to penetrate through the Japanese positions towards Sitapur on June 28. They would drive deep into the Japanese defense system, leading Stilwell to hope this was the turning point; on receiving Japanese fire, it halted and dug in. Air supply was necessary.In response, Wessels dispatched some Marauder reinforcements. F Company, unaware it had lost its way and under an inexperienced commander, proceeded with a small point almost directly ahead of the marching column. The company commander at the head of the point met a small group of Orientals whom he took to be Chinese and who greeted him affably. The strangers then suggested he and his party lay aside their guns. At this point the commander realized that he had been ambushed and gave the alarm. The Japanese machine guns opened on his trapped column, inflicting heavy casualties. Some of his men made their way back to the Allied lines, but the company was never reconstituted and was broken up and distributed among the rest of Galahad. For his constant gallantry during a stubborn eight-hour rear-guard action, which permitted the survivors to extricate themselves from ambush, Private first class. Anthony Firenze of New Galahad received the Distinguished Service Cross. Wessels then planning to launch a set-piece attack to capture a stretch of the Sumprabum Road.  Over in the Yunnan front, Colonel Matsui's 113th Regiment had successfully relieved the pressure from Longling by mid-June. General Matsuyama further ordered him to maintain the offensive while he continued to reorganize his forces. Though Matsui managed to seize the Tiechanghe pass on June 21st, most of his attacks would end up in nothing. In the north, the 20th Army Group launched simultaneous attacks against Qianshuang and Gudong on June 18th. This finally forcing the Japanese to retreat in disorder towards Tengchong by June 22nd. With the fall of Qianshuang, the Japanese had been forced to abandon the upper Shweli valley, and were now moving in some disorder toward Tengchong over three excellent trails. In Qianshuang, they left behind large quantities of ammunition and a few pieces of artillery, suggesting a disorganized withdrawal. 150 dead Japanese were found in Qianshuang itself; more than 300 Chinese gave their lives for the village. South of Qianshuang, the Japanese hastily destroyed their pontoon bridge to slow the Chinese pursuit. On reaching the Qianshuang-Baifen-Gudong line, the 20th Army Group had wrested 4000 square miles from Japanese control in forty days of fighting. The advance had been made over the precipitous ranges of the Kaolikung Mountains in an almost constant rain, a downpour sometimes heavy, sometimes light, rarely abating, and always turning to fog and sleet in the higher altitudes. More than 150 coolie supply porters fell to their deaths from the narrow, slippery trails that snaked precariously over the mountains. On June 25th General Wei received a personal order from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek to take Teng-chung. A few days later, th 20th Group Army, though delayed by the need to rebuild bridges over each of the swift mountain streams that crossed its advance, had pressed the Japanese rear guards back to the hills that surrounded Teng-chung at a distance of two to three miles from the formidable walled town itself. Meanwhile, the Fourteenth Air Force was trying to soften Teng-chung by daily attacks with bombs and machine-gun fire. The outer defenses of Teng-chung were pillboxes covering every avenue of approach, supported and covered by the 6,500-foot-high, fortified mountain peak of Lai-feng Shan, "The Place Where the Birds Come." Here were 600 or more Japanese with most of the garrison's artillery. Teng-chung itself was girdled by a massive wall of earth that in some places was forty feet high and sixty feet thick at the base, faced throughout with great slabs of stone. Chinese necromancers had carefully laid out the wall in a great square to cut the cardinal points of the compass. Each side had a gate, and each gate now had a Japanese command post, while Japanese machine guns and rifles swept the approaches to the wall, its face, and its parapets. Within the city were about 2,000 Japanese. In all, Colonel Kurashige, who had defended the Kaoli-kung mountains, had about 1,850 Japanese, a heavily reinforced battalion combat team built around the 2nd, 148th regiment. Kurashige's orders were to hold Teng-chung until the Chinese threat to Lung-ling passed Over at Longling, Matsui saw the arrival of some reinforcements on June 22nd that would allow him to continue his counteroffensive. Making repeated night and day attacks, the Japanese would be able to penetrate the enemy positions on June 24. Matsuyama then directed him to exploit towards Bengmiao and Huangcaobacum; yet a heavy raid by 24 B-25s and the arrival of the 1st Division would manage to halt the Japanese attempt to exploit their success, with Mitsui only securing the area northwest of Bengmiao by July 1st. The next day, Matsuyama then suspended the counteroffensive because of heavy casualties and he could see the enemy were strengthening their positions. In the meantime, Major Kanemitsu's Lameng Garrison was successfully holding off against a siege by three divisions since June 4th, though the Chinese would only launch unsuccessful attacks in regimental strength during this period; and to the southeast, the Pingda Garrison was also successfully repelling the small enemy attacks against them in spite of being cut off and disease-ridden. That is all for the Burma front today as we now need to head over to the Biak front. After the arrival of two battalions of the163rd Regiment for reinforcements, General Fuller planed a two-pronged attack against Mokmer Drome, with the 186th Regiment advancing west over the inland plateau while the 162nd Regiment resumed its attack west along the coast. On the morning of June 1, in preparation for the offensive, Colonel Newman's 3rd Battalion therefore left Bosnek and marched north over the coastal ridge, with the 2nd Battalion also moving from Opiaref to join them. By 11:00, both battalions successfully set up defensive perimeters; yet their preparations would be interrupted abruptly in the afternoon as Colonel Kuzume directed his 1st Battalion to attack the positions held by Company K. These Japanese, who were supported by machine guns and mortars emplaced northwest of the trail crossing, continued attacks until 5:00, when a platoon of Company K, by a flanking movement, forced their withdrawal northward. Company K and two platoons of the Antitank Company remained at the trail crossing for the night. Company I was moved forward to K's left and left rear, and Company L extended K's perimeter east along the main road toward the surveyed drome. Battalion headquarters and Company M stayed near the strip's western end. The 121st Field Artillery Battalion, the Cannon Company, the 2nd Battalion, regimental headquarters, the attached engineers, and the tanks remained near the center of the airfield.   Thankfully, the Americans would manage to repel the assaults and would ultimately force a Japanese withdrawal via a bold enveloping maneuver. But the Japanese would return after midnight. The first part of the night passed without incident, but at 3:30 the entire area held by the 3rd Battalion, 186th Infantry, flamed into action. About a company and a half of the 1st Battalion, 222nd Infantry, moved from the south against the semicircular perimeter held by Companies I, K, and L, having outflanked the 3rd Battalion on the west. Simultaneously, other elements of the 1st Battalion attacked from the northwest, attempting to drive a wedge between Companies L and K. Under the support of mortar and machine gun fire from both the northwest and southwest, the encircled Japanese desperately tried to fight their way north. Four hours of confused hand-to-hand fighting, marked by the use of bayonets, machetes, and grenades, ensued. At daylight a count revealed that 86 dead Japanese were within and around the 3rd Battalion's perimeter. The dead included the commander of the 1st Battalion, 222nd Infantry. Losses to the American unit were 3 men killed and 8 wounded.  After dealing with the threat, Newman resumed the westward advance at 9:00 on June 2nd. The 1st and 3rd Battalions, supported by five tanks and an antitank platoon, were to advance abreast, while the 2nd protected the right flank by patrolling north of the main road. The 121st Field Artillery Battalion was to provide continuous close support and was to displace forward with the infantry. Neither artillery nor air bombardment seems to have been provided for or delivered prior to the attack. However, both the 121st and 146th Field Artillery Battalions were registered on targets north and west of the 186th Infantry. Air support was available from Wakde Island upon call. The 1st Battalion, 186th Infantry broke camp at its beach defense area at 8:00 on June 2nd and moved north over the ridge to join the rest of the regiment. The 1st Battalion, 222nd Infantry, had made no serious attempt to stop the 186th Infantry's progress westward because the inland plateau was nearly indefensible and because the battalion would have been decimated in battle with the superior strength of the reinforced American regiment. The 1st Battalion was withdrawn from the surveyed drome area, initially in preparation for counterattack against the Bosnek beachhead. While no such counteroffensive was mounted, the withdrawal of the 1st Battalion at least had the advantage of keeping the unit intact. The American advance would thus be opposed by the 10th Company, 222nd Regiment; the 3rd Company, 36th Division Sea Transportation Unit and some other naval and engineer units.  The 1st and 3rd Battalions then advanced with two companies abreast against scattered but determined opposition from elements of the 1st Battalion, 222nd Infantry. Small enemy patrols aimed machine gun and rifle fire at the advancing American units and held their positions until killed or dispersed by tank or artillery fire. Most of the enemy parties were located on the north flank and apparently many of them had been driven westward out of the cave and garden area north of the surveyed drome by fire from the 121st Field Artillery Battalion, which destroyed Biak Detachment headquarters installations in that area. By nightfall the 186th Infantry had killed 96 Japanese and had itself lost 6 men killed and 10 wounded. The unit halted shortly after 1600 and began digging in at a point about 600 yards northeast of the day's objective. The advance had carried the regiment west until it was almost abreast and north of the 162nd Infantry, at the Ibdi Pocket. The latter had attempted to move west along the coast during the day, but it would be unable to dislodge the Japanese from the Ibdi Pocket, ultimately having to attach its 2nd Battalion to the 186th.  The addition of the 2nd Battalion, 162nd Regiment to the 186th Regiment helped to complicate the supply problems of the troops on the plateau. No water had yet been found inland. Heat and humidity were intense, and thick scrub growth, about 12 feet high, stopped any breezes. Despite the best efforts of Company B, 116th Engineers, the supply road could not be repaired fast enough to keep pace with the advancing infantrymen. Water had to be brought around from Bosnek via Opiaref to the forward units, and there were not enough water trailers nor 5-gallon cans available to supply all the water needed. At night each man received only one canteen of water for the next day, an inadequate amount under the conditions which prevailed inland. The water situation and the necessity for hauling all other supplies north through Opiaref did more to delay the 186th Regiment's progress westward than did the opposition of the 1st Battalion, 222nd Regiment. Meanwhile Kuzume's only support so far had been some air raids carried out by the depleted 23rd Air Flotilla and 7th Air Division. By late May, the 23rd Air Flotilla had only twelve fighters and six medium bombers at Sorong and the 7th Air Division had four large bombers, 20 medium bombers and three fighters. Both units threw what strength they could muster into attacks on the enemy landing force. On May 27th four Army heavy bombers and nine Navy fighters carried out a daylight attack against fierce air opposition, all but four fighters failing to return. Kuzume would need more than that to launch a determined attack that would succeed in pushing the enemy back into the sea. Consequently, on May 29th, General Numata and Admiral Senda had requested the immediate commitment of fleet and air strength into the Biak battle. They both relayed this message “The enemy apparently found the difficulty of rapid occupation of the airfield sector. The enemy will change, in all probability, its policy to occupy the whole island of Biak after the arrival of reinforcements, securing its present positions with landed units for a while. The officers and men on Biak Island are firm in their resolution to crush the enemy. However, our operations are severely restricted by the uncontested superiority of the enemy's feet and air units. The Biak Detachment, which is making every effort in destroying the confronting enemy, request for further support by the army and navy units concerned. We believe that the immediate commitment of our air forces and, if possible, some fleet units would give us a splendid opportunity to turn the tide of battle in the whole Pacific area in our favor.“ This finally convinced Admiral Toyoda to send reinforcements to the island.  To counter the Allied advance to Biak, the IJN dispatched from one third of its available naval land-based air strength from the Central Pacific to reinforce the 23rd Air Flotilla in western New Guinea. On May 28th 70 carrier-type fighters, 4 reconnaissance bombers, and 16 medium bombers were dispatched to western New Guinea. Another group of planes, comprising 48 fighters, 8 reconnaissance aircraft, and 20 bombers, were sent to western New Guinea and Halmahera from the Carolines on or about May 31st. On 29-30th May the flotilla carried out fresh attacks on the Biak landing force. On May 29th, sixteen medium bombers attacked the enemy fleet in the sea near BIAK Island before daybreak of that day, yet none of them returned. Furthermore, in a daylight attack on the same day, four Zero fighters strafed BIAK Island. None of them returned to the base either. On May 30th, the unit of the Zero fighters of the Navy again fired upon enemy ships in the sea off Mokmer. The damage on the enemy ships was not confirmed. However, the unit reported that they fought four P-38s and four B-25s of the enemy and shot down two B-25s above BIAK Island. Also as part of Operation KON, a huge task force under Admiral Sakonju, which included the battleship Fuso, four cruisers and eight destroyers, was to transport Major-General Tamada Yoshio's 2nd Amphibious Brigade towards Biak. Additionally, it was decided to move three infantry companies of the 35th Division from Sorong to Biak by barge. Sakonju's convoy finally left Davao on the night of June 2nd. In connection with KON Force's advance, the Japanese had planned heavy air strikes against Biak which were to be carried out by the recently reinforced 23rd Air Flotilla and the few army aircraft which remained at bases within range of Biak. Between 1645 and 1700 on 2 June, from eleven to fifteen Japanese planes bombed Allied positions on Biak, causing a few casualties and some light damage. Seven of these planes were shot down by shore-based anti-aircraft weapons, while guns aboard Seventh Fleet ships lying off Bosnek accounted for at least one more. Later during the same night, a few more enemy planes dropped some bombs harmlessly on and near Owi Island. Still more approached Biak during the night, causing many red alerts but not dropping any bombs. The next night, that of 3-4 June, no Japanese planes attacked Biak, although an unknown number bombed Owi Island without causing any damage or casualties. Again, however, enemy aircraft flew many reconnaissance flights around Biak, causing an almost continuous red alert until the early morning hours of 4 June. Early on the morning of June 3rd, at a point just east of the Talaud Islands, between Mindanao and Morotai, a 7th Fleet submarine sighted the Transport and 1st Screening Units and was in turn sighted by ships of the latter organization. Alongside this 7th Fleet PB4Y's, operating from Wakde Island, kept the Japanese vessels under surveillance the rest of the day, reporting that the course and speed of the enemy ships could bring them into range of Biak during the evening of June 4th. Their discovery by Allied aircraft so far from Biak apparently had not been anticipated by the Japanese, who later reported that they had not known Allied aircraft were capable of such long-range reconnaissance. Nevertheless, the three KON Force elements steamed on toward Biak, probably hoping that friendly aircraft might drive off the Allied reconnaissance planes and also protect the sea approaches to Biak. To further muddy the situation, Sakonju received false reports that a strong American carrier group was approaching the waters east of Biak. Admiral Kinkaid had indeed dispatched a special task force to deal with this threat, yet the warships could only arrive off Biak on the night of June 4th and didn't include any aircraft carrier. Nonetheless, knowing that he had been discovered and unwilling to risk so many ships under these circumstances, Sakonju would have to suspend the reinforcement run and turn back to Davao and Sorong.   When the Japanese called off KON on June 3rd, the Transport and the 1st and 2nd Screening Units were a little over 500 miles northwest of Biak and about 250 miles east-southeast of the Talaud Islands. At this point, the three forces were reorganized. The Transport Unit, accompanied by the three destroyers of the 1st Screening Unit, changed course for Sorong, while the 2nd Screening Unit and the two heavy cruisers of the 1st turned back toward Davao, which they probably reached late on June 5th. Of the ships moving to Sorong, the Fifth Air Force claimed to have sunk one destroyer and damaged at least two others. The Transport Unit and the 1st Screening Unit's three destroyers arrived safely at Sorong during the evening of June 4th. The Detached Unit, which had been moving toward Biak from Zamboanga on an independent course far to the west of the other three sections of KON Force, had also changed its direction during the night of 3-4 June, and reached Sorong sometime on the 4th. At Sorong the Transport Unit unloaded the 1,700 men of the 2nd Amphibious Brigade. The six destroyers of the Transport and 1st Screening Units then proceeded southwest to Ambon where they refueled. The Transport Unit's one heavy cruiser and one light cruiser sought shelter in Kaboei Bay, Waigeo Island, about 60 miles northwest of Sorong. On 6 June the heavy cruiser Aoba was attacked there by fifteen B-24's of the Fifth Air Force. First reports were that at least two hits were scored on the cruiser, but it was later learned that the ship suffered no damage. Instead, it was able to take part in a second KON Operation. Back over at Biak, Newman resumed the advance westward on the morning of June 3rd, making painfully slow progress because of the difficult terrain and lack of adequate supply lines. Meeting no opposition, they would finally dig in half a mile from the point at which the main ridge left the coast and turned inland near Mokmer. That day, however, Fuller learnt about the possible enemy naval attack, so he decided to halt any offensive actions for the moment. On June 4th, upon learning that no enemy carriers were in the Biak area, Sakonju was again ordered to prepare to run the American blockade, this time bringing the bulk of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 219th Regiment. There would be two naval groups, the first was the Transport Unit, containing three destroyers which had been part of the first KON Operation Transport Unit. The second section was the Screening Unit, also comprising three destroyers. For the second KON Operation there were two detached units, the 1st had one heavy and one light cruiser while the 2nd Detached Unit included the small craft and patrol boats which had put into Sorong at the end of the first KON. The three destroyers of the Transport Unit were each to embark 200 infantrymen at Sorong. In addition, the destroyers of either or both the Transport and Screening Units were each to tow to Biak one landing barge crammed with troops, probably 30 to 50 men to a barge. After two quiet nights, meanwhile, Newman decided to send three battalions forward toward the north-south section of the main ridge northwest of Mokmer on June 5th. Warned by the regimental commander that it was important to secure a foothold on the ridge before the Japanese could deny it to the 186th Infantry, the three assault battalions started westward about 8:00 on June 5th. Lack of water again slowed the advance. No water had been received in the forward area since the morning of the 4th, and Colonel Newman had ordered the troops westward against the advice of his staff and battalion commanders. About noon, however, a heavy rain fell. The regimental commander ordered all troops to halt, catch the rain in ponchos, and fill their canteens. "Had it not been for this lucky break, we would undoubtedly have had to halt in midafternoon." As events turned out, no Japanese opposition was encountered, and by 1500 the 3rd Battalion, 186th Infantry, was within 500 yards of the main ridge. Although Newman and General Doe then wanted to secure the dominating terrain north and northwest of the airfield, they would receive direct orders from Fuller to immediately seize Mokmer Drome and a beachhead on the coast directly south of that strip. Throughout the morning of June 6th the 186th Infantry directed most of its efforts to bringing supplies up to the forward units. Almost the entire 2nd Battalion was engaged in hand-carrying supplies to the 3rd Battalion atop the ridge, while the latter unit sent patrols toward Mokmer Drome seeking good routes of approach to that objective. About noon Colonel Newman reported to task force headquarters that no good route had been found and that supplies, especially the ever-needed water, had not been brought forward in sufficient quantities to allow a regimental attack to be launched that day, and he therefore recommended that the attack be postponed until June 7th. General Fuller approved this suggestion. The lack of supplies and water would delay the attack, however, though the 3rd Battalion would be able to move down the west side of the main ridge to take up positions along a line of departure for the next morning's attack. To support the infantry attack, on June 7th, a thirty-minute artillery concentration began at 7:00 that morning. The 146th, 205th, and 947th Field Artillery Battalions, from positions along the coast to the east, were registered on targets in the airfield area ready to support the advance, but most of the firing was undertaken by the 121st Field Artillery from its location behind the 186th Infantry. While the artillery fired on Mokmer Drome and along the low ridge between that field and the 186th Infantry, Fifth Air Force bombers attacked the Borokoe Drome area and also struck some targets along the low ridge. The airfield was only occupied by the 108th Airfield Construction Unit, which immediately fled the area because of the heavy bombardment. Newman's 1st and 3rd Battalions advanced south encountering no resistance as they crossed Mokmer Drome and reached the beach.  When, on 5 June, the 186th Infantry had reached the crest of the main coastal ridge, it had been on the left rear of the Japanese defenses on the low ridge and terraces above Mokmer Drome. Thus, the regiment had been in a favorable position to take these defenses from the rear. But in its move to the airfield, the 186th Infantry had bypassed the Biak Detachment's principal defensive positions. The bypassing had not been intentional. Colonel Newman had instructed both leading battalions to halt on the low ridge, reconnoiter along it in both directions, and report on Japanese defenses before moving on. According to Colonel Newman: "I received a negative report from both battalions, and ordered the movement to the airdrome. Evidently, the right battalion had failed in this patrolling effort." Instead, the 186th had captured its main objective, but now found itself surrounded by Kuzume's strongest defenses. The Japanese immediately began to pound the new American perimeter, with an artillery duel soon erupting. By nightfall, it had become impracticable to supply the 186th Regiment over the inland plateau road, which ended on the east side of the main ridge. From that point, all supplies would have to be hand-carried to Mokmer Drome and supply parties would be endangered by Japanese patrols, a few of which moved in behind the 186th as the regiment reached the beach, so the 3rd Battalion, 163rd Regiment would be dispatched to push over the inland plateau and protect the parties. Overwater supply was also attempted, yet as the first boats approached the shore they were greeted by machine gun and rifle fire from Japanese whom the 186th Infantry had not yet cleaned out of caves along the water line in front of Mokmer Drome. The small craft returned the fire, but were finally forced to withdraw. The 186th Infantry, according to Colonel Newman, was "glad to see them withdraw since they had our troops running for cover." At 2:00 another attempt was made to land supplies at Sboeria. The three LCM's managed to put their tanks ashore in the face of continuing Japanese fire, but accompanying LCT's were driven off by Japanese artillery. Two of the LCM's were so damaged by enemy fire that they could not fully retract their ramps and had to proceed the nine and a half miles back to Bosnek in reverse. Plans were made to effect all delivery of supplies and evacuation of casualties at night until the enemy fire on the Sboeria beachhead could be neutralized. The tanks which had been landed lumbered along the shore road fronting Mokmer Drome, destroying several small bunkers along the beach. Then they wheeled toward the low ridge north of the airfield, taking under fire a Japanese 75-mm. mountain gun and a 20-mm. piece which had opposed their landing. These two weapons were silenced. Moving cautiously northwestward from the field along a road which crossed the low ridge, the tanks destroyed two large pillboxes. Alongside this, Fuller sent two companies of Haney's 3rd Battalion to land on the Parai Jetty in order to outflank the Ibdi Pocket, which the 162nd had been unsuccessfully attempting to dislodge since the start of the month. But June 7th would also see the start of Operation KON's second attempt.  After rendezvousing off Misoöl Island that morning, Sakonju instructed his 8 destroyers to proceed to Biak. Air cover was to have been provided by planes of the 23rd Air Flotilla. But the cape area was being patrolled by Allied aircraft on June 8th and, about 1:30, the 23rd Air Flotilla cover of six planes was shot down or driven away by 5th Air Force P-38's.  Finding the air now free of enemy planes, American B-25's dived to the attack th convoy, reporting the convoy as 2 light cruisers and 4 destroyers. Initially, it was claimed that 1 destroyer was sunk, 2 were left sinking, and the fourth was damaged. A few days later, destruction was reassessed as 4 destroyers sunk and 2 light cruisers chased to the northwest. These claims were exaggerated. One destroyer, the Harusame, was holed by a near miss and sank rapidly, the bulk of its crew being saved. Another destroyer was damaged by a bomb and took some water; two others were slightly damaged by strafing. Neither speed nor navigation was impeded for any of the three. The two light cruisers reported by the Allied planes were, of course, the other two destroyers. These two might have taken some evasive action by heading northwest for a short time, but as soon as the Harusame crew had been rescued and the Allied planes had disappeared, the convoy reformed and continued on toward Biak. The convoy reformed and continued on toward Biak, undeterred by reports of strong enemy elements in the area. By nightfall, however, it was on a collision course with the cruisers of Admirals Crutchley and Berkey.  At about 6:00 on the 8th, the Transport and Screening Units received a report from a Japanese aircraft that an Allied naval force comprising 1 battleship, 4 cruisers, and 8 destroyers was moving west at high speed from an undesignated point east of Biak. This report was at least partially correct. The Allied task force which had been formed on June 3rd had again assembled on the 8th, having been alerted by reports of the air-sea battle off the Kaap de Goede Hoop. But the Japanese convoy commander apparently took this air reconnaissance report with at least one grain of salt--had not similar information received on June 3rd proved inaccurate? The Transport and Screening Units steamed on, despite the fact that the Kaap de Goede Hoop action had put the force behind schedule. At 11:30 the two enemy groups were approximately forty miles off the north coast of Soepiori Island, ready to turn southeast toward Korim Bay, on the northeast side of Biak. Minutes later a destroyer in the van sighted the Allied task force heading northwest around Biak. The convoy commander quickly realized that he was badly outnumbered and decided that discretion was called for. The Japanese convoy slipping towards the Mapia islands, seeing the allied destroyers failing to pursue them. Yet that is it for Biak for now as we now need to head over to the Wakde-Sarmi front.   General Sibert was preparing to resume the westward offensive. By June 14th, the 20th Regiment had relieved the 158th at the Tirfoam River; and although Sibert wanted to complete unloading of his remaining units before sending the 20th to push westward, General Krueger ordered him to start an immediate offensive on June 18th. Now, however, they were up against almost the full strength of General Tagami's 36th Division. Company B pushed on toward the village at the entrance to the defile between Lone Tree Hill and the eastern nose of Mt. Saksin. This advance was greeted by a hail of fire from Japanese automatic weapons emplaced in the defile--fire reminiscent of the opposition encountered by Company B, 158th Infantry, at the same place more than three weeks earlier. The 20th Infantry's Company B tried to outflank the enemy position to the south but was halted by intense Japanese machine gun fire. Tanks sent forward to aid the infantry were unable to reach the enemy guns because the terrain was impassable to tracked or wheeled vehicles, which could scarcely negotiate the rough road, let alone the thick jungle and rising ground to the south. Late in the afternoon Company A was sent forward to Company B's position, but both units encountered heavy fire and soon lost contact with the rest of the 1st Battalion. The two companies remained for the night in an isolated perimeter near the village and about 400 yards west of the main body. The 3rd Battalion had moved north off the coastal road during the morning, and late in the afternoon it had established a perimeter extending south 200 yards from the beach along the east bank of the Snaky River. The battalion had encountered little opposition during the day, but patrols which had crossed the Snaky before dark reported finding many Japanese defensive positions on the eastern slopes of Lone Tree Hill. A gap which existed between the 1st and 3rd Battalions was partially filled just before nightfall by elements of the 2nd Battalion, which were sent forward late in the afternoon. Casualties during the day were four killed and twenty-eight wounded. The 1st and 3rd Battalions, 1st Infantry, moved across the Tor River in the morning of June 20th and took over the positions in the vicinity of Maffin No. 1 vacated by the 20th Infantry. The 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry, assumed responsibility for the protection of the bridgehead across the Tor.  The following morning, Sibert then directed his units to patrol extensively in order to locate enemy strong points on and around the hill. Thanks to the information gathered, the 3rd Battalion would attack towards Rocky Point in the afternoon. At the top of Lone Tree Hill was a stretch of rough but generally level ground lying mostly along the western part of the hill. This flat ground, about 700 yards long north to south, was shaped like a crude dumbbell. At its northern end, the level area was about 300 yards wide. It narrowed at the center of the hill to less than 100 yards but broadened again on the south to a width of about 250 yards. There were many coral outcroppings, potholes, and small crevices, while on the north the hill terminated in a very rugged prominence called Rocky Point. This terrain feature, which extended into Maffin Bay from the central mass of Lone Tree Hill, was about 300 yards wide east to west. Its northern face was not as heavily overgrown as the rest of Lone Tree Hill. Although Rocky Point's northeast slope was steep, foot troops could climb that face with more ease than they could approach the top of Lone Tree Hill from most other points. A deep ravine ran southwest into the central mass of Lone Tree Hill from a sandy beach on the east side of Rocky Point. The floor of the ravine varied from 20 to 30 yards in width and its nearly vertical western wall was 40 to 50 feet high. Both sides were honeycombed with natural or man-made tunnels, caverns, and small caves, most of which were connected with each other by underground or deeply defiladed passages. Some caves reached a width of 40 feet, a depth into the hillside of 50 feet, and a height of 20 feet. The ravine terminated on the eastern slope of Lone Tree Hill in a steep grade at the narrow central portion of the hilltop. At 1:45pm, after a fifteen-minute artillery and 4.2-inch mortar preparation, one company moved across the Snaky River, immediately finding the twenty-foot cliff along the eastern side of the shelf which lay between the Snaky River and the central mass of Lone Tree Hill. The morning patrols had not, apparently, reported the existence of this cliff, and naturally it was not known that Japanese defenses were established along it. Machine gun and rifle fire from the 1st Battalion, 224th Infantry, soon pinned down the 3rd Battalion's leading platoon. The company commander quickly sent part of his unit northward to find the Japanese left flank. Moving around the northeast end of the shelf, this group discovered the beach entrance to the deep ravine between the western side of the shelf and Rocky Point. Progress into or across the ravine was impossible in the face of the intense Japanese small arms fire which greeted the advancing American unit. Company B, 6th Engineers, then in the forward area to cut a road from the mouth of the Snaky River to Rocky Point, was brought up to the ravine to help clean out caves and crevices with flame throwers and demolitions, but could not reach the enemy positions through the continued machine gun, mortar, and rifle fire. Infantry bazooka squads also tried to blast the Japanese out of their caves but failed when their ammunition ran out. Since there was no time to bring additional rockets forward before dark, all elements of the 3rd Battalion and the engineer company were withdrawn to the east bank of the Snaky River for the night. The 20th Infantry was to continue the assault on the morrow with the 3rd Battalion moving against Lone Tree Hill from the northeast, the 2nd Battalion in reserve, and the 1st Battalion remaining in its holding position. On the morning of June 22, after a heavy air and artillery concentration on Rocky Point, the 3rd Battalion once again attacked northwest with Companies K and I, successfully driving the Japanese back into their caves to reach the top of Lone Tree Hill just south of Rocky Point. Meanwhile, another two companies had attacked southwest to force their way up the southeast slope of the hill; but subjected to heavy machine-gun fire, they would have to withdraw and march north to join Companies K and I. The 2nd Battalion also moved forward and took positions to the south of the 3rd Battalion. Worried about the American gains, Colonel Matsuyama personally led two companies in the afternoon to fall on the 3rd Battalion's perimeter with suicidal fury. Confused fighting, sometimes hand-to-hand, continued well into the night, with Matsuyama himself getting shot on the thigh. Yet this attack would successfully position the Japanese companies on the rear of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, thus cutting them off from regimental headquarters. Matsuyama also recalled his 2nd Battalion from the Maffin area, so he would employ these reinforcements to attack Sibert's 2nd Battalion on June 23. At dawn on the 23rd Japanese troops, some of whom were using American weapons and wearing parts of American uniforms, attacked the 2nd Battalion, 20th Infantry, from the deep ravine. The battalion initially held its fire, thinking that the enemy force might be a friendly patrol, and the Japanese were able to advance to within fifteen yards of the battalion lines before being recognized. It was an hour before the results of this error could be corrected--an hour during which both the 2nd Battalion and the Japanese suffered heavy losses. The hour ended with an enemy retreat. Isolated, the 2nd Battalion then decided to withdraw and march north towards the 3rd Battalion's perimeter at the top of the hill, getting harassed all the way by Matsuyama's forces. During the night, the Japanese launched a banzai charge against the perimeter, getting very close to retaking Lone Tree Hill but suffering heavy casualties in the end. Upon learning that his battalions were cut off, meanwhile, Sibert decided to outflank the hill by a shore-to-shore maneuver and then continue the attack from both west and east. Accordingly, Companies K and I of the 1st Regiment boarded ten LVTs on the morning of June 24th and moved to the beach just west of Rocky Point, under the protection of the 6th Reconnaissance Troop. Both companies would land successfully by midday against strong Japanese fire, though they would be rapidly pinned down on the narrow beach. Thankfully, Sibert also landed four tanks two hours later to secure the beachhead. This diversion would allow the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 20th Regiment to begin clearing the Japanese from the many caves and crevices on Rocky Point, the deep ravine east of the point, and the hilltop plateau, further securing the supply route up the hill.  By nightfall, no enemy counterattack developed, as Tagami had instead decided to withdraw the 224th Regiment to the Hill 255-Mount Saksin line while the 223rd Regiment retreated behind the Woske River. Thus Matsuyama's resistance in the area weakened and the Americans were finally able to clear Rocky Point. The next day the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 20th Infantry, continued clearing Rocky Point, the deep ravine, the northern part of the hilltop plateau, and the eastern shelf, where a few scattered Japanese still held positions along the twenty-foot-high cliff. Flame throwers, demolition charges, bazookas, and hand grenades all proved successful in eliminating Japanese resistance and sealing or clearing caves and crevices. The task was easier on the 25th, for the Japanese slowly gave up the fight and were killed or sealed off in their caves. Casualties continued to mount, the 2nd Battalion, 20th Infantry, had only about two hundred effectives by the end of the day but many of the losses were not due to Japanese action. Many men were evacuated over the now secured supply route to the top of the hill as they fell from exhaustion or became sick. On the beach west of Rocky Point Companies I and K, 1st Infantry, had little success in expanding their beachhead. The tanks proved useless in the area and were therefore withdrawn to Maffin No. 1. The two infantry companies, pinned down during the morning, kept up a continuous mortar barrage against Japanese positions in the swamp to the south, against the western cliff of Lone Tree Hill, and, when certain such fire would not endanger troops atop the hill, against the northwest corner of Rocky Point. This mortar fire, coupled with the operations on the plateau, began to have the desired effect during the afternoon, and Companies I and K were able to push their defenses beyond the narrow beachhead slightly southward and westward and toward the shore beneath Rocky Point. Once or twice during the afternoon, patrols were able to reach the top of Lone Tree Hill from the northwest corner of the point and established contact with 20th Infantry units. Late in the afternoon Company M, 1st Infantry, operating from the east side of the point, managed to push a patrol around the shore to establish contact with Company K. Though Companies I and K could find little tangible evidence of the results of their operations, they had actually wiped out the 223rd Infantry's defense force in the area just west of Lone Tree Hill. By dusk on the 25th, it had become obvious that the combined efforts of the 3rd Battalion, 1st Infantry, and the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, 20th Infantry, had either cleared out the northern half of Lone Tree Hill or had forced the Japanese to withdraw. The latter conclusion was the more nearly correct. The 36th Division decided on 25 June to withdraw the bulk of the Center and Right Sector Forces west of the Woske River and establish new defensive positions, thereby keeping the 223rd Infantry, the bulk of which had not been committed to action in the Lone Tree Hill area, more or less intact. Only the remnants of the 224th Infantry were to remain east of the Woske, and they were to withdraw into rough terrain southwest of Mt. Saksin. At nightfall on the 25th, General Sibert estimated that his three forward battalions had lost approximately 140 men killed and 850 wounded and evacuated, including those who had to be sent back to the rear because of wounds, sickness, heat exhaustion, or psychoneurotic disorders. Known Japanese dead in the northern part of the hill numbered 344, but it could not be estimated how many more had been thrown over the west cliff, sealed in caves, or carried off by withdrawing remnants of the Japanese defense force. According to Japanese sources, the Japanese had lost about 500 men killed and another 300 wounded in the Lone Tree Hill-Hill 225-Mt. Saksin area.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Chinese were accredited with the fall of Moguang despite the Chindits taking the lionshare of the fighting. Things were advancing very well for the allies in the new Biak front. As for the battle for Lone Tree Hill, it was a costly one, and not one the Americans or Japanese would soon forget.   

The second match of the day @ ROCKY POINT HISTORIC BASE BALL FESTIVAL CONNECTICUT vs. CANTON, MI CORNSHUCKERS Two powerhouses meet for the first time AUGUST 19th, 2023

Welcome to the 22nd Episode of the What THE Golf Podcast, brought to you by Chasing Aces Golf! (3:45) Beers and Cheers - Goose Island Tropical Beer Hug, and some chatter about the guy's upcoming golf trip to Ocean City, Maryland (13:30) State of Our Games - Eddie plays University of Maryland, Rocky Point and the Woodlands; David backs up some trash talk and Kevin LOVES it (33:00) Swing Advice - Joe Meissner (42:00) World of Golf - Recap of last week's action; The Arnold Palmer Invitational; and could Scottie be the next Tiger? Thanks to our sponsor, Chasing Aces Golf - www.ChasingAcesGolf.com Also, thanks to Marillion for the opening and closing theme song.  Please visit www.Marillion.com and download their music on AppleMusic and Spotify. Finally, thanks to Tim Archibald for the Beers and Cheers segment song, "Cold Beer."  A link to his YouTube station will be included next week! Please reach out to us with any questions, comments, or swing videos at WhatTHEGolfPodcast@gmail.com and follow us on IG @WhatTHEGolfPodcast

Huge dank and tropical flavors in this rotating hazy series from Coronado Brewing.  Rocky Point might be a current favorite, but drink it while it's around because the next edition is coming soon.

Now that it's reopened, Jim Sharpe finds that the closure of the Lukeville Port of Entry only accomplished one thing: It crashed the economy of many Mexican neighbors.

Mike talks about a travel warning from the U.S. Consulate.

Rocky Point is seeing less visitors now than during COVID lockdowns!

Mike talks about the economic impacts of the indefinite closure of the Lukeville Port of Entry.

It's Chris's Birthday! Chris goes through the news headlines, including the federal government routing travelers to/from Rocky Point through a violent cartel battleground.

“All good men and women must take responsibility to create legacies that will take the next generation to a level we could only imagine.” — Jim Rohn I am so excited to welcome the Women's Lacrosse coaching staff of my alma matter, THE George Mason University! Today is a special convo since it has been 20 years since I competed for the university and it's such a blessing to reconnect with the coaches to discuss their mission, vision, and values for GMU LAX 2024. Head Coach, Kara Mupo leads the staff and team with an ideal balance of head and heart--not shying away from the green and gold bricks that were laid before her to establish and grow the D1 program. Legacy takes time, character, and grit, so it's awesome to hear of the enthusiasm and personal/professional work ethic of this 2024 coaching staff. They are here to make some noise and continue to elevate the program as a whole- on and off the field (players & humans). Assistant coaches, Nate Medic and Riley Ewing introduce themselves and share some of their coaching philosophies, responsibilities, goals, and personal experiences that led them to coaching. This is a great opportunity to get to meet the entire staff and hear/see more of their human side, especially for the parents and families of players that aren't local, that don't get as much face time (that was my family:). Competing at the top level of anything is such a privilege and life shaping experience that you carry with you in everything you do moving forward. It more than warms my heart to see such intentional, mission driven humans take the reins of the GMU Lacrosse program that is (and will always be) a fundamental piece of my personal foundation and continued influence on my own mission, vision, and values. GO PATRIOTS!    Highlights: Building a legacy. How you do something is how you do everything. Coaching. Life skills through sports. Chasing your calling. Leadership and responsibility. Breakdown and breakthrough. The whole human approach. Building on something great and seeing a vision before anyone else does.   Related Articles: 2024 Women's Lacrosse Roster  2023 Women's Lacrosse Schedule   George Mason Paving the Way for NCAA Lacrosse Load ...   Time Stamps: 2:00- Kara's intro 2:59- Nate's intro 4:14- Riley's intro 5:57- The human side of the asst. coaches 15:22- Favorite quotes from asst. coaches 18:21- Kara, why she recruited the coaches she did 20:00- Kara the human 24:36- Kara's injury, breakdown and breakthrough 27:37- Finding balance, the hard way 30:20- Mental Health at GMU 33:57- Leading by example 35:22- The team and social media 37:20- Managing the NIL 42:22- Why we are here 44:04- More social media, more alumni relations 45:41- Thoughts on Title 9 47:57- Kara's final thoughts, 3 things she want's Mason lax players to embody 50:11- Players must listen to the end of this podcast:) 51:06- What can the alumni do to further support the program?   Kara Mupo, Head Coach: Two-time NCAA champion Kara Mupo was named the fifth head coach in the history of the George Mason women's lacrosse program on May 26, 2020. Mupo's pedigree of excellence within the sport includes a stellar playing career as a collegian at Northwestern and as a professional with both the U.S. National Team and the Women's Professional Lacrosse League. In addition, Mupo has compiled a diverse and accomplished resume during five seasons as a collegiate assistant coach. Possessing a gifted offensive mind, Mupo helped guide Stony Brook to a No. 1 national ranking in 2018 and Stanford to an NCAA appearance in 2019. "We are thrilled to welcome Kara to our George Mason family," Edwards said. "She has achieved an elite level of success during every stint of her career while being mentored by some of the top voices in the sport. Kara is a tireless recruiter who possesses the innate ability to develop players. Her high energy style and engaging personality make her a natural leader, and I know our student-athletes will thrive under her direction." Mupo most recently served as offensive coordinator at Ohio State alongside former George Mason head coach Amy Bokker during the shortened 2020 campaign. Mupo's championship legacy began as an attack at Northwestern, where she won two national titles (2011, 2012) and led the Wildcats to four consecutive Final Four appearances. While helping to build one of the greatest dynasties in the history of the sport, Mupo scored 186 points (136g, 50a) over her career and served as team captain as a senior.  She began her coaching career as an assistant at William & Mary for two seasons, before moving on to an assistant role at Stony Brook in 2018, where she developed the most potent offense in the nation. Under her guidance, the Seawolves ascended to a No. 1 national ranking while leading the country in points per game (29.28), scoring margin (+10.80), assists per game (11.23) and shot percentage (.547). Mupo joined Bokker – the former Mason head coach – at Stanford in 2019. In Palo Alto, Mupo again orchestrated an outstanding offensive season while transforming the Cardinal into the Pac-12's top scoring unit. During the 2019 campaign, the Cardinal led the league in shot percentage (.431), assists (125), goals per game (13.89) and points per game (20.47), culminating in an NCAA Tournament appearance. Upon Bokker's naming as head coach at Ohio State, Mupo joined her in Columbus, where the Buckeyes had amassed wins over Cincinnati and Marquette, among others, before the season ended in March 2020. A former member of the U.S. Women's National Team, Mupo also is a decorated player in the Women's Professional Lacrosse League (WPLL) and has played for the New England Command over the past two seasons. She won the first WPLL Championship as a member of the Command and led the league in scoring for the second time in three seasons. In 2016, she was a member of the Philadelphia Force and earned all-star status after she led the league in goals. A native of Rocky Point, N.Y., Mupo earned a bachelor of science in human development and psychological services from Northwestern in 2014 and also earned her master's degree in sports administration at Northwestern in 2015.   Nate Medic, Asst. Coach: Medic joins the Patriots after spending years as the head coach of the Colonial Forge High School girls' lacrosse program in Stafford. Under his leadership, the Eagles finished runner-up in the 6A 2021 Virginia State tournament and were two-time Virginia State Regional Champions. The Butler, Pa. native, was named Region Coach-of-the-Year three times. In his five-year stint, the program compiled an impressive 60-12 record. Medic has been coaching club lacrosse in Virginia for the past five years, most recently with the Yellow Jackets Mid Atlantic in Lorton. Before that, Medic was the head coach for Fall Line Lacrosse Club in Stafford. Medic played lacrosse collegiately at Bethany College for one season before transferring to Slippery Rock and participating on the men's hockey team for three seasons. A 2015 graduate of Slippery Rock University, Medic earned a Bachelor of Science in Education. He began a teaching career as a Health and PE teacher at King George High School in 2016 before moving to the same position at Colonial Forge High School in 2018.   Riley Ewing, Asst. Coach: Ewing, a two-time graduate of The Ohio State University and five-year member of the women's lacrosse team, will join the Mason ranks after a year working in Chicago as an ACS Consultant. She also spent the summer months coaching a club lacrosse team out of Marietta, Ga., mentoring players and helping them through the recruiting process. During her time at Ohio State, Ewing was a three-year starter and a three-time Big Ten Academic Honor Roll honoree. An attacker who also specialized in the draw control, Ewing finished her career ranking seventh all-time in Buckeye history with 119 draw control wins to her name. She also sits at fifth all-time for draw controls in a single season with 71 in 2019, with a career-high 10 draw controls in a single game. Ewing was also named to the inaugural U.S. Women's Box Training Team in September 2023. The team will participate in three training camps in the Fall of 2023 as it continues preparation for the 2024 World Lacrosse Box Championships in Utica. N.Y. This is the first time that World Lacrosse has hosted a women's championship in box lacrosse.   https://gomason.com/sports/womens-lacrosse @MasonwLax   Connect with T&T: IG: @TurmericTequila Facebook: @TurmericAndTequila TikTok: @TurmericTequila Website: www.TurmericAndTequila.com   Host: Kristen Olson IG: @Madonnashero Website: www.KOAlliance.com #coaching #lacrosse #responsibility #head #heart #wholehuman #legacy #mentalhealth #community #team #womeninsports #athlete          

A RERUN FROM 2021: Have you ever wondered what traditional Japanese sushi and Mexican food create? Several years ago in Mexico, a combination of Mexican food ingredients and Japanese style were used to create a fusion dish known as Sonoran sushi. Traditional Japanese sushi's main ingredient is vinegared rice. Sonoran sushi rolls have those base ingredients like rice and seaweed, but with their own twist.  In this week's episode of Valley 101, a podcast from The Arizona Republic and azcentral.com, we're diving into how this fusion began and why it's becoming more popular.  We'll break down the episode into three parts. First, we're taking a trip down to Puerto Peñasco, commonly known to Arizonans as Rocky Point, to check out a local sushi restaurant. Then The Republic's dining critic, Andi Berlin, will join Valley 101 to give listeners a sense of how Tucson and Southern Arizona has made itself known for its Mexican Sushi.  And finally, you'll hear from a local Valley restaurant owner who was one of the first to introduce this food trend to metro Phoenix.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

We were saddened to learn of the passing of Bob Lundquist. Bob was a long-time member of the Long Island Radio & Television Historical Society who spent much of his professional life as an engineer at the RCA "Radio Central" facility in Rocky Point. This interview between Bob and Connie Currie was recorded in 2015.  Our deepest sympathies and condolences go out to Bob's family and all who knew him. 

Our guest this week comes from a very talented Surf rich family from Hawaii. Following his Dad's footsteps, he was also as a charger in big surf and a standout at Pipeline at an early age. He had the ability to go on the Pro Tour, but opted to move to the mainland and go to Point Loma. After earning his degree he spent 15 years at Surfer Magazine, eventually running the magazine the last 7 of those years. He helped launching the dot.com side of the business including Fantasy Surfer (which we Love) and over-seeing Surfer Poll Awards. He then went on to work at Dragon Eyewear as Global Brand Director for his next 8 years of his career, where he lead go-to-market strategies, retail/marketing campaigns, and was a key participant in the acquisition of the brand. But, as the Surf industry has gone through many changes, it has forced a lot the Core, Authentic, and Respected people like our guest to jump ship to another industry. For the last 5 years he has been a leader as an Executive Insurance Broker and Business Development Specialist. We welcome to the show the talented Mr. Ricky “ROCKY POINT" Irons.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Game #1 from ROCKY POINT PARK, WARWICK R.I. Westfield Wheelmen vs. Providence Grays  Play Call: BARREL ROLLER Color: MARBLES

In this episode of Food Views & Big Ideas join Lucy Allon as she delves into the awe-inspiring journey of Serena Zipf, co-owner of Rocky Point Aquaculture in Queensland, Australia. After their $1.5 million prawn farming business was decimated by a deadly disease, the family took an audacious risk by farming new fish species. Tune in to hear about their unwavering determination and triumphant comeback, leading to a prestigious national award. Get ready to be inspired by this remarkable tale of risk, resilience and pioneering success. To find out more about Straight To The Source:   Visit their Instagram or Facebook page Read about your hosts Tawnya Bahr and Lucy Allon here Join the Straight To The Source community here Learn more about Straight To The Source here For more information about Rocky Point Aquaculture visit their Facebook page or find them on InstagramSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Check out Rocky Point Creamery at the links below! https://www.rockypointcreamery.com/ https://www.facebook.com/rockypointcreamery/ And be sure to follow us on social media! https://www.youtube.com/farmtraveler https://www.instagram.com/farm_traveler/ https://www.facebook.com/TheFarmTraveler https://twitter.com/TheFarmTraveler https://www.carbontv.com/podcasts/farm-traveler/ Subscribe to the Five Minute Friday Newsletter https://mailchi.mp/cf5fc99fc7e7/farmtraveler Subscribe to the podcast here: https://podkite.link/FarmTraveler Farm Traveler is part of the Waypoint Outdoor Collective, the Podcast Network for the Outdoors-man. Check out all of the Waypoint Outdoor Collective Podcasts HERE. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Billy Hamilton joins us to discuss growing up in Laguna before the ocean was poisoned by detergents from civilization's expansion, his early travels in Kauai in the 60's, meeting Laird and his mother on the beach at Rocky Point, surfing Pipeline naked, and living (partying) with Bunker Spreckles when he inherited $100 million dollars. Part One of Two. Enjoy! (Originally aired May 2020). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome to the second part of In Search of Excellence episode featuring Garrett McNamara, a legendary surfer who owns the world record for the largest wave ever surfed, 100 feet tall, which is the equivalent of the 10-story office building or the height of Niagara Falls.  He is the first person ever to ride a wave created by breaking glaciers.  Garrett is also the author of the book “Hound of the Sea: Wild Man. Wild Waves. Wild Wisdom.” and the star of the fantastic HBO documentary TV series called “100 Foot Wave."He is also a dedicated philanthropist. Garrett and his wife, Nicole, started an amazing Waves of Life McNamara Foundation, which helps kids to discover nature and be more environmentally conscious and self-sufficient, with a particular focus on disadvantaged kids. Time stamps:02:05 From a hippie commune to a crazy cultBorn in Massachusetts, grew up in BerkleyRaised by a single mom in a hippie communeFound the cult The Christ FamilyHe was around 6, and his brother was 4Those were the crazy times 07:57 Life in HawaiiWas being poor motivation for his success later in life?In Hawaii, mom had a husband DarylLived on welfareAlways wanted to feel secure and not worry about the money 11:14 Surviving elementary schoolFirst went to elementary school in BerkleyIn Hawaii, he fought with Filipino gangsIn high school, fought with another guy and took him outHawaiians and Filipinos fought mostly with brass knuckles and knives 16:30 Garrett's first surfing boardAnybody with darker skin who moves to Hawaii is accepted fasterHaole – Hawaiian term for anyone that is not a native HawaiianHis garage sale surfboardSurfed for the first time with his friend Butchy Boy Wong, a Chinese HawaiianHe fell in love with surfing at 11 21:25 Falling in love with big wavesHis bad experience surfing at Sunset and his fear of big wavesDidn't have a father in Hawaii, but had father figures (Roy Patterson, Gustavo Liberte)Was hanging out with Gustavo, smoked marijuanaWhen he was 16, Gustavo wanted to take him to surf at SunsetGustavo literally grabbed him by the neck and took him 27:27 How Garrett quit drugs and alcoholWas using drugs often, but stopped at 19He was invited to a Triple CrownRealized that it was possible to earn a living from surfingQuit using pot, cocaine, and alcohol to become a professional surferHow much money did he earn in Japan? 33:30 Garrett's brother LiamLiam was better than Garrett, had more sponsors, made more moneyLiam became the most photographed surfer in the worldCaught more waves than anybody at Rocky Point and PipelineHe should have won the Pipeline Masters one year but didn'tBreaking his femur and how it affected his career 41:35 What is big wave surfing?Surfing on big waves became popularAnderson Cooper described it as cruising at the side of a skyscraper but the skyscraper is collapsing on youGarrett describes his best experience with big wave surfingSponsors:Sandee | Bliss: BeachesWant to Connect? Reach out to us online!Website | Instagram | LinkedIn

On the night of May 31, 2003, a short bearded man was sitting in his car, holding a rifle, in the parking lot of the Green Iguana Bar and Grill in Rocky Point, Florida. The man opened the window, aimed the rifle at the back door of the bar, and waited for his target – a 37 year-old bartender named Sandee Rozzo. Then suddenly, Sandee stepped outside, so the man took a deep breath and FIRED, but he missed. And in a panic, he threw the rifle in the backseat, hit the gas, and drove away. But he wouldn't stop hunting Sandee Rozzo. And when police finally tracked him down, the bearded man's identity would shock them, and their investigation would expose the truth about a violent criminal.For 100s more stories like these, check out our main YouTube channel just called "MrBallen" -- https://www.youtube.com/c/MrBallenIf you want to reach out to me, contact me on Instagram, Twitter or any other major social media platform, my username on all of them is @mrballenSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Let's Talk About Sockets       This week we begin a new series called Prosthetic Parley with Randy and David. My prosthetist will come on once every other month to discuss hot topics that you, the viewers are interested in and talking about. This week we discuss what types of sockets there are and what fit might be right for you and why. Please keep in mind that these are the opinions of two prosthetists, whom I use and trust, but it is in their opinion. We hope that this educates you enough so you can speak to your own prosthetists and make a positive decision on what would work best for you. We also dive into Limbs For Humanity, a non-profit that Randy and David, have just begun, bringing prosthetics to people who are not able to get one due to location and financial situations. They work with Rocky Point Medical Clinic in Rocky Point, Mexico, as well as doing good for those here in the states. They are in need of your help so if you have any spare parts or old prosthetics that you are no longer using, please reach out to me or them so we can put them to great use, helping others become active and mobile once again. If you aren't an amputee and don't know of anyone with spare parts, financial donations is also a huge help so they can purchase the items they need to construct limbs and sockets. You can reach them at one of the Instagram accounts below: @limbmaster @gogobanks @thelimbcenter @limbsforhumanity Or reach out to me: @BAWarrior360 @angie_heuser Check this episode out and if you have any topics you'd like covered in the next episode please feel free to let me know! #amputeelife #amputeegirl #prostheticparley #thelimbcenter #limbsforhumanity #sockets #abovekneeamputee #belowkneeamputee #bawarrior360 #personaljourney #factsandopinions #discussion #liveyourbestlife #podcast The guys, hard at work     Rocky Point, Mexico. Rocky Point Medical Clinic   Special shout-outs to Rocky Point Medical Clinic, Lencho at LS Labs, @Alps_south, @collegeparkind, and @b.tyler.hyatt   I hope you enjoy this discussion time with Randy and David and may your week be blessed! As always, Be Healthy, Be Happy, Be YOU!!!   Much love, Angie  

Singer/Songwriter Shawn Johnson brings his son Xavier to the podcast. We rap about his rough and tumble early years in MA, his decision to move to AZ, early memories of Tempe in the mid 90s, open mic stories, making records, having fun (too much fun sometimes, "Bladder Busters" anyone?), living in Rocky Point, and surviving and overcoming a stroke in 2018. He even shares a new tune live in the studio, with his son Xavier on harmonies, called "Where I Belong." Shawn is working on a new album, keep in touch with him at https://shawnjohnsonmusic.com/

Another fun episode, including: (3:00) Mediocre Observations - New dog owner question about ticks; Soccer tournament misfortune; and Adam's relunctant but very positive conversations with the cashier at Safway (21:30) Eddie's driving range epiphany; then he plays Northwest and Rocky Point (35:00) The World of Golf, including a discusssion about the Master's dinner menu this year, presented by Scottie Please visit our friends at Chasing Aces at www.chasingacesgolf.com.  Even the best are chasing aces!   Also visit www.precisionprogolf.com and get $20 off with the code: Mediocre20 - please follow us on: Instagram @mediocregolfpodcast Twitter @mediocregolfpod Facebook: Mediocre Golf Podcast Email: mediocregolfpodcast@gmail.com Music credits for the closing theme song: Joakim Karud, "Great Days" (https://twitter.com/joakimkarud) 

Warwick Life host Scott Nerney talks with editor George LaCross from the amusement park fan site Laff in the Dark. From Patti Page in 1952 to Weezer in 1994, concerts at the Palladium and Midway stage were an essential part of Rocky Point. Hear about shows by small acts that would become big, the night in 1978 when REO Speedwagon, AC/DC, Blue Öyster Cult, and Thin Lizzy all played, the group that caused the power to go out three times, and the 1984 concert that caused a traffic jam from Warwick to Cranston. Join the Rocky Point Park Remembered! Facebook group. Visit the Laff in the Dark website. Warwick Life highlights what's special in Warwick, Rhode Island and helps listeners get the most from this seaside community. Warwick Life is produced by Scott Nerney and presented by the Varnum Memorial Armory Military & Naval Museum. Write to warwicklife@gmail.com. Music by Tess Der Manouelian.

The government recommends reconsidering your next trip to Rocky Point. Gaydos and Chad talk to listeners who have been to Rocky Point, and ask if they felt safe there. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hops are fun and when you give brewers the chance to explore with them you get really cool beers.  Coronado is rolling out a rotating IPA series themed after famous surf breaks, today we discover what makes Rocky Point

Warwick Life host Scott Nerney talks with editor George LaCross from the amusement park fan site Laff in the Dark. The Rocky Point saltwater pool was an Olympic-sized pool at the front of the park that was filled with water from Narragansett Bay. Hear how George watched divers make painful belly flops while he cooled off in the pool, about Olympic trials and AAU competitions at the pool, how it became a freshwater pool, and why it closed in 1985. Read about the 1936 Olympic tryouts at the pool. Join the Rocky Point Park Remembered! Facebook group. Visit the Laff in the Dark website. Warwick Life highlights what's special in Warwick, Rhode Island and helps listeners get the most from this seaside community. Warwick Life is produced by Scott Nerney and presented by the Varnum Memorial Armory Military & Naval Museum. Write to warwicklife@gmail.com. Music by Tess Der Manouelian.

Principles, Values and Culture are the Foundation of a Successful CompanyIn today's episode, Alex and Annie welcome Steve Schwab, CEO of Casago. He shares his unintentional entry into the vacation rental industry 22 years ago in Rocky Point, Mexico, and how working with the local community is at the core of his success. Steve also talks about Casago University, the company's in-house training institution that trains all staff and franchisees on the immutable principles of vacation rentals.“REAL” TALKSteve: The Immutable Principles Of Vacation Rentals"There are only a few things that are always immutable: transparency, trust, ethics, being centered on your homeowners, making sure they're well-taken care of, loving on your guests so they have an amazing experience to come back. These are sort of the immutable principles but everything else starts over each time, and be humble when you hear what a community wants and needs and don't try to tell them what's best for them."Steve: Benefits of the franchise model"If you look at the top 10 residential real estate companies in the world, they're all franchises, and there's a reason why; it's still a local business. We keep going back to those local realtors that know their area, they know their city, they love their city. They're beholden and accountable to their areas but they needed tech and they needed distribution and they wanted a recognizable name."Find out more about Steve and Casago's vacation rental franchise model in this latest episode of Alex & Annie: The Real Women of Vacation Rentals.Connect with Steve:Steve Schwab | Casago | EmailConnect with Alex and Annie and get more real vacation rental goodness:Alex Husner | Annie HolcombeAlexAndAnniePodcast.comIf you enjoyed this episode of ALEX & ANNIE: The Real Women Of Vacation Rentals, make sure to visit our socials, leave us a like, a comment, or share our content with the crowd! Don't forget to subscribe!LinkedIn | Youtube | Facebook | Instagram | TikTok

Oh yes, it's finally here! Our review of Starbucks Coffee Company in Rocky Point, NY! Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/a_grade_podcast/ Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/agradepodcast

Steve Schwab went from living in the back of a bar in Puerto Peñasco Mexico and helping out with HVAC systems to building Casago into a major property management company with thousands of properties and franchises all over the US and Mexico.  He's featured in our second episode of Homerunners and he's become a thought partner to Matt in tackling some of the deepest questions of our industry. This episode is brought you by PointCentral: https://www.pointcentral.com/vrmb/ the leaders in smart home automation, and Breezeway, https://www.breezeway.io/vrmbthe best in class property care and automations platform. Casago: https://casago.com/ Homerunners Casago Teaser: https://youtu.be/N282sGsb_l8 Streamline: https://www.streamlinevrs.com/ Rocky Point: https://puerto-penasco.com/ Join VRMB Communities: https://www.vrmb.com/membership/  

I want to challenge ALL of you to learn a lesson from Toby. Find little things to smile and laugh about. Find the joy in your life through the smallest of things.Text me at 972-426-2640 so we can stay connected!Support me on Patreon!Twitter:  @elliottspeaksInstagram: @elliottspeaks

Special guest Michael Guarnieri joins Cinemaholics to (in Will's words) "replace Jon Negroni while he's still on his honeymoon for some reason, what a clown" (again, Will's words). First up, Idris Elba! He's in a new thriller called Beastfrom Universal and director Baltasar Kormákur, and it's been getting surprisingly solid reviews considering its release schedule, but are the Cinemaholics going wild about it? Next up is Bodies Bodies Bodies from A24, the much-talked-about dark horror comedy from director Halina Reijn starring Amandla Stenberg, Maria Bakalova, Rachel Sennott, Lee Pace, and yes, amazingly, Pete Davidson. And last, you didn't think we'd miss a chance to talk about the last few episodes of The Rehearsal, did you? You did? OK, sorry, didn't prepare ourselves for that answer. Regardless, we talk about the last few episodes of Nathan Fielder's mind-breaking "who needs a fourth wall?" HBO series, The Rehearsal. Show Notes: 00:00:00 – Beast review 00:26:00 – Bodies Bodies Bodies review 00:45:35 – The Rehearsal finale review Intro Music: “Birds of Rocky Point (feat. Slug” by Glimlip, Søren Søstrom & Soul Food Horns Links: Follow us on Twitter: Jon Negroni, Will Ashton Check out our Cinemaholics Merch! Check out our Patreon to support Cinemaholics! Email your feedback to cinemaholicspodcast [at] gmail.com. Connect with Cinemaholics on Facebook and Twitter. Support our show on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/cinemaholicsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

(4:15) Mediocre Observations - Eddie continues to complain about his reimbursement saga from Aer Lingus; Bad playing partners; Begs for proper Ocean City playing partners; Adam continues his pronounciation lessons and then delves into a story about a round at Laytonsville that goes nowhere in the funniest possible way! (20:00) Adam plays Laytonsville, Rattlewood x2, and plays with the Beltway Golfer (you have to check out his podcast!) (35:15) Eddie's 9-hole league; 36 at the Woodlands, and Rocky Point (51:45) Adam's brawl @ Rattlewood w/ an impatient group (56:30) Tour Takes, including Tony Finau's wins, and LIV This episode was brought to you by Chasing Aces.  Please visit them at www.chasingaces.com.  Please visit our friends at www.HatchGolf.com to see the hottest headcover drops.  Also, please visit www.precisionprogolf.com and get $20 off with the code : Mediocre20 Folllow us on Istagram: mediocregolfpodcast Twitter: @mediocregolfpod Email: mediocregolfpodcast@gmail.com Music credits: Joakim Karud, "Great Days"  https://twitter.com/joakimkarud  

In this week's episode of The Make, Trevor and Dylan talk about making disciples and how our stories can play a huge part in that process. They also give us a glimpse of what's coming up for the people of Pantano, including our Rooted experience launching soon, as well as details on our upcoming Rocky Point trip and the End of Summer Celebration for kids that's happing this Friday night! And, they also recap Trevor's message from the past Sunday, which was part 2 of our Jesus is… series. For all that and more, give this episode a listen! FOLLOW ALONG: Trevor - @trevordevage everywhere. Dylan - @dyln_mtchll everywhere. FEATURED COFFEES: Summer Solstice Blend by Intelligentsia Ethiopia – Agaro Gera – Kolla Bolcha by Presta Adesso --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/themake/message

Brought to you by Warwick Radio and the Warwick Historical Society, the Warwick History Quiz Show serves up fascinating facts about the city and a real challenge for our contestants. Join host Jen Linton, Warwick Historical Society President Felicia Gardella, and contestants Mary Anne Quinn and Leslie Wasilewski for our inaugural show. Plus, hear the rest of the story about Felicia's family and their history with Rocky Point in a special bonus clip after the show. If you would like to be a contestant on the Warwick History Quiz Show, write to radio@warwicklibrary.org.

No messin around. No clever title. Just straightforward good stuff. Host Thomas Baldrick is pleased and proud to present a summary of his new project - My Rocky Point Gas Saving Research. It's easy. All you need to do is listen . You'll be rewarded with information on when and where to buy gasoline on your Rocky Point trips. Treat yourself with the savings to buy tacos, beer, maragaritas, or a massage. Once again this is content which pays you to listen. Just like we did in the previous episode on Sonoyta Do's and Don'ts for dealing with the policia. 

Warwick Life host Scott Nerney talks with editor George LaCross from the amusement park fan site Laff in the Dark. Scott and George continue their conversation about Rocky Point Park. Hear about the Flume, funhouse, Laff in the Dark, and Castle of Terror/House of Horrors. Find out about the Rocky Point jail, and discover where some of Rocky Point's rides went when the park closed. Visit the Laff in the Dark website. Join the Rocky Point Park Remembered! Facebook group. Warwick Life highlights what's special in Warwick, Rhode Island and helps listeners get the most from this seaside community. Warwick Life is produced by Scott Nerney and presented by the Warwick Center for the Arts. Write to warwicklife@gmail.com. Music by Tess Der Manouelian.

Rocky Point has a tarot card reader. And a damn good one. His name is John Cuevas. You'll meet him in this episode of the Rocky Point Podcast.  Host Thomas Baldrick does more than talk with John about his life in Puerto Penasco, and his background in reading tarot cards for clients. He also gets John to do a sample reading to give you an idea of what it is like to have your tarot cards read by him. Enjoy a unique experience with John Cuevas, the latest version of "The Man in Black."  

This is great content. No doubt about it. The return of commercial flights to Puerto Penasco from Tijuana took a first-class effort and is worth celebrating. This episode of the Rocky Point Podcast is short but sweet. a It gives you helpful information and a chance to hear the excitement of from Puerto Penasco VIPs as they talk with Host Thomas Baldrick.  However, the audio was recorded on location at the Mar de Cortes International Airport. Please excuse the background noise from airplane engines, people, and winds.

This unique episode of the Rocky Point Podcast finds Host Thomas Baldrick switching to the role of guest. It features his appearance talking all things Puerto Peñasco on the Phoenix radio show, "The Think Tank" with Dr. Mike O'Neil. What's great about this opportunity created by Mike O'Neil is in addition to hosting the show, he acts a host in renting a condo on Rocky Point's popular Sandy Beach.

Paula Vargas Beasley is a Hispanic REALTOR® working with Tidal Realty Partners powered by eXp Realty. Paula is a savvy Hispanic/Latin real estate broker who is fully bilingual in both Spanish and English.  Born in Colombia, and an emigrant to the United States, she has been in the Greater Wilmington market for most of her life and is passionate about helping others with real estate investing, home selling, and home buying needs. In her real estate business, she services Wilmington, Leland, Burgaw, Castle Hayne, Rocky Point, Jacksonville, Surf City, Holly Ridge, and surrounding areas in the Cape Fear North Carolina region! She is a proud member Latin American Business Council of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce! Paula is married and has a daughter. Paula's website:  https://paulavargasrealtor.com/ (https://paulavargasrealtor.com/) Paula's Facebook Business Page:  https://www.facebook.com/paulavargasrealtor/ (https://www.facebook.com/paulavargasrealtor/) Paula's Instagram: @paulavargasrealtor

Holmberg's Morning Sickness - Opening Break - Friday September 3, 2021 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices