Podcasts about molotov ribbentrop

Hey guys, what you are about to listen to is basically a “what if” Japan performed Hokushin-ron instead of Nanshin-ron, ie: What if Japan invaded the USSR during WW2? Before I jump into it I just want to thank all of you that signed up for the patreon, you guys are awesome. Please leave a comment on this episode to let me know what more you want to hear about in the future. With all of that said and done lets jump right into it.   Part 1 The Geopolitical context   Ok so, one of the questions I get the most is, what if Japan invaded the USSR. I've actually already tackled this subject, albeit lightly with Cody from AlternatehistoryHub and once with my friend Eric. Its too complicated to give a real answer, a lot of this is guess work, though I really will try to provide hard numbers. I think off the bat something needs to be made clear since we are dealing with alternate history. I am not doing a “what if Japan developed completely different, or what if the IJA got their way in the early 1930's” no no, this is going to be as realistic as possible…even though this is batshit crazy.    Japan faced the decision of whether to go to war with the USSR in 1941 during Operation Barbarossa. They held meetings, made plans, and ultimately it was decided they would not engage the Soviets. Our scenario will follow exactly what they did to a T, but when the made the decision not to go to war, we will see them go to war.    Now before I jump into our this timeline, I think its very important to explain the actual situation Japan faced in 1941. There were two major strategies that emerged during the 1930's within the Japanese military. Many junior officers in the IJA favored the Hokushin-ron “northern strike” strategy against the USSR. Many officers in the IJN with some in the IJA favored the Nanshin-ron “southern strike” strategy, to seize the resource rich dutch east indies by invading Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The idea of Hokushin-ron was to perform an invasion into Southern Siberia and outer mongolia ending around Lake Baikal where they would set up defenses. They had already tried to establish this during the Russian civil war as part of the Siberian Intervention, but failed to create a buffer state. From 1935-1939 there were 108 border clashes between the USSR and Japan. In 1938 one of these border clashes turned into quite a catastrophe, it was called the battle of Lake Khasan.  The Soviets suffered nearly 800 deaths, more than 3000 wounded, perhaps nearly 50 tanks were destroyed with another 100 damaged. The Japanese suffered about 600 deaths with 2500 wounded. The result ultimately was a ceasefire, but for the Kwantung army it seemed to them like a victory. In May of 1939 they had a much larger and more famous battle known as the battle of Khalkhin Gol.  During the early part of the battle the IJA sent 80 tanks crossing over Khalkhin Gol, driving the Soviets back towards Baintsagan Hill. Zhukov was waiting for the attack and sent 450 tanks and armored cars unsupported by infantry to attack the IJA from three sides. The IJA were practically encircled and lost half their armored units as they struggled to fight back as it withdrew. The two armies spared for the next 2 weeks along the east bank of the Khalkhin Gol. Problem was the Japanese were having issues getting their supplies to the area as they lacked motor transport while Zhukov whose army was over 460 miles away from its base of supply had 2600 trucks supplying them. On july 23rd the Japanese launched attacks supported by artillery and within two days they had consumed half their ammunition stores. The situation was terrible, they suffered 5000 casualties and made little progress breaking the Soviet lines. Zhukov then unleashed an offensive on august 20th using over 4000 trucks to transport supplies from Chita base. He assembled around 500 tanks, 550 fighters and bombers and his 50,000 infantry supported by armored cars. This mechanized force attacked the Japanese first using artillery and the aircraft as his armor and infantry crossed the river. The IJA were quickly flanked by the fast moving Soviet armor and encircled by August 25th. The IJA made attempts to break out of the encirclement but failed. They refused to surrender despite overwhelming artillery and aerial bombardment; by the 31st the Japanese forces on the Mongolian side of the border were destroyed. The Japanese suffered nearly 20,000 casualties, the lost 162 aircraft, 29 tanks, 7 tankettes, 72 artillery pieces a large number of vehicles. The Soviets took a heavy hit also suffering almost 25,000 casualties, 250 aircraft, 250 tanks, 133 armored cars, almost 100 artillery pieces, hundreds of vehicles. While these numbers make it seem the Japanese did a great job, you need to consider what each party was bringing to this fight. The Japanese brought roughly 30,000 men, 80 tanks and tankettes, 400 aircraft, 300 artillery pieces, 1000 trucks. The Soviets brought nearly 75,000 men, 550 tanks, 900 aircraft, 634 artillery pieces, 4000 trucks. There are some sources that indicate the IJA brought as many artillery rounds as they could muster from Japan, Manchuria and Korea, roughly 100,000 rounds for the operation. The Soviets fired 100,000 rounds per day. A quick look at wikipedia numbers, yes I know its a no no, but sometimes its good for quick perspectives show: USSR: Bomber sorties 2,015, fighter sorties 18,509; 7.62 mm machine gun rounds fired 1,065,323; 20 mm (0.80 in) cannon rounds expended 57,979; bombs dropped 78,360 (1,200 tons). Japan: Fighter/bomber sorties 10,000 (estimated); 7.7 mm (0.30 in) machine gun rounds fired 1.6 million; bombs dropped 970 tons. What I am trying to say is there was an enormous disparity in military production. And this is not just limited to numbers but quality. After the battle the Japanese made significant reforms. They increased tank production from 500 annually to 1200. The Japanese funded research into new anti-tank guns, such as the Type 1 47 mm. They mounted this gun to their Type 97 Chi-Ha tanks, the new standard medium tank of the IJA. Because of the tremendous defeat to Soviet armor they send General Yamashita to Germany to learn everything he could about tank tactics. But they simply could not produce enough tanks to ever hope to match 10% of the USSR. The Soviets had mostly been using T-26's, BT-5's and BT-7's who were crudely made, but made en masse. The Japanese would find most of their tank models with less effective range, less armor and some with less penetration power. It took the Japanese a hell of a lot more time to produce tanks, they were simply not on par with the Soviets in quantity or quality. Their tank tactics, albeit improved via Yamashita after 1939, were still nothing compared to the Soviets.  The major outcome of the battle of Lake Khasan and Khalkhin Gol was the abandonment of the hokushin-ron strategy and adoption of the nanshin-ron strategy. But, that didnt mean Japan did not have a plan in case they had to go to war with the USSR. Part 2 Kantōgun Tokushu Enshū Kantōgun Tokushu Enshū or the Kwantung Army Special Maneuvers was an operational plan created by the General Staff of the IJA for an invasion of the Russian Far East to capitalize on Operation Barbarossa. Here our story truly begin. Between 1938-1939 the IJA General Staff and Kwantung Army formed two “Hachi-Go” plans. Variants A and B examined the possibility of an all out war with the USSR beginning in 1943. In both plans they expected to be facing 60 Soviet divisions, while they could deliver 50 divisions, delivered incrementally from China and Japan. Plan A called for attacks across the eastern and northern borders of Manchuria while maintaining a defensive stance in the west. Plan B, much more ambitious, called for striking into the vast steppe between the Great Khingan Mountains and Lake Baikal, hoping to cut off the trans-siberian railway. If this was done successfully it was believed the whole of European Russia would be doomed to be defeated in detail. Defeated in detail means to divide and conquer. This battle would take place over 5000 kilometers with Japan's final objective being to advance 1200 km into the USSR. That dwarves Operation Barbarossa in distance, let that sink in. Both plans faced impossible odds. First of all the railway networks in Manchuria were not sufficiently expanded for such far reaching offensives, especially for plan B. Furthermore the 50 divisions required for them would be impossible to come by, since 1937 Japan was bogged down in a war with China. When Japan went to war with the west in 1941 she had 51 divisions. She left the base minimum in China, 35 divisions and tossed nearly 20 into southeast asia and the pacific. On top of not having the men, the IJA estimated a fleet of 200,000 vehicles would be necessary to sustain an offensive to Lake Baikal. That was twice the number of military vehicles Japan had at any given time. After the battle of Khalkhin Gol, plan B was completely abandoned. Planning henceforth focused solely on the northern and eastern fronts with any western advance being limited in scope. Now Japan formed a neutrality pact with the USSR because of her defeat at Khalkhin Gol and Molotov Ribbentrop pact between Germany and the USSR. The Molotov Ribbentrop Pact came as a bitter and complete surprise to Japan. It pushed Japan to fully adopt the Nanshin-ron strategy and this began with her invasion of French IndoChina, which led the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and United States to embargo her. The Netherlands Dutch East Indies refused to sell oil to Japan, the UK refused to sell oil from Burma and the US gradually cut off selling oil to Japan, with her oil exports alone being 80% of Japans supply, the rest from the Dutch east indies. The United States also placed an embargo on scrap-metal shipments to Japan and closed the Panama Canal to Japanese shipping. 74.1% of Japan's scrap iron came from the United States in 1938, and 93% of Japan's copper in 1939. Other things like Rubber and tin were also off the table, as this was mostly acquired from British held Malaya and the Dutch East Indies.    Now the crux of everything is the China War. Japan was stuck, she needed to win, in order to win she needed the resources she was being denied. The only logical decision was to attack the places with these resources. Thus until 1941, Japan prepared to do just that, investing in the Navy primarily. Then in June of 1941, Hitler suddenly informs the Japanese that he is going to invade the USSR. The Japanese were shocked and extremely angry, they nearly left the Tripartite Pact over the issue. This unprecedented situation that ushered in the question, what should Japan do? There were those like Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka who argued they must abandon the neutrality pact and launch a simultaneous offensive with the Germans against the USSR. The IJA favored this idea….because obviously it would see them receiving more funding as the IJN was currently taking more and more of it for the Nanshin-ron plans. But this is not a game of hearts of Iron IV, the Japanese government had to discuss and plan if they would invade the USSR….and boy it took awhile. I think a lot of you will be very disappointed going forward, but there is no grand unleashing of a million Japanese across the borders into the Soviet Far East, in the real world there is something called logistics and politics.    The Japanese military abided by a flexible response policy, like many nations do today. Theres was specifically called the Junbi Jin Taisei or “preparatory formation setup”. Japan would only go to war with the USSR if favorable conditions were met. So in our timeline the Junbi Jin encountered its first test on June 24th when the IJA/IJN helped a conference in the wake of operation barbarossa. A compromise was made allowing the IJA to prepare an invasion plan if it did not impede on the nanshin-ron plans. There was those in the IJA who argued they should invade the USSR whether conditions were favorable or not, there were those who only wanted to invade if it looked like the USSR was on the verge of collapse. One thing agreed upon was if Japan unleashed a war with the USSR, the hostilities needed to be over by mid-October because the Siberian climate would hit winter and it would simply be impossible to continue. The IJA needed 60-7 days to complete operational preparations and 6-8 weeks to defeat the Soviets within the first phase of the offensive. Here is a breakdown of what they were thinking: 28 June: Decide on mobilization 5 July: Issue mobilization orders 20 July: Begin troop concentration 10 August: Decide on hostilities 24 August: Complete readiness stance 29 August: Concentrate two divisions from North China in Manchuria, bringing the total to 16 5 September: Concentrate four further divisions from the homeland, bringing the total to 22; complete combat stance 10 September (at latest): Commence combat operations 15 October: Complete first phase of war   The plan called for 22 divisions (might I add my own calculations of 20 divisions were pretty spot on), with roughly 850,000 men, including Manchukuo allies, supported by 800,000 tons of shipping. The Japanese hoped the Soviets would toss at least half their forces in the Far East, perhaps 2/3rd of their armor and aircraft against the Germans giving them a 2-1 superiority. Even the 22 divisions was questionable, many in the war ministry thought only 16 divisions could be spared for such a venture, something only suitable for mop up operations in the aftermath of a German victory along the eastern front. It was clear to all, Japan needed perfect conditions to even think about performing such a thing.    The War hawks who still sought to perform Hokushin-ron tried to persaude Hideki Tojo on july 5th to go through with a new plan using a total of 25 divisions. This plan designated “Kantogun Tokushu Enshu or Kantokuen” would involve 2 phases, a buildup and readiness phase and an offensive phase. On July 7th they went to Hirohito for his official sanction for the build up. Hirohito questioned everything, but gradually relented to it. The plan was nearly identical to the former plans, banking on the Soviets being unable to reinforce the Far East because of Germany's progress. The level of commitment was scaled down somewhat, but still enormous. Again a major looming issue was the Manchurian railways that would need to be expanded to accomodate the movement of men and supplies. This meant the construction of port facilities, military barracks, hospitals and such. Kantokuen would begin with a initial blow against the Ussuri front, targeting Primorye and would be followed up by a northern attack against Blagoveshchensk and Kuibyshevka. The 1st area army, 3rd and 20 armies with the 19th division of the Korean army would penetrade the border south of Lake Khanka to breach the main soviet defensive lines, thus threatening Vladivostok. The 5th army would strike south of Dalnerechensk to complete the isolation of the maritime province, sever the trans-sierian railway and block Soviet reinforcements. The 4th army would attack along the Amur river before helping out against Blagoveshchensk. Two reinofrced divisions would invade Sakhalin from land and sea. The second phase would see the capture of Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk, Skovorodino, Sovetskaya Gavan, and Nikolayevsk. Additionally, amphibious operations against Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and other parts of the Kamchatka Peninsula were contemplated.   It was agreed the operation could only afford 24 divisions, with 1,200,000 men, 35,000 vehicles, 500 tanks, 400,000 horses and 300,000 coolies. The deployment of thse forces would mean the western front facing Mongolia and the Trans-baikal region would be pretty much open, so delaying actions would have to be fought if the soviets performed a counter offensive there. Air forces were critical to the plan. They sought to dispatch up to roughly 2000 aircraft cooperating with 350 naval aircraft to launch a sudden strike against the Soviet Far East Air Force to knock them out early.    The Soviet Far East had two prominent weaknesses to be exploited. Number 1 was Mongolia's 4500 km long horeshoe shaped border. Number 2 was its 100% dependency on European Russia to deliver men, food and war materials via the trans-siberian railway. Any disruption of the trans-siberian railway would prove fatal to the Soviet Far East.    Now as for the Soviets. The 1930's and early 1940's saw the USSR take up a defensive policy, but retained offensive elecments as well. Even with the German invasion and well into 1942, the Soviets held a strategy of tossing back the IJA into Manchuria if attacked. The primary forces defending the Far east in 1941 were the Far Eastern and Trans-Baikal Fronts, under the command of Generals Iosif Apanasenko and Mikhail Kovalyov. The Trans-Baikal front held 9 divisions, including 2 armored, a mechanized brigade and a heavily fortified region west of the Oldoy River near Skovorodino had a garrison. The Far Eastern Front had 23 divisions including 3 armored, 4 brigades and 11 heavily fortified regions with garrisons including Vladivostok. Altogether they had 650,000 men, 5400 tanks, 3000 aircraft, 57,000 vehicles, 15,000 artillery pieces and nearly 100,000 horses. By 1942 the Vladivostok sector had 150 artillery pieces with 75 -356 mm calibers organized into 50 batteries. As you can imagine after Operation Barbarrosa was unleashed, things changed. From June to December, roughly 160,000 men, 3000 tanks, 2670 artillery pieces, 12,000 vehicles and perhaps 1800 aircraft were sent to deal with the Germans. Despite this, the Soviets also greatly expanded a buildup to match the apparent Japanese buildup in Manchuria. By July 22nd 1941 the Far Eastern and Trans-Baikal Fronts were to be raised by 1 million men for august. By December it was nearly 1.2 million. Even the Soviet Far East Navy saw an increase from 100,000 men to 170,000 led by Admiral Yumashev. The Soviet Mongolian allies were capable of manning about 80,000, though they lacked heavy equipment.    Thus if this war broke out in September the Soviets and Mongolians would have just over a million men, with 2/3rds of them manning the Amur-Ussuri-Sakhalin front, the rest would defend Mongolia and the Trans-Baikal region. Even though the war against the Germans was dire, the Soviets never really gave up their prewar planning for how to deal with the Japanese. There would be an all-out defense over the border to prevent any breach of Soviet territory. The main effort would see the 1st and 25th armies holding a north-south axis between the Pacific ocean and Lake Khanka; the 35th army would defend Iman; the 15th and 2nd Red Banner armies would repel the Japanese over the Amur River; and other forces would try to hold out on Sakhalin, Kamchatka and the Pacific coast. The Soviets had constructed hundreds of fortified positions known as Tochkas along the border. Most of these were hexagonal concrete bunkers contained machine gun nests and 76 mm guns. The fortified regions I mentioned were strategically placed forcing the Japanese to overcome them via frontal attacks. This would require heavy artillery to overcome. Despite the great defensive lines, the Soviets did not intend to be passive and would launch counteroffensives. The Soviet air force and Navy would play an active role in defeating a Japanese invasion as well. The air force's objetice would be to destroy the Japanese air force in the air and on the ground, requiring tactical ground attack mission. They would also destroy key railways, bridges and airfields within Manchuria and Korea alongside intercepting IJN shipping. Strategic bombing against the home islands would be limited to under 30 DB-3's who could attack Tokyo, Yokosuka, Maizuru and Ominato. The Soviet Navy would help around the mouth of the Amur River, mine the Tatar Strait and try to hit any IJN ships landing men or materials across the Pacific Coasts.    Japan would not be able to continue a land war with the USSR for very long. According to Japanese military records, in 1942 while at war they were required to produce 50 Kaisenbun. A Kaisenbun is a unit of measurement for ammunition needed for a single division to operate for 4 months. Annual production never surpassed 25 kaisenbun with 100 in reserve. General Shinichi Tanaka estimated for an operation against the USSR 3 Kaisenbun would be needed per divisions, thus a total of 72 would be assigned to 24 divisions. This effectively meant 2/3rds of Japans ammunition stockpile would be used on the initial strike against the USSR. Japan would have been extremely hard pressed to survive such a war cost for 2 years.    Now in terms of equipment Japan had a lot of problems. During the border battles, Japanese artillery often found itself outranged and grossly under supplied compared to the Soviet heavier guns. Despite moving a lot of men and equipment to face the Germans, the Red Army maintained a gross superiority in armor. The best tank the Kwantung Army had in late 1941 was the Type 97 Chi-Ha, holding 33mm armor with a low velocity 57 mm gun. There was also Ha-Go and Te-Ke's with 37 mm guns but they had an effective range less than 1 km.   The Soviet T-26, BT-5 and BT-7's had 45 mm guns more than capable of taking out the Japanese armor and the insult to injury was they were crudely made and very expendable. Every Japanese tank knocked out was far greater a loss, as Japan's production simply could not remotely match the USSR. For aircraft the Japanese were a lot better off. The Polikarpov I-16 was the best Soviet fighter in the Far East and performed alright against the Nakajima Ki-27 at Khalkhin Gol. The rest of the Soviet air arsenal were much older and would struggle. The Soviets would have no answer to the IJN's Zero fighter or the IJA's high speed KI-21 bomber that outraced the Soviet SB-2. Japanese pilots were battle hardened by China and vastly experienced.   Another thing the Japanese would have going for them was quality of troops. The Soviets drained their best men to fight the Germans, so the combat effectiveness in the far east would be less. Without the Pacific War breaking out, some of Japan's best Generals would be brought into this war, of course the first one that comes to mind for me is General Yamashita, probably the most armor competent Japanese general of ww2.    Come August of 1941 those who still sought the invasion of the USSR were facing major crunch time. The IJA planners had assumed the Soviets would transfer 50% or more of their power west to face the Germans, but this was not the case. By August 9th of 1941, facing impossible odds and with the western embargos in full motion, in our timeline the Japanese Hokushin-Ron backers gave up. But for the sake of our story, for some batshit insane reason, the Japanese military leadership and Hirohito give the greenlight for an invasion on August 10th.   Part 3 the catastrophe   So to reiterate the actual world plan had    10 August: Decide on hostilities 24 August: Complete readiness stance 29 August: Concentrate two divisions from North China in Manchuria, bringing the total to 16 5 September: Concentrate four further divisions from the homeland, bringing the total to 22; complete combat stance 10 September (at latest): Commence combat operations 15 October: Complete first phase of war   So what is key to think about here is the events of September. The Battle for Moscow is at the forefront, how does a Japanese invasion in the first week or two of September change things? This is going to probably piss off some of you, but Operation Typhoon would still fail for Germany.  In our time line the legendary spy Richard Sorge sent back information on Japan's decision to invade the USSR between August 25th to September 14th. On the 25th he informed Stalin the Japanese high command were still discussing whether to go to war or not with the USSR. On September 6th Stalin was informed the Japanese were beginning preparations for a war against the west. Then on September 14th, the most important message was relayed to Stalin "In the careful judgment of all of us here... the possibility of [Japan] launching an attack, which existed until recently, has disappeared...."[15]    With this information on hand from 23 June to 31 December 1941, Stalin transferred a total of 28 divisions west. This included 18 rifle divisions, 1 mountain rifle division, 3 tank divisions, 3 mechanized divisions and 3 mountain cavalry divisions. The transfers occurred mainly in June (11 divisions) and October (9 divisions).    Here we come to a crossroads and I am going to have to do some blunt predictions. Let's go from the most optimistic to the most pessimistic. Scenario 1) for some insane reason, Stalin abandons Moscow and moves his industry further east, something the Soviets were actively preparing during Operation Typhoon. This is not a defeat of the USSR, it certainly would prolong the war, but not a defeat. Now that seems rather silly. Scenario 2) Stalin attempts transferring half of what he did in our time line back to Moscow and the Germans fail to take it. The repercussions of course is a limited counteroffensive, it wont be as grand as in our timeline, but Moscow is saved. Scenario 3) and the most likely in my opinion, why would Stalin risk moscow for the Far East? Stalin might not transfer as many troops, but certainly he would have rather placed his chips in Moscow rather than an enemy literally 6000 km's away who have to cross a frozen desert to get to anything he cares about.  Even stating these scenarios, the idea the German army would have taken Moscow if some of the very first units from the far east arrived, because remember a lot of these units did not make it in time to defend moscow, rather they contributed to the grand counteroffensive after the Germans stalled. The German armies in front of Moscow were depleted, exhausted, unsupplied and freezing. Yes many of the Soviet armies at Moscow were hastily thrown together, inexperienced, poorly led and still struggling to regain their balance from the German onslaught. Yet from most sources, and by sources I mean armchair historian types argue, the Germans taking Moscow is pretty unlikely. And moscow was not even that important. What a real impact might have been was the loss of the Caucasus oil fields in early 1942, now that could have brought the USSR down, Moscow, not so much, again the Soviets had already pulled their industry further east, they could do it again.   So within the context of this Second Russo-Japanese War, figure the German's still grind to a halt, they don't take Moscow, perhaps Soviets dont push them back as hard, but the USSR is not collapsing by any means. Ok now before we talk about Japans invasion we actually need to look at some external players. The UK/US/Netherlands already began massive embargoes against Japan for oil, iron, rubber, tin, everything she needed to continue her war, not just against the USSR, but with over 35 divisions fighting in China. President Roosevelt was looking for any excuse to enter WW2 and was gradually increasing ways to aid Britain and the Soviets.  Now American's lend-lease program seriously aided the USSR during WW2, particularly the initial stages of the war. The delivery of lend-lease to the USSR came through three major routes: the Arctic Convoys, the Persian Corridor, and the Pacific Route. The Arctic route was the shortest and most direct route for lend-lease aid to the USSR, though it was also the most dangerous as it involved sailing past German-occupied Norway. Some 3,964,000 tons of goods were shipped by the Arctic route; 7% was lost, while 93% arrived safely. The Persian Corridor was the longest route, and was not fully operational until mid-1942. Thereafter it saw the passage of 4,160,000 tons of goods, 27% of the total. The most important was the Pacific Route which opened up in August of 1941, but became affected when Japan went to war with America. The major port was Vladivostok, where only Soviet ships could transport non-military goods some 8,244,000 tons of goods went by this route, 50% of the total. Vladivostok would almost certainly be captured by the Japanese in our scenario so it won't be viable after its capture. Here is the sticky part, Japan is not at war with the US, so the US is pretty much free to find different Pacific paths to get lend-lease to the Soviets, and to be honest there's always the Arctic or Persian corridors. Hell in this scenario America will be able to get supplies easily into China as there will be no war in Burma, hong kong, Malaya and such. America alone is going to really ruin Japans day by increasing lend-lease to the UK, China and the USSR. America wont be joining the war in 1941, but I would strongly wager by hook or by crook, FDR would pull them into a war against Germany, probably using the same tactic Woodrow Wilson did with WW1. This would only worsen things for Japan. Another player of course is China. Late 1941, China was absolutely battered by Japan. With Japan pulling perhaps even more troops than she did for the Pacific war to fight the USSR, Chiang Kai-Shek would do everything possible to aid his new found close ally Stalin. How this would work out is anyone's guess, but it would be significant as I believe America would be providing a lot more goodies.    Ok you've all been patient, what happens with the war? Japan has to deliver a decisive knock out blow in under 4-6 months, anything after this is simply comical as Japan's production has no resources. The oil in siberia is not even remotely on the table. The Japanese can't find it, would not be able to exploit it, let alone quick enough to use it for the war. Hell the Italians were sitting on oil in Libya and they never figured that out during WW2.   So Kantokuen is unleashed with an initial blow against the Primorye in the Ussuri Front followed by an assault against Blagoveshchensk and Kiubyshevka. The main soviet lines south of Lake Khanka are attacked by the Japanese 1st area army, 3rd and 20th armies and the 19th Korean division. This inturn threatens Vladivostok who is also being bombarded by IJA/IJN aircraft. The 5th Ija army attacks south of Dalnerechensk in an attempt to sever the trans-siberian railway, to block Soviet reinforcements and supplies. The 4th IJA army fords the Amur river to help with the assault of Blagoveshchensk. Meanwhile Sakhalin is being attacked from land and sea by two IJA divisions.  Despite the Soviets being undermanned the western front facing Mongolia and the Trans-Baikal region is wide up to an attack as its only defended by the 23rd IJA division, so a limited counteroffensive begins there. The Japanese quickly win air superiority, however the heavily fortified Tochkas are not being swept aside as the Japanese might have hoped. A major problem the Japanese are facing is Soviet artillery. The Japanese artillery already placed along the borders, initially performed well, crushing Tochkas in range, but when the Japanese begin advancing and deploying their artillery units they are outgunned perhaps 3-1, much of the Soviet artillery outranges them and the Soviets have a much larger stockpile of shells. Airpower is failing to knock out soviet artillery which is placed within Tochkas and other fortified positions with anti-aircraft guns. Without achieving proper neutralization or counter battery fire, the Japanese advance against the fortified Soviet positions. The Soviets respond shockingly with counterattacks. The 15th and 35th Soviet armies with the Amur Red Banner Military Flotilla toss limited counterattacks against both sides of the Sungari River, harassing the Japanese. While much of the soviet armor had been sent west, their light tanks which would be useless against the Germans have been retained in the far east and prove capable of countering the IJA tanks. The Soviets inflict tremendous casualties, however General Yamashita, obsessed with blitzkrieg style warfare he saw first hand in the west, eventually exploits a weak area in the line.Gradually a blitzkrieg punches through and begins to circle around hitting Soviet fortified positions from the rear. The Soviets knew this would be the outcome and had prepared to fight a defense in depth, somewhat managing the onslaught.  The trans-siberian railway has been severed in multiple locations close to the border area, however this is not as effective as it could be, the Japanese need to hook deeper to cut the line further away. In the course of weeks the Soviets are gradually dislodged from their fortified positions, fighting a defense in depth over great stretches of land. Vladivostok holds out surprisingly long until the IJN/IJA seize the city. Alongside this Sakhalin is taken with relative ease. The Soviet surface fleet is annihilated, but their large submarine force takes a heavy toll of the IJN who are attempting Pacific landings. Kantokuen phase 1 is meeting its objectives, but far later than expected with much more casualties than expected. The Japanese are shocked by the fuel consumption as they advance further inland. Each truck bearing fuel is using 50% of said fuel to get to the troops, something reminiscent of the north african campaign situation for Rommel. The terrain is terrible for their vehicles full of valleys, hills, forests and mountains. Infrastructure in the region is extremely underdeveloped and the Soviets are burning and destroying everything before the Japanese arrive. All key roads and cities are defended until the Japanese can encircle the Soviets, upon which they depart, similar to situations the Japanese face in China. It is tremendously slow progress. The IJA are finding it difficult to encircle and capture Soviet forces who have prepared a series of rear lines to keep falling back to while performing counterattacks against Japanese columns. As the Japanese advance further into the interior, the IJN are unable to continue supporting them with aircraft and much of the IJA aircraft are limited in operations because of the range. The second phase of Kantokuen calls for the capture of Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk, Skovorodino, Sovetskaya Gavan, and Nikolayevsk. Additionally, amphibious operations against Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and other parts of the Kamchatka Peninsula are on standby as the IJN fears risking shipping as a result of Soviet submarine operations. The sheer scope of the operation was seeing the tide sides stretching their forces over a front nearly 5000 km in length. At some points the Japanese were attempting to advance more than 1000 km's inland, wasting ungodly amounts of fuel and losing vehicles from wear and tear.  So what does Japan gain? Within the span of 4 months, max 6 months Japan could perhaps seized: Sakhalin, the Primorsye krai including Vladivostok, segments of the trans siberian railway, Blagoveshchensk, Kuibyshevka. If they are really lucky Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk, Skovorodino, Sovetskaya Gavan, Nikolayevsk. Additionally, Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and other parts of the Kamchatka Peninsula. What does this mean? Really nothing. Pull out a map of manchuria during WW2, take a pencil and expand the manchurian border perhaps 1000 km if you really want to be generous, that's the new extent of the empire of the rising sun. The real purpose of attacking the USSR is not to perform some ludicrous dash across 6000 km's of frozen wasteland to whittle down and defeat the Soviets alongside the rest of the Axis. It was only to break them, in late 1941 at Moscow there was perhaps a fools chance, but it was a fool's chance for Japan.  Japan has run out of its stockpiles of Kaisenbun, oil, iron, rubber, tin, all types of resources necessary for making war. Unlike in our timeline where Japan began exporting resources from its conquests in southeast asia and the pacific, here Japan spent everything and now is relying on the trickles it has within its empire. The China war will be much more difficult to manage. The lend-lease will increase every day to China. The US/UK/Netherlands will only increase pressure upon Japan to stop being a nuisance, Japan can't do anything about this as the US Pacific Fleet is operating around the Philippines always a looming threat. The Japanese are holding for a lack of better words, useless ground in the far east. They will build a buffer area to defend against what can only be described as a Soviet Invasion of Manchuria x1000. The Allies will be directing all of their effort against Germany and Italy, providing a interesting alternate history concept in its own right. After Germany has been dealt with, Japan would face a existential threat against a very angry Stalin. Cody from Alternate History Hub actually made an episode on this scenario, he believed the Soviets would conquer most of Japan occupied Asia and even invade the home islands. It would certainly be something on the table, taking many years, but the US/UK would most likely interfere in some way. The outcome would be so much worse for Japan. Perhaps she is occupied and a communist government is installed. Perhaps like in our timeline the Americans come in to bolster Japan up for the looming coldwar.  But the question I sought to answer here was, Japan invading the USSR was a dumb idea. The few Japanese commanders who pushed it all the way until August 9th of 1941 simply had to give up because of how illogical it was. I honestly should not have even talked about military matters, this all came down to logistics and resources. You want to know how Japan could have secured itself a better deal in WW2? 1941, the China War is the number one problem Japan can't solve so they look north or south to acquire the means to solve the China problem? Negotiate a peace with China. That is the lackluster best deal right there.    Sorry if this episode did not match your wildest dreams. But if you want me to do some batshit crazy alternate history stuff, I am more than happy to jump into it and have fun. Again thank all of you guys who joined the patreon, you guys are awesome. Until next time this is the Pacific War channel over and out. 

In questa puntata attraversiamo gli anni che preparano lo scoppio della Seconda guerra mondiale, con uno sguardo particolare alla politica di appeasement delle democrazie europee, ai calcoli e alle illusioni che hanno aperto la strada all'aggressività nazista. Parliamo della Cecoslovacchia, di Danzica, del patto Molotov-Ribbentrop — e della scommessa di Hitler, convinto che nessuno avrebbe avuto il coraggio di fermarlo.Ma ci spostiamo anche in Italia: seguiamo il passo esitante e opportunistico del regime fascista, le illusioni imperiali, la disastrosa gestione della guerra nel Mediterraneo, fino allo sbarco alleato in Sicilia e alla caduta di Mussolini.È un racconto che intreccia diplomazia, propaganda, ambizioni di potenza e rovinose impreparazioni. E che ci accompagna verso il punto di rottura: il 25 luglio 1943.

Andra världskriget startade tidigt på morgonen den 1 september 1939 när Nazityskland anföll Polen. Polens öde hade beseglats några dagar tidigare när Sovjetunionen och Nazityskland ingick en ohelig allians och i ett hemligt protokoll delade upp landet mellan sig.Storbritannien och Frankrike förklarade krig mot Tyskland den 3 september, men deras insatser var symboliska. Trots de polska styrkornas heroiska motstånd ledde Nazitysklands tekniska och numerära överlägsenhet till att den polska armén kollapsade inom tre veckor. Den 17 september 1939 gick Röda armén in i östra Polen.Detta är det första avsnittet i en serie av sju om andra världskriget, där programledaren Urban Lindstedt samtalar med Martin Hårdstedt, professor i historia vid Umeå universitet, om anfallet på Polen och krigets början.Trots en numerärt stor armé lyckades Polen inte stå emot den tyska krigsmaskinen, som med sin blixtkrigstaktik revolutionerade modern krigföring. Tysklands kombination av snabba pansaranfall, flygvapenstöd och välkoordinerade operationer krossade det polska försvaret.Den polska armén saknade både modern utrustning och förmåga att möta den nya tidens mobila krigföring. Dessutom var landets försvarsstrategi, som byggde på att skydda gränserna, ineffektiv mot Tysklands framryckningar vilka snabbt splittrade och omringade de polska styrkorna. Polens utsatta läge förvärrades ytterligare när Sovjetunionen invaderade från öster den 17 september, vilket tvingade Polen att slåss på två fronter.Storbritannien och Frankrike, som hade försvarsfördrag med Polen, förklarade krig mot Tyskland den 3 september men kunde inte erbjuda något konkret militärt stöd. Polens isolering och den övermäktiga fienden ledde till landets fall på bara fem veckor.Efter erövringen av Polen började Tyskland och Sovjetunionen genomföra systematiska åtgärder för att eliminera den polska nationen. Västra Polen annekterades direkt av Nazityskland, medan centrala delar organiserades som Generalguvernementet. Nazisterna inledde omedelbart en brutal politik av germanisering, där polsk kultur systematiskt undertrycktes. Miljontals polacker fördrevs från sina hem för att skapa plats åt tyska bosättare, medan hundratusentals polacker tvångsrekryterades som slavarbetare i Tyskland.Den nazistiska Generalplan Ost föreslog en etnisk rensning och germanisering av Polen. Miljontals polska judar fördes till getton, och utrotningsläger som Auschwitz och Treblinka etablerades. Dessa blev centrala för Förintelsen, där cirka tre miljoner polska judar och ytterligare tre miljoner polska medborgare dödades. Samtidigt deporterade Sovjetunionen hundratusentals polacker till Sibirien, och i Katynmassakern 1940 avrättade den sovjetiska säkerhetstjänsten NKVD över 20 000 polska officerare och intellektuella.Bild: Möte mellan tyska och sovjetiska soldater i Polen, 20 september 1939. I ett hemligt protokoll till Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten delades Polen upp mellan Nazityskland och det kommunistiska Sovjetunionen.Källa: Bundesarchiv, Bild 101I-121-0008-25, Ehlert, Max, Wikipedia, CC-BY-SA 3.0Musik: Mazurek Dąbrowskiego ("Än är Polen ej förlorat") av Józef Wybicki; Wikimedia, Public DomainLyssna också på Hitlers och Stalins koloniala projekt krävde planerade massmord.Klippare: Emanuel Lehtonen Vill du stödja podden och samtidigt höra ännu mer av Historia Nu? Gå med i vårt gille genom att klicka här: https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Edition No122 | 03-04-2025 - The story in today's episode has come as huge and bewildering shock to a lot of people. But unfortunately, is something that Jonathan Pearce and I suggested was a possibility some weeks back. And that is the full alignment of Washington with Moscow's objectives, which amount to a modern-day Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. An attempt to carve up Ukrainian territory, assets and resources, including minerals, metals, hydrocarbons and now infrastructure as well, in a neo-colonial annexation. The worst aspect is that this is likely being coordinated with a reincarnated evil empire, the Russian imperial project, the resurrection of the USSR, and a terror state that has committed innumerable war crimes, some of which amount to a modern-day genocide, comparable to the Holodomor. ----------LINKS:https://www.telegraph.co.uk/gift/34df812ab180a9d4https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/25/russia-ukraine-ceasefire-trumphttps://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/starmer-coalition-of-the-willing-ukraine-paris-b2722491.htmlhttps://kyivindependent.com/kremlin-warns-it-may-resume-energy-strikes-accuses-ukraine-of-ceasefire-breaches/https://kyivindependent.com/white-house-rejects-putins-proposal-for-temporary-government-in-ukraine/https://kyivindependent.com/you-cant-trust-the-russians-europes-ukraine-peacekeeping-plans-face-one-obvious-hurdle/ ----------Easter Pysanky: Silicon Curtain - https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/easter-pysanky-silicon-curtainCar for Ukraine has joined forces with a group of influencers, creators, and news observers during this special Easter season. In peaceful times, we might gift a basket of pysanky (hand-painted eggs), but now, we aim to deliver a basket of trucks to our warriors.This time, our main focus is on the Seraphims of the 104th Brigade and Chimera of HUR (Main Directorate of Intelligence), highly effective units that: - disrupt enemy logistics - detect and strike command centers - carry out precision operations against high-value enemy targetshttps://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/easter-pysanky-silicon-curtain----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur first live events this year in Lviv and Kyiv were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. We may add more venues to the program, depending on the success of the fundraising campaign. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

Edition No120 | 30-03-2025 - The story in today's episode has come as a huge and bewildering shock to a lot of people. But unfortunately, is something that Jonathan Pearce and I suggested was a possibility some weeks back. And that is the full alignment of Washington with Moscow's objectives, which amount to a modern-day Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. An attempt to carve up Ukrainian territory, assets and resources, including minerals, metals, hydrocarbons and now infrastructure as well, in a neo-colonial annexation. The worst aspect is that this is likely being coordinated with a reincarnated evil empire, the Russian imperial project, the resurrection of the USSR, and a terror state that has committed innumerable war crimes, some of which amount to a modern-day genocide, comparable to the Holodomor. ----------LINKS:https://www.telegraph.co.uk/gift/34df812ab180a9d4https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/25/russia-ukraine-ceasefire-trumphttps://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/starmer-coalition-of-the-willing-ukraine-paris-b2722491.htmlhttps://kyivindependent.com/kremlin-warns-it-may-resume-energy-strikes-accuses-ukraine-of-ceasefire-breaches/https://kyivindependent.com/white-house-rejects-putins-proposal-for-temporary-government-in-ukraine/https://kyivindependent.com/you-cant-trust-the-russians-europes-ukraine-peacekeeping-plans-face-one-obvious-hurdle/ ----------Easter Pysanky: Silicon Curtain - https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/easter-pysanky-silicon-curtainCar for Ukraine has joined forces with a group of influencers, creators, and news observers during this special Easter season. In peaceful times, we might gift a basket of pysanky (hand-painted eggs), but now, we aim to deliver a basket of trucks to our warriors.This time, our main focus is on the Seraphims of the 104th Brigade and Chimera of HUR (Main Directorate of Intelligence), highly effective units that: - disrupt enemy logistics - detect and strike command centers - carry out precision operations against high-value enemy targetshttps://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/easter-pysanky-silicon-curtain----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur first live events this year in Lviv and Kyiv were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. We may add more venues to the program, depending on the success of the fundraising campaign. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

**** VIDEO EN NUESTRO CANAL DE YOUTUBE **** https://youtube.com/live/wMBrYyTy7mM +++++ Hazte con nuestras camisetas en https://www.bhmshop.app +++++ #actualidad #geopolítica #guerraenucrania Análisis semanal de la Guerra de Ucrania – 19/2/2025 SUSCRÍBETE a @BELLUMARTISACTUALIDADMILITAR En #FrenteDeBatalla, Anfisa Motora, José María Rodríguez y Francisco García Campa analizarán la situación geopolítica tras la reunión en Arabia Saudi entre EE.UU. y Rusia y las declaraciones del gobierno Trump en los últimos días. Mientras Trump amenaza con retirar el apoyo a Kiev, las fuerzas rusas siguen sin lograr una ruptura decisiva en el frente. Analizaremos: La Puñalada por la Espalda – ¿Qué significa el cambio de postura de Trump para Ucrania? El Estancamiento Ruso – ¿Por qué Moscú no logra avances estratégicos? Situación en #Kursk, #Pokrovsk, #Toretsk y #ChasivYar – Claves del frente de batalla Con una guerra en punto muerto y la política internacional en juego, ¿qué podemos esperar en los próximos meses? ⚔️ #UcraniaResiste #Putin #Zelenski #OTAN #DefensaUcraniana #BatallasClave #RusiaVsUcrania #SituaciónEnElFrente OS INVITO A VER EL VIDEO ¿Trump Sabe lo que Hace? ¿Chamberlain o Molotov-Ribbentrop?¿Pacto Secreto para Frenar a China? https://youtu.be/gU5xG79MhIQ COMPRA EN AMAZON CON EL ENLACE DE BHM Y AYUDANOS ************** https://amzn.to/3ZXUGQl ************* Si queréis apoyar a Bellumartis Historia Militar e invitarnos a un café o u una cerveza virtual por nuestro trabajo, podéis visitar nuestro PATREON https://www.patreon.com/bellumartis o en PAYPALhttps://www.paypal.me/bellumartis o en BIZUM 656/778/825

#actualidad #geopolitica ¿Trump está jugando una partida maestra o repitiendo los errores de la historia? Con las negociaciones entre EE.UU. y Rusia en marcha, surgen preguntas clave: ¿Está Trump cediendo Ucrania para centrarse en China? ¿Es un Pacto Ribbentrop 2.0 o una estrategia calculada? ¿Europa ha quedado fuera del tablero geopolítico? HABLAMOS: Déjanos tu opinión en los comentarios y únete al debate. ¿Crees que Trump tiene un plan maestro o está entregando demasiado a Rusia? Suscríbete, comenta y comparte para seguir el análisis sin censura. COMPRA EN AMAZON CON EL ENLACE DE BHM Y AYUDANOS ************* https://amzn.to/3ZXUGQl ************ Si queréis apoyar a Bellumartis Historia Militar e invitarnos a un café o u una cerveza virtual por nuestro trabajo, podéis visitar nuestro PATREON / bellumartis o en PAYPALhttps://www.paypal.me/bellumartis o en BIZUM 656/778/825

Edition No98 | 18-02-2025 - After the meeting between Russia and the US, questions but with few answers. QUESTION: Can you take us a little bit in the room today? What was the interaction like? How would you characterize the discussions? MR WITKOFF: It was positive, upbeat, constructive, everybody there to get to the right outcome, solution based. We discussed it afterwards. We couldn't have imagined a better result after this session. It was very, very solid.Matthew Miller @matthewamillerNegotiating an end to a war is easy if your plan is to surrender.John Sipher @johnsipher.bsky.socialRussia is at its weakest in years. Putin is in a precarious situation. They are attacking western interests around the world and murdering Europeans. Why is Rubio bending a knee and showing weakness?David Frum @davidfrumWhen FDR struck an over-the-heads-of-eastern-Europe deal at Yalta in Feb 1945, Stalin had 300+ divisions in the field vs Nazi Germany. The impending unilateral Trump sellout of Ukraine occurs when Putin is battered and almost broke.¬ Garry Kasparov @Kasparov63This looks more like Molotov-Ribbentrop than Yalta. It's business, dividing up Ukraine for profit. And they will try and may succeed unless Europe acts quickly instead of just talks.----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN 10 Events in 10 months - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur first live events this year in Lviv and Kyiv were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run 10 events in 10 months (at a minimum). We may add more venues to the program, depending on the success of the fundraising campaign. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

Từ ngày 01/01/2025 đến hết ngày 30/06/2025, Ba Lan đảm nhiệm vai trò chủ tịch luân phiên Liên Hiệp Châu Âu. An ninh của khối sẽ là ưu tiên hàng đầu, bởi vì với cuộc chiến xâm lược Ukraina, Nga lại trở thành một mối đe dọa cho Ba Lan. Sự việc cho thấy rõ mối quan hệ phức tạp giữa Matxcơva và Vacxava vì những vấn đề quá khứ lịch sử, những cạnh tranh chiến lược và địa chính trị tại vùng Đông – Trung Âu. « Chính sách Lịch sử »Tính chất phức tạp trong quan hệ Nga - Ba Lan được giải thích bởi nhiều yếu tố vừa mang tính lịch sử, vừa có tính địa chính trị.Trong một bài viết đăng trên trang Diploweb (ngày 09/03/2014), sau khi khủng hoảng Ukraina bùng nổ với việc Nga xâm chiếm và sáp nhập bất hợp pháp bán đảo Crimée, hai nhà nghiên cứu người Ba Lan thuộc trường đại học Silésie (Katowice, Ba Lan) là Kamil Golas, chuyên gia về không gian hậu Xô Viết và Mateusz Hudzikowski, chuyên ngành Quan hệ Quốc tế, trước hết đã nhấn mạnh rằng « Lịch sử » đóng một vai trò to lớn, thậm chí quyết định, trong chính sách đối ngoại của hai nước, trong đó có mối quan hệ Nga – Ba Lan.Nhiều sự kiện có liên quan trực tiếp đến Nga – được xem như là kẻ thù lâu đời của Ba Lan – hầu như ngự trị rộng rãi trên các mạng truyền thông và đời sống chính trị đất nước. Ba Lan thường xuyên bị đánh giá là một đất nước chỉ nhìn về quá khứ thay vì hướng đến tương lai. Hiện tượng này phổ biến đến mức được gọi là « chính sách lịch sử ». Cái nhìn tiêu cực về Nga là kết quả một lịch sử đế chế và chiếm đóng trong gần ba thế kỷ của Nga.Sách sử Ba Lan luôn nhắc đến những lần đất nước bị tước mất nền độc lập, bị chia để trị bởi ba đế chế Sa hoàng, Áo và Phổ vào thế kỷ XVIII, bởi hiệp ước giữa Stalin và Hitler năm 1939, còn được gọi là Hiệp ước Molotov – Ribbentrop, và đặc biệt là giai đoạn sau Đệ Nhị Thế Chiến, bị lệ thuộc vào Liên Xô và bị áp đặt chủ nghĩa cộng sản (1945 – 1989). Nhìn từ Ba Lan, chế độ Xô Viết sụp đổ năm 1991 thật sự là một phép mầu sau ba thế kỷ dưới mối đe dọa Nga và phụ thuộc vào Matxcơva.  Tương tự, tại Nga, quá khứ lịch sử cũng có một tầm quan trọng. Nga luôn nhắc đến giai đoạn từng bị đế chế Ba Lan đô hộ vào thế kỷ XVII. Rồi trong một thời gian dài, Nga đã từng là một siêu cường, và sức mạnh này cần phải được khôi phục. Sự sụp đổ của chế độ cộng sản đối với nhiều người Nga là một thảm họa thực sự cho đất nước. Nhưng ý tưởng khôi phục một « đế chế Nga », dù chỉ là trong các phát biểu của ông Vladimir Putin, các phát biểu tuyên truyền, hay trò chơi tâm lý, lại là điều khiến Ba Lan lo sợ.Thảm họa Smolensk: Một bước rẽ trong quan hệ Nga – Ba LanCác câu chuyện về xung đột đã trở thành một mặt đời sống chính trị ngày càng không thể thiếu trong suốt hơn một thập kỷ qua ở Ba Lan. Ngay từ năm 2008, sau khi Nga phát động cuộc chiến xâm lược chống Gruzia, tổng thống Ba Lan thời bấy giờ là Lech Kaczynski từng tuyên bố : « Ngày hôm nay là Gruzia, ngày mai là Ukraina, hôm sau nữa sẽ là các nước vùng Baltic, và có thể đến một thời điểm nào đó, sẽ là Ba Lan, đất nước tôi ! ».Tuyên bố này giờ còn mang nặng ý nghĩa khi nhìn vào những gì đang diễn ra tại Ukraina hiện nay, theo như nhận định từ nhà nghiên cứu về quan hệ Pháp – Đức, Paul Maurice, Viện Quan hệ Quốc tế Pháp (IFRI) trên đài truyền hình ARTE : « Không một nước nào lắng nghe Ba Lan cả, bởi vì, đối với Pháp, mối nguy an ninh là ở nơi khác, đến từ phía nam, vùng Sahel ở châu Phi hay từ các nước Bắc Phi. Nhưng Ba Lan đã cho thấy rằng nước này đã đúng về mối họa an ninh đến từ Nga. Điều này đã cho phép Ba Lan chủ động trên nhiều chủ đề ».Có lẽ sự kiện « thảm họa Smolensk » là bước rẽ quan trọng trong quan hệ Nga – Ba Lan. Ngày 10/04/2010, ông Lech Kaczynski, anh trai của Jaroslaw Kaczynski, lãnh đạo đảng PiS – Công lý và Pháp luật – cùng nhiều quan chức chính phủ cao cấp khác, tổng cộng 96 người, đã bỏ mạng trong một tai nạn hàng không tại thành phố Smolensk của Nga khi đến dự lễ tưởng niệm vụ « thảm sát Katyn ».Đây là một tranh chấp lịch sử chưa bao giờ được Nga thừa nhận: 22 ngàn sĩ quan Ba Lan bị Bộ Dân ủy Nội vụ (NKVD) hành quyết theo lệnh của Staline năm 1940. Tai nạn hàng không này cho đến giờ vẫn chưa được làm sáng tỏ, Nga vẫn luôn từ chối giao phần các mảnh vỡ máy bay còn lại cho phía Ba Lan để điều tra.IMBMN : Nút thắt chiến lược cho Ba LanĐiểm thứ hai gây khó khăn cho quan hệ Nga – Ba Lan là giữa hai nước có các lợi ích, các tầm nhìn địa chiến lược và địa chính trị rất khác biệt, thậm chí là đối nghịch. Ba Lan xem việc gia nhập NATO – Liên minh Bắc Đại Tây Dương, là một cơ hội để tăng cường năng lực phòng thủ và hiện đại hóa quân đội. Nhưng đối với Matxcơva, quyết định này của Vacxava là một hành động cản trở Nga thực hiện các tham vọng của mình tại châu lục, do vị trí địa lý chiến lược của nước này tại châu Âu.Trong vấn đề này, yếu tố lịch sử một lần nữa được nhắc đến. Những tham vọng này của Nga thúc đẩy Ba Lan khám phá lại một thực tế chính trị được dựa trên huyền thoại : Nút thắt chiến lược của Dải đất biển Baltic – Hắc Hải (IMBMN). Đây là một dự án chưa kịp hoàn thành, nhằm xây dựng liên minh các nước nằm trên dải đất đi từ biển Baltic đến Hắc Hải (IMBMN), từng được Jozef Pilsudski, Quốc trưởng Đệ Nhị Cộng Hòa Ba Lan (1918-1922) đưa ra sau khi đế chế Sa hoàng sụp đổ năm 1918. Theo dự án, Liên minh các nước vùng biển quy tụ Ba Lan, Litva, Belarus và Ukraina nhằm mục tiêu tăng cường sức mạnh của vùng và để chống Nga.Ông Maciej Bukowski, chuyên gia về an ninh năng lượng, trên trang Le Grand Continent, ngày 18/03/2021, từng giải thích : « Chỉ khi Chiến tranh lạnh kết thúc, một cường quốc, hiển nhiên là Hoa Kỳ, mới thấy được tầm quan trọng của dải đất đi từ biển Baltic đến Hắc Hải (IMBMN) và dùng chúng để ngăn cản các thế lực thống trị trên bộ mà Liên Xô đã từng có. »   Việc Ba Lan trở thành thành viên của NATO và Liên Hiệp Châu Âu đã phần nào giúp thực hiện chiến lược mà Mỹ đề ra sau Đệ Nhị Thế Chiến : Kiểm soát viền hàng hải Á – Âu. Liên Xô sụp đổ, Mỹ đã có thể can dự chính trị vào vùng lãnh thổ IMBMN. Sau khi mở rộng NATO năm 1999 và bất chấp phản đối của Nga, vùng Đông – Trung Âu, đã và vẫn được Mỹ che chở bởi các bảo đảm an ninh, mà phần đông các nước tại IMBMN xem như là một nền tảng trung tâm cho cơ cấu an ninh của vùng.Niềm tin vào năng lực triển khai sức mạnh quân sự Mỹ tại vùng Á – Âu đã cho phép các nước trong vùng IMBMN dành được 30 năm sau cùng để hội nhập với thị trường thế giới cũng như là hội nhập với Liên Âu. Đối với Ba Lan, tiến trình này giúp cho đất nước đạt được một số mục tiêu kinh tế và chính trị được xác định là « không thể thiếu » để có thể đuổi kịp quãng thời gian bị mất dưới thời kỳ cộng sản.A2AD : Đối sách của Nga chống IMBMNRõ ràng giữa Ba Lan và Nga các lợi ích địa chính trị là không tương thích. Sự phụ thuộc của Vacxava vào Washington, hình thành trong những năm 1990, được thể hiện rõ qua mối quan hệ đồng minh bền vững, dù là bất cân đối. Trong nhãn quan của Mỹ, Ba Lan có vai trò lá chắn hàng đầu chống lại thế mạnh quân sự Nga tại vùng địa lý giáp với IMBMN. Ngược lại, đối với Nga, IMBMN cũng nằm trong vùng triển khai lực lượng quan trọng của nước này. Matxcơva ý thức được rằng bài toán duy trì vị thế cường quốc lớn của đất nước tại châu Âu sẽ phải được giải quyết ở điểm này.Liệu đó có là nguyên nhân để giải thích cho cuộc chiến xâm lược Ukraina hiện nay? Nhìn vào thế trận hiện nay, ngoài Belarus đã nằm trong vòng kềm tỏa của chủ nhân điện Kremlin, quả thật, chỉ còn mỗi Ukraina vẫn chưa hoàn toàn hội nhập vào thế giới phương Tây như hai nước còn lại của IMBMN là Ba Lan và Litva.Trong cuộc đối đầu này, Nga dường như đã có bước đi trước là hoàn thiện các hệ thống chống tiếp cận A2AD, và khôi phục các năng lực chiến tranh đối xứng (nhờ vào chương trình cải cách quân đội của Serdyukov), trong khi Mỹ và NATO mất một thập niên để bắt kịp binh pháp bất cân xứng phổ biến của quân đội Nga. Bức tường chống xâm nhập được Nga thiết lập đi từ phía bắc Biển Baltic và dọc theo sườn phía đông của NATO, của Ukraina, của bán đảo Crimée, Hắc Hải, eo biển Thổ Nhĩ Kỳ cho đến tận đông Địa Trung Hải.Theo ông, Maciej Bukowski, chiến lược này sẽ khiến hải quân Mỹ khó thể triển khai lực lượng một cách hiệu quả trong vùng trong trường hợp xảy ra xung đột giữa một thành viên của NATO và Nga. Ông viết : « Ví dụ, hạm đội Hoa Kỳ có nguy cơ không thể tiến vào Biển Baltic qua eo biển Đan Mạch. Khả năng hỗ trợ Ba Lan và/hoặc các nước vùng Baltic của Hoa Kỳ khi đó sẽ phụ thuộc vào một thỏa thuận với Đức cho phép quân đội Mỹ đi qua lãnh thổ của nước này nếu cần thiết. Nếu không có thỏa thuận như vậy, các lữ đoàn hạng nặng của Mỹ sẽ khó có thể tới được Ba Lan ».Tự chủ quốc phòng là quốc sách ?Trong trường hợp này, NATO khó thể giúp được các quốc gia vùng Baltic, nơi Nga có hệ thống A2AD để bảo vệ và vô hiệu hóa các tuyến đường hàng không và đường biển của liên minh. Điều này có nghĩa là nền độc lập của các quốc gia vùng Baltic phụ thuộc vào nhiều yếu tố, trong đó có vị trí địa lý và chính trị của Ba Lan.Thực tế địa chính trị này đã xác nhận một ý tưởng ngày càng lưu hành phổ biến tại Ba Lan, theo đó, chính quyền Vacxava không những phải củng cố chính sách an ninh được tiến hành song song với Mỹ, mà còn phải phát triển các phương tiện của riêng mình để khẳng định vai trò lãnh đạo của Ba Lan tại vùng IMBMN. Nói một cách khác, Ba Lan phải gia tăng mua sắm và sản xuất vũ khí.Tuy nhiên, ông Paul Maurice, lưu ý, điều này không đồng nghĩa với việc Ba Lan sẽ tự chủ hoàn toàn và độc lập với chiếc ô an ninh của Mỹ : « Thủ tướng Ba Lan Donald Tusk từng có những lập trường như chúng ta thấy qua các dòng tweet của ông ngay trước khi bầu cử Mỹ kêu gọi tỉnh thức và nhấn mạnh tính cần thiết về sự tự chủ của châu Âu trước nỗi lo Donald Trump trở lại. Nhưng điều đó không có nghĩa là ông Tusk muốn cắt đứt tất cả các mối quan hệ xuyên Đại Tây Dương. Ông ấy bám chặt sâu sắc vào mối quan hệ này, bởi vì đó là vấn đề an ninh của Ba Lan. » Hiện Ba Lan là quốc gia duy nhất trong khối NATO dành nhiều ngân sách nhất cho quốc phòng với 4,12% của GDP. Vacxava hy vọng các thể lôi kéo các nước thành viên khác có chính sách tương tự !

La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó el 1 de septiembre de 1939 con la invasión alemana de Polonia, pero eso fue posible gracias a un acuerdo que nazis y soviéticos habían alcanzado una semana antes, el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, también conocido como Tratado de No Agresión Germano-Soviético. Firmado el 23 de agosto de 1939 entre la Alemania nazi y la Unión Soviética este documento lleva los nombres de los ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de ambos países, Joachim von Ribbentrop y Vyacheslav Molotov, de ahí que se le conozca por ese nombre. Su impacto fue determinante en el estallido de la guerra y estuvo en vigor casi dos años, hasta que Hitler puso en marcha la Operación Barbarroja en 1941. El pacto vino precedido por años de tensiones ideológicas y desconfianza mutua entre los dos regímenes. Uno se decía anticomunista y el otro antifascista, pero las circunstancias geopolíticas de finales de la década de los 30 empujaron a Adolf Hitler y a Iósif Stalin a considerar una alianza de carácter pragmático. Para Hitler el pacto aseguraba que Alemania no tendría que librar una guerra en dos frentes como les había sucedido en la Primera Guerra Mundial, mientras que Stalin veía la oportunidad de ganar tiempo para fortalecer la defensa soviética y recuperar lo perdido tras la revolución de octubre sin tener que vérselas con la oposición alemana. Lo más notorio del Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue el Protocolo Secreto, que no se hizo público hasta después de la guerra. Este protocolo dividía Europa del Este en esferas de influencia. Polonia sería repartida entre Alemania y la URSS; los estados bálticos de Estonia, Letonia y Lituania, junto con Finlandia, caerían en la esfera soviética. Además, se legitimaba la anexión soviética de Besarabia, la actual Moldavia, que entonces formaba parte de Rumanía. Esta partición secreta fue un preludio a las invasiones y anexiones que seguirían, alterando drásticamente el mapa político de Europa. La firma del pacto sorprendió a las potencias occidentales que esperaban que la Unión Soviética se uniera a una alianza contra Hitler. La reacción inmediata fue una mezcla de incredulidad y consternación, especialmente entre los comunistas occidentales que veían en este acuerdo una traición a su ideología. La Comintern les ordenó que culpasen de la guerra al imperialismo y que dejasen de combatir a los nazis y los fascistas. En Alemania, el pacto sirvió para invadir Polonia y rehacer el este de Europa a su antojo. La URSS, entretanto, ocupó la mitad oriental de Polonia, anexionó las repúblicas bálticas e invadió Finlandia. Todo le salió a pedir de boca salvo la campaña finlandesa. Para celebrarlo unidades militares alemanas y soviéticas desfilaron juntas en Polonia. Al pacto de agosto de 1939 se añadieron nuevas disposiciones y protocolos así como un ambicioso acuerdo comercial por el que la Unión Soviética se comprometía a suministrar materias primas a Alemania a cambio de armas y maquinaria. Durante el año 1940 la relación entre nazis y soviéticos fue inmejorable hasta el punto de que se barajó incluso la idea de que la URSS se integrase en el Eje junto a japoneses e italianos. El idilio acabó abruptamente el 22 de junio de 1941 cuando los alemanes invadieron la Unión Soviética con un ataque sorpresa y sin declaración de guerra previa. La URSS se convirtió en uno de los aliados y el el Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue olvidado durante el resto de la guerra. En 1948 los estadounidenses, ya metidos en plena guerra fría, publicaron el protocolo secreto de este pacto para avergonzar a los soviéticos, que de puertas adentro prohibieron hablar de él. La existencia misma del protocolo secreto fue negada por los Gobiernos soviéticos durante décadas hasta que en 1989 ya con la Perestroika en marcha, lo admitieron. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:09 El pacto nazi-soviético 1:14:52 Roma: de la República al Imperio 1:21:28 ¿Cómo financió Inglaterra la guerra de independencia de EEUU? Bibliografía: - “La Segunda Guerra Mundial” de Antony Beevor - https://amzn.to/4gNPN4K - “La segunda guerra mundial contada para escépticos” de Juan Eslava Galán - https://amzn.to/4gLPo2t - “Stalin. Una biografia” de Robert Service - https://amzn.to/4fuoATe - “Causes of the Second World War” de Andrew Crozier - https://amzn.to/4iFumVb · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #stalin #segundaguerramundial Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó el 1 de septiembre de 1939 con la invasión alemana de Polonia, pero eso fue posible gracias a un acuerdo que nazis y soviéticos habían alcanzado una semana antes, el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, también conocido como Tratado de No Agresión Germano-Soviético. Firmado el 23 de agosto de 1939 entre la Alemania nazi y la Unión Soviética este documento lleva los nombres de los ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de ambos países, Joachim von Ribbentrop y Vyacheslav Molotov, de ahí que se le conozca por ese nombre. Su impacto fue determinante en el estallido de la guerra y estuvo en vigor casi dos años, hasta que Hitler puso en marcha la Operación Barbarroja en 1941. El pacto vino precedido por años de tensiones ideológicas y desconfianza mutua entre los dos regímenes. Uno se decía anticomunista y el otro antifascista, pero las circunstancias geopolíticas de finales de la década de los 30 empujaron a Adolf Hitler y a Iósif Stalin a considerar una alianza de carácter pragmático. Para Hitler el pacto aseguraba que Alemania no tendría que librar una guerra en dos frentes como les había sucedido en la Primera Guerra Mundial, mientras que Stalin veía la oportunidad de ganar tiempo para fortalecer la defensa soviética y recuperar lo perdido tras la revolución de octubre sin tener que vérselas con la oposición alemana. Lo más notorio del Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue el Protocolo Secreto, que no se hizo público hasta después de la guerra. Este protocolo dividía Europa del Este en esferas de influencia. Polonia sería repartida entre Alemania y la URSS; los estados bálticos de Estonia, Letonia y Lituania, junto con Finlandia, caerían en la esfera soviética. Además, se legitimaba la anexión soviética de Besarabia, la actual Moldavia, que entonces formaba parte de Rumanía. Esta partición secreta fue un preludio a las invasiones y anexiones que seguirían, alterando drásticamente el mapa político de Europa. La firma del pacto sorprendió a las potencias occidentales que esperaban que la Unión Soviética se uniera a una alianza contra Hitler. La reacción inmediata fue una mezcla de incredulidad y consternación, especialmente entre los comunistas occidentales que veían en este acuerdo una traición a su ideología. La Comintern les ordenó que culpasen de la guerra al imperialismo y que dejasen de combatir a los nazis y los fascistas. En Alemania, el pacto sirvió para invadir Polonia y rehacer el este de Europa a su antojo. La URSS, entretanto, ocupó la mitad oriental de Polonia, anexionó las repúblicas bálticas e invadió Finlandia. Todo le salió a pedir de boca salvo la campaña finlandesa. Para celebrarlo unidades militares alemanas y soviéticas desfilaron juntas en Polonia. Al pacto de agosto de 1939 se añadieron nuevas disposiciones y protocolos así como un ambicioso acuerdo comercial por el que la Unión Soviética se comprometía a suministrar materias primas a Alemania a cambio de armas y maquinaria. Durante el año 1940 la relación entre nazis y soviéticos fue inmejorable hasta el punto de que se barajó incluso la idea de que la URSS se integrase en el Eje junto a japoneses e italianos. El idilio acabó abruptamente el 22 de junio de 1941 cuando los alemanes invadieron la Unión Soviética con un ataque sorpresa y sin declaración de guerra previa. La URSS se convirtió en uno de los aliados y el el Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue olvidado durante el resto de la guerra. En 1948 los estadounidenses, ya metidos en plena guerra fría, publicaron el protocolo secreto de este pacto para avergonzar a los soviéticos, que de puertas adentro prohibieron hablar de él. La existencia misma del protocolo secreto fue negada por los Gobiernos soviéticos durante décadas hasta que en 1989 ya con la Perestroika en marcha, lo admitieron. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:09 El pacto nazi-soviético 1:14:52 Roma: de la República al Imperio 1:21:28 ¿Cómo financió Inglaterra la guerra de independencia de EEUU? Bibliografía: - “La Segunda Guerra Mundial” de Antony Beevor - https://amzn.to/4gNPN4K - “La segunda guerra mundial contada para escépticos” de Juan Eslava Galán - https://amzn.to/4gLPo2t - “Stalin. Una biografia” de Robert Service - https://amzn.to/4fuoATe - “Causes of the Second World War” de Andrew Crozier - https://amzn.to/4iFumVb · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #stalin #segundaguerramundial

Les relations entre Adolf Hitler et Joseph Staline ont évolué au fil du temps, passant d'une alliance pragmatique à une confrontation totale. Voici un aperçu de leur dynamique complexe :1. Le Pacte de non-agression germano-soviétique (1939) :Le 23 août 1939, Hitler et Staline signent le pacte Molotov-Ribbentrop, un traité de non-agression qui surprend le monde car il unit temporairement deux puissances idéologiquement opposées : l'Allemagne nazie et l'Union soviétique communiste. Ce pacte comportait également un protocole secret qui divisait l'Europe de l'Est en zones d'influence. Staline en a profité pour annexer des parties de la Pologne, des États baltes (Estonie, Lettonie, Lituanie), ainsi que la Bessarabie et la Bucovine du Nord (en Roumanie).2. Une coopération pragmatique (1939-1941) :Pendant cette période, l'Allemagne et l'Union soviétique échangent des ressources, notamment du pétrole et du blé de la part de l'URSS en échange de technologies et de machines allemandes. Toutefois, cette alliance était purement opportuniste, chaque partie étant méfiante de l'autre. Staline voulait du temps pour moderniser l'armée soviétique, tandis qu'Hitler préparait secrètement l'invasion de l'URSS.3. L'invasion allemande de l'URSS (1941) :Malgré le pacte de non-agression, Hitler lance l'opération Barbarossa le 22 juin 1941, prenant Staline par surprise. Cette invasion marque le début de la guerre à l'Est, une guerre dévastatrice qui deviendra l'un des théâtres les plus sanglants de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.4. La rivalité idéologique et stratégique :Dès le départ, les deux régimes étaient profondément hostiles l'un à l'autre sur le plan idéologique. Hitler considérait le communisme comme un ennemi mortel et faisait de la conquête de "l'espace vital" à l'Est une priorité dans son programme expansionniste. De son côté, Staline méprisait le nazisme mais voyait le pacte de non-agression comme une manière de retarder la confrontation et de gagner du temps pour se préparer militairement.5. La guerre totale (1941-1945) :Après l'invasion, la relation entre les deux hommes devient une guerre totale. Staline, initialement choqué par la trahison allemande, met en place une résistance farouche, malgré des pertes colossales. Le front de l'Est deviendra l'une des clés de la défaite nazie, notamment après la bataille de Stalingrad (1942-1943) où l'armée allemande subit une défaite décisive.6. Après la guerre :Les deux dirigeants ne survivront pas longtemps après la guerre. Hitler se suicide en 1945 à la fin du conflit, tandis que Staline gouverne l'Union soviétique jusqu'à sa mort en 1953. Leurs relations, malgré un épisode d'alliance pragmatique, ont été marquées par une méfiance profonde, une trahison et une guerre acharnée.En résumé, les relations entre Hitler et Staline ont été caractérisées par un court moment de coopération opportuniste suivi d'une guerre idéologique et militaire destructrice. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Warszawaupproret mot de tyska ockupanterna startade den 1 augusti år 1944 efter nästan fem år av brutal ockupation. Den illa beväpnade polska hemmaarméns uppror var baserad på önsketänkande och politiska förhoppningar om att kunna bevara sin självständighet gentemot Sovjetunionen om de själva befriade sin huvudstad.Upproret slogs ner på 63 dagar med våldsexcesser som gränsade till pervers sadism. Nazitysklands värsta förband Dirlwanger fick fritt spelrum att våldta, mörda sjukhuspersonal och andra civila samt avrätta sårade hemmaarmésoldater. Runt 200 000 människor tros ha dödats i upproret.I denna nymixade repris av podden Historia Nu samtalar programledaren Urban Lindstedt med författaren Artur Szulc som är aktuell med boken Warszawaupproret 1944.Polen delades upp mellan Nazityskland och Sovjetunionen i ett hemligt tillägg i Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten redan före utbrottet av Andra världskriget. När Tysklands sedan anföll Polen besegrade landets ansenliga militärmakt på några veckor. Ockupationen blev mycket brutal med fördrivning av polacker och folkmord på judar.Den polska hemmaarméns ledning hade räknat med att polska styrkor kunde driva ut tyskarna och ta kontroll över Warszawa inför Röda arméns ankomst. Polackerna räknade med hjälp från de västallierade, men hjälpen i form av utrustning släppt från flygplan kom för sent och var allt för begränsad för att göra någon skillnad.Tyskarna kände dessutom till upprorsplanerna och kunde sätta in 20 000 poliser, SS-trupper och armésoldater samt en ansenlig mängd stridsvagnar, olika typer av stridsfordon, artilleripjäser och flygplan. Stalin hade kunnat ingripa på upprorsmännens sida, men ville inte ge polska nationalister någon möjlighet att självständighet efter att Tysklands besegrats.Den polska hemmaarmén slogs tappert, men de hade egentligen aldrig någon chans mot tyskarna när varken Röda armén eller Västmakterna ingrep. Den materiella förstörelsen blev enorm och 200 000 människor dig i upproret. Utöver 15 000 stupade polska hemmaarmésoldater och motståndskämpar ur andra rörelser dödades minst 180 000 civila, varav cirka 65 000 i rena massakrer utförda av tyska förband och deras hjälptrupper.Det som fanns kvar av Warszawa när upproret slagits ner jämnades, på Hitlers och SS-chefen Heinrich Himmlers order, med marken.Bild: Scout-oldater från "Radosław -regementet" efter flera timmars marschering genom avlopp från Krasińskitorget till Wareckagatan i Śródmieściedistriktet, tidig morgon den 2 september 1944. Pojken i hjälm är Tadeusz "Maszynka" Rajszczak från Miotłabataljonen. Wikipedia, Public DomainLyssna också på Myterna och sanningarna om Tysklands anfall på Polen 1939 samt Så blev vanliga medelålders män massmördare i Hitlers raskrig. Vill du stödja podden och samtidigt höra ännu mer av Historia Nu? Gå med i vårt gille genom att klicka här: https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Recently our topic of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact has become more and more relevant as history is an arena for information war with the current situation in Ukraine. We will see how the deal between Hitler and Stalin deteriorates, at the same time as we will look at how everything happening at this time in history plays an important role on what we currently see is unfolding. This episode you can listen to without having listened to the previous ones, and if you think this might be useful for more people to listen to, please consider sharing it.

Det tyska anfallet på Polen den 1 september 1939 var mer en chansning än vad man kan tro. Västgränsen låg till exempel öppen för ett franskt anfall och den tyska krigsplanen hade inslag av antaganden om polskt agerande som kunde ha slagit fel.Den tyska krigföringen hade sina klara brister. Polackerna var dessutom bättre förberedda och hade en krigsmakt som var starkare än vad som ofta framhålls. Myterna är många så som den fortfarande repeterande berättelsen om polska kavallerister mot tyska stridsvagnar. I själva verket fanns det moment under det korta kriget som talar för att det hade kunnat bli mycket kostsamt för den tyska armén.I denna nymixade repris av Militärhistoriepodden tar professor Martin Hårdstedt och doktoranden Peter Bennesved sig an inledningen på andra världskriget. I centrum för samtalet står de många myter som har omgärdat Polenfälttåget och som fortfarande tas upp och berättas utan att de har så mycket med verkligheten att göra.1 september 1939 inleddes andra världskriget i och med det tyska anfallet på Polen. Krigsutbrottet hade under sommaren 1929 föregåtts av ett utrikespolitiskt och diplomatiskt spel som inte minst omfattade den tysk-sovjetiska Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten som innebar en uppgörelse om nonaggression och uppdelningen av Europa i intressesfärer.Polen hade även fått garantier för sin suveränitet i händelse av ett krig av Storbritannien och Frankrike. Det tyska anfallet blev snabbt en framgång och har många gånger beskrivits i termer av blixtkrig. Men hur var det egentligen? Var Polenfälttåget en exempellös framgång mot en underlägsen motståndare?Kriget avslutades med att Sovjet anföll och ockuperade de östra delarna av Polen. I krigets kölvatten kom sedan utrensningar och brutalitet mot civila. Föraningarna om polackernas och de polska judarnas exempellösa lidanden kom direkt – men det skulle bli betydligt värre.Bild Omslag: Polska 7TP stridsvagnar i formation under de första dagarna av den tyska invasionen av Polen. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Author Michael Ruskin's powerful new book “The Vow: A Love Story and The Holocaust,” tells the heart-breaking yet inspirational story of his own family's experiences during the Holocaust. His Parents David and Dora Ruskin lived in Lithuania at the outbreak of World War II. Initially, the area fell under Soviet control as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. However, Hitler soon broke that agreement and sent Nazi storm troopers into Lithuania. Like countless other Jews living in Europe, the Ruskins were forced into ghettos before eventually being deported to concentration camps. In this episode I talk to Michael about his book and his parents vow, that they were remarkably able to honor after the ravages of World War II and the Holocaust. The book features rare archive footage including letters of his parents, family photos, and rare archival pictures and information from both Israel and the US. You can purchase a copy of Michael's book through his official website: TheVowaLoveStory.com Music: Ken Bakodesh Haziticha, A Jewish Hasidic Niggun, sung by the Li-Ron choir, Israel. Public Domain. BBC recording from April 20, 1945, of Jewish survivors of the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp five days after their liberation. Public Domain

Adolf Hitlers vision om livsrum för det tyska folket gav fullt svängrum åt hans apokalyptiska världsbild. Kriget mot bolsjevikerna i Sovjet och utrotandet av det judiska folket var samma sak för Adolf Hitler. Ett raskrig där de mest brutala metoderna var påbjudna.Där spelaren Hitler, med starka kort på handen, tidigare visat prov på en taktisk begåvning mot svaga motståndare blev Operation Barbarossa börjat på slutet. När krigslyckan vände hade överbefälhavaren Hitler bara maniska uppmaningar om att slåss till sista man att erbjuda sitt folk och sina soldater.Detta är det fjärde och sista avsnittet i vår serie om fyra om Adolf Hitler som satte hela världen i brand och iscensatte folkmordet på sex miljoner judar och andra folkgrupper. Programledare Urban Lindstedt samtalar med Martin Hårdstedt, professor i historia vid Umeå universitet, utifrån historikern Ian Kershaws biografi i två volymer: Hitler 1889-1936 Hubris samt Hitler 1936-1945 Nemesis.Historikern Ian Kershaw hävdar att utan Adolf Hitler hade inte förintelsen ägt rum och sannolikt inte heller det krig som bröt ut den 1 september 1939. Hur excentrisk och udda Hitler än var går det inte att beskriva honom som sinnessjuk, även om hans hälsa blev allt sämre efter att krigslyckan vänt 1941.Hitler bröt mot Versaillesfreden från 1919 genom att återinföra allmän värnplikt 1935 och inleda en kraftig upprustning av flottan och flygvapnet. Året efter besattes det demilitariserade Rhenlandet och Tyskland lämnade Nationernas förbund. Nästa steg för att förverkliga sina planer blev att 1938 ansluta Österrike och delar av Tjeckoslovakien till Tyskland, som då kom att kallas Stortyskland. Våren 1939 införlivades emellertid även resten av Tjeckoslovakien.Då fransmän och britter sade sig vara beredda att förklara krig mot Tyskland i händelse av att man anföll Polen accepterade Hitler inviten från Sovjetunionen som 23 augusti 1939 resulterade i Molotov–Ribbentrop-pakten.Tyskland anföll Polen den 1 september 1939. Genom en rad blixtkrigsaktioner erövrade Hitler Polen, Danmark, Norge, Nederländerna och Belgien samt besegrade Frankrike innan han lade under sig stora delar av Balkan. Kriget mot Sovjetunionen var ett barbariskt folk- och raskrig.Hitler övertog den operativa ledningen efter att kriget på Östfronten körde fast 1941. Hitlers envisa vägran att ge upp Stalingrad 1943 visade hans sviktande förmåga att hantera kriget.Den 20 juli 1944 överlevde han ett attentat i högkvarteret Varglyan. Som hämnd lät han avrätta ett stort antal officerare som deltagit i en sammansvärjning att mörda Hitler. I november 1944 lämnade Hitler Varglyan och återvände till Berlin.Hitler gav upp den 29 april 1945 och insatte marinchefen Dönitz som sin efterträdare. Samtidigt gifte han sig med Eva Braun och medan Röda armén närmade sig Führerbunkern begick båda självmord 30 april. Hitler efterlämnade ett Tyskland i fysisk och moralisk ruin.Bild: Situationsgenomgång i högkvarteret för överbefälhavaren Walther von Brauchitsch (till vänster till Hitler), 1940. Wikipedia, Bundesarchiv, bild 146-1971-070-61 / CC-BY-SA 3.0Musik: Richard Wagner's opera Götterdämmerung: Siegfrieds begravningsmarsch av the United States Marine Corps Band, creative commons; Wiki Media.Lyssna också Så blev vanliga medelålders män massmördare i Hitlers raskrig.Klippare: Emanuel Lehtonen Vill du stödja podden och samtidigt höra ännu mer av Historia Nu? Gå med i vårt gille genom att klicka här: https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Vedeli ste, že dva totalitné štáty ktoré proti sebe bojovali v druhej svetovej vojne podpísali ešte pred vypuknutím tohto konfliktu priateľskú zmluvu o neútočení? Zmluva medzi nacistickým Nemeckom a Sovietskym zväzom mala názov pakt Molotov-Ribbentrop. Čo obsahoval a prečo bol podpísaný sa dozviete v dnešnom podcaste. Podcastová verzia Dejepisu Inak vychádza v spolupráci s portálom ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠skpodcasty⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Sledujte skpodcasty.sk na ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagrame⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ alebo ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠LinkedIne⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

Berlino - La data non potrebbe essere più simbolica: 17 settembre. In quel giornodi ottantatré anni fa le truppe sovietiche entrarono nella Polonia già invasa a Occidente dai soldati tedeschi, dando corpo ai protocolli segreti dell'accordo tra nazisti e sovietici, il famigerato patto Molotov-Ribbentrop. E ottantatré anni dopo Varsavia inaugurerà un nuovo canale di navigazione verso il Mar Baltico.

Not delivering the needed, behavior-changing consequences to Putin and Russia is the international equivalent of defunding the police. And will have similar results. This 10 minute episode will help us in our lives, and help us to think through the issues surrounding us. N.B. This is a complete blog, also acting as a signpost, pointing you to this episode on both the new Revolution 2.0™https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCw5CDliD-PRQE_8bO4Eg98Q ( YouTube) channel, and where you enjoy your podcasts, e.g.,https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/revolution-2-0/id1353135552 ( Apple),https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9yZXZvbHV0aW9uMi0wLm9yZy9mZWVkL3BvZGNhc3Qv ( Google) andhttps://open.spotify.com/show/6rr6fi3AMW0GoAfYQ64lf9 ( Spotify). Continuing. Russia is governed by paranoid, autocratic rulers. It has been invaded three times, twice by the Germans, and once by France under Napoleon. Napoleon captured Moscow before retreating, and Germany under Hitler came within spitting distance. Partly as a consequence, Russia is hungry for huge amounts of “buffer” countries on its borders to help protect it. Russia has long been a bold, cruel aggressor notably in the last 90 or so years. 1. In 1932/3, Russia under Stalin induced a famine in Ukraine, killing upwards of 3M people. Stalin then replaced the dead population with Russians, helping to create today's minority Russian-leaning population in eastern Ukraine. 2. In 1939, Russia invaded Finland with 21 divisions totalling 450,000 men. 3. Also in 1939, Russia under Stalin sided with Hitler and Nazi Germany by signing the Molotov–Ribbentrop non-aggression pact, allying the two dictatorships. 4. In 1948, Russia under Stalin attempted to https://revolution2-0.org/kyiv-kiev-we-need-candy-bombers-not-city-bombers-will-you-volunteer-ep-390/ (starve and freeze out divided Berlin) in an attempt to have the entire city for himself. 5. More well known is the failed 1979 Russian invasion of Afghanistan. The US supplied the Afghans with the highly effective Stinger missiles, essentially creating a No-Fly zone over Afghanistan. 6. In 2008, Russia used force to occupy the 20% of the country of Georgia it declared to be leaning to Russia. Sound familiar? 7. Russia has twice attacked Chechnya, attempting to topple its anti-Russian government. In 1999, then-Prime Minister Vladimir Putin led the military response against Chechnya. https://www.history.com/topics/vladimir-putin (Putin), Boris Yeltsin's handpicked successor as President, said of the Chechen defenders, “We will rub them out, even in the toilet.” Again, does anything sound familiar? 8. In 2014, Russia invaded and annexed Crimea, then a part of Ukraine. And now Ukraine itself. What country is next? Does anyone believe that almost a century of Russian aggression will end with Ukraine? Does anyone believe any dictator when he says that he is finally satisfied, and does not want to gobble up more territory, power and people?  In 1938, British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, believed Hitler when the Nazi leader signed the Munich Agreement saying that he would finally be finished with his many territory grabs if he could just have Czechoslovakia. Even as Chamberlain was triumphantly waving the paper signed by “Herr Hitler,” claiming that, “We will have peace in our time,” Winston Churchill responded with, “He (Chamberlain), had a choice between war and dishonor. He chose dishonor.” Hitler attacked Poland in 1939, breaking the agreement and starting WWII. Churchill became Prime Minister the next year. Sanctions might be hurting Russia, but they are not stopping the invasion and the killing. We must do more now to help Ukraine, Eastern Europe, NATO, and ourselves. It's past time for a No-Fly Zone over Ukraine. In the mid-seventies, Fram oil filters became well-known due an ad campaign that featured the slogan, “You can pay me now, or pay me later.” The mechanic in the ad offered the viewer a simple proposition: Pay me now...

Photo:  Molotov and Ribbentrop after the signing of the Soviet-German treaty of friendship and border agreement between the USSR and Germany. Moscow September 28, 1939. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pipeline. @JoshRogin @WashingtonPost America https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/01/12/how-biden-is-working-save-putins-pipeline/

Aluevaalit ja SOTE-uudistus tuovat muutoksen myös vaaleja vaille jäävään Helsinkiin: Kun HUS joudutaan yhtiöittämään, niin ainakin perustettavan osakeyhtiön johtaja saa isomman auton. Samaan aikaan keskustan Saarikko esittää valtion tehtäviä maakunnille. Joko silloin pääsisimme maksamaan uutta maakuntaveroa?
 Pakko on hyvä paimen – ainakin mitättömien turvaverkkojen Yhdysvalloissa. Siellä korona-aika on aiheuttanut räjähdysmäisen kasvun uusissa yrityksissä – joka taas näkyy parantuneena työllisyystilanteena. Sotilasliitto Natoa ei kuulemma saa enää sano sotilasliitoksi, koska sotilasliitto on pelottava sana. Jos se ei vielä pelottanut, niin suurvaltojen geopolitiikkapeli viimeistään. Aivan kuten Molotov-RIbbentrop-parivaljakko jakoi Euroopan etupiireihin, Lavrov-Blinken pelaavat Euroopalla korttia – EU:n ja Ukrainan istuessa katsomossa. Mutta ei hätää, ainakin Suomen merivartioston salainen ase pitää meidät turvassa. Pannaan haukansilmäiset ammattikalastajat asialle!

Quiz: Invasie van PolenWat bespreken we in deze aflevering!?- Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (Leander: Duitsland en Soviet-Unie schudden handen)- Annexatie Polen (Leander: Polen kreeg bonken van alle kanten...)- Kennismaking Blitzkrieg (Leander: Vliegen en kleine ratta tankjes)- Oorlog voor grondstoffen in Scandinavië (Leander: Staal in Zweden, Noorwegen de sjaak)Support the showHelp ons een handje!.Als je ons wilt helpen en onze podcast mogelijk wilt blijven maken voor de toekomst, kan dat via de link hieronder:.Klik hier om naar de Buzzsprout-website te gaan.Buzzsprout is onze podcasthost en biedt nu een handige manier om ons te steunen. Het maakt het ook voor ons makkelijker om in de toekomst misschien wat extraatjes met jullie te delen. Betalen kan via Google Pay of Credit Card..Social Media.Vergeet niet om lid te worden van onze Geschiedenisreis Facebookgroep. Hier kun je je kennis testen met leuke interacties, je mening delen over onze podcast en praten over geschiedenis met andere liefhebbers!.Volg ons op onze social media kanalen:. Facebookgroep: Groep van geschiedenis enthousiastelingen! Instagram: Hier delen we info over onze podcast, achtergrondverhalen en aankomende onderwerpen. YouTube: Documentaires in samenwerking met VidiVision TikTok: Korte documentaires met beeldmateriaal! Zakelijk emailadres:leethijsgeschi...

Notre série sur les trente ans de la chute de l'Union soviétique. Une page de l'histoire récente qui est devenue un enjeu politique très sensible, son enseignement, tout particulièrement de la période stalinienne. De notre correspondante à Moscou, Un mercredi après-midi à Moscou, une classe en visite au musée du goulag de la ville : « La première chose que vous voyez ici à l'entrée, c'est ce que l'on voit aussi en premier quand on a affaire au système totalitaire : des portes. Voilà les portes des ministères, des bureaux, des portes de prison et des camps de travail. » Konstantin Andreev, le responsable du centre de formation du musée, désigne aux adolescents des portes épaisses, le plus souvent en métal avec des serrures et des chaînes. La classe est silencieuse, ce n'est pas toujours le cas : « Un jour, un jeune homme est venu avec sa classe en costume, cravate et pin's Komsomol sur la poitrine, c'est-à-dire un pin's de l'Union des jeunesses léninistes communistes. Je fais la visite guidée, je parle de Staline, des camps, et lui montre son désaccord. Je le vois très bien, et je passe énormément d'énergie à expliquer. Après la visite, il est venu me demander : "Pourquoi détestez-vous autant le régime soviétique ? Pourquoi vous en parlez comme ça ?" J'ai regardé son pin's et je lui ai dit : "Vous savez, c'est pour que vous ayez la liberté de porter ce pin's ou de ne pas le porter". » Des manuels scolaires pour « créer du patriotisme » À peine 20 à 30% des élèves de terminale en visite dans ce musée savent ce qu'étaient le goulag et le culte de la personnalité, dit Konstantin Andreev. La responsabilité serait à trouver notamment dans l'histoire telle qu'elle est enseignée, et notamment depuis la mise en place de nouveaux manuels en 2012, selon la professeure d'histoire Elena Dordjieva. « Sur le pacte Molotov-Ribbentrop par exemple, il est écrit qu'il "a permis d'éviter la guerre entre l'Union soviétique et l'Allemagne", explique-t-elle. Mais rien n'est dit sur les conséquences de ce pacte sur les peuples baltes, sur leur déportation. Et puis il y a aussi un problème avec l'objectif affiché des auteurs de ce manuel : créer du patriotisme. Mais la tendance en ce moment, c'est le faux patriotisme. Le patriotisme, c'est l'amour de la patrie, pas l'amour du gouvernement. Pour aimer sa patrie, il faut étudier son histoire de manière objective. Et pour cela, il faut parler ouvertement des pages sombres de l'histoire. » Au printemps dernier, les sanctions pour la « diffusion d'informations notoirement fausses sur les agissements de l'Union soviétique durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale » s'élevaient jusqu'à trois ans d'emprisonnement.

Warszawaupproret mot de tyska ockupanterna startade den 1 augusti år 1944 efter nästan fem år av brutal ockupation. Den illa beväpnade polska hemmaarméns uppror var baserad på önsketänkande och politiska förhoppningar om att kunna bevara sin självständighet gentemot Sovjetunionen om de själva befriade sin huvudstad.Upproret slogs ner på 63 dagar med våldsexcesser som gränsade till pervers sadism. Nazitysklands värsta förband Dirlwanger fick fritt spelrum att våldta, mörda sjukhuspersonal och andra civila samt avrätta sårade hemmaarmésoldater. Runt 200 000 människor tros ha dödats i upproret.I detta avsnitt av podden Historia Nu samtalar programledaren Urban Lindstedt med författaren Artur Szulc som är aktuell med boken Warszawaupproret 1944.Polen delades upp mellan Nazityskland och Sovjetunionen i ett hemligt tillägg i Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten redan före utbrottet av Andra världskriget. När Tysklands sedan anföll Polen besegrade landets ansenliga militärmakt på några veckor. Ockupationen blev mycket brutal med fördrivning av polacker och folkmord på judar.Den polska hemmaarméns ledning hade räknat med att polska styrkor kunde driva ut tyskarna och ta kontroll över Warszawa inför Röda arméns ankomst. Polackerna räknade med hjälp från de västallierade, men hjälpen i form av utrustning släppt från flygplan kom för sent och var allt för begränsad för att göra någon skillnad.Tyskarna kände dessutom till upprorsplanerna och kunde sätta in 20 000 poliser, SS-trupper och armésoldater samt en ansenlig mängd stridsvagnar, olika typer av stridsfordon, artilleripjäser och flygplan. Stalin hade kunnat ingripa på upprorsmännens sida, men ville inte ge polska nationalister någon möjlighet att självständighet efter att Tysklands besegrats.Den polska hemmaarmén slogs tappert, men de hade egentligen aldrig någon chans mot tyskarna när varken Röda armén eller Västmakterna ingrep. Den materiella förstörelsen blev enorm och 200 000 människor dig i upproret. Utöver 15 000 stupade polska hemmaarmésoldater och motståndskämpar ur andra rörelser dödades minst 180 000 civila, varav cirka 65 000 i rena massakrer utförda av tyska förband och deras hjälptrupper.Det som fanns kvar av Warszawa när upproret slagits ner jämnades, på Hitlers och SS-chefen Heinrich Himmlers order, med marken.Bild: Scout-oldater från "Radosław -regementet" efter flera timmars marschering genom avlopp från Krasińskitorget till Wareckagatan i Śródmieściedistriktet, tidig morgon den 2 september 1944. Pojken i hjälm är Tadeusz "Maszynka" Rajszczak från Miotłabataljonen. Wikipedia, Public DomainLyssna också på Myterna och sanningarna om Tysklands anfall på Polen 1939 samt Så blev vanliga medelålders män massmördare i Hitlers raskrig. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt.

V nové epizodě Topol Show se Mirek Topolánek s Michalem Půrem soustředili převážně na otázky energetiky i na to, jaký vliv na ně bude mít výsledek německých parlamentních voleb. „Němci jsou jediný národ ochotný se obětovat pro jakési vyšší dobro. Skončí to tak, že sice přežijí, ale zchudnou, energeticky vysají své okolí, nás nevyjímaje, a budou závislejší na Číně a Rusku. Ostatně plynovod Nord Stream 2 je jen takové pokračování paktu Molotov – Ribbentrop,“ hodnotí nekompromisně situaci Topolánek.

Na Ukrajině zahynulo podle historika Timothyho Snydera v letech 1933 až 1945 čtrnáct miliónů lidí. A to v důsledku řízeného hladomoru, velkého teroru, okupace území nacistickým Německem a komunistickým Sovětským svazem podle linie dohodnuté v tajné doložce paktu Molotov-Ribbentrop v roce 1939 i v důsledku války. A právě v tomto období sílí aktivity směřující k vytvoření nezávislého státu. Ukrajinskému nacionalismu se věnuje Téma Plus Pavla Hlavatého.

Kan man finna livets mening i en bok? Marcel Prousts roman "På spaning efter den tid som flytt" är visserligen inte en utan sju böcker, men att de kan bära en människa genom krig och fångenskap visar Vincent Flink Amble-Naess i denna essä. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna. År 1924 reste den polske konstnären Jósef Czapski till Paris. Några år tidigare hade hans familjeförmögenhet exproprierats av den nybildade Sovjetunionen, men det gjorde honom inget. Han var en ung man, och bohemlivet passade honom utmärkt. Han var välutbildad och behärskade fyra språk flytande, däribland franska. Den tid han inte ägnade åt konstnärligt arbete gick därför åt till läsning. Medan han botaniserade i en av stadens boklådor fick han syn på en volym med titeln À la recherche du temps perdu, På spaning efter den tid som flytt, av Marcel Proust. Han köpte boken, och började läsa. Språket var alltför konstlat, tyckte han, och handlingen var alldeles för långsam. Det var inte förrän tre månader senare, då han plågades av olycklig kärlek, som Jósef plockade upp boken igen. Nu var han mottaglig för dess budskap: huvudpersonens förälskelse i den unga flickan Albertine, hans ansträngningar för att ta reda på var hon befann sig och hans svartsjuka som emellanåt tycktes angränsa till galenskap. Den sommaren insjuknade Czapski i tyfoid feber, och blev sängliggande i veckor. Under konvalescenstiden lät han sig uppslukas av verket. Vid tillfället för Czapskis upptäckt hade romanen ännu inte uppnått sin klassikerstatus. Bara två år tidigare hade författaren gått ur tiden, och det sista bandet Le temps retrouvé var ännu inte utgivet. När Czapski återvände till sitt hemland blev han den förste att presentera Prousts författarskap för en polsk publik. Intresset för romanen skulle kvarstå livet ut. 15 år senare utbröt krig mellan Tyskland och Polen. Året var 1939, och Czapski var 43 år gammal. Han och ett hundratal andra var satta att försvara en befästning vid staden Lwów från den tyska invasionen. Czapski hade knappt hållit i ett vapen, men eftersom han var adelsman fick han tjänstgöra som officer. Tids nog dök fienden upp, men det var inte bara Wehrmacht som angrep posteringen, utan även röda armén. Några månader tidigare hade Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten trätt i kraft, som delvis i hemlighet hade slutits av Tysklands och Sovjets utrikesministrar. Stormakterna hade delat upp Polen mellan sig, och nu stod barbarerna vid porten. Enligt avtalet skulle tyskarna få landets fotsoldater att använda som slavar i sina läger, medan Sovjet skulle samla officerarna och avrätta dem. Mellan den 5 april och 5 maj år 1940 mördades över 20 000 män. Kropparna grävdes ner och täcktes med åkerjord. För att hemlighålla morden lät man plantera granar över massgravarna. Enligt vittnen var det inte nog för att dölja stanken av lik. Czapski och de andra officerarna Lwów tillfångatogs och förflyttades till ett övergivet kloster utanför den ryska staden Grjazovets. Av någon anledning avrättades de inte utan skulle hållas fångna där ändå tills alliansen mellan Stalin och Hitler slutligen sprack, och den polska armén återbildades för att tjäna kommunismen. Männen tvingades arbeta från morgon till kväll, i 40 graders kyla och i snöstorm. De fick inte veta något om omvärlden: Hade Warszawa fallit? Var deras kamrater vid liv? Skulle de få återse sina barn? Snart kom officerarna på en idé. För att hålla sig vid liv skulle de ägna kvällarna åt att föreläsa för varandra. De flesta av männen hade haft andra yrken innan kriget, och alla hade något att berätta. I den spartanskt inredda matsalen hölls föredrag om arkitekturhistoria, geografi och den europeiska folkvandringstiden. För Czapski var ämnesvalet enkelt. Han skulle berätta om Marcel Proust. Medan han tillfrisknade från en sjukdomsperiod fick Czapski tillåtelse att hålla sig inomhus och skrubba golven. Under arbetet började minnesbilderna från Prousts romanvärld sakta återvända. Han såg skådespelerskan Bermas pudrade ansikte, med ögonen som gnistrade som marmor; hertiginnan de Guermantes i sin röda aftonklänning och det blänkande rubinhalsbandet; författaren Bergotte med handen över bröstet, när han avlider i hjärtinfarkt framför Vermeers mästerverk Vy över Delft. I frånvaro av den förströelse som livet i frihet hade att erbjuda dagstidningar, böcker och teaterföreställningar blev minnet av romanen mera levande. Förvecklingarna i berättelsen framstod som mera verkliga för Czapski än både lägret och fångenskapen. Han dikterade sitt manuskript för en medfånge, som skrev ner det på papperslappar. Efter kriget gavs de ut i bokform. I sina föreläsningar målar Czapski upp bilden av Proust som ett ensamt geni. Författaren tillbringade 15 år till sängs i ett sovrum med väggar av kork. Han offrade sitt liv för skrivandet, liksom munken offrar sitt liv för Gud. Romanens handling presenteras i sammandrag, även om den mest kända passagen är utelämnad, den om madeleinekakan och lindblomsteet. Texten har en detaljrikedom som gör det svårt att begripa att Czapski saknade tillgång till ett bibliotek. Långa passager ur romanen är citerade ordagrant, och händelser i författarens liv är återgivna med exakta datum. De litterära jämförelser som görs med Dostojevskij, Tolstoj, och Pascal ger intryck av att Czapskis minne, också vad gäller dessa författare, var osedvanligt gott. Medan Czapski talade satt officerarna hopträngda på pallar framför honom, med frost i skägget och med rufsigt hår. Deras uniformer hade stulits, och istället var de klädda i den ryska fångdräkten fufaika, en form av bomullssärkar, som täckts med snöslask och gyttja under den långa arbetsdagen. Ovanför dem hängde porträtt av Lenin, Marx och Stalin. Verksamheten betraktades som kontrarevolutionär, och somliga av Czapskis vänner deporterades till följd av sina föredrag. Ändå fortsatte berättandet. Kanske frågade sig Czapski emellanåt vad det var för mening med hans tillvaro i Grjazovets. Lidandet som hade drabbat honom var knappast begripligt. Barbarerna hade slutit pakt och ville förgöra inte bara honom och hans kamrater, utan hela den polska civilisationen. Landets västra delar skulle bli en del av det nationalsocialistiska Tyskland, och få sina ortsnamn germaniserade. De östra delarna skulle inlemmas i den kommunistiska maktsfären, och förvandlas till en lydstat under Kreml. Mot detta ställde Czapski Marcel Proust: den perfekta symbolen för allting de totalitära ville utrota; en sjuklig, homosexuell och judisk man som ägnade sitt liv åt att skriva en roman om sig själv, full av bilder och associationer. När vi tvekar på meningen med livet är det inte en rationell förklaring vi söker, utan en lindring av plågorna. Sådan lindring står att finna i Czapskis föreläsningar. Man behöver bara läsa mellan raderna: Vi är slagna i bojor och tvingade att arbeta. Vårt hemland är erövrat, och vi är förödmjukade. Men skönheten är evig, och undgår förstörelse. Den är svaret på lidandets problem. Vincent Flink Amble-Naess

Kan man finna livets mening i en bok? Marcel Prousts roman "På spaning efter den tid som flytt" är visserligen inte en utan sju böcker, men att de kan bära en människa genom krig och fångenskap visar Vincent Flink Amble-Naess i denna essä. ESSÄ: Detta är en text där skribenten reflekterar över ett ämne eller ett verk. Åsikter som uttrycks är skribentens egna. År 1924 reste den polske konstnären Jósef Czapski till Paris. Några år tidigare hade hans familjeförmögenhet exproprierats av den nybildade Sovjetunionen, men det gjorde honom inget. Han var en ung man, och bohemlivet passade honom utmärkt. Han var välutbildad och behärskade fyra språk flytande, däribland franska. Den tid han inte ägnade åt konstnärligt arbete gick därför åt till läsning. Medan han botaniserade i en av stadens boklådor fick han syn på en volym med titeln À la recherche du temps perdu, På spaning efter den tid som flytt, av Marcel Proust. Han köpte boken, och började läsa. Språket var alltför konstlat, tyckte han, och handlingen var alldeles för långsam. Det var inte förrän tre månader senare, då han plågades av olycklig kärlek, som Jósef plockade upp boken igen. Nu var han mottaglig för dess budskap: huvudpersonens förälskelse i den unga flickan Albertine, hans ansträngningar för att ta reda på var hon befann sig och hans svartsjuka som emellanåt tycktes angränsa till galenskap. Den sommaren insjuknade Czapski i tyfoid feber, och blev sängliggande i veckor. Under konvalescenstiden lät han sig uppslukas av verket. Vid tillfället för Czapskis upptäckt hade romanen ännu inte uppnått sin klassikerstatus. Bara två år tidigare hade författaren gått ur tiden, och det sista bandet Le temps retrouvé var ännu inte utgivet. När Czapski återvände till sitt hemland blev han den förste att presentera Prousts författarskap för en polsk publik. Intresset för romanen skulle kvarstå livet ut. 15 år senare utbröt krig mellan Tyskland och Polen. Året var 1939, och Czapski var 43 år gammal. Han och ett hundratal andra var satta att försvara en befästning vid staden Lwów från den tyska invasionen. Czapski hade knappt hållit i ett vapen, men eftersom han var adelsman fick han tjänstgöra som officer. Tids nog dök fienden upp, men det var inte bara Wehrmacht som angrep posteringen, utan även röda armén. Några månader tidigare hade Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten trätt i kraft, som delvis i hemlighet hade slutits av Tysklands och Sovjets utrikesministrar. Stormakterna hade delat upp Polen mellan sig, och nu stod barbarerna vid porten. Enligt avtalet skulle tyskarna få landets fotsoldater att använda som slavar i sina läger, medan Sovjet skulle samla officerarna och avrätta dem. Mellan den 5 april och 5 maj år 1940 mördades över 20 000 män. Kropparna grävdes ner och täcktes med åkerjord. För att hemlighålla morden lät man plantera granar över massgravarna. Enligt vittnen var det inte nog för att dölja stanken av lik. Czapski och de andra officerarna Lwów tillfångatogs och förflyttades till ett övergivet kloster utanför den ryska staden Grjazovets. Av någon anledning avrättades de inte utan skulle hållas fångna där ändå tills alliansen mellan Stalin och Hitler slutligen sprack, och den polska armén återbildades för att tjäna kommunismen. Männen tvingades arbeta från morgon till kväll, i 40 graders kyla och i snöstorm. De fick inte veta något om omvärlden: Hade Warszawa fallit? Var deras kamrater vid liv? Skulle de få återse sina barn? Snart kom officerarna på en idé. För att hålla sig vid liv skulle de ägna kvällarna åt att föreläsa för varandra. De flesta av männen hade haft andra yrken innan kriget, och alla hade något att berätta. I den spartanskt inredda matsalen hölls föredrag om arkitekturhistoria, geografi och den europeiska folkvandringstiden. För Czapski var ämnesvalet enkelt. Han skulle berätta om Marcel Proust. Medan han tillfrisknade från en sjukdomsperiod fick Czapski tillåtelse att hålla sig inomhus och skrubba golven. Under arbetet började minnesbilderna från Prousts romanvärld sakta återvända. Han såg skådespelerskan Bermas pudrade ansikte, med ögonen som gnistrade som marmor; hertiginnan de Guermantes i sin röda aftonklänning och det blänkande rubinhalsbandet; författaren Bergotte med handen över bröstet, när han avlider i hjärtinfarkt framför Vermeers mästerverk Vy över Delft. I frånvaro av den förströelse som livet i frihet hade att erbjuda dagstidningar, böcker och teaterföreställningar blev minnet av romanen mera levande. Förvecklingarna i berättelsen framstod som mera verkliga för Czapski än både lägret och fångenskapen. Han dikterade sitt manuskript för en medfånge, som skrev ner det på papperslappar. Efter kriget gavs de ut i bokform. I sina föreläsningar målar Czapski upp bilden av Proust som ett ensamt geni. Författaren tillbringade 15 år till sängs i ett sovrum med väggar av kork. Han offrade sitt liv för skrivandet, liksom munken offrar sitt liv för Gud. Romanens handling presenteras i sammandrag, även om den mest kända passagen är utelämnad, den om madeleinekakan och lindblomsteet. Texten har en detaljrikedom som gör det svårt att begripa att Czapski saknade tillgång till ett bibliotek. Långa passager ur romanen är citerade ordagrant, och händelser i författarens liv är återgivna med exakta datum. De litterära jämförelser som görs med Dostojevskij, Tolstoj, och Pascal ger intryck av att Czapskis minne, också vad gäller dessa författare, var osedvanligt gott. Medan Czapski talade satt officerarna hopträngda på pallar framför honom, med frost i skägget och med rufsigt hår. Deras uniformer hade stulits, och istället var de klädda i den ryska fångdräkten fufaika, en form av bomullssärkar, som täckts med snöslask och gyttja under den långa arbetsdagen. Ovanför dem hängde porträtt av Lenin, Marx och Stalin. Verksamheten betraktades som kontrarevolutionär, och somliga av Czapskis vänner deporterades till följd av sina föredrag. Ändå fortsatte berättandet. Kanske frågade sig Czapski emellanåt vad det var för mening med hans tillvaro i Grjazovets. Lidandet som hade drabbat honom var knappast begripligt. Barbarerna hade slutit pakt och ville förgöra inte bara honom och hans kamrater, utan hela den polska civilisationen. Landets västra delar skulle bli en del av det nationalsocialistiska Tyskland, och få sina ortsnamn germaniserade. De östra delarna skulle inlemmas i den kommunistiska maktsfären, och förvandlas till en lydstat under Kreml. Mot detta ställde Czapski Marcel Proust: den perfekta symbolen för allting de totalitära ville utrota; en sjuklig, homosexuell och judisk man som ägnade sitt liv åt att skriva en roman om sig själv, full av bilder och associationer. När vi tvekar på meningen med livet är det inte en rationell förklaring vi söker, utan en lindring av plågorna. Sådan lindring står att finna i Czapskis föreläsningar. Man behöver bara läsa mellan raderna: Vi är slagna i bojor och tvingade att arbeta. Vårt hemland är erövrat, och vi är förödmjukade. Men skönheten är evig, och undgår förstörelse. Den är svaret på lidandets problem. Vincent Flink Amble-Naess

Alessandro Barbero spiega cosa accadde durante gli accordi sul famoso patto Molotov-Ribbentrop nel 1939. ============== Tutti gli audio disponibili sono utilizzati dopo previo consenso e accordo con i distributori originali di altre piattaforme e/o distribuiti con licenze CC BY 4.0 e affini, viene sempre riportata la fonte. I titoli potrebbero variare.

Author Bini Adamczak discusses her newly translated book Yesterday's Tomorrow, a haunting meditation on the history of counterrevolution through the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion, the cult of Lenin, the Stalinist purges, and the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. The book begs to ask how our revolutionary thinking is hindered by these tragedies, suggesting that things could have and may proceed differently in the future. She also discusses her group Zero Covid, which criticizes the far-right and neoliberal approaches the pandemic. Follow them on twitter at https://twitter.com/zeroCovid_DACH Check out Bini's books: Communism for Kids Yesterday's Tomorrow On the Communism for Kids controversy: https://brooklynrail.org/2017/06/field-notes/Why-Conservatives-Are-Panicking-Over-a-Short-Story-About-Communism And some of her writing: https://brooklynrail.org/2020/09/field-notes/Corona-Crisis-Governmentality https://brooklynrail.org/2017/12/field-notes/The-Future-of-the-Past Support us by subscribing to the show at http://patreon.com/theantifada Song: Matrosen von Kronstadt! (a GDR rendition of the Soviet song "Forward, Red Marines!" about the events of the naval theater of the Russian Civil War, rewritten by Helmut Schinkel, to glorify the Bolshevik suppression of the Kronstadt Rebellion)

Em 23 de agosto de 1939 a União Soviética e a Alemanha assinam, em Moscou, um pacto de não-agressão, válido por 10 anos. A despeito das aparências de amizade, no entanto, estava bastante claro para quem acompanhava o jogo político da época que ambos os chefes de Estado – Josef Stalin e Adolf Hitler – estavam jogando conforme suas necessidades políticas e estratégicas, com pouca disposição para cumprir o acordo até o fim do período.★ Support this podcast ★

Períodos de graves crise são relativamente constantes na história, crises de ordem política, econômica e social ocorrem e geralmente se retroalimentam, exigindo atitudes que por vezes vão de encontro a ordem legal normal, o que ocorrem por meio do que chamamos de mecanismos de exceções constitucionais, tal como o Estado de Sítio ou de Defesa, desenvolvidos para se resolverem turbulências políticas, tais como guerras, sem que se abandone todo o Sistema Social construído. No entanto, a exceção é um tema que vai muito além do Direito e a atual pandemia do COVID-19 nos mostra isso claramente, medidas emergências, colapsos no sistema de saúde e funerário, quarentena, lockdown, por alguns meses a vida pareceu virar de cabeça para baixo e tudo parou. Salvo, é claro, tudo que não parou, ainda que fosse desejável um minuto de calmaria a economia não deixa de funcionar e muitos passam a trabalhar no regime de Home-Office, a importância de entregadores de aplicativo aumenta exponencialmente e a política também não para, sob argumentos de que são necessárias medidas enérgicas a exceção é colocada na mesa (ou teria alguma vez saído?) e a própria democracia se vê na linha de tiro, sob a incomensurabilidade dos tempos que vivemos somos confrontados com a fragilidade da nossa suposta normalidade, governos autoritários sob um manto de negacionismo e enfrentamento de um inimigo (que, infelizmente, não é o vírus) se aproveitam dos momentos para implantar sua ordem e suas ideias. O Brasil, aparentemente o último epicentro da COVID-19, não foge a regra, muito pelo contrário, aqui os jornais trocam entre notícias de números de mortes e conflitos federativos e ministeriais. Afinal, nessa dança toda, o que resta a nós? Qual o papel que o judiciário pode (ou deve) cumprir nesse período? Como isso tudo afeta a desigualdade social? E como a desigualdade afeta a própria pandemia? É para tentar responder algumas dessas muitas perguntas que lançamos esse episódio. Passando por eventos históricos como o ascenso fascista e o pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, por questionamentos acerca da própria concepção de exceção e crise, bem como por uma boas doses de otimismo e pessimismo, Paulo Schier, Heloisa Câmara e Bruno Lorenzetto debatem a atual crise pandêmica, seu efeito sob nossa jovem democracia e as possibilidades de exceções (in)constitucionais no quarto episódio da, ressurgida das cinzas, Temporada 2020! Bom Café e uma excelente audição! Referências de Estudo: - LEVITSKY, Steven. Como as Democracias Morrem - KLEIN, Naomi. A Doutrina do Choque - SNYDER, Timothy. Terra Negra: O Holocausto como História e Advertência - SNYDER, Timothy. Terras de Sangue: A Europa entre Hitler e Stalin Tem críticas ou sugestões? Mande um e-mail: cafedemocraticopodcast@gmail.com Episódio #14 Temporada #02 Introdução: Discursos de Mário Covas, Lula, Benedita da Silva e Ulysses Guimarães, música de fundo "Vai Ser Assim", Criolo. Encerramento: "Trem das Onze", Adoniran Barbosa.

Det tyska anfallet på Polen den 1 september 1939 var mer en chansning än vad man kan tro. Västgränsen låg till exempel öppen för ett franskt anfall och den tyska krigsplanen hade inslag av antaganden om polskt agerande som kunde ha slagit fel.Den tyska krigföringen hade sina klara brister. Polackerna var dessutom bättre förberedda och hade en krigsmakt som var starkare än vad som ofta framhålls. Myterna är många så som den fortfarande repeterande berättelsen om polska kavallerister mot tyska stridsvagnar. I själva verket fanns det moment under det korta kriget som talar för att det hade kunnat bli mycket kostsamt för den tyska armén. I avsnitt tio av Militärhistoriepodden tar professor Martin Hårdstedt och doktoranden Peter Bennesved sig an inledningen på andra världskriget. I centrum för samtalet står de många myter som har omgärdat Polenfälttåget och som fortfarande tas upp och berättas utan att de har så mycket med verkligheten att göra.1 september 1939 inleddes andra världskriget i och med det tyska anfallet på Polen. Krigsutbrottet hade under sommaren 1929 föregåtts av ett utrikespolitiskt och diplomatiskt spel som inte minst omfattade den tysk-sovjetiska Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten som innebar en uppgörelse om nonaggression och uppdelningen av Europa i intressesfärer. Polen hade även fått garantier för sin suveränitet i händelse av ett krig av Storbritannien och Frankrike. Det tyska anfallet blev snabbt en framgång och har många gånger beskrivits i termer av blixtkrig. Men hur var det egentligen? Var Polenfälttåget en exempellös framgång mot en underlägsen motståndare? Kriget avslutades med att Sovjet anföll och ockuperade de östra delarna av Polen. I krigets kölvatten kom sedan utrensningar och brutalitet mot civila. Föraningarna om polackernas och de polska judarnas exempellösa lidanden kom direkt – men det skulle bli betydligt värre.Bild Omslag: Polska 7TP stridsvagnar i formation under de första dagarna av den tyska invasionen av Polen.See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Il patto d’acciaio e il patto Molotov-Ribbentrop

Questo è l'episodio 5 della serie sulla Seconda Guerra Mondiale da ascoltare come podcast. Le letture sono interamente prese da Wikipedia. #secondaguerramondiale #podcast

ANSCHLUSS 5º Capítulo de “Camino al Armagedón” El Partido Obrero Nacional Socialista Alemán (NSDAP), fundado en 1920, llegó al poder en Alemania bajo Adolf Hitler el 30 de enero de 1933, transformó la República de Weimar en una dictadura por medio de la "Gleichschaltung", y terminó desencadenando la Segunda Guerra Mundial con la invasión de Polonia en septiembre de 1939. Pero antes de llegar al inicio del “Armagedón”, Hitler tuvo que preparar a su pueblo y Fuerzas Armadas para conquistar su “espacio vital” (Lebensraum). Fue un proceso lento pero continuo en que consiguió rearmar a la Wehrmacht, públicamente desde 1935, y tolerado por las naciones vencedoras de la I Guerra Mundial, que miraban más preocupadas a la Unión Soviética que a la Alemania nazi. Los gobiernos francés e inglés prefirieron apostar por el “apaciguamiento”, cediendo a Hitler en todo lo que reclamaba y apostando por pactos, creyendo que así lograrían que la guerra no volviese a la vieja Europa. En 1936, Alemania reocuparon Renania y el Sarre, se anexionó Austria en 1938, continuó con los Sudetes checos, y posteriormente toda Checoslovaquia ya en 1939, y tras el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, Polonia era el siguiente… Como invitado Esaú Rodríguez de “El anaquel de Esaú” en Bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com y junto a Francisco García Campa trataremos de conocer además de los elementos políticos de esta “unión” o “anexión”, como fue el despliegue militar alemán para supuestamente ayudar al nuevo gobierno títere en Viena. Créditos musicales - Edelweiss de la BSO de "Sonrisas y lágrimas" 1959 - Escena de la película "Vencedores y Vencidos" 1961 - Unter dem Doppeladler (Under the Double Eagle) No olvidéis suscribiros al canal, si aun no lo habéis hecho. Si queréis ayudarnos, dadle a “me gusta” (el corazón a la derecha de Ivoox) y también dejadnos comentarios. De esta forma ayudaréis a que los programas sean conocidos por más gente. Y compartidnos con vuestros amigos y conocidos. ¿Queréis contactar con nosotros? Puedes escribirnos a bellumartishistoriamilitar@gmail.com Nuestra página principal es: https://bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com En las Redes sociales puedes encontrarnos: En Facebook, nuestra página es @bellumartishistoriamilitar https://www.facebook.com/pg/bellumartishistoriamilitar/ En Twitter puedes seguirnos como @bellumartis En YouTube búscanos como Bellumartis Historia MIlitar En Pinterest, como @bellumartis, https://www.pinterest.es/bellumartis/ En Instagram somos: https://www.instagram.com/bellumartis_historia_militar/ Tenemos un canal de Telegram: https://t.me/bellumartishistoriamilitar

Kiina kauppasodassa. Suomen Kiinan suurlähettiläs Jarno Syrjälä. Inkeriläisten tie. Taisto Raudalainen, puheenjohtaja, Viron akateeminen Inkerinmaan seura. Ohjuskokeita ja testionnettomuuksia - miten asevarustelu on kiihtymässä? Tutkija Matti Pesu Ulkopoliittisesta instituutista ja strategian opettaja, kapteeni Antti Pihlajamaa Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulusta. Neuvostoliiton ja Saksan välisen Molotov-Ribbentrop -sopimuksen synnystä 80 vuotta. Professori, historian tutkija Martti Häikiö. Blogi Päivi Happonen. Poliisit tarvitsevat ohjeistuksen poliitikkoihin kohdistuviin tutkintoihin. Juontaja Seija Vaaherkumpu. Toimittajat Hannele Muilu, Johanna Östman ja Silja Raunio. Tuottaja Sakari Kilpelä.

LANGER, ARMENIA, TURCHIA e PROFUGHI POLACCHI IN AFRICAProsegue il viaggio di Kiosk, giunto alla decima puntata, la penultima di questo 2018. Una puntata ricca di voci e musiche che dedichiamo a un riferimento imprescindibile per la nostra redazione: il pensatore e politico sudtirolese Alexander Langer, scomparso nel 1995. E come Langer, nel nostro piccolo, abbiamo costruito ponti per raccontarvi di Paesi e temi poco battuti dai grandi media: dall'Armenia alla Turchia, fino a una vicenda straordinaria, quella dei profughi polacchi negli anni quaranta, che da Varsavia passa per i gulag siberiani e per l'Iran, per giungere in Africa.Iniziamo parlando del Paese dell'anno per questo 2018 secondo The Economist: l'Armenia, che dalla Rivoluzione di velluto alle elezioni di dicembre ha dato prova di una grande vitalità politica. Un Paese che sembrava destinato all'immobilismo più totale, dopo dieci anni di presidenza Sargsyan, ma che a partire da questa primavera ha innescato un cambiamento inarrestabile partito dal basso e senza alcun spargimento di sangue. La disobbedienza civile, a Yerevan, si è dimostrata un'arma temibile quanto incruenta.Proseguiamo raccontando, insieme a Lorenzo Berardi che vi ha dedicato un articolo su Centrum Report, la vicenda di 18mila profughi polacchi accolti in Africa 75 anni fa, dopo essere passati per l'Iran. Ex deportati in Siberia, costretti a lasciare il Paese occupato dall'URSS a seguito del patto Molotov-Ribbentrop, questi profughi furono spinti verso un'epopea infinita che non si concluse neppure con la fine della guerra. Una storia di accoglienza davvero bella, ma anche un cortocircuito della storia, se pensiamo alle ultime vicende nel nostro continente e alla crisi dei rifugiati.Passiamo quindi alla Turchia, per parlare dell'inchiesta internazionale #BlackSitesTurkey insieme a Lorenzo Bagnoli, che vi ha partecipato. Rapimenti all'estero, voli misteriosi, deportazioni e torture riservati agli oppositori del regime di Erdogan. Un fenomeno allarmante di cui nessuno ancora aveva scritto e che, a quanto riportano gli autori dell'inchiesta, è condotto dai servizi segreti turchi con la complicità di diverse cancellerie internazionali. Un buco nero, una Guantanamo turca, come è stata definita, dove finiscono (e scompaiono) oppositori provenienti da tutto il mondo.Concludiamo parlando dell'eredità umana e politica di un grande del Novecento, Alexander Langer, insieme a Edi Rabini, direttore della Fondazione Alexander Langer, che porta avanti con il suo lavoro l'eredità umana e politica straordinaria del politico sudtirolese. E insieme a Rabini, storico collaboratore di Langer, ci siamo interrogati su quale sia il lascito e il significato della sua opera a oltre vent'anni dalla sua scomparsa.Il tutto condito con musiche tutte ad est, brani di ieri e di oggi, in un viaggio immaginario che ci porta dalla Germania a Israele, passando per l'Iran, l'Afghanistan e l'Armenia. Buon ascolto!PLAYLIST• Djivan Gasparyan – Sari Galin (con Hossein Alizadeh) | https://open.spotify.com/album/7Hea7SDGrmk9sPQx1ZRxsd• Einstürzende Neubauten – Nagorny Karabach | https://itunes.apple.com/de/album/alles-wieder-offen/263664640• Shekib Mosadeq – Bella ciao | https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=KoS1groLrMk• DAF – Kebab Träume | https://itunes.apple.com/us/album/kebab-tr%C3%A4ume/1357810573?i=1357810579• Lola Marsh – She's a rainbow | https://itunes.apple.com/gr/album/shes-a-rainbow-single/1202346948

El Partido Obrero Nacional Socialista Alemán (NSDAP), fundado en 1920, llegó al poder en Alemania bajo Adolf Hitler el 30 de enero de 1933, transformó la República de Weimar en una dictadura por medio de la "Gleichschaltung", y terminó desencadenando la Segunda Guerra Mundial con la invasión de Polonia en septiembre de 1939. Pero antes de llegar al inicio del “Armagedón”, Hitler tuvo que preparar a su pueblo y Fuerzas Armadas para conquistar su “espacio vital” (Lebensraum). Fue un proceso lento pero continuo en que consiguió rearmar a la Wehrmacht, públicamente desde 1935, y tolerado por las naciones vencedoras de la I Guerra Mundial, que miraban más preocupadas a la Unión Soviética que a la Alemania nazi. Los gobiernos francés e inglés prefirieron apostar por el “apaciguamiento”, cediendo a Hitler en todo lo que reclamaba y apostando por pactos, creyendo que así lograrían que la guerra no volviese a la vieja Europa. En 1936, Alemania recuparon Renania y el Sarre, se anexionó Austria en 1938, continuó con los Sudetes checos, y posteriormente toda Checoslovaquia ya en 1939, y tras el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, Polonia era el siguiente… Como invitado Esaú Rodríguez de “El anaquel de Esaú” en Bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com nos ayudara en este capítulo a conocer como era el Ejercito que Hitler convertiría en la mítica Wehrmacht. No olvidéis suscribiros al canal, si aun no lo habéis hecho. Si queréis ayudarnos, dadle a “me gusta” (el corazón a la derecha de Ivoox) y también dejadnos comentarios. De esta forma ayudaréis a que los programas sean conocidos por más gente. Y compartidnos con vuestros amigos y conocidos. ¿Queréis contactar con nosotros? Puedes escribirnos a bellumartishistoriamilitar@gmail.com Nuestra página principal es: https://bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com En las Redes sociales puedes encontrarnos: En Facebook, nuestra página es @bellumartishistoriamilitar https://www.facebook.com/pg/bellumartishistoriamilitar/ En Twitter puedes seguirnos como @bellumartis En YouTube búscanos como Bellumartis Historia MIlitar En Pinterest, como @bellumartis, https://www.pinterest.es/bellumartis/ En Instagram somos: https://www.instagram.com/bellumartis_historia_militar/ Tenemos un canal de Telegram: https://t.me/bellumartishistoriamilitar

Jonathan Waterlow’s new book It’s Only a Joke, Comrade! Humour, Trust and Everyday Life Under Stalin (1928-1941) (CreateSpace, 2018) delves into the previously understudied realm of humor in the Stalinist period, exploring how average citizens used humor to understand the contradictions of their daily reality and to relieve the stress caused by Stalinist policies. By looking at the way Soviet leaders such as Kirov and Stalin were mocked he notes how people subversively commented on policies that left them hungry and poorly clothed, joking for example that after Kirov’s murder they would dine upon his brains, or how Stalin rid himself of pubic crabs by announcing he would create a crab collective farm, causing them to flee.  Jokes also touched on policy issues such as five-year plans, repression and even the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, showing how people thought about these issues and discussed them among their cohort. Additionally, jokes revealed the intersectionality of new Soviet and older value systems as people would use traditional frame work, such as heaven and hell, as backdrop for their jokes about the Soviet system, joking, for example, that Lenin was smuggled into heaven as Marx’s garbage. Furthermore, Waterlow looks at the social aspects of telling jokes, which could have dire consequences if told to the wrong person and how jokes helped create and reinforce trust circles, challenging old notions of atomization in the USSR. This witty, well written and very humanizing book is a must read. Samantha Lomb is an Assistant Professor at Vyatka State University in Kirov, Russia. Her research focuses on daily life, local politics and political participation in the Stalinist 1930s. Her book, Stalin’s Constitution: Soviet Participatory Politics and the Discussion of the Draft 1936 Constitution, is now available online. Her research can be viewed here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jonathan Waterlow’s new book It’s Only a Joke, Comrade! Humour, Trust and Everyday Life Under Stalin (1928-1941) (CreateSpace, 2018) delves into the previously understudied realm of humor in the Stalinist period, exploring how average citizens used humor to understand the contradictions of their daily reality and to relieve the stress caused by Stalinist policies. By looking at the way Soviet leaders such as Kirov and Stalin were mocked he notes how people subversively commented on policies that left them hungry and poorly clothed, joking for example that after Kirov’s murder they would dine upon his brains, or how Stalin rid himself of pubic crabs by announcing he would create a crab collective farm, causing them to flee.  Jokes also touched on policy issues such as five-year plans, repression and even the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, showing how people thought about these issues and discussed them among their cohort. Additionally, jokes revealed the intersectionality of new Soviet and older value systems as people would use traditional frame work, such as heaven and hell, as backdrop for their jokes about the Soviet system, joking, for example, that Lenin was smuggled into heaven as Marx’s garbage. Furthermore, Waterlow looks at the social aspects of telling jokes, which could have dire consequences if told to the wrong person and how jokes helped create and reinforce trust circles, challenging old notions of atomization in the USSR. This witty, well written and very humanizing book is a must read. Samantha Lomb is an Assistant Professor at Vyatka State University in Kirov, Russia. Her research focuses on daily life, local politics and political participation in the Stalinist 1930s. Her book, Stalin’s Constitution: Soviet Participatory Politics and the Discussion of the Draft 1936 Constitution, is now available online. Her research can be viewed here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jonathan Waterlow’s new book It’s Only a Joke, Comrade! Humour, Trust and Everyday Life Under Stalin (1928-1941) (CreateSpace, 2018) delves into the previously understudied realm of humor in the Stalinist period, exploring how average citizens used humor to understand the contradictions of their daily reality and to relieve the stress caused by Stalinist policies. By looking at the way Soviet leaders such as Kirov and Stalin were mocked he notes how people subversively commented on policies that left them hungry and poorly clothed, joking for example that after Kirov’s murder they would dine upon his brains, or how Stalin rid himself of pubic crabs by announcing he would create a crab collective farm, causing them to flee.  Jokes also touched on policy issues such as five-year plans, repression and even the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, showing how people thought about these issues and discussed them among their cohort. Additionally, jokes revealed the intersectionality of new Soviet and older value systems as people would use traditional frame work, such as heaven and hell, as backdrop for their jokes about the Soviet system, joking, for example, that Lenin was smuggled into heaven as Marx’s garbage. Furthermore, Waterlow looks at the social aspects of telling jokes, which could have dire consequences if told to the wrong person and how jokes helped create and reinforce trust circles, challenging old notions of atomization in the USSR. This witty, well written and very humanizing book is a must read. Samantha Lomb is an Assistant Professor at Vyatka State University in Kirov, Russia. Her research focuses on daily life, local politics and political participation in the Stalinist 1930s. Her book, Stalin’s Constitution: Soviet Participatory Politics and the Discussion of the Draft 1936 Constitution, is now available online. Her research can be viewed here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jonathan Waterlow’s new book It’s Only a Joke, Comrade! Humour, Trust and Everyday Life Under Stalin (1928-1941) (CreateSpace, 2018) delves into the previously understudied realm of humor in the Stalinist period, exploring how average citizens used humor to understand the contradictions of their daily reality and to relieve the stress caused by Stalinist policies. By looking at the way Soviet leaders such as Kirov and Stalin were mocked he notes how people subversively commented on policies that left them hungry and poorly clothed, joking for example that after Kirov’s murder they would dine upon his brains, or how Stalin rid himself of pubic crabs by announcing he would create a crab collective farm, causing them to flee.  Jokes also touched on policy issues such as five-year plans, repression and even the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, showing how people thought about these issues and discussed them among their cohort. Additionally, jokes revealed the intersectionality of new Soviet and older value systems as people would use traditional frame work, such as heaven and hell, as backdrop for their jokes about the Soviet system, joking, for example, that Lenin was smuggled into heaven as Marx’s garbage. Furthermore, Waterlow looks at the social aspects of telling jokes, which could have dire consequences if told to the wrong person and how jokes helped create and reinforce trust circles, challenging old notions of atomization in the USSR. This witty, well written and very humanizing book is a must read. Samantha Lomb is an Assistant Professor at Vyatka State University in Kirov, Russia. Her research focuses on daily life, local politics and political participation in the Stalinist 1930s. Her book, Stalin’s Constitution: Soviet Participatory Politics and the Discussion of the Draft 1936 Constitution, is now available online. Her research can be viewed here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

SARRE Y RENANIA 1º Capítulo de “Camino al Armagedón” El Partido Obrero Nacional Socialista Alemán (NSDAP), fundado en 1920, llegó al poder en Alemania bajo Adolf Hitler el 30 de enero de 1933, transformó la República de Weimar en una dictadura por medio de la "Gleichschaltung", y terminó desencadenando la Segunda Guerra Mundial con la invasión de Polonia en septiembre de 1939. Pero antes de llegar al inicio del “Armagedón”, Hitler tuvo que preparar a su pueblo y Fuerzas Armadas para conquistar su “espacio vital” (Lebensraum). Fue un proceso lento pero continuo en que consiguió rearmar a la Wehrmacht, públicamente desde 1935, y tolerado por las naciones vencedoras de la I Guerra Mundial, que miraban más preocupadas a la Unión Soviética que a la Alemania nazi. Los gobiernos francés e inglés prefirieron apostar por el “apaciguamiento”, cediendo a Hitler en todo lo que reclamaba y apostando por pactos, creyendo que así lograrían que la guerra no volviese a la vieja Europa. En 1936, Alemania reocuparon Renania y el Sarre, se anexionó Austria en 1938, continuó con los Sudetes checos, y posteriormente toda Checoslovaquia ya en 1939, y tras el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, Polonia era el siguiente… Como invitado Esaú Rodríguez de “El anaquel de Esaú” en Bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com No olvidéis suscribiros al canal, si aun no lo habéis hecho. Si queréis ayudarnos, dadle a “me gusta” (el corazón a la derecha de Ivoox) y también dejadnos comentarios. De esta forma ayudaréis a que los programas sean conocidos por más gente. Y compartidnos con vuestros amigos y conocidos. ¿Queréis contactar con nosotros? Puedes escribirnos a bellumartishistoriamilitar@gmail.com Nuestra página principal es: https://bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com En las Redes sociales puedes encontrarnos: En Facebook, nuestra página es @bellumartishistoriamilitar https://www.facebook.com/pg/bellumartishistoriamilitar/ En Twitter puedes seguirnos como @bellumartis En YouTube búscanos como Bellumartis Historia MIlitar En Pinterest, como @bellumartis, https://www.pinterest.es/bellumartis/ En Instagram somos: https://www.instagram.com/bellumartis_historia_militar/ Tenemos un canal de Telegram: https://t.me/bellumartishistoriamilitar

Descripción de “Camino al Armagedón” El Partido Obrero Nacional Socialista Alemán (NSDAP), fundado en 1920, llegó al poder en Alemania bajo Adolf Hitler el 30 de enero de 1933, transformó la República de Weimar en una dictadura por medio de la "Gleichschaltung", y terminó desencadenando la Segunda Guerra Mundial con la invasión de Polonia en septiembre de 1939. Pero antes de llegar al inicio del “Armagedón”, Hitler tuvo que preparar a su pueblo y Fuerzas Armadas para conquistar su “espacio vital” (Lebensraum). Fue un proceso lento pero continuo en que consiguió rearmar a la Wehrmacht, públicamente desde 1935, y tolerado por las naciones vencedoras de la I Guerra Mundial, que miraban más preocupadas a la Unión Soviética que a la Alemania nazi. Los gobiernos francés e inglés prefirieron apostar por el “apaciguamiento”, cediendo a Hitler en todo lo que reclamaba y apostando por pactos, creyendo que así lograrían que la guerra no volviese a la vieja Europa. En 1936, Alemania reocuparon Renania y el Sarre, se anexionó Austria en 1938, continuó con los Sudetes checos, y posteriormente toda Checoslovaquia ya en 1939, y tras el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, Polonia era el siguiente… Como invitado Esaú Rodríguez de “El anaquel de Esaú” en https://Bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com No olvidéis suscribiros al canal, si aun no lo habéis hecho. Si queréis ayudarnos, dadle a “me gusta” (el corazón a la derecha de Ivoox) y también dejadnos comentarios. De esta forma ayudaréis a que los programas sean conocidos por más gente. Y compartirlos con vuestros amigos y conocidos. ¿Queréis contactar con nosotros? Puedes escribirnos a bellumartishistoriamilitar@gmail.com Nuestra página principal es: https://bellumartis.blogspot.com En las Redes sociales puedes encontrarnos: En Facebook, nuestra página es @bellumartishistoriamilitar https://www.facebook.com/pg/bellumartishistoriamilitar/ En Twitter puedes seguirnos como @bellumartis En YouTube búscanos como Bellumartis Historia MIlitar En Pinterest, como @bellumartis, https://www.pinterest.es/bellumartis/ En Instagram somos: https://www.instagram.com/bellumartis_historia_militar/ Tenemos un canal de Telegram: https://t.me/bellumartishistoriamilitar

A triple helping of our sister podcast, as we follow Stalin's career from the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact to the Battle of Stalingrad. 

El pacte de no agressió germano soviètic es va signat en algun moment de la nit entre el 23 i el 24 d'agost de 1939. Aquest pacte, més popularment conegut com a pacte Molotov-Ribbentrop o Ribbentrop-Molotov, certificava la no agressió entre la Alemania del III Reich de Hitler i la Unió Soviètica presidida en aquell moment per Stalin.

Noreen and I visit Berlin in November 1940 where Stalin’s Foreign Minister, Molotov, is wooed by Ribbentrop and Hitler: they want the USSR, already in bed with Germany in the Molotov-Ribbentrop (or Nazi-Soviet) Pact to join the Axis Alliance and carve up most of the world. Churchill, however, gatecrashes the party. Paul Letters is a historian, journalist, educator and novelist. See paulletters.com for more history, including a daily ‘On-This-Day-75-Years-Ago’ Twitter feed and photographs. Plus the novel that combines: the real history of the Allies’ first strike against Nazi Germany; Paul’s granny’s escape (as a teenager) from 1939 Poland to 1940 Paris to wartime London; the ‘Double-Cross System’, the Special Operations Executive and assassination in Prague (aChanceKill.com). This episode was first broadcast on 19 November 2015 on Noreen Mir’s 1-2-3 Show, RTHK Radio 3. Click ‘Subscribe’ to receive future podcasts automatically (or see the This Month in History website). Recorded at Radio Television Hong Kong Studios, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon, Hong Kong. Podcast cover work by Gill Bertram.Continue reading →

Jeremy Alderson, director of the Homelessness Marathon, was recently jailed for protesting against fracking in the Finger Lakes. You’ll hear from him in the first segment of the September 4, 2014 edition of Tell Somebody.  After that, I had a question or two for the Secretary of Energy and others at the new National Security Campus. Then, a few thoughts on the 75th anniversary of the Molotov Ribbentrop pact, the 25th anniversary of the Baltic Way and current NATO saber rattling, and finally, what looks like a Conde Nast/New Yorker campaign for Monsanto and against Monsanto’s most prominent critic.   Click on the pod icon above, or the .mp3 filename below to listen to the show, or right-click and choose "save target as" or "save link as" to save a copy of the audio file to your computer.   You can also subscribe to the podcast, for free, at the iTunes store  or other podcast directory. If you have any comments or questions on the show, or problems accessing the files, send an email to mail@tellsomebody.us. Follow Tell Somebody  on Twitter: @tellsomebodynow. “Like” the Tell Somebody page on facebook:  www.facebook.com/TellSomebodyNow