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Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance.   #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2.   On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack.   Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure. 

Is Europe's defense investment wave real, or is it simply venture capital wrapped in a Ukrainian flag?The debate featured Nicholas Nelson, General Partner at Archangel Ventures, and Sebastian von Ribbentrop, Founding Partner at Join Capital.At stake is more than narrative. It is about capability, returns, sovereignty — and the structural future of European capital markets.Until recently, defense investing in Europe was controversial. Many institutional LPs avoided the sector. ESG mandates were interpreted narrowly. Defense was often softened under the label “dual-use.” Russia's invasion of Ukraine changed the landscape. Defense budgets rose. Political rhetoric shifted. Venture capital began flowing into the sector at unprecedented levels.But the central question remains:Is this a structural capital reallocation — or a short-term momentum trade?The debate crystallizes around one fault line: defense-first vs dual-use.Nicholas argues Europe's hesitation to embrace defense-first investing is both strategically and financially misguided. Defense-only startups, he contends, have historically outperformed. Dual-use often dilutes focus by forcing two distinct go-to-market motions. Real capability requires designing directly for the warfighter — not adapting commercial products later. In his view, dual-use in Europe often functions as a reputational hedge rather than a strategy.Sebastian counters that dual-use is not compromise — it is risk management. Advanced technologies can serve both industrial and defense customers without duplicating entire teams. Diversified revenue reduces concentration risk. Non-dilutive defense contracts can substitute late-stage equity rounds in a region where growth capital remains thin. And Europe's comparative advantage may lie less in building vertically integrated primes — and more in dominating high-precision subsystems.As the conversation escalates, it moves beyond product strategy into a deeper structural issue: scale capital. Even where early-stage defense investment has improved, later-stage funding remains limited. Several leading European defense startups have relied heavily on US or Middle Eastern growth capital.Which raises uncomfortable questions:Can Europe build independent defense champions without foreign growth capital?Will its strongest companies inevitably “pick a flag” as they scale?Is fragmentation across 30+ procurement regimes Europe's structural disadvantage?Without coordination at scale, even strong early-stage ecosystems struggle to produce global champions.What's covered:00:30 Framing the question — structural shift or narrative trade?02:00 From taboo to trend — ESG optics and the Ukraine inflection point04:15 Defense-first vs dual-use — the core strategic divide07:30 The defense-first case — focus, procurement alignment, and capability building11:00 The dual-use counterargument — diversification and risk management14:30 Subsystems vs primes — where Europe's advantage may lie18:00 The growth capital gap — reliance on US and Middle Eastern funding21:00 “Picking a flag” — sovereignty vs scale23:30 Procurement fragmentation — 30+ regimes and scaling friction26:00 Final takeaway — Europe's defense future depends on capital conviction and coordination

NUREMBERG AND THE POST-WAR SILENCE Colleague Charles Spicer. At the Nuremberg trials, Ribbentropappeared a broken man, attempting to call amateur spies like Conwell-Evans as witnesses to prove his pre-war desire for peace, a defense that ultimately failed to excuse his war crimes. His widow, Anneliese, later wrote memoirs obsessing over social slights in London, displaying a detachment from the reality of the Holocaust. Conversely, in the "Ministries Trial," Lord Vansittart denied his connections to the German resistance, likely because admitting to these chaotic back-channel efforts was too uncomfortable for a Foreign Office that preferred the narrative of inevitable total war. Consequently, the Anglo-German Fellowship, despite having had government approval, was brushed under the carpet of history, its role in attempting to avert catastrophe largely forgotten. NUMBER 15 1945-46 TRIBUNAL JUDGES.

THE TENNANT MISSION AND THE SUMMER OF 1939 Colleague Charles Spicer. In the summer of 1939, Ernest Tennant undertook a secret mission to Austria to meet his former friend Ribbentrop, acting with the plausible deniability of 10 Downing Street. At a confiscated castle, Tennant learned that Hitler was mirroring Ribbentrop'saggressive stance, planning a long war and targeting Poland. This intelligence convinced London to accelerate a defense pact with Poland, though Chamberlain failed to secure a necessary alliance with the Soviet Union due to his personal antipathy toward Stalin. Despite accurate intelligence from the amateur spies regarding the imminent invasion of Polandand the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the British leadership failed to act decisively or explore regime change, missing the final opportunities to stop the dictator before the outbreak of hostilities. NUMBER 12 1946 DEFENSE ATTORNEYS AT NUREMBERG

THE AMATEUR SPIES AND THE 1934 DINNER Colleague Charles Spicer. In December 1934, Ernest Tennant, a British banker deeply scarred by the loss of friends and family in the First World War, attended a pivotal dinner in Berlin with Adolf Hitler and Joachim von Ribbentrop. Tennant, along with fellow protagonist Philip Conwell-Evans, sought to prevent another continental war by fostering closer ties between British and German society through organizations like the Anglo-German Fellowship. Ribbentrop, an Anglophile who had lived in London, used these social connections to move decision-makers closer to the Nazi leadership, exploiting the fact that the British government initially viewed Hitler with disdain and had not engaged him diplomatically. The narrative introduces the Travelers Clubin London as a hub for these internationalists and intelligence figures, setting the stage for a story of amateur espionage aimed at civilizing a regime that would eventually launch a predatory war. NUMBER 1 1945 NUREMBERG PROSECUTION

COMMERCE AND THE ORIGINS OF THE FELLOWSHIP Colleague Charles Spicer. The Anglo-German Fellowship was headquartered at the Metropole Hotel in London in 1935, immediately attracting major business interests, including Unilever, which had vast assets in Germany and sought to avoid war to protect its commercial empire. While business leaders were initially anxious about the brutality of the Nazi regime, the stabilization following the Night of the Long Knives led optimists to believe the regime could be civilized. Ribbentrop took credit in Berlin for the Fellowship's success, which gave members extraordinary access to Hitler. The organization also attracted Germanindustrialists like Robert Bosch, who despised the Nazis but joined the Berlin counterpart, the Deutsch-Englische Gesellschaft, hoping to maintain international ties and prevent conflict. NUMBER 2 1945-46. TWO GERMAN ADMIRALS ACCUSED  N THE NUREMBERG TRISL

THE 1936 OLYMPICS AND DIPLOMATIC GAMES Colleague Charles Spicer. During the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the Nazi regime launched a charm offensive, wining and dining officials like Vansittart, who returned to Londonalarmed yet somewhat placated by Hitler's apparent desire for peace. Ribbentrop, desperate for promotion, hosted lavish events but was viewed by British diplomats as an intellectual lightweight and socially insecure. In a significant diplomatic maneuver, the Anglo-German Fellowship circumvented Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin's refusal to meet Hitler by arranging for former Prime Minister David Lloyd George to visit the dictator. Lloyd George, a political titan and the man who had won the First World War, was seen as an ideal figure to build rapport and potentially civilize the German leadership. NUMBER 4 1945-46 KESSELRING ACCUSED

RIBBENTROP'S ARRIVAL AND SOCIAL DISASTERS Colleague Charles Spicer. Joachim von Ribbentroparrived at Victoria Station as the new German ambassador with a cynical mission from Hitler to forge an alliance that would neutralize Britain while Germany conquered the continent. His tenure was immediately marred by clumsiness and a lack of humor; he gave ill-advised press remarks and famously delivered a Nazi salute to King George VI, nearly causing the monarch to fall backward. His wife, Anneliese, was equally thin-skinned and offended by the British press's mockery, which only intensified the ridicule. Meanwhile, the British appointed Neville Henderson as their ambassador to Berlin, a man whose fatalism and desire not to antagonize Hitler led him to pursue a disastrous policy of appeasement. NUMBER 6 1946 NUREMBERG TRIAL ATTENDANCE.

THE CORONATION AND INTELLIGENCE NETWORKS Colleague Charles Spicer. The coronation of George VI in May 1937 became a backdrop for diplomatic maneuvering, culminating in a disastrously overcrowded party at the German embassy organized by the social-climbing Anneliese Ribbentrop. While Nazi sympathizers and high society mingled, the Anglo-German Fellowship was infiltrated by Kim Philby, who was hired to manage publicity while secretly reporting to Soviet intelligence. Simultaneously, realizing the futility of civilizing the Nazis, Conwell-Evans and Christie transitioned into functioning as a "private detective agency" for Vansittart, utilizing their access to gather intelligence that the official services lacked. Despite the social chaos and espionage, German War Minister von Blomberg attended the coronation and was well-received, hinting at alternative diplomatic paths had Ribbentrop not intervened. NUMBER 7 1946 DEFENSE COUNCIL AT THE NUREMBERG TRIAL

PREVIEW FOR LATER TONIGHT RIBBENTROP'S DESCENT FROM ANGLOPHILE TO ENEMY Colleague Charles Spicer. Joachim von Ribbentrop served as Hitler's ambassador to Britain, initially acting as a sophisticated Anglophile. However, after social gaffes and influence from his wife, his admiration turned to vitriolic hatred. Spicerdetails how this irrational shift influenced decisions leading up to the war and Ribbentrop's eventual hanging. 1945-46 DEFENSE ATTORNEYS NUREMBERG

Aprovechando el lanzamiento del libro Barbarroja 1941, la guerra absoluta, he aprovechado un episodio, el relacionado con el Pacto Ribbentrop-Molotov, posiblemente una bola de partido que propició más si cabe lo que pocos días después se convertiría en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Dos grandes potencias se cubrirían, cada una con sus propios motivos, la Alemania de Hitler y la URSS de Stalin, recursos, defensas, áreas de influencia, territorios y mucho más. Gracias a libro Barbarroja 1941, extraemos algunos textos y situaciones como la posibilidad de haber pactado Alemania con Polonia contra la URSS, los intentos británicos y franceses para que los soviéticos pudieran atravesar territorio polaco contra Alemania y mucho mucho más Musica intro: Fallen Soldier,licencia gratuita, de Biz Baz Estudio Licencia Creative Commons Fuentes: Barbarroja 1941 La guerra Absoluta, de Jean López y Lasha Otkhmezuri Audios y música: Música relacionada y fragmentos de noticiario. Productora: Vega Gónzalez Director /Colaborador: Sergio Murata Nuestras listas China en guerra https://go.ivoox.com/bk/11072909 Guerra de Ucrania (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10954944 337 Días en Baler, los últimos de Filipinas (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10896373 Checoslovaquia el arsenal de Hitler (Miniserie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10989586 Episodios de Guadalcanal ( Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10996267 Sudan las guerras del Mahdi (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10991351 Con Rommel en el Desierto (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10991349 Chechenia las guerras del lobo (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10989674 Cine e Historia (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10991110 Guerra Biológica ( Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10989690 Guerra francoprusiana de 1870-1871 (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10987884 Guerra de Secesión norteamericana 1861-1865 (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10958205 David contra Goliat, Fusiles anticarro (Miniserie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10958221 Beutepanzer, blindados capturados y usados por Alemania (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10956491 Japón bajo las bombas (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10914802 Erich Topp, el Diablo Rojo (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10935056 Motos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10896149 Propaganda en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10886167 Memorias de nuestros veteranos (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10723177 Vietnam, episodios de una guerra (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10753747 Hombres K, los comandos de la Kriegsmarine (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10715879 Mercur 1941, la batalla de Creta (Serie) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/10497539 Guerra de Ifni Sahara (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/9990031 Armas de Autarquía ( Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/9990017 La Guerra del 98 (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/5029543 Italia en la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/6190737 Mujeres en Tiempo de Guerra (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/7826153 Blindados españoles (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/7824815 Ejércitos y Soldados (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/7825841 Batallas y conflictos (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/7825969 Armas de infantería (Episodios) https://go.ivoox.com/bk/7824907 Espero que os guste y os animo a suscribiros, dar likes, y compartir en redes sociales y a seguirnos por facebook y/o twitter. Recordad que esta disponible la opción de Suscriptor Fan , donde podréis acceder a programas en exclusiva. Podéis opinar a través de ivoox, en twitter @Niebladeguerra1 y ver el material adicional a través de facebook https://www.facebook.com/sergio.murata.77 o por mail a niebladeguerraprograma@hotmail.com Telegram Si quieres acceder a él sigue este enlace https://t.me/niebladeguerra Además tenemos un grupo de conversación, donde otros compañeros, podcaster ,colaboradores y yo, tratamos temas diversos de historia, algún pequeño juego y lo que sea, siempre que sea serio y sin ofensas ni bobadas. Si te interesa entrar , a través del canal de Niebla de Guerra en Telegram, podrás acceder al grupo. También podrás a través de este enlace (O eso creo ) https://t.me/joinchat/Jw1FyBNQPOZtEKjgkh8vXg NUEVO CANAL DE YOUTUBE https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCaUjlWkD8GPoq7HnuQGzxfw/featured?view_as=subscriber BLOGS AMIGOS https://www.davidlopezcabia.es/ con el escritor de novela bélica David López Cabia https://www.eurasia1945.com/ Del escritor e historiador, Rubén Villamor Algunos podcast amigos LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA https://www.ivoox.com/biblioteca-de-la-historia_sq_f1566125_1 https://blog.sandglasspatrol.com/ blo Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Founding the Fellowship: Amateur Spies and the Quest for Peace: Colleague Charles Spicer introduces Ernest Tennant, a British WWI veteran deeply traumatized by the loss of his peers, who established a connection with Joachim von Ribbentrop, then an Anglophile, to bridge the gap between London and Berlin, leading to the creation of the Anglo-German Fellowship; key figures include the scholar Philip Conwell-Evans and Lord Lothian, with the Travelers Club in London serving as the operational hub where these "amateur spies" sought to civilize the Nazis through diplomacy. 1933

Ribbentrop in London: Gaffes and Alienation: Colleague Charles Spicer describes Ribbentrop's arrival in London as Ambassador with a cynical mandate from Hitler to neutralize Britain diplomatically, characterizing his tenure as a social disaster marked by gaffes such as giving the Nazi salute to the King; his wife Anneliese is depicted as thin-skinned and unable to handle the British press's mockery, while Sir Neville Henderson, the British Ambassador to Berlin, whose desire to accommodate Hitler was exacerbated by his secret battle with terminal cancer, influenced disastrous appeasement policies. 1933

The Oster Conspiracy and the Resilience of the Fellowship: Colleague Charles Spicer discusses the 1938 crisis, focusing on the "Oster Conspiracy," a credible German plot to arrest Hitler that was undermined by Prime Minister Chamberlain's appeasement visits; despite the shock of Kristallnacht, the Anglo-German Fellowship remained a crucial channel for intelligence, with reports from Conwell-Evans regarding Ribbentrop discussed in the British Cabinet, proving that high-quality intelligence was reaching decision-makers, though the British government prioritized diplomatic engagement over supporting internal regime change, missing a significant opportunity to stop the dictator. 1938

1939: Diplomatic Disasters and Soviet Infiltration: Colleague Charles Spicer explains that by early 1939, relations deteriorated as Ribbentrop, now Foreign Minister, turned violently anti-British following his social failures in London, characterizing British Ambassador Neville Henderson as a disastrous "arch-appeaser" who refused to upset the Nazi regime; meanwhile, Conwell-Evans continued to gather intelligence while enduring threatening luncheons with Ribbentrop, and the Soviets infiltrated the narrative through the book Tory MP, which attacked the Fellowship and was written by authors recruited by Soviet intelligence. 1938

The Tennant Mission and the Failure of Alliances: Colleague Charles Spicer recounts that in the summer of 1939, Ernest Tennant undertook a final secret mission to Ribbentrop's Austrian castle, confirming that Hitler intended to attack Poland and wage a long war; while London believed this intelligence and pursued a pact with Poland, Chamberlain's deep antipathy toward the Soviets delayed an alliance with Stalin, and Soviet spies leaked these diplomatic moves to Germany, accelerating the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, emphasizing that despite accurate intelligence from the amateur spies, British leadership failed to exploit opportunities. 1938

Judgment at Nuremberg and Post-War Denial: Colleague Charles Spicer recounts that at the Nuremberg trials, a broken Ribbentrop attempted to call Conwell-Evans and Tennant as witnesses to prove his pre-war peace efforts, while Göring remained defiant and Hess exhibited erratic behavior; discussing the "Ministries Trial" and the post-war tendency of British officials including Vansittart to deny their connections to the amateur spies, this denial stemmed from embarrassment over their chaotic engagement with the Nazis and the uncomfortable realization that the war might have been preventable. 1938

Good Sunday to you,A bit of admin before we come to today's thought piece.First, in case you missed it, here is this week's commentary, mostly ranting about the budget, the UK's inept leadership and what actions you, as an investor, should take:And this week I also appeared on comedian Geoff Norcott's podcast, What Most People Think. Here are the links to the show on Apple and Spotify, if of interest.But for your thought piece today, we have another great little World War Two gold story which didn't make the cut. The farcical journey of Albanian and Italian gold (NB: a tonne of gold is about a medium-sized suitcase full).As the Nazis took both Austria and Czechoslovakia with ease, Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini grew anxious to flex his own muscles.Albania would be his target. Geographically, culturally and historically, it made sense: Albania had been part of the Roman Empire even before northern Italy.In April 1939, Italy invaded with a force that contained 400 planes, 300 small tanks, 12 warships, and 22,000 men. But some untrained Albanian locals with the help of a few soldiers managed to drive them back into the sea. Such was 20th century Italian warfare.The Italians made it on the second attempt, however, and the capital, Tirana, fell.The Albanian King Zog gave an impassioned speech on the radio, urging resistance, but nobody heard it because Albania at the time had fewer than 2,000 radios, and the Italians soon managed to jam the airwaves anyway. Shortly after giving the speech, like the true patriot he was, he fled the country, taking enough gold with him to lead a long life of luxury in exile, eventually ending up in Egypt as a guest of King Farouk, to whom he had to pay $20 million for refuge.Albania's founders believed in gold, and their currency, the lek, was based on it. Inflation, as a result, had been nonexistent. The central bank was established in the summer of 1925, and it had worked hard to build up its gold holdings. At home, it had encouraged citizens to swap their jewellery for paper money. That private gold was then added to the nation's gold holdings. Whenever possible, the country increased its gold holdings in London.But by the time of the invasion in 1939, most of Albania's 2.3 tonnes was in Italy anyway, where it had been sent for safekeeping. The Italians managed to confiscate quite a bit more in coins and jewellery from citizens.We fast forward four years.The Italian dilemma: give their gold to the Nazis or the Allies? In 1943, Allied forces moved north from Africa into Sicily and then Italy: the invasion of the soft underbelly of Europe had begun.Hectic days followed the ousting of Mussolini in July. The Italian Fascists were still nominally in charge. They declared Rome an open city in the hope of avoiding Allied air attacks. But by September 1943, the Nazis had control of the capital and central Italy, and they wanted Italy's gold moved to Berlin, while they still had control of the area.They began confiscating the gold of Italian citizens in Rome, especially Italian Jews. The amounts demanded were unrealistic, but Roman Jews reached into their family treasures, their synagogues and institutions to turn in what they had. The Pope, Pius XII, heard about the demands and authorised Catholic churches to lend Jews gold so they could reach the quota.But the big prize was in the Italian Central Bank, and several Nazi organisations had their eyes on it: Himmler's SS, Göring's Four Year Plan, von Ribbentrop's Foreign Office, and Funk's Reichsbank. Even the Bank of International Settlements (BIS), which was worried about its investments in Italy, started making demands that Italy send it gold. Initially, the governor of the Italian bank, Vincenzo Azzolini, made out that he was offended by the idea, but he soon realised the BIS was a better option than Berlin, whichever Nazi department received it.The Italians did not know what to do. On the one hand, they did not want the Nazis to have their gold, but nor did they want the invading Allies to have it either. They thought of sending it to Sardinia, they thought of sending it to the Swiss border. They sent small amounts of gold to branch offices around Italy, but the Bologna gold went missing, as did much of the Milan gold - now supposedly in Turin, but actually hidden in a well. They even sent some to colonial outposts in Benghazi, Rhodes and Addis Ababa.The Albanian gold Italy had stolen was still sitting in the Italian bank's vault, so, under pressure from the Nazis, they sent that up to the Reichsbank in Berlin, while they tried to come up with a solution.The following day, Niccolò Introna, the Italian bank's deputy general manager, had his plan: to build a false wall in the bank's underground vaults. He would then backdate documents to show the gold had been moved to Potenza, a town in the Italian south that was about to fall into Allied hands, but hide the gold behind the wall.Bank governor Azzolini approved the plan, but then ruled that only half the gold should be hidden. The next day the wall was built. The day after that, the official order to ship the gold to Berlin came in from the German ambassador. If the bank did not agree, the Germans would simply seize it. At this point, Azzolini learned that the Germans had seized government records, from which they would know the size and location of the country's gold. Azzolini lost his nerve and had the wall torn down.The next day, the German military unit arrived at the bank with orders to move the gold north by air. Azzolini stalled them, saying it would be safer by train. The Germans sent 5 tonnes by air, the rest - 119 tonnes - was sent by train to Milan. From there, it was shipped to Fortezza, Bolzano, close to the border with Germany and under their control, where it stayed for several months. The now-ousted Mussolini even signed his approval that it be sent there.The following spring, Azzolini, who above all wanted to stop the gold going to Berlin, struck a deal with Swiss and German representatives that would see 26 tonnes sent to Switzerland, some to the BIS and some to the Swiss National Bank.Göring, however, insisted he needed money and suggested giving Italy Reichsmarks for its gold. The deal was signed without the Bank of Italy knowing about it. 50 tonnes left Fortezza, which included 8 tonnes Italy had stolen from Yugoslavia earlier in the war in "restitution" (that's another story). The delivery arrived in Berlin a tonne light. As almost always by this point in the war, someone had their hands in the till.The process of shipping the next batch of Italian gold - some 22 tonnes - went on for months, as some (but not all) Italian officials tried to stall. But eventually, that too was dispatched. That too arrived in Berlin a tonne light.When American forces eventually liberated Fortezza, they found 25 tonnes. It was handed over to the Bank of Italy.What a mess.Stories like this fill the pages of The Secret History of Gold (although this one didn't actually make the cut).The Secret History of Gold is available at Amazon, Waterstones and all good bookshops. I hear the audiobook, read by me, is excellent. And it would make a wonderful Christmas present! This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

Good Sunday to you,A bit of admin before we come to today's thought piece.First, in case you missed it, here is this week's commentary, mostly ranting about the budget, the UK's inept leadership and what actions you, as an investor, should take:And this week I also appeared on comedian Geoff Norcott's podcast, What Most People Think. Here are the links to the show on Apple and Spotify, if of interest.But for your thought piece today, we have another great little World War Two gold story which didn't make the cut. The farcical journey of Albanian and Italian gold (NB: a tonne of gold is about a medium-sized suitcase full).As the Nazis took both Austria and Czechoslovakia with ease, Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini grew anxious to flex his own muscles.Albania would be his target. Geographically, culturally and historically, it made sense: Albania had been part of the Roman Empire even before northern Italy.In April 1939, Italy invaded with a force that contained 400 planes, 300 small tanks, 12 warships, and 22,000 men. But some untrained Albanian locals with the help of a few soldiers managed to drive them back into the sea. Such was 20th century Italian warfare.The Italians made it on the second attempt, however, and the capital, Tirana, fell.The Albanian King Zog gave an impassioned speech on the radio, urging resistance, but nobody heard it because Albania at the time had fewer than 2,000 radios, and the Italians soon managed to jam the airwaves anyway. Shortly after giving the speech, like the true patriot he was, he fled the country, taking enough gold with him to lead a long life of luxury in exile, eventually ending up in Egypt as a guest of King Farouk, to whom he had to pay $20 million for refuge.Albania's founders believed in gold, and their currency, the lek, was based on it. Inflation, as a result, had been nonexistent. The central bank was established in the summer of 1925, and it had worked hard to build up its gold holdings. At home, it had encouraged citizens to swap their jewellery for paper money. That private gold was then added to the nation's gold holdings. Whenever possible, the country increased its gold holdings in London.But by the time of the invasion in 1939, most of Albania's 2.3 tonnes was in Italy anyway, where it had been sent for safekeeping. The Italians managed to confiscate quite a bit more in coins and jewellery from citizens.We fast forward four years.The Italian dilemma: give their gold to the Nazis or the Allies? In 1943, Allied forces moved north from Africa into Sicily and then Italy: the invasion of the soft underbelly of Europe had begun.Hectic days followed the ousting of Mussolini in July. The Italian Fascists were still nominally in charge. They declared Rome an open city in the hope of avoiding Allied air attacks. But by September 1943, the Nazis had control of the capital and central Italy, and they wanted Italy's gold moved to Berlin, while they still had control of the area.They began confiscating the gold of Italian citizens in Rome, especially Italian Jews. The amounts demanded were unrealistic, but Roman Jews reached into their family treasures, their synagogues and institutions to turn in what they had. The Pope, Pius XII, heard about the demands and authorised Catholic churches to lend Jews gold so they could reach the quota.But the big prize was in the Italian Central Bank, and several Nazi organisations had their eyes on it: Himmler's SS, Göring's Four Year Plan, von Ribbentrop's Foreign Office, and Funk's Reichsbank. Even the Bank of International Settlements (BIS), which was worried about its investments in Italy, started making demands that Italy send it gold. Initially, the governor of the Italian bank, Vincenzo Azzolini, made out that he was offended by the idea, but he soon realised the BIS was a better option than Berlin, whichever Nazi department received it.The Italians did not know what to do. On the one hand, they did not want the Nazis to have their gold, but nor did they want the invading Allies to have it either. They thought of sending it to Sardinia, they thought of sending it to the Swiss border. They sent small amounts of gold to branch offices around Italy, but the Bologna gold went missing, as did much of the Milan gold - now supposedly in Turin, but actually hidden in a well. They even sent some to colonial outposts in Benghazi, Rhodes and Addis Ababa.The Albanian gold Italy had stolen was still sitting in the Italian bank's vault, so, under pressure from the Nazis, they sent that up to the Reichsbank in Berlin, while they tried to come up with a solution.The following day, Niccolò Introna, the Italian bank's deputy general manager, had his plan: to build a false wall in the bank's underground vaults. He would then backdate documents to show the gold had been moved to Potenza, a town in the Italian south that was about to fall into Allied hands, but hide the gold behind the wall.Bank governor Azzolini approved the plan, but then ruled that only half the gold should be hidden. The next day the wall was built. The day after that, the official order to ship the gold to Berlin came in from the German ambassador. If the bank did not agree, the Germans would simply seize it. At this point, Azzolini learned that the Germans had seized government records, from which they would know the size and location of the country's gold. Azzolini lost his nerve and had the wall torn down.The next day, the German military unit arrived at the bank with orders to move the gold north by air. Azzolini stalled them, saying it would be safer by train. The Germans sent 5 tonnes by air, the rest - 119 tonnes - was sent by train to Milan. From there, it was shipped to Fortezza, Bolzano, close to the border with Germany and under their control, where it stayed for several months. The now-ousted Mussolini even signed his approval that it be sent there.The following spring, Azzolini, who above all wanted to stop the gold going to Berlin, struck a deal with Swiss and German representatives that would see 26 tonnes sent to Switzerland, some to the BIS and some to the Swiss National Bank.Göring, however, insisted he needed money and suggested giving Italy Reichsmarks for its gold. The deal was signed without the Bank of Italy knowing about it. 50 tonnes left Fortezza, which included 8 tonnes Italy had stolen from Yugoslavia earlier in the war in "restitution" (that's another story). The delivery arrived in Berlin a tonne light. As almost always by this point in the war, someone had their hands in the till.The process of shipping the next batch of Italian gold - some 22 tonnes - went on for months, as some (but not all) Italian officials tried to stall. But eventually, that too was dispatched. That too arrived in Berlin a tonne light.When American forces eventually liberated Fortezza, they found 25 tonnes. It was handed over to the Bank of Italy.What a mess.Stories like this fill the pages of The Secret History of Gold (although this one didn't actually make the cut).The Secret History of Gold is available at Amazon, Waterstones and all good bookshops. I hear the audiobook, read by me, is excellent. And it would make a wonderful Christmas present! This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

20 listopada 1945 roku w Norymberdze rozpoczyna się jeden z najsłynniejszych procesów w historii. Przed międzynarodowym trybunałem złożonym z sędziów z Wielkiej Brytanii, Francji, Stanów Zjednoczonych i Związku Radzieckiego, stają byli nazistowscy dygnitarze. Na ławie oskarżonych zasiada 21 osób, w tym Hermann Göring, Albert Speer czy Joachim von Ribbentrop. Przez następne kilka miesięcy na sali rozpraw zostanie przesłuchanych wielu świadków a oskarżyciele zaprezentują dowody, ukazujące skalę zbrodni popełnionych przez nazistowskie Niemcy. Jak wyglądały przygotowania do procesu? Dlaczego zdecydowano, że odbędzie się on w Norymberdze? Jakie były kulisy politycznych sporów między aliantami? Odpowiedzi na te pytania poznacie w tym odcinku Misji specjalnej.

Paramilitari, avvocati, direttori ministeriali, esponenti politici: a Wannsee il 20 gennaio 1942 c'era un affresco completo dell'universo nazista. Compreso l'incaricato del Ministero degli Esteri. Un uomo che portava lo stesso nome del grande riformatore protestante, Martin Luther. Ma questo Luther era ben distante per formazione e pratica dal suo omonimo: calcolatore e profittatore, aveva sfruttato l'intima amicizia con von Ribbentrop per scalare la gerarchia degli Esteri divenendo punto di contatto tra il partito, le SS, il governo e gli Stati dell'Asse. Con un solo obiettivo: lavorare alla soluzione finale, di cui avrebbe lasciato dietro di sé una prova documentale agghiacciante.

Europa no cayó en 1939. Empezó a caer veinte años antes. Este episodio de Noches de Historia te lleva a recorrer, paso a paso, el camino que llevó al continente al borde del colapso: desde la herida abierta del Tratado de Versalles hasta el pacto Ribbentrop–Molotov y la invasión de Polonia. En este capítulo analizamos cómo el resentimiento alemán, las ambiciones de Hitler, la pasividad de las democracias europeas y el giro estratégico de Stalin fueron encajando como piezas de un dominó que acabaría desencadenando la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Un viaje narrativo que reconstruye los hechos clave entre 1919 y 1939: La humillación del Tratado de Versalles y su impacto en la sociedad alemana. El ascenso de Hitler y la transformación del NSDAP en un movimiento de masas. Remilitarización de Renania, Anschluss de Austria y crisis de los Sudetes. El fracaso del Pacto de Múnich y el desmembramiento de Checoslovaquia. El desengaño soviético con Occidente tras España, Renania y Múnich. Las purgas de Stalin y su impacto en la URSS en vísperas de la guerra. La negociación secreta con Hitler y la firma del pacto Ribbentrop–Molotov. El protocolo secreto que repartió Polonia y los estados del Este de Europa. El inicio inevitable: la invasión alemana del 1 de septiembre de 1939. Un capítulo imprescindible para entender por qué Europa se derrumbó sin apenas resistencia y cómo dos dictaduras irreconciliables encontraron un terreno común para repartirse territorios, pueblos y fronteras.Porque en la historia, como en la noche, nada es lo que parece. Puedes conseguir la música y los ambientes sonoros de mi podcast gracias a : https://www.epidemicsound.com/referral/gox60d 📩 CONTACTO Y MÁS INFORMACIÓN: Email: contacto@ivanpatxi.es Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/nochesdehistoria/ Ivoox: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-noches-historia_sq_f12696446_1.html ******* Web: https://www.ivanpatxi.es Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ivanpatxi LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/ivanpatxigomezgallego Suscríbete al canal para no perderte ningún capítulo: https://www.youtube.com/@UCR7pXz_YWqluYNSzqsL8DYw Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Den 20 november 1945 fördes Hermann Göring, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Wilhelm Keitel och Karl Dönitz och arton andra högt uppsatta ledare inom Tredje riket in i rättssalen i Nürnberg. De åtalade hade varit arkitekterna bakom ett av historiens mest brutala krig och folkmord.Aldrig tidigare hade en hel nations ledarskap ställts till svars för brott utan motstycke i mänsklighetens historia. Nürnbergrättegångarna blev inte bara en uppgörelse med nazismens oerhörda brott – de reformerade också internationell rätt i grunden. Här föddes folkrätten.I detta ett premiumavsnitt av podden Historia Nu, som enbart är tillgänglig i sin helhet för dem som prenumerar på Historia Nu Premium, diskuterar programledaren Urban Lindstedt med Ulf Zander, professor i historia vid Lunds universitet om hur Nürnbergrättegångarna organiserades, genomfördes och vilka konsekvenser de fick.Ni kan stödja Historia Nu För 75 kr/mån (vid lanseringen 60 kr/mån i tre månader) eller 750 kr/år för att försäkra poddens framtid samt få två extra avsnitt varje månad och alla vanliga avsnitt reklamfria.Bli premiummedlem på www.historia.nu/premium Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Empire of Japan's decision to break with liberal democracies in favor of rising fascist powers was driven, in part, by the successes enjoyed by said fascist powers throughout the 1930s. In this episode, we discuss how their leaders managed to consolidate that power in the first place.Support the show My latest novel, "Califia's Crusade," is now available at Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Apple Books, Bookshop.org, and many other online platforms!

This Day in Legal History: Nuremberg ExecutionsOn October 16, 1946, ten prominent Nazi war criminals were executed by hanging in the aftermath of the landmark Nuremberg Trials, held to prosecute key figures of the Third Reich for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace. The executions marked the culmination of months of legal proceedings conducted by an international military tribunal composed of judges from the Allied powers: the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and France. Among those hanged was Joachim von Ribbentrop, Hitler's former Foreign Minister, convicted for his role in orchestrating Nazi foreign policy and enabling the Holocaust.The trials had concluded in late September 1946, with 12 of the 22 main defendants receiving death sentences. However, Hermann Göring, one of the most high-profile defendants and head of the Luftwaffe, committed suicide by cyanide just hours before his scheduled execution. The hangings took place inside the gymnasium of the Nuremberg Palace of Justice, where the tribunal had convened, and were carried out in the early morning hours.The executions were overseen by U.S. Army personnel, and steps were taken to document them for historical record. The event was viewed by many as a pivotal moment in the establishment of international criminal law, affirming that individuals—even heads of state and high-ranking officials—could be held personally accountable for war atrocities. These proceedings laid the groundwork for future tribunals, including those for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.Some criticized the process as “victor's justice,” pointing to perceived inconsistencies in sentencing and legal procedures. Nevertheless, the trials represented a significant shift from the post-World War I approach, which had failed to adequately prosecute war crimes. The executions on October 16 symbolized not only the end of an era of unchecked totalitarian violence but also the beginning of a new international legal order based on accountability and the rule of law.A federal judge in California has temporarily blocked the Trump administration's latest wave of federal layoffs, calling the move likely “illegal and in excess of authority.” In a sharply worded order, U.S. District Judge Susan Illston halted terminations that began last week, siding with a coalition of federal worker unions. Illston criticized the administration's approach as “ready, fire, aim” and warned that the human cost of such abrupt cuts is unacceptable.The layoffs—over 4,100 in total—targeted several federal agencies, with the Departments of Health and Human Services and Treasury seeing the bulk of cuts. Judge Illston's order requires the administration to report all completed and planned layoffs by Friday and set a hearing for a preliminary injunction on October 28. She also rejected the Department of Justice's attempt to steer the case toward procedural issues, stating that the legal merits were too concerning to ignore.President Trump has framed the cuts as politically motivated, stating they were aimed at eliminating programs he called “egregious socialist, semi-communist.” He added that Republican-backed programs would be spared. The administration recently lifted a long-standing hiring freeze but is now requiring agencies to submit staffing plans for approval.Union plaintiffs argue that the layoffs violate the Antideficiency Act and the Administrative Procedure Act, citing the administration's use of the government shutdown as an arbitrary justification. This case, AFGE v. OMB, marks another legal confrontation over workforce reductions, following an earlier freeze issued by Judge Illston that was ultimately overturned by the Supreme Court.Trump's Shutdown-Linked Layoffs Paused by California Judge (4)The 2026 U.S. law school admissions cycle is off to an intense start, with applications up 33% compared to this time last year, according to new data from the Law School Admission Council. This surge follows last year's admissions boom and signals another highly competitive year for aspiring law students. Admissions consultant Mike Spivey noted he's never seen such a sharp early increase in over two decades of reviewing application data, predicting a likely total rise of around 20% once the cycle concludes.Several factors are driving the spike, including a tough job market for recent college graduates—whose unemployment rate now surpasses that of the broader labor force—and growing political instability. Law School Admission Council President Sudha Setty also cited concerns about the impact of AI and broader economic uncertainty as motivators for many applicants. Additionally, more people are taking the LSAT this year, up nearly 22% over 2025 levels.A recent Kaplan survey found 56% of law school admissions officers pointed to politics as a major factor behind last year's surge, with 90% expecting this cycle to be just as competitive, if not more so. Some applicants are likely reapplying after being rejected last year, or returning after delaying applications due to last year's high volume. While law schools will benefit from a deeper pool of candidates, Spivey warned the sharp increase means tougher odds for acceptance across the board.US law school applicants increase 33%, boosting competition | ReutersPresident Donald Trump's decision to fund military pay during the ongoing government shutdown is only a short-term solution, according to House Speaker Mike Johnson. On Wednesday, Johnson confirmed that 1.3 million active-duty service members, along with tens of thousands of National Guard and reservists, were paid using $6.5 billion in unused military research and development funds. However, he warned that unless Democrats act to reopen the government, troops are unlikely to receive their next paycheck on October 31.The White House has not explained its legal rationale for this funding maneuver, and it hasn't requested the required congressional approvals to shift funds between accounts. Federal law caps such transfers at $8 billion annually and only allows them if the funds are used for their legally designated purposes. Without further funding authority, it's unclear how the administration could cover future military pay. While many lawmakers support a standalone bill to guarantee troop pay, Republican leaders—including Johnson and Senate Majority Whip John Thune—are resisting that option. They argue that doing so would reduce pressure to end the shutdown overall.Some Republicans, like Sen. Lisa Murkowski, say the move has reduced urgency in Congress while leaving other federal workers unpaid. The political optics are further complicated by Trump's claim that only Democrat-backed programs are being cut, as he seeks to frame the issue as partisan. Internally, GOP leaders worry that passing targeted funding bills could open the door to broader demands for agency-by-agency funding relief, weakening their leverage in shutdown negotiations.By way of brief background, the move likely violates the Antideficiency Act (ADA), which bars federal officials from spending money before or beyond congressional appropriations. Trump reportedly ordered the Department of Defense to divert funds from the RDT&E account—meant for weapons research—to cover military payroll. That account is not legally authorized for such use, and the funds may have also exceeded their availability period.This raises two major legal issues. First, under the Appropriations Clause (Article I, § 9, cl. 7), only Congress may authorize government spending. The president cannot repurpose funds without specific legislative approval. Second, the ADA prohibits both misappropriation of purpose (spending money on unauthorized functions) and misappropriation of timing (using expired funds). If proven willful, such violations can carry criminal penalties, though prosecutions are rare.Beyond the legal breach, this act could set a dangerous precedent. If courts decline to intervene, it could signal that future presidents—regardless of party—can redirect federal funds without congressional consent. This would erode legislative power and potentially turn the presidency into a de facto appropriations authority, undermining the Constitution's separation of powers.Special thanks to Bobby Kogan, the Senior Director of Federal Budget Policy for the Center for American Progress, for his instructive Bluesky post explaining the deficiency issue in a way much clearer and more succinctly than I otherwise would have been able to.Trump's troop pay move is a ‘temporary fix,' Johnson says - Live Updates - POLITICOPost by @did:plc:drfb2pdjlnsqkfgsoellcahm — BlueskyA piece I wrote for Forbes this week looks at how Norway is showing the rest of the world how to end EV subsidies without wrecking the market. The country announced in its latest budget that it will phase out its long-standing value-added tax (VAT) exemption for electric vehicles—partially in 2026, and fully by 2027. This might seem like a policy retreat, but the timing is deliberate: EVs now make up 95–98% of new car sales in Norway. The market has matured, and the subsidy is no longer essential.I argue that this is what smart policy looks like—temporary support that steps aside when it's no longer needed. The U.S., by contrast, killed its federal EV tax credit abruptly and politically, without phasing it out or adapting it for current market conditions. In doing so, it treated the credit as a political symbol rather than a market tool. Norway, on the other hand, used the exemption strategically, aligning it with broader policy goals and allowing it to sunset once those goals were met.The piece highlights how the U.S. often fears both removing and maintaining subsidies, caught in a cycle where incentives become political footballs. Norway's approach offers a model for how to responsibly end subsidies: gradually, rationally, and only once the market no longer needs them. This isn't anti-EV or anti-climate policy—it's a sign that the original policy worked.Norway Shows How To End EV Subsidies Without Killing The Market This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

At the EUVC Summit 2025, the stage belonged to a voice shaped by geopolitics, defense, and the future of industrial innovation: Sebastian von Ribbentrop, Managing Partner at Join Capital.Sebastian took us on a journey—one that started in Berlin in 2017 with a cornerstone commitment from Eiser Capital, and has since expanded to NATO, Ukraine, and beyond.Not Just Startups. Not Just Capital.Join was born when European engineers left corporates like Siemens and Airbus to build their own ventures—but weren't getting funded.Sebastian and his team stepped in. Today, with 148 LPs (90% from across Europe's industrial heartlands), Join has become a backbone for the builders reimagining enterprise and defense.The paradigm shift became undeniable in 2023, when the NATO Innovation Fund wrote its largest ticket into Join Fund II. It wasn't just capital—it was a mandate to help reshape defense and industrialization.A New Industrial MomentFrom Washington's NATO anniversary to trips into Ukraine, Sebastian's message was clear: the defense supply chain has transformed.It is now:FastTargetedSmartAnd while Europe faces inefficiencies (43 different tanks vs. one Abrams in the U.S.), it also faces a massive market opportunity.Billions at PlayThe scale is unprecedented:€200 billion from Ursula von der Leyen into defense & infrastructure€500+ billion from Germany's new chancellor, Matz$500 billion floated by Trump over the next five yearsThese aren't subsidies—they're revenues. Offset programs that give companies the ability to build products, not just pitch ideas.DARPA, Dual Use & the Technology RaceSebastian reminded the room: shocks create breakthroughs. Sputnik birthed DARPA, which still deploys $4 billion annually into challenges.Now, the race is on—dual-use technology, export restrictions, inexpensive smart radar systems taking down next-gen jets.Europe, he argued, must catch up. But it has the chance to lead.“Geopolitics,” he quoted Kissinger, “is 100% personal.” And Europe must take responsibility—urgently.Leadership With TeethSebastian's talk wasn't about abstractions. It was about:How wars reshape supply chains overnightHow NATO's backing changes venture capitalHow Europe can seize its industrial and defense momentBecause leadership in this decade won't be written in press releases. It will be written in supply chains, radar systems, and the speed of capital deployment.Congratulations to Sebastian von Ribbentrop and Join Capital—for reminding the ecosystem that industrial innovation isn't just defense spending. It's Europe's opportunity to lead in a world being reshaped, fast.

März 1935: Nur Tage nach der Enttarnung der Luftwaffe durch Hermann Göring beschließt Adolf Hitler, die NS-Aufrüstung in die heiße Phase zu führen. Die Einführung der Wehrpflicht im Dritten Reich überrascht Reichswehr, Regierung und Ausland gleichermaßen. Melde dich und unterstütz mich doch auf Patreon oder mit Paypal: https://linktr.ee/deutschland33_45pod Erwähnte Folgen: 33.6: Joachim von Ribbentrop als Vermittler zwischen Hindenburg, Hitler und Papen Ausgewählte Literatur: Wilhelm Deist u.a.: Ursachen und Voraussetzungen der deutschen Kriegspolitik, Stuttgart 1979 (= Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg, Bd. 1). Max Domarus, Hitler. Reden und Proklamationen 1932–1945. Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen, 1973. Friedrich Hoßbach, Zwischen Wehrmacht und Hitler, Wolfenbüttel 1949. Peter Longerich: Goebbels. Biographie, München 2010. Kirsten Schäfer: Werner von Blomberg. Hitlers erster Feldmarschall. Eine Biographie, Paderborn u.a. 2006. Intro-Musik arrangiert und vertont von Max, Auszüge aus Reden von Hermann Goering – Verkündung der Nürnberger Gesetze und Adolf Hitler – Reichstagsrede – Einführung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht, via www.archive.org Outro: leider bis auf Weiteres keine Musik mehr, weil die Plattformen selbst bei urheberrechtsfreien Titel Probleme machen Episodenbild: Hitler und seine Generäle bei einem Manöver, Herbst 1935, aus meinem Exemplar von "Adolf Hitler. Bilder aus dem Leben des Führers, hrsg. v. Cigaretten Bilderdienst Altona/Bahrenfeld, Leipzig 1936." Tags: #Neuere_und_neueste_Geschichte #Deutschland

rWotD Episode 3014: General Government administration Welcome to random Wiki of the Day, your journey through Wikipedia's vast and varied content, one random article at a time.The random article for Monday, 4 August 2025, is General Government administration.The General Government administration (German: Generalgouvernement für die besetzten polnischen Gebiete, lit. 'General Government for the occupied Polish areas'), a government and administration of the General Government set up on part of that area of the Second Republic of Poland under Nazi German rule, operated during World War II between 1939 and early 1945. The Third Reich formed the General Government in October 1939 in the wake of the German and Soviet claim that the Polish state had totally collapsed following the invasion of Poland in September–October 1939. The German Wehrmacht had attacked Poland with strong air-power and with massive numbers of troops and tanks on 1 September 1939. The Germans' initial intent was to clear the western part of Poland, the Reichsgau Wartheland, and to bring it into the "Greater German Reich". However, those plans quickly stalled. On 23 August 1939, German foreign-minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Soviet counterpart had agreed to a non-aggression pact and had demarcated their respective countries' "spheres of influence" in Poland.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:44 UTC on Monday, 4 August 2025.For the full current version of the article, see General Government administration on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm generative Olivia.

In this episode, Andreas Munk Holm, Dr. Daniel Carew, and Sebastian von Ribbentrop discuss the critical importance of defense and strategic technologies in Europe. They explore Join Capital's investment thesis, the complexities of dual-use technology, and the intersection of technology, defense, and geopolitics. The conversation also touches on the impact of the Ukraine conflict on European defense strategies and the evolving landscape of venture capital investment in this sector.Here's what's covered:18:55 The Evolution of Join Capital's Investment Thesis24:01 Understanding Dual-Use Technology in Defense28:49 Navigating the Commercial and Defense Markets34:01 The Role of Geopolitics in Defense Investments38:09 Geopolitics and Personal Connections41:29 Complexity of European Defense and Innovation45:10 The Shift in Global Power Dynamics48:06 Defense Washing vs. Genuine Innovation52:55 Investment Strategies in a Changing Landscape59:47 The Future of Defense Post-Ukraine Conflict

PREVIEW: Charles Spicer, "Coffee with Hitler: The Untold Story of the Amateur Spies Who Tried to Civilize Hitler," comments on the strange Anglophile Joachim von Ribbentrop who wined and dined the British elite as German ambassador but then became Hitler's loudest Anglophobe. More later. 1936 LONDON, FAIRBNKS AND SWANSON.

durée : 00:48:10 - Affaires sensibles - par : Fabrice Drouelle, Franck COGNARD - Aujourd'hui dans Affaires Sensibles, le pacte germano-soviétique. Dans la nuit du 23 au 24 août 1939, les ministres des Affaires étrangères de l'Allemagne nazie et de la Russie soviétique, Joachim von Ribbentrop et Viatcheslav Molotov, signent un accord de non-agression entre les deux pays. - réalisé par : David Leprince

Roberto Casiraghi"The Phair"thephair.com/VI edizione della fiera dedicata alla fotografiada venerdì 9 a domenica 11 maggio 202550 gallerie e il nuovo Talks Program – The Phair OGR Torino(Corso Castelfidardo, 22 - Torino) Torna The Phair | Photo Art Fair, la prestigiosa fiera internazionale dedicata alla fotografia, a Torino per la VI edizione da venerdì 9 a domenica 11 maggio 2025. L'evento si svolgerà nuovamente alle OGR Torino, centro di cultura e innovazione unico in Europa, e riunirà gallerie d'arte e fotografia internazionali, offrendo ai visitatori un'esperienza immersiva tra esposizioni di artisti affermati e talenti emergenti. Ad arricchire il programma di questa edizione arriva il nuovo Talks Program – The Phair, un ciclo di incontri focalizzati sul tema del collezionismo, per cercare un confronto diretto con gli esperti del settore. Per promuovere il patrimonio fotografico nazionale e rafforzare i rapporti con le realtà museali torinesi, The Phair ha avviato una collaborazione con la GAM – Galleria Civica di Arte Moderna e Contemporanea scegliendo di utilizzare come immagine guida di questa edizione Torino, giostra Zeppelin in movimento (1934) di Mario Gabinio, custodita dall'Archivio Fotografico dei Musei Civici. Talks Program – The PhairPer la sua VI edizione, The Phair arricchisce il programma con un ciclo di incontri e approfondimenti dedicati al collezionismo, offrendo al pubblico un'occasione unica di confronto con collezionisti, art advisor, direttori di musei e fondazioni. Da venerdì 9 a domenica 11 maggio, infatti, prenderà vita il Talks Program – The Phair, un percorso che approfondisce il collezionismo privato, corporate e istituzionale. Venerdì 9 maggio Durante il primo giorno di The Phair, alle ore 12:30 si terrà l'incontro Truth in Photography con uno dei più rispettati ed eclettici studiosi di fotografia al mondo Joan Fontcuberta e Denis Curti, direttore artistico di Le Stanze della Fotografia e fondatore della galleria STIL. Alle ore 15:30 si terrà l'incontro The role of Italian photography in the wider, global context. Protagonisti saranno Lucia Bonanni, fondatrice del progetto BDC – Bonanni Del Rio Catalog, l'artista Silvio Wolf, e Carrie Scott, curatrice d'arte e consulente. A moderare sarà Francesca Filippino Pinto, curatrice d'arte e consulente.Alle ore 17:00 si terrà A conversation between an artist and a collector che vedrà protagonisti il fotografo Olivo Barbieri e Antonio Carloni, vicedirettore delle Gallerie d'Italia e curatore del Cortona Photography Festival, e a moderare Denis Curti. Chiuderà la giornata Building a Legacy Collection alle ore 18:30, con Marie-Laure de Clermont-Tonnerre, fondatrice di Spirit Now London, e Sebastian Lux, CEO e curatore della Collezione / Fondazione FC Gundlach, che parleranno insieme con Christian House, giornalista del Financial Times. Sabato 10 maggio Sabato 10 maggio alle ore 12:30 si terrà Building and Supporting a Museum Collection, con Massimo Prelz Oltramonti, collezionista d'arte e mecenate, Marta Weiss, curatrice di fotografia al Victoria and Albert Museum, Luigi Cerutti, Segretario Generale della Fondazione per l'Arte Moderna e Contemporanea CRT, e a moderare Christian House. Alle ore 16:00 si proseguirà con Corporate Photography Collections, che vedrà intervenire Katarzyna Piskorz della Collezione ING in Polonia e l'architetto e collezionista Mario Cucinella. A moderare sarà Simen Yöruk, fondatore di Elipsis Projects e Exhibition Director del Qatar Museum. La giornata si concluderà alle ore 18:00 con il talk Art Photography and the Commercial Market, con il fotografo Bastiaan Woudt, Matthias Harder, direttore e curatore della Helmut Newton Foundation, Tommy Rönngren, Executive Director Hoyningen Huene Estate Archive, e a moderare la consulente d'arte Caterina Mestrovich. Domenica 11 maggio L'ultimo giorno di The Phair vedrà alle ore 12:30, l'incontro Curating a Photography Collection and Prize con la partecipazione di Isabelle von Ribbentrop, direttore esecutivo del Prix Pictet, Ettore Molinario, economista e storico dell'arte, e a moderare Simen Yöruk. Il programma si chiuderà alle ore 16:00 con Private Collections, un confronto tra i collezionisti Robert Popper, Emilio Bordoli, Giorgio Fasol e Clemente Zorzetto, moderati da Brandei Estes, specialista in fotografie, curatrice e consulente. Le gallerie presenti a The Phair 2025Durante i tre giorni di fiera, saranno 50 le gallerie di arte contemporanea e di fotografia presenti, selezionate per garantire un elevato livello qualitativo e una proposta organica, provenienti dall'Italia ma anche da Belgio, Germania, Gran Bretagna e Svizzera. Ogni galleria presenterà progetti artistici incentrati sull'idea di immagine, per rendere Torino un polo di riferimento e di confronto sul tema. Tra le tante, Alberto Damian Gallery parteciperà proponendo un dialogo tra le fotografe Lori Sammartino e Marialba Russo che, pur avendo operato in periodi diversi, condividono affinità stilistiche. A The Phair la selezione delle opere di Lori Sammartino sarà curata personalmente da Marialba Russo che cercherà così un confronto artistico con la Sammartino. A.MORE Gallery parteciperà con un percorso espositivo in cui si intrecciano le visioni di Aldo Salucci e Gianni Melotti, dando vita a un dialogo tra memoria, immaginazione e natura.La galleria Erica Ravenna porterà un percorso espositivo di quattro artisti di diverse generazioni, uniti dall'uso innovativo della fotografia per indagare la natura e i suoi significati profondi: Vincenzo Agnetti, Tomaso Binga, Dominique Lacloche, Begoña Zubero.Alla scoperta di un altro mondo sarà dedicato il progetto espositivo della Galerie P, Un'altra realtà / Another Reality, incentrato sulla fotografia scenografica, tramite le visioni di tre artisti internazionali: Julia Fullerton-Batten, Frédéric Fontenoy e Bart Ramakers. Presente anche la galleria Jaeger Art con le opere di tre artisti di rilievo internazionale, ognuno con un approccio unico alla fotografia: Gregor Törzs,  Bastiaan Woudt, George Hoyningen-Huene. Sarà presente anche la galleria Kuckei + Kuckei con opere di Barbara Probst, Miguel Rothschild e Lilly Lulay, tre artisti che esplorano il linguaggio fotografico con approcci inediti. Fake Reality è il titolo del progetto di MC2 Gallery, che metterà in dialogo le pratiche post-fotografiche di Dune Varela e Pietro Catarinella, due artisti uniti dalla volontà di oltrepassare i confini dell'immagine. Persons Projects dedicherà il proprio spazio alla fotografia concettuale della Helsinki School, il movimento nato a fine anni ‘90 presso l'Università di Aalto, esponendo le opere di tre protagonisti: Santeri Tuori, Mikko Rikala e Milja Laurila. La galleria Tallulah Studio Art presenterà un progetto espositivo che mette in dialogo quattro artisti internazionali – Glen Wexler, Phillip Toledano, Keila Guilarte e Donatella Izzo – ognuno dei quali esplora, attraverso la fotografia, le molteplici sfumature della realtà e della percezioneLa galleria Tucci Russo - Studio per l'Arte Contemporanea porterà una selezione di opere di Jan Vercruysse appartenenti al ciclo Camera Oscura (2001-2002). Poeta fino agli anni '70, Vercruysse ha poi dedicato la sua ricerca all'arte visiva, esplorando il ruolo dell'artista e il significato stesso della rappresentazione. Focus Giovani Artisti The Phair, insieme con l'artista torinese Eva Frapiccini, inaugura un progetto speciale dedicato agli artisti under 40, sia italiani che internazionali. L'iniziativa si propone di individuare e valorizzare 10 voci emergenti più rilevanti della scena contemporanea, esplorando linguaggi innovativi e traiettorie artistiche in evoluzione.I premi di The Phair 2025The Phair incrementa la presenza di premi per artisti e gallerie grazie alla collaborazione con aziende e partner: Premio Fondazione per l'Arte Moderna e Contemporanea CRT, Premio in collaborazione con Just The Woman I Am, Residenza d'Artista Mario Cucinella Architects e Residenza Artistica “Scisti e Vinisti”. IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarewww.ilpostodelleparole.itDiventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/il-posto-delle-parole--1487855/support.

PREVIEW: Author Charles Spicer, "Coffee with Hitler," presents the puzzle of Joachim von Ribbentrop, who joined the NSDAP as a prosperous merchant claiming he could charm London, but turned violently anti-English after being mocked by London society. More later. 1939 Ribbentrop arrives in Moscow

#RUSSIA: EU cannot forgo Russian energy. Michael Bernstam, Hoover.  1939 Ribbentrop arrives in Moscow

La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó el 1 de septiembre de 1939 con la invasión alemana de Polonia, pero eso fue posible gracias a un acuerdo que nazis y soviéticos habían alcanzado una semana antes, el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, también conocido como Tratado de No Agresión Germano-Soviético. Firmado el 23 de agosto de 1939 entre la Alemania nazi y la Unión Soviética este documento lleva los nombres de los ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de ambos países, Joachim von Ribbentrop y Vyacheslav Molotov, de ahí que se le conozca por ese nombre. Su impacto fue determinante en el estallido de la guerra y estuvo en vigor casi dos años, hasta que Hitler puso en marcha la Operación Barbarroja en 1941. El pacto vino precedido por años de tensiones ideológicas y desconfianza mutua entre los dos regímenes. Uno se decía anticomunista y el otro antifascista, pero las circunstancias geopolíticas de finales de la década de los 30 empujaron a Adolf Hitler y a Iósif Stalin a considerar una alianza de carácter pragmático. Para Hitler el pacto aseguraba que Alemania no tendría que librar una guerra en dos frentes como les había sucedido en la Primera Guerra Mundial, mientras que Stalin veía la oportunidad de ganar tiempo para fortalecer la defensa soviética y recuperar lo perdido tras la revolución de octubre sin tener que vérselas con la oposición alemana. Lo más notorio del Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue el Protocolo Secreto, que no se hizo público hasta después de la guerra. Este protocolo dividía Europa del Este en esferas de influencia. Polonia sería repartida entre Alemania y la URSS; los estados bálticos de Estonia, Letonia y Lituania, junto con Finlandia, caerían en la esfera soviética. Además, se legitimaba la anexión soviética de Besarabia, la actual Moldavia, que entonces formaba parte de Rumanía. Esta partición secreta fue un preludio a las invasiones y anexiones que seguirían, alterando drásticamente el mapa político de Europa. La firma del pacto sorprendió a las potencias occidentales que esperaban que la Unión Soviética se uniera a una alianza contra Hitler. La reacción inmediata fue una mezcla de incredulidad y consternación, especialmente entre los comunistas occidentales que veían en este acuerdo una traición a su ideología. La Comintern les ordenó que culpasen de la guerra al imperialismo y que dejasen de combatir a los nazis y los fascistas. En Alemania, el pacto sirvió para invadir Polonia y rehacer el este de Europa a su antojo. La URSS, entretanto, ocupó la mitad oriental de Polonia, anexionó las repúblicas bálticas e invadió Finlandia. Todo le salió a pedir de boca salvo la campaña finlandesa. Para celebrarlo unidades militares alemanas y soviéticas desfilaron juntas en Polonia. Al pacto de agosto de 1939 se añadieron nuevas disposiciones y protocolos así como un ambicioso acuerdo comercial por el que la Unión Soviética se comprometía a suministrar materias primas a Alemania a cambio de armas y maquinaria. Durante el año 1940 la relación entre nazis y soviéticos fue inmejorable hasta el punto de que se barajó incluso la idea de que la URSS se integrase en el Eje junto a japoneses e italianos. El idilio acabó abruptamente el 22 de junio de 1941 cuando los alemanes invadieron la Unión Soviética con un ataque sorpresa y sin declaración de guerra previa. La URSS se convirtió en uno de los aliados y el el Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue olvidado durante el resto de la guerra. En 1948 los estadounidenses, ya metidos en plena guerra fría, publicaron el protocolo secreto de este pacto para avergonzar a los soviéticos, que de puertas adentro prohibieron hablar de él. La existencia misma del protocolo secreto fue negada por los Gobiernos soviéticos durante décadas hasta que en 1989 ya con la Perestroika en marcha, lo admitieron. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:09 El pacto nazi-soviético 1:14:52 Roma: de la República al Imperio 1:21:28 ¿Cómo financió Inglaterra la guerra de independencia de EEUU? Bibliografía: - “La Segunda Guerra Mundial” de Antony Beevor - https://amzn.to/4gNPN4K - “La segunda guerra mundial contada para escépticos” de Juan Eslava Galán - https://amzn.to/4gLPo2t - “Stalin. Una biografia” de Robert Service - https://amzn.to/4fuoATe - “Causes of the Second World War” de Andrew Crozier - https://amzn.to/4iFumVb · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #stalin #segundaguerramundial Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzó el 1 de septiembre de 1939 con la invasión alemana de Polonia, pero eso fue posible gracias a un acuerdo que nazis y soviéticos habían alcanzado una semana antes, el pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop, también conocido como Tratado de No Agresión Germano-Soviético. Firmado el 23 de agosto de 1939 entre la Alemania nazi y la Unión Soviética este documento lleva los nombres de los ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de ambos países, Joachim von Ribbentrop y Vyacheslav Molotov, de ahí que se le conozca por ese nombre. Su impacto fue determinante en el estallido de la guerra y estuvo en vigor casi dos años, hasta que Hitler puso en marcha la Operación Barbarroja en 1941. El pacto vino precedido por años de tensiones ideológicas y desconfianza mutua entre los dos regímenes. Uno se decía anticomunista y el otro antifascista, pero las circunstancias geopolíticas de finales de la década de los 30 empujaron a Adolf Hitler y a Iósif Stalin a considerar una alianza de carácter pragmático. Para Hitler el pacto aseguraba que Alemania no tendría que librar una guerra en dos frentes como les había sucedido en la Primera Guerra Mundial, mientras que Stalin veía la oportunidad de ganar tiempo para fortalecer la defensa soviética y recuperar lo perdido tras la revolución de octubre sin tener que vérselas con la oposición alemana. Lo más notorio del Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue el Protocolo Secreto, que no se hizo público hasta después de la guerra. Este protocolo dividía Europa del Este en esferas de influencia. Polonia sería repartida entre Alemania y la URSS; los estados bálticos de Estonia, Letonia y Lituania, junto con Finlandia, caerían en la esfera soviética. Además, se legitimaba la anexión soviética de Besarabia, la actual Moldavia, que entonces formaba parte de Rumanía. Esta partición secreta fue un preludio a las invasiones y anexiones que seguirían, alterando drásticamente el mapa político de Europa. La firma del pacto sorprendió a las potencias occidentales que esperaban que la Unión Soviética se uniera a una alianza contra Hitler. La reacción inmediata fue una mezcla de incredulidad y consternación, especialmente entre los comunistas occidentales que veían en este acuerdo una traición a su ideología. La Comintern les ordenó que culpasen de la guerra al imperialismo y que dejasen de combatir a los nazis y los fascistas. En Alemania, el pacto sirvió para invadir Polonia y rehacer el este de Europa a su antojo. La URSS, entretanto, ocupó la mitad oriental de Polonia, anexionó las repúblicas bálticas e invadió Finlandia. Todo le salió a pedir de boca salvo la campaña finlandesa. Para celebrarlo unidades militares alemanas y soviéticas desfilaron juntas en Polonia. Al pacto de agosto de 1939 se añadieron nuevas disposiciones y protocolos así como un ambicioso acuerdo comercial por el que la Unión Soviética se comprometía a suministrar materias primas a Alemania a cambio de armas y maquinaria. Durante el año 1940 la relación entre nazis y soviéticos fue inmejorable hasta el punto de que se barajó incluso la idea de que la URSS se integrase en el Eje junto a japoneses e italianos. El idilio acabó abruptamente el 22 de junio de 1941 cuando los alemanes invadieron la Unión Soviética con un ataque sorpresa y sin declaración de guerra previa. La URSS se convirtió en uno de los aliados y el el Pacto Molotov-Ribbentrop fue olvidado durante el resto de la guerra. En 1948 los estadounidenses, ya metidos en plena guerra fría, publicaron el protocolo secreto de este pacto para avergonzar a los soviéticos, que de puertas adentro prohibieron hablar de él. La existencia misma del protocolo secreto fue negada por los Gobiernos soviéticos durante décadas hasta que en 1989 ya con la Perestroika en marcha, lo admitieron. En El ContraSello: 0:00 Introducción 4:09 El pacto nazi-soviético 1:14:52 Roma: de la República al Imperio 1:21:28 ¿Cómo financió Inglaterra la guerra de independencia de EEUU? Bibliografía: - “La Segunda Guerra Mundial” de Antony Beevor - https://amzn.to/4gNPN4K - “La segunda guerra mundial contada para escépticos” de Juan Eslava Galán - https://amzn.to/4gLPo2t - “Stalin. Una biografia” de Robert Service - https://amzn.to/4fuoATe - “Causes of the Second World War” de Andrew Crozier - https://amzn.to/4iFumVb · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #stalin #segundaguerramundial

por Yaiza Santos La indecencia ha ganado en Francia. ¡Un pacto Ribbentrop-Mólotov redivivo!, lo llamó. Y ¿cómo piensan gobernar Le Pen y Mélenchon y con quién? ¿Acaso juntos? No, no tiene la culpa Macron, como clama la prensa socialdemócrata, y si él fuera el presidente francés, impondría un primer ministro por decreto cada 15 días, ¡hasta que aprendan! Lo pasa muy bien con Gepetto y así lo demuestra en su columna de este jueves. No cree –lo dice algún estudio– que haya una inteligencia creada de izquierdas y una de derechas, pero sí está convencido de que recoge las idées reçues. ¡Qué prodigio –se admiró– que ChatGPT muestre el alma andaluza como lo haría un búlgaro! De la amenaza de Vox a los pactos regionales con el PP solo le interesa la respuesta del PP. Y una vez más, tuvo que reconvenir de nuevo. Feijóo, dijo, es un hombre para gobernar con el PNV y Convergencia, ¡pero ese mundo ya no existe! Lo dirá una y mil veces: si quiere ser un día presidente del Gobierno no le queda más remedio que pactar con Vox y dejar esas reacciones al baño maría. No le extraña el desastre en los resultados educativos de España porque primero es el desastre de Cataluña. No se debe a la inmersión, opinó, sino a los pedagogos y, por supuesto, al ambiente general de decadencia. Rindió homenaje, por cierto, al juez Manuel Marchena, que se despide de la presidencia de la Sala II de la Audiencia Nacional y que fue, en el momento más dramático de este país desde el golpe de Estado del 81, el mejor y más carismático director de aquella orquesta de razón y verdad que fue el juicio al proceso. Comentó un estimulante burning paper que demuestra la superioridad de los que piensan en el futuro, celebró las reflexiones de Mark Lilla sobre no querer saber y sentenció de Joselito –más allá de Pigget y patrocinios–: es lo mejor de España. Y fue así que Espada yiró.   Bibliografía: Mark Lilla, Pensadores temerarios Jordi Pérez Colomé, Newsletter de Tecnología «Pasando del pasado», Personality and Social Psychology Review, 30 de noviembre de 2024 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Le procès de Nuremberg, ouvert le 20 novembre 1945, est le premier tribunal international chargé de juger les crimes de guerre nazis après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Dans la salle d'audience de Nuremberg, 21 hauts dignitaires du régime d'Hitler, tels que Göring et Ribbentrop, sont accusés de crimes contre la paix, crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité. Dirigé par le procureur américain Robert Jackson, le procès dévoile l'horreur des camps de concentration et le génocide perpétré par les nazis. Face à des preuves accablantes, les accusés se déclarent tous non coupables, tentant de minimiser leur rôle. En octobre 1946, 12 condamnations à mort sont prononcées, et le procès devient un moment fondateur du droit international, symbolisant la victoire de la justice sur la barbarie. Merci pour votre écoute Vous aimez l'Heure H, mais connaissez-vous La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiK , une version pour toute la famille.Retrouvez l'ensemble des épisodes de l'Heure H sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/22750 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : Un jour dans l'Histoire : https://audmns.com/gXJWXoQL'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvVous aimez les histoires racontées par Jean-Louis Lahaye ? Connaissez-vous ces podcast?Sous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppv36 Quai des orfèvres : https://audmns.com/eUxNxyFHistoire Criminelle, les enquêtes de Scotland Yard : https://audmns.com/ZuEwXVOUn Crime, une Histoire https://audmns.com/NIhhXpYN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.

This Day in Legal History: Nazi War Criminals HangedOn October 16, 1946, ten high-ranking Nazi war criminals were executed by hanging after being convicted by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. This landmark trial held key figures of Adolf Hitler's regime accountable for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide committed during World War II. Among those executed was Joachim von Ribbentrop, the former German Foreign Minister, who had played a significant role in Nazi diplomacy, including the negotiation of the non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union. Others included Wilhelm Keitel, head of the German Armed Forces, and Alfred Jodl, a top military strategist.The Nuremberg trials were a historic moment in international law, establishing the precedent that individuals—even heads of state and military leaders—could be held criminally responsible for war crimes. The tribunal addressed the atrocities of the Holocaust, the invasion of neighboring countries, and the brutal treatment of civilians and prisoners of war. The executions followed months of legal proceedings and were seen as a step toward justice for millions of victims. Two of the condemned, Hermann Göring and Martin Bormann, avoided the gallows—Göring by committing suicide the night before the executions, and Bormann being sentenced in absentia, as he was never captured. These trials helped shape modern principles of international law, including the concepts of crimes against humanity and the rule of law in war. Meta Platforms Inc. must face claims by 34 state attorneys general accusing the company of contributing to a youth mental health crisis by getting children hooked on Facebook and Instagram. A federal judge in California ruled that some claims in the lawsuit could proceed, while others were dismissed under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which shields internet companies from liability over user-generated content. The states allege Meta's platforms cause mental health issues, like depression, in young users and that the company unlawfully collected data from children under 13. The lawsuit is part of a broader legal push against social media companies like TikTok, YouTube, and Snap, all of which are accused of profiting from the addiction of young users. Meta's spokesperson defended the company's actions, pointing to tools for parental controls and recent changes to Instagram's teen accounts. However, the judge noted that Meta's alleged “public campaign of deception” about the dangers of social media addiction could violate state and federal laws. The ruling also allows claims challenging features like “appearance-altering filters” but limits challenges to infinite scroll and likes. The decision comes alongside similar lawsuits by public school districts alleging social media companies create a public nuisance.Meta Can't Escape States' Claims It Hooked Kids on Platforms (4)The US Supreme Court declined to revive a challenge by Uber and Postmates to California's employment classification law, AB 5, leaving in place a Ninth Circuit ruling. AB 5 requires most workers to be classified as employees, giving them broader protections and benefits compared to independent contractors. Although Uber and other app-based companies are exempt from AB 5 under Proposition 22, which voters approved in 2020, they faced penalties for alleged violations before Prop 22 took effect.Uber and Postmates argued that AB 5 unfairly targeted their industries, claiming the law violated their equal protection rights by exempting other sectors. However, the Ninth Circuit ruled that lawmakers had rational reasons for distinguishing between industries, suggesting that ride-hailing companies were perceived as larger contributors to worker misclassification. The companies petitioned the Supreme Court, but the justices allowed the lower court's decision to stand, effectively ending their constitutional challenge to the law.Supreme Court Stymies Uber's Challenge to California Labor LawCourts in key battleground states are implementing procedures to expedite election-related lawsuits ahead of the November 2024 election to avoid delays in finalizing results. Arizona's Supreme Court recently ordered trial courts to prioritize election disputes, ensuring any challenges, such as those concerning recounts or presidential electors, are resolved quickly. This comes as both Republicans and Democrats have filed numerous lawsuits ahead of the election, and experts predict more legal battles on Election Day over vote counting and certification.Similar measures have been adopted in other battleground states, including Pennsylvania, which shortened the timeframe for appeals to three days, and Michigan, which introduced protocols for handling emergency election-related rulings. These actions are seen as a proactive response to the legal chaos of the 2020 election, when former President Donald Trump and his allies unsuccessfully challenged results with claims of widespread voter fraud. Courts are also preparing for potential security risks, with warnings of increased threats to judges during periods of national tension. Legal experts praise these steps as a way to ensure smooth and timely election litigation.Courts in US battleground states move to swiftly decide election cases | ReutersMy column for Bloomberg this week discusses how the IRS can solve the issue of stolen tax-refund checks, increasingly a major issue, by embracing technology. Despite the availability of direct deposit, many taxpayers still rely on paper checks, which are vulnerable to theft. I argue that the IRS should offer secure digital refund cards, similar to the electronic benefits transfer (EBT) cards used in welfare programs, for taxpayers without bank accounts. These cards can be mailed securely, with separate deliveries for the card and its PIN, reducing theft risks.For those who prefer physical checks, I suggest allowing taxpayers to pick them up at secure locations like post offices, where the checks could be activated upon identity verification. This method would work like a software kill switch for smartphones, rendering checks useless if stolen before activation. Additionally, an optional mobile app could provide tracking, security, and refund management features for tech-savvy taxpayers.These solutions would enhance refund security while ensuring flexibility and accessibility. The IRS should also collaborate with local organizations to help taxpayers navigate these new systems, ensuring no one is left behind in the transition to a more secure refund process.Secure Digital Tax Refund System Can Solve Stolen Check Problem This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

This Day in Legal History: Nazi Leaders Convicted at NurembergOn September 30, 1946, the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg delivered its final verdicts, marking a pivotal moment in legal history. The tribunal, established by the Allied powers after World War II, tried 24 high-ranking Nazi officials for crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Of those tried, 22 were found guilty. These included prominent Nazi figures such as Hermann Göring, Rudolf Hess, and Joachim von Ribbentrop. The Nuremberg Trials were the first of their kind to hold government officials individually accountable for atrocities committed under state authority, laying the groundwork for modern international criminal law.The court sentenced 12 of the defendants to death by hanging, while others received long prison sentences. Three were acquitted. These proceedings also set legal precedents, defining acts like genocide and war crimes more clearly in the context of international law. Nuremberg solidified the principle that following orders is not a defense for committing atrocities, a key doctrine in future human rights cases. The trials emphasized accountability, no matter how high the official's rank, and underscored the need for justice following war and genocide.Ahead of the 2024 presidential election, Republicans have launched a wide-ranging legal campaign to challenge voting processes, with particular focus on states like Arizona, where the race between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris is extremely tight. A lawsuit by the America First Legal Foundation, founded by Trump advisor Stephen Miller, seeks to empower courts to nullify election results due to procedural errors by local officials and order new rounds of voting. This case, which legal experts view as a long shot, reflects a broader Republican strategy to sow doubts about the election's legitimacy before votes are cast. The Republican National Committee is involved in over 120 lawsuits across 26 states, aiming to impose stricter voting rules, which they argue will restore faith in election integrity.Republicans, still asserting widespread fraud in the 2020 election despite court rejections, are pursuing these challenges earlier than in 2020, attempting to preemptively influence election outcomes. Legal experts warn that these lawsuits could cause chaos and confusion, potentially opening doors for political intervention in election results. Democrats argue the efforts are designed to undermine trust in the election system in case of Republican losses, while both sides are gearing up for further legal battles over voting restrictions and access.Republicans lay legal groundwork for election challenges | ReutersEpic Games has accused Google and Samsung of conspiring to limit competition in the app market, filing a lawsuit in U.S. federal court. The suit centers around Samsung's Auto Blocker, a mobile security feature that Epic claims discourages users from downloading apps outside of Google's Play Store and Samsung's Galaxy Store. Epic argues this reduces consumer choice and violates U.S. antitrust laws by making it harder for users to access potentially cheaper apps from rival sources. Epic CEO Tim Sweeney said Google falsely positions itself as protecting users by blocking apps from “unknown sources,” despite previously distributing "Fortnite" itself.Samsung, which introduced Auto Blocker in late 2023 as a security measure, denies the allegations and claims the feature is designed for user safety. The company stated that users can disable Auto Blocker if desired. Epic believes the feature undermines a U.S. court ruling in December 2023, which was expected to increase app availability from third-party sources. Epic plans to raise these concerns with EU regulators, citing Google's long-standing scrutiny over anticompetitive practices. This follows Epic's earlier legal battles with Google and Apple over high app store commissions, which led to "Fortnite" being temporarily banned from both platforms.Epic Games accuses Samsung, Google of scheme to block app rivals | ReutersJudge Colm F. Connolly recently criticized lawyers in a patent-funding investigation, suggesting they were not truly representing their client, Lori LaPray, a Texas paralegal who owns Backertop Licensing LLC. LaPray owes a $53,000 contempt fine for failing to appear in court, linked to Connolly's probe into patent-monetization firm IP Edge LLC. The judge maintained the fine but implied LaPray was a pawn in a larger scheme orchestrated by IP Edge and advised her to seek independent legal counsel. Connolly's actions are rare, with legal experts noting that questioning an attorney's loyalty to a client in open court could lead to wider scrutiny of their conduct. The investigation focuses on whether IP Edge and related entities, like Mavexar LLC, have violated court disclosure requirements designed to ensure transparency about who benefits from patent litigation. Connolly has already sanctioned multiple attorneys involved in IP Edge cases and warned that reducing LaPray's fine would signal tolerance for deception. The judge has referred several cases to the Justice Department, reflecting his broader effort to address misconduct in patent litigation, which critics say often obscures the real parties behind lawsuits. Connolly's approach contrasts with other judges who may not prioritize uncovering the true interests in litigation, despite concerns over transparency.Judge's Rare Rebuke of Lawyers Shakes Up Patent-Funding Probe This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Programa en vídeo en You Tube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BqBUTsnNnT4 Canal de Telegram para No perderte Nada! https://t.me/segundaguerramundialtelegram Canal de Whatsapp https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaSmnrC0QeatgWe2Lm27 ¿Cuáles fueron los mayores duelos blindados de la Segunda Guerra Mundial? ¿Qué ases panzer combatieron en ellos? ¿Cómo fue cada una de estas hazañas individuales? ¿Quién de ellos estuvo más cerca de caer abatido? ¿Qué carros de combate fueron los que más acciones individuales protagonizaron? ¿Quiénes fueron los ases más famosos de la Wehrmacht? A continuación, en este programa, os traemos una recopilación de 5 duelos blindados intrigantes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Join Alina and Rogr Moorhouse as they talk about the pact between Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia and find out why Roger calls Molotov a man with an ego but not very intelligent... Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Faites un don et recevez un cadeau : http://don.storiavoce.com/ Symbole de la capitulation des démocraties françaises et anglaises face au totalitarisme allemand, les accords de Munich du mois de septembre 1938, qui interviennent quelques semaines après l'Anschluss, précipitent l'Europe dans l'abîme. Dans un livre magistral, Maurizio Serra revient d'abord sur les conséquences politiques de la Grande Guerre. Il s'attarde ensuite sur les différents acteurs de ce drame, dont la Tchécoslovaquie est la victime expiatoire. Qui était Chamberlain ? Est-il le seul père de la politique dite d'apaisement avec l'Allemagne ? Quel rôle joue la France de Daladier, et comment Mussolini va savoir tirer profit de l'événement, au point d'en faire son dernier succès diplomatique ? Comment Hitler va abandonner le plan extrémiste de Ribbentrop, afin de mieux poursuivre ses desseins machiavéliques ? L'invité : Maurizio Serra de l'Académie française, diplomate de profession, est aussi historien. Avec Le Mystère Mussolini (Perrin, 500 pages, 25 €), il a complété sa fresque magistrale publiée chez Grasset de grands auteurs italiens du XXe siècle, commencée avec Malaparte, vie et légendes (couronné en 2011 par le Goncourt de la biographie et le prix Casanova), poursuivie avec Italo Svevo ou l'antivie et D'Annunzio le Magnifique (Prix Chateaubriand 2018 et Prix du Livre incorrect 2018), ouvrages qui ont remporté l'adhésion de la critique et du public, déjà traduits en plusieurs langues. Son dernier livre s'intitule Munich 1938. La paix impossible (Perrin, 389 p., 24€). *** Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/HistoireEtCivilisationsMag Instagram : https://www.instagram.com/histoireetcivilisations/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/Storiavoce

PREVIEW: #HITLER: Conversation with author Sean McMeekin about his book "STALIN's WAR: A New History of World War II," which discusses how Stalin signaled to Hitler in the Spring of 1939 that he was ready for an alliance. This alliance would allow Stalin to gain part of Poland and to compel England and France to go to war with Germany, leading to their mutual destruction. More details to follow later. Stalin's War: A New History of World War II, Sean McMeekin, with Kevin Stillwell as narrator. Published by Basic Books.  Audible Audiobook – Unabridged https://www.amazon.com/Stalins-War-New-History-World/dp/B08XW52WNY/ref=sr_1_1?crid=15RCHF0X357CE&keywords=mcmeekin+stalins+war&qid=1644188471&s=books&sprefix=mcmeekin+stalins+war%2Cstripbooks%2C67&sr=1-1 Motovo, Ribbentrop, Stalin, August 1939

Los juicios de Núremberg fueron el primer proceso penal desarrollado en cuatro idiomas. Corresponsales de todo el mundo acudieron a la tribuna de prensa para relatar las causas contra Rudolf Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop y otros altos cargos del nazismo. Y todos esos escritores y periodistas se alojaron en un mismo castillo: el castillo de Faber-Castle. El historiador Uwe Neumahr se cuela en cada cámara del castillo en su nuevo ensayo, publicado por Taurus. Además, los culturetas charlan sobre "Manhunt", una ficción histórica con tintes de thriller.

Los juicios de Núremberg fueron el primer proceso penal desarrollado en cuatro idiomas. Corresponsales de todo el mundo acudieron a la tribuna de prensa para relatar las causas contra Rudolf Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop y otros altos cargos del nazismo. Y todos esos escritores y periodistas se alojaron en un mismo castillo: el castillo de Faber-Castle. El historiador Uwe Neumahr se cuela en cada cámara del castillo en su nuevo ensayo, publicado por Taurus. Además, los culturetas charlan sobre "Manhunt", una ficción histórica con tintes de thriller.

So in this episode Laura, Krys and Dean discuss Valentines Day, mostly in Krysta's corner before we dig into the life of Harry Oakes. We discuss his life, how he discovered his fortune, how he met his young wife and became a British Citizen and earned the title of Baronet as he settled in the Bahamas. The Bahamas was governed by the Duke of Windsor, the former King of England Edward the VIII and his American wife the Duchess of Windsor. We learn about his murder, how someone attempted to set the body on fire using insecticide and then we discuss suspects, the bungling of the investigation and so much more in this man-history-can-be-weird episode of the Family Plot Podcast!!

PREVIEW: From conversation with Charles Spicer, autor of COFFEE WITH HITLER, about how Ambassador (and later Foreign Minister)Joachim von Ribbentrop, having mainained to Hitler that he could charm the British to accept German ascendancy in Europe, turned against London and became a loud voice for war. Coffee With Hitler: The Untold Story of the Amateur Spies Who Tried to Civilize the Nazis by  Charles Spicer  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Coffee-Hitler-Untold-Amateur-Civilize/dp/1639362266 1939 Ribbentrop arrives in Moscow

Alex Ribbentrop joins the Allies in Recovery hosts to discuss intergenerational trauma, substance use, the importance of family, and finding connection. Alex is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker, Qualified Supervisor, EMDR Trained Clinician, and Certified Family Trauma Professional, practicing in Virginia, Maryland, and Florida.

On the surface the pact guaranteed that neither side would fight against the other in war. However a ‘secret protocol' also outlined how Eastern Europe would be divided between the two countries in the ...