Podcasts about hardliners

Kris Zellner is joined by Rob Naylor and Our Good Buddy Charles as we go back in time to the discuss the month of June 1991 in the world of World Championship Wrestling and pop culture at large in another installment of CENTER STAGE CHRONICLES!!! Topics of discussion include:WCW getting their own newsstand magazine with London Publishing in charge of the project.A new United States Heavyweight Title Belt being made to replace the one Nikita Koloff busted up as part of his feud with Lex Luger.The background on Johnny B. Badd.Jim Ross going after WWF in his own way on WCW Pro Wrestling New York.Brian Pillman as the "One Man Zoo" attacking Barry Windham.The saga of Ricky Morton joining the York Foundation and becoming Richard Morton.The Bull Drop Inn and why it only lasted a few weeks.The Desperadoes vignettes debuting on TV and how they were damn long for no apparent reason.Nikita Koloff vs. Sting and their feud being great.WCW higher-ups demanding that Dusty Rhodes be taken off of television.The end of the original run of Twin Peaks on ABC.Natalie Cole's “Unforgettable” duet with her late father, Nat King Cole, and how it dominated the airwaves.Clash of the Champions XV eminates from Knoxville and is one helluva show, with Ric Flair & Bobby Eaton going 2 out of 3 Falls, Oz making his TBS debut, Paul E. clocking Jason Hervey with his phone in the Danger Zone, the debut of the Hardliners, Sting meeting "Ben", and so much more.“Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves" and Bryan Adams singing the main song from the soundtrack, plus how both were everywhere.“Stunning” Steve Austin winning the WCW TV Title after just a few weeks in the company.The original “Sonic the Hedgehog” is released for the Sega Genesis and takes the world by storm.This is just the tip of the iceberg on what became a really stacked show. We hope you enjoy it!!!!To support the show and get access to exclusive rewards like special members-only monthly themed shows, go to our Patreon page at Patreon.com/BetweenTheSheets and become an ongoing Patron. Becoming a Between the Sheets Patron will also get you exclusive access to not only the monthly themed episode of Between the Sheets, but also access to our new mailbag segment, a Patron-only chat room on Slack, and anything else we do outside of the main shows!If you're looking for the best deal on a VPN service—short for Virtual Private Network, it helps you get around regional restrictions as well as browse the internet more securely—then Private Internet Access is what you've been looking for. Not only will using our link help support Between The Sheets, but you'll get a special discount, with prices as low as $1.98/month if you go with a 40 month subscription. With numerous great features and even a TV-specific Android app to make streaming easier, there is no better choice if you're looking to subscribe to My AEW and other region-locked services.For the best in both current and classic indie wrestling streaming, make sure to check out IndependentWrestling.tv and use coupon code BTSPOD for a free 5 day trial! (You can also go directly to TinyURL.com/IWTVsheets to sign up that way.) If you convert to a paid subscriber, we get a kickback for referring you, allowing you to support both the show and the indie scene.To subscribe, you can find us on iTunes, Google Play, and just about every other podcast app's directory, or you can also paste Feeds.FeedBurner.com/BTSheets into your favorite podcast app using whatever “add feed manually” option it has.Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brands

Kris Zellner is joined by Rob Naylor and Our Good Buddy Charles as we go back in time to the discuss the month of June 1991 in the world of World Championship Wrestling and pop culture at large in another installment of CENTER STAGE CHRONICLES!!! Topics of discussion include:WCW getting their own newsstand magazine with London Publishing in charge of the project.A new United States Heavyweight Title Belt being made to replace the one Nikita Koloff busted up as part of his feud with Lex Luger.The background on Johnny B. Badd.Jim Ross going after WWF in his own way on WCW Pro Wrestling New York.Brian Pillman as the "One Man Zoo" attacking Barry Windham.The saga of Ricky Morton joining the York Foundation and becoming Richard Morton.The Bull Drop Inn and why it only lasted a few weeks.The Desperadoes vignettes debuting on TV and how they were damn long for no apparent reason.Nikita Koloff vs. Sting and their feud being great.WCW higher-ups demanding that Dusty Rhodes be taken off of television.The end of the original run of Twin Peaks on ABC.Natalie Cole's “Unforgettable” duet with her late father, Nat King Cole, and how it dominated the airwaves.Clash of the Champions XV eminates from Knoxville and is one helluva show, with Ric Flair & Bobby Eaton going 2 out of 3 Falls, Oz making his TBS debut, Paul E. clocking Jason Hervey with his phone in the Danger Zone, the debut of the Hardliners, Sting meeting "Ben", and so much more.“Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves" and Bryan Adams singing the main song from the soundtrack, plus how both were everywhere.“Stunning” Steve Austin winning the WCW TV Title after just a few weeks in the company.The original “Sonic the Hedgehog” is released for the Sega Genesis and takes the world by storm.This is just the tip of the iceberg on what became a really stacked show. We hope you enjoy it!!!!To support the show and get access to exclusive rewards like special members-only monthly themed shows, go to our Patreon page at Patreon.com/BetweenTheSheets and become an ongoing Patron. Becoming a Between the Sheets Patron will also get you exclusive access to not only the monthly themed episode of Between the Sheets, but also access to our new mailbag segment, a Patron-only chat room on Slack, and anything else we do outside of the main shows!If you're looking for the best deal on a VPN service—short for Virtual Private Network, it helps you get around regional restrictions as well as browse the internet more securely—then Private Internet Access is what you've been looking for. Not only will using our link help support Between The Sheets, but you'll get a special discount, with prices as low as $1.98/month if you go with a 40 month subscription. With numerous great features and even a TV-specific Android app to make streaming easier, there is no better choice if you're looking to subscribe to My AEW and other region-locked services.For the best in both current and classic indie wrestling streaming, make sure to check out IndependentWrestling.tv and use coupon code BTSPOD for a free 5 day trial! (You can also go directly to TinyURL.com/IWTVsheets to sign up that way.) If you convert to a paid subscriber, we get a kickback for referring you, allowing you to support both the show and the indie scene.To subscribe, you can find us on iTunes, Google Play, and just about every other podcast app's directory, or you can also paste Feeds.FeedBurner.com/BTSheets into your favorite podcast app using whatever “add feed manually” option it has.Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brands

Weeks of American and Israeli airstrikes inflicted grievous losses on Iran's military. Or so we thought. Now, US intelligence assessments suggest that Iran retains 70 percent of the missiles and launch vehicles it had before the war - including most of the sites threatening the Strait of Hormuz. Holly Dagres joins Roland Oliphant and Sophia Yan to unpack the implications. She also explains why Iran's hardliners are unlikely to listen to China's leader Xi Jinping, have stepped up execution of opponents and alleged spies at home, and are nose-diving the economy with a crippling internet black out. This is the latest from Donald Trump's war against Iran – which will overshadow his summit later this week with Xi.Highlights Iran retains 70 percent of its missile arsenalWhy Tehran's hardliners will resist pressure from ChinaCONTRIBUTORS:Roland Oliphant, co-host and chief foreign affairs analyst @RolandOliphantSophia Yan, senior foreign correspondent, @sophia_yan Holly Dagres, Washington Institute, @hdagresProducer: Peter ShevlinExecutive Producers: Venetia Rainey & Louisa Wells► Sign up to our most popular newsletter, From the Editor. Look forward to receiving free-thinking comment and the day's biggest stories, every morning. telegraph.co.uk/fromtheeditor► EMAIL US: Contact the team on battlelines@telegraph.co.uk ► GET THE LATEST HEADLINES: Find all our latest Iran coverage here: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/iran-war/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Iran's regime is facing an existential crisis prompted by the US-Israeli war. Despite taking a military battering and the economy being in ruins, Tehran refuses to surrender to Donald Trump. Historian Arash Azizi takes Roland Oliphant and Sophia Yan inside the clash between the regime establishment and the ultra-hardliners who fear their vision of the Islamic Republic will not survive peace. He explains why the country's powerful, IRGC-linked chief negotiator Mohammad Ghalibaf is increasingly being attacked in Iranian media and the dilemma facing the Islamic Republic as it looks to make a deal without surrendering the anti-American dogmatism that revolutionaries hold so dear. Plus, senior foreign correspondent Adrian Blomfeld reports from the Strait of Hormuz and Sophia and Roland discuss the significance of the UAE pulling out of OPEC. HighlightsArash Azizi on why Iran's hardliners are a “bunch of losers with no power”How the Iranian regime is facing a choice between reform and destruction CONTRIBUTORS:Roland Oliphant, co-host @rolandoliphantSophia Yan, senior foreign correspondent @sophiacyan Arash Azizi, author and historian Yale University @arash_tehran CONTENT REFERENCED:Adrian Blomfield: Here in the Strait, Iran's mosquito fleet renders Trump blockade futilehttps://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/04/28/strait-of-hormuz-irans-mosquito-fleet-winning-blockade/Robert White, Iona Cleave: Trump ‘unlikely to accept' Iran's Hormuz deal https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/04/28/iran-war-live-trump-peace-talks-hormuz-strikes-lebanon/Producer: Peter ShevlinExecutive Producers: Venetia Rainey & Louisa Wells► Sign up to our most popular newsletter, From the Editor. Look forward to receiving free-thinking comment and the day's biggest stories, every morning. telegraph.co.uk/fromtheeditor► EMAIL US: Contact the team on battlelines@telegraph.co.uk ► GET THE LATEST HEADLINES: Find all our latest Iran coverage here: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/iran-war/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: Iran's posture hardens rapidly—refusing talks and escalating in the Strait of Hormuz—as new analysis points to a deeper divide within the regime's hardline leadership. Moscow releases a list of European firms tied to Ukraine's drone program, raising concerns they could become targets in Russia's expanding conflict footprint. Japan continues its break from post-war pacifism, opening the door to expanded arms sales amid growing security threats from China. And in today's Back of the Brief—the Pentagon unveils a record $1.5 trillion budget request, prioritizing missile defense, drones, and artificial intelligence. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Cardiff: Get fast business funding without bank delays—apply in minutes with Cardiff and access up to $500,000 in same‑day funding at https://Cardiff.co/PDB Acre Gold: Start building physical gold with simple monthly payments and enter to win two Ancient Collection gold bars at https://GetAcreGold.com/PDB Chapter: Compare every medicare plan call 915-671-5252 today! Chapter and its affiliates are not connected with or endorsed by any government entity or the federal Medicare program. Chapter Advisory, LLC represents Medicare Advantage HMO, PPO, and PFFS organizations and stand alone prescription drug plans that have a Medicare contract. Enrollment depends on the plan's contract renewal. While we have a database of every Medicare plan nationwide and can help you to search among all plans, we have contracts with many but not all plans. As a result, we do not offer every plan available in your area. Currently we represent 50 organizations which offer 18,160 products nationwide. We search and recommend all plans, even those we don't directly offer. You can contact a licensed Chapter agent to find out the number of products available in your specific area. Please contact https://Medicare.gov, 1-800-Medicare, or your local State Health Insurance Program (SHIP) to get information on all of your options. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Two-thirds of Americans are exhausted by a political narrative that doesn't match how they actually see the world. Jason Mangone has the data to prove it and a roadmap for what to do about it. Jason Mangone is the executive director of More in Common US, the American arm of a global organization founded after the assassination of British MP Jo Cox — whose maiden speech in Parliament included the line, “We have more in common than that which sets us apart.” Since launching its landmark Hidden Tribes study in 2018, More in Common has become one of the most cited voices on polarization, the perception gap, and what it will actually take to rebuild civic trust in America. Jason came to this work through a genuinely eclectic path: Marine infantry officer, Yale graduate student, co-author (with General Stanley McChrystal) of the bestselling Leaders: Myth and Reality, and yes, briefly the CEO of a Jersey Shore home maintenance company. He brings both the data and the disposition of someone who has learned to move across very different worlds — which, it turns out, is exactly what this moment requires. Calls to Action ✅ If this conversation resonates, consider sharing it with someone who believes connection across difference still matters. ✅ Subscribe to Corey's Substack: coreysnathan.substack.com ✅ Leave a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen: ratethispodcast.com/goodfaithpolitics ✅ Subscribe to Talkin' Politics & Religion Without Killin' Each Other on your favorite podcast platform. ✅ Watch the full conversation and subscribe on YouTube: youtube.com/@politicsandreligion Key Takeaways The exhausted majority is real, and it's being ignored. More in Common's Hidden Tribes research identified seven segments of the American public. The middle five — roughly two-thirds of the country — are what the research calls the exhausted majority. These are people whose politics don't map neatly onto partisan narratives, who hold genuinely heterodox views, and for whom the current political environment is actively draining. They're not disengaged because they don't care. They're disengaged because what they see on offer doesn't reflect how they actually think. The wings aren't just louder, they're more wrong about each other. A perception gap is the difference between what you think a group believes and what they actually believe. The research finds that the further left or right someone sits, the larger their perception gap. The heaviest news consumers also tend to have the biggest gaps — a finding that cuts against the assumption that more information produces more understanding. As a concrete example: 73% of Republicans said the US should be a world leader in developing clean energy. Democrats estimated that only 26% of Republicans held that view. Trump's coalition is not monolithic. More in Common's Beyond MAGA study identified four distinct segments within Trump voters: MAGA Hardliners (29%), Anti-Woke Conservatives (21%), Mainline Republicans (30%), and the Reluctant Right (20%). Support for the war with Iran breaks sharply along those lines — 87% among Hardliners, down to just 25% among the Reluctant Right. About a quarter of that last group now say they regret their 2024 vote. The priority gap may be the defining political story of 2025. In November 2024, Americans' perception of Trump's top priorities matched their own: cost of living, the economy, immigration. Today only 13% believe cost of living is his top priority. Nearly half point to immigration, and nearly half to the war in Iran. Jason is careful to stay nonpartisan, but the implication is clear: the exhausted majority that gave Trump his margin may not feel seen by what's followed. Institutions are where character gets formed — and they're disappearing. Jason identifies three drivers of polarization: smartphones and the attention economy, the erosion of intermediary institutions (churches, little leagues, volunteer fire departments), and elite rhetoric that rewards conflict over compromise. The second one gets less attention than it deserves. These weren't just places where people got along — they were places where people learned what kind of person they wanted to be. Being religious might be the new rebellion. Hidden Tribes 2.0 is in progress, and one of the most intriguing signals from More in Common's recent work involves generational attitudes toward faith. Among younger voters — Trump voters and non-Trump voters alike — being religious is now more likely to be seen as countercultural than being an atheist. Jason's read: when the dominant culture trends progressive and secular, traditionalism becomes the counterculture. It's not all that surprising. Countercultures, by definition, push against whatever's dominant. About Our Guest Jason Mangone is the executive director of More in Common US. He began his career as a US Marine infantry officer, serving three deployments including western Iraq and Haiti following the 2010 earthquake. After graduate school at Yale, he served as a research associate at the Council on Foreign Relations, co-authored the bestselling Leaders: Myth and Reality with General Stanley McChrystal and Jeff Eggers, and served as COO of the Service Year Alliance. He lives in Princeton, New Jersey, with his wife and four kids, coaches little league, and volunteers as a firefighter — which he notes is primarily a strategy to remain cool in the eyes of his children. Links and Resources More in Common US Hidden Tribes (2018) - hiddentribes.us Beyond MAGA (2026) - beyondmaga.us Leaders: Myth and Reality by Stanley McChrystal, Jeff Eggers, and Jason Mangone Connect on Social Media Corey is @coreysnathan on all the socials… Substack LinkedIn Facebook Instagram Twitter Threads Bluesky TikTok Thanks to our Sponsors and Partners Thanks to Pew Research Center (pewresearch.org) for making today's conversation possible. Proud members of The Democracy Group “Clarity, charity, and conviction can live in the same room. Yes, really.”

Two-thirds of Americans are exhausted by a political narrative that doesn't match how they actually see the world. Jason Mangone has the data to prove it and a roadmap for what to do about it. Jason Mangone is the executive director of More in Common US, the American arm of a global organization founded after the assassination of British MP Jo Cox — whose maiden speech in Parliament included the line, “We have more in common than that which sets us apart.” Since launching its landmark Hidden Tribes study in 2018, More in Common has become one of the most cited voices on polarization, the perception gap, and what it will actually take to rebuild civic trust in America. Jason came to this work through a genuinely eclectic path: Marine infantry officer, Yale graduate student, co-author (with General Stanley McChrystal) of the bestselling Leaders: Myth and Reality, and yes, briefly the CEO of a Jersey Shore home maintenance company. He brings both the data and the disposition of someone who has learned to move across very different worlds — which, it turns out, is exactly what this moment requires. Calls to Action ✅ If this conversation resonates, consider sharing it with someone who believes connection across difference still matters. ✅ Subscribe to Corey's Substack: coreysnathan.substack.com ✅ Leave a review on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen: ratethispodcast.com/goodfaithpolitics ✅ Subscribe to Talkin' Politics & Religion Without Killin' Each Other on your favorite podcast platform. ✅ Watch the full conversation and subscribe on YouTube: youtube.com/@politicsandreligion Key Takeaways The exhausted majority is real, and it's being ignored. More in Common's Hidden Tribes research identified seven segments of the American public. The middle five — roughly two-thirds of the country — are what the research calls the exhausted majority. These are people whose politics don't map neatly onto partisan narratives, who hold genuinely heterodox views, and for whom the current political environment is actively draining. They're not disengaged because they don't care. They're disengaged because what they see on offer doesn't reflect how they actually think. The wings aren't just louder, they're more wrong about each other. A perception gap is the difference between what you think a group believes and what they actually believe. The research finds that the further left or right someone sits, the larger their perception gap. The heaviest news consumers also tend to have the biggest gaps — a finding that cuts against the assumption that more information produces more understanding. As a concrete example: 73% of Republicans said the US should be a world leader in developing clean energy. Democrats estimated that only 26% of Republicans held that view. Trump's coalition is not monolithic. More in Common's Beyond MAGA study identified four distinct segments within Trump voters: MAGA Hardliners (29%), Anti-Woke Conservatives (21%), Mainline Republicans (30%), and the Reluctant Right (20%). Support for the war with Iran breaks sharply along those lines — 87% among Hardliners, down to just 25% among the Reluctant Right. About a quarter of that last group now say they regret their 2024 vote. The priority gap may be the defining political story of 2025. In November 2024, Americans' perception of Trump's top priorities matched their own: cost of living, the economy, immigration. Today only 13% believe cost of living is his top priority. Nearly half point to immigration, and nearly half to the war in Iran. Jason is careful to stay nonpartisan, but the implication is clear: the exhausted majority that gave Trump his margin may not feel seen by what's followed. Institutions are where character gets formed — and they're disappearing. Jason identifies three drivers of polarization: smartphones and the attention economy, the erosion of intermediary institutions (churches, little leagues, volunteer fire departments), and elite rhetoric that rewards conflict over compromise. The second one gets less attention than it deserves. These weren't just places where people got along — they were places where people learned what kind of person they wanted to be. Being religious might be the new rebellion. Hidden Tribes 2.0 is in progress, and one of the most intriguing signals from More in Common's recent work involves generational attitudes toward faith. Among younger voters — Trump voters and non-Trump voters alike — being religious is now more likely to be seen as countercultural than being an atheist. Jason's read: when the dominant culture trends progressive and secular, traditionalism becomes the counterculture. It's not all that surprising. Countercultures, by definition, push against whatever's dominant. About Our Guest Jason Mangone is the executive director of More in Common US. He began his career as a US Marine infantry officer, serving three deployments including western Iraq and Haiti following the 2010 earthquake. After graduate school at Yale, he served as a research associate at the Council on Foreign Relations, co-authored the bestselling Leaders: Myth and Reality with General Stanley McChrystal and Jeff Eggers, and served as COO of the Service Year Alliance. He lives in Princeton, New Jersey, with his wife and four kids, coaches little league, and volunteers as a firefighter — which he notes is primarily a strategy to remain cool in the eyes of his children. Links and Resources More in Common US Hidden Tribes (2018) - hiddentribes.us Beyond MAGA (2026) - beyondmaga.us Leaders: Myth and Reality by Stanley McChrystal, Jeff Eggers, and Jason Mangone Connect on Social Media Corey is @coreysnathan on all the socials… Substack LinkedIn Facebook Instagram Twitter Threads Bluesky TikTok Thanks to our Sponsors and Partners Thanks to Pew Research Center (pewresearch.org) for making today's conversation possible. Proud members of The Democracy Group “Clarity, charity, and conviction can live in the same room. Yes, really.”

PREVIEW FOR LATER Edmond Fitton-Brown discusses ongoing, secretive negotiations between the United States and Iran. Recent military setbacks may force Iranian hardliners like Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf to consider compromises previously deemed impossible. (2)11/12/1978  TEHRAN

1. Iran's Nuclear Status and the NPT Framework Guest: Henry SokolskiSummary: Sokolski analyzes Iranianhardliners' threats to withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty. He explores the military risks of targeting nuclear sites like Dimona and the strategic complexities of attacking national electric grids. (1)1918 BREST-LITOVSK

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: First up—Tehran moves quickly to replace a top official killed in recent strikes, installing a hardline security figure and revealing a deeper shift in who's really calling the shots inside Iran. Later in the show—Russia's latest drone barrage spills into NATO territory, as Estonia and Latvia report airspace violations during a major attack on Ukraine. Plus—the U.S. quietly ramps up fuel shipments to Cuba's private sector, signaling a new strategy to undercut the regime from within. And in today's Back of the Brief—Shahed-style attack drones are now showing up on online marketplaces, raising concerns about the spread of battlefield technology. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Ethos Life Insurance: Protect your family's future with fast, online life insurance from Ethos—get your free quote in minutes at https://Ethos.com/PDB Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com ! #UltraPouches #ad Superpower: Stop guessing about your health—get $20 off Superpower at https://superpower.com/pdb with code PDB. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

14. Anatol Lieven Headline: NATODisunity and Eastern EuropeanHardliners Lieven highlights internal friction within NATO regarding Donald Trump's isolationist rhetoric. While hardliners in Eastern Europe demand unity against Russia, countries like Poland remain primarily focused on their own national defense strategies. (14)1896 PETERSBURG

PREVIEW FOR LATER. Mary Anastasia O'Grady examines the lack of a democratic timeline in Venezuela's transition plan. While the administration attempts economic stabilization, hardliners remain in power, making the path to elections unclear,. GUEST AND AFFILIATION: Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal,. (6)

Even as Washington hints at a quick end to the war with Iran, analysts say Tehran is preparing for a longer strategic struggle. The Middle East is in the grip of a widening conflict following joint US and Israeli strikes across Iran and Tehran's retaliatory attacks. While US president Donald Trump has suggested the war could end soon, many analysts and regional actors see the trajectory very differently. For them, the escalation risks pulling the region into a deeper and more dangerous phase. The European Council on Foreign Relations has warned that the confrontation could become a war with no winners, raising humanitarian risks inside Iran and threatening to destabilise an already fragile region. According to the foreign policy think tank, the latest conflict also risks drawing in global powers such as Russia and China while spreading across multiple theatres, from the Mediterranean to the Gulf. Julien Barnes-Dacey, Middle East and North Africa programme director at the ECFR, says the conflict has already passed the point of easy containment. “We're already at that moment,” he told RFI. “The conflict has quickly expanded and Iran - from the outset - has been intent on demonstrating that this could not be a containable war.” Conflict spreads across the Middle East as Iran names new supreme leader Regional escalation gathers pace Tehran's response has been shaped by a clear strategic calculation – to raise the cost of confrontation and widen the battlefield. According to Barnes-Dacey, the Iranian leadership has deliberately sought to show that any attempt to weaken or topple the regime would trigger a regional backlash. “Iran has been intent on demonstrating that the price of attacking Iran – the price of trying to bring down the regime – would be a conflict that would engulf the entire region,” he said. That approach has already begun to play out across the region. Iranian-backed groups in Lebanon and Iraq have mobilised, while tensions have intensified between Israel and Hezbollah. In Lebanon, Barnes-Dacey says the situation is particularly volatile, with Israel sharply increasing its attacks and speculation growing about a possible ground incursion. Meanwhile, Washington is reportedly exploring additional pressure points against Tehran, including outreach to Kurdish actors who have had an uneasy and often transactional relationship with the US in the past. The result is a conflict that is becoming structurally wider, involving proxy forces and regional actors whose involvement could deepen the crisis. One week into Iran war, the dangers for the US and Trump multiply Strategic vacuum Despite the expanding military campaign, analysts say the political endgame remains unclear. Barnes-Dacey describes the current US strategy as deeply inconsistent. “It's clearly a mess,” he said. “Both in terms of tactics and strategy we seem to be facing a real kind of vacuum at the heart of the US operation.” According to him, Washington's stated goals have shifted repeatedly,  ranging from limiting Iran's missile capabilities to pursuing regime change. At times the administration has spoken about a prolonged war, only for Trump to suggest shortly afterwards that the conflict could soon be over. This uncertainty may also reflect strategic differences between Washington and Israel. While the US president may be reluctant to become trapped in a long conflict, Barnes-Dacey says Israel appears more determined to fundamentally weaken – or even break – the Iranian regime. That divergence matters because Iran is not a small or easily subdued country. With a population of more than 90 million and extensive regional connections, any attempt to push the Iranian state towards collapse could have far-reaching consequences. “A state collapse goal would be devastating,” Barnes-Dacey warned, pointing to the potential for regional instability, migration pressures and broader security fallout. Deterrence through resistance For Tehran, the response appears rooted less in ideology than in strategic logic. Iranian leaders believe that making concessions under pressure could invite further attacks in the future. “There does seem to be a sense that from the Iranian perspective they have to definitively draw a line in the sand,” Barnes-Dacey said. He added that rather than negotiate from a position of weakness, the regime wants to demonstrate that the cost of pursuing regime change will be prohibitively high. The goal is to restore deterrence and ensure the survival of the Islamic Republic. This strategy is already visible in the evolving military campaign. Early in the conflict, Iran launched large numbers of missiles at Israeli targets. Those barrages have since decreased – a shift that may partly reflect battlefield losses, but which Barnes-Dacey believes could also be deliberate. Instead of exhausting its arsenal quickly, Tehran may be conserving resources in order to sustain pressure over time. “We now seem to be in a war of attrition between the two sides,” he said. In that contest, the timelines differ sharply. Washington appears eager to limit the duration of the conflict, partly because of fears about energy prices and regional escalation. Iran, by contrast, may be prepared to prolong the confrontation in order to demonstrate resilience. Iran says European countries helped create conditions for US, Israeli attacks Europe on the sidelines For Europe, the conflict poses difficult political and economic dilemmas. Leaders across the continent have sought to strike a delicate diplomatic balance – expressing concern about escalation while avoiding open confrontation with Washington. Barnes-Dacey, however, is critical of that approach. “Irrelevant at best, disastrous at worst,” he said of the European response so far. He points out that many European governments have opted for cautious language, placing much of the blame on Iran while attempting to remain in the good graces of the Trump administration. That calculation is partly driven by concerns about other geopolitical priorities, including the war in Ukraine and economic relations with the US. Yet the conflict itself may ultimately carry heavy costs for Europe. Rising energy prices, instability along key shipping routes such as the Strait of Hormuz and the diversion of military resources away from Ukraine could all have serious consequences. “The Europeans are desperately trying to tread carefully and keep Trump happy,” Barnes-Dacey said. “But they are not putting any real handbrakes on a conflict that could spiral even further out of control.” Who is Mojtaba Khamenei, the influential insider now leading Iran? Hardliners strengthened  Inside Iran itself, the war could also reshape the country's political future. Rather than weakening the ruling system, Barnes-Dacey believes external military pressure may strengthen the most hardline elements of the regime. The new leadership emerging in Tehran – under the newly appointed Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei – is already seen as more closely aligned with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Following the assassination of senior figures during the conflict, including Ayatolla Ali Khamenei, the incentive for compromise is likely to diminish further. “This conflict is only going to exacerbate and entrench hardline forces within the country,” Barnes-Dacey said. At the same time, ordinary Iranians face a grim reality – caught between an increasingly securitised state and an intensifying military campaign. “The Iranian people are suffering all through this,” he said, noting that bombardments have hit not only military targets but also infrastructure and state institutions. Those conditions make it unlikely that large-scale protest movements will emerge in the near term, despite earlier demonstrations against the regime. For now, the conflict appears to be entering a prolonged and uncertain phase. With both sides seeking leverage and no clear diplomatic pathway in sight, the question of how - or when - the fighting will end remains unanswered.

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

What does President Trump hope to achieve in Iran – a quick show of force, or long-term regime change?  The US and Israel's long-threatened air strikes on Iran have materialized, and the Middle East is facing widespread disruption and a mounting death toll as the war spills across borders. In this episode of Chatham House's international affairs podcast, our expert panel analyses the Trump administration's many stated motivations for the attack, whether there can be a clear-cut end game, and who is likely to take over in Iran after Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. They also discuss the effect of the war on President Trump's popularity at home as mid-term elections loom, and the criticism levelled at UK prime minister Sir Keir Starmer for doing, his detractors say, too little, too late. Host Bronwen Maddox is joined by Sanam Vakil, director of Chatham House's Middle East and North Africa Programme; General Sir Richard Barrons, senior consulting fellow with the International Security Programme; and Laurel Rapp, director of the US and North America Programme.    Produced by Stephen Farrell and Sara Seth.   Subscribe to Independent Thinking wherever you find your podcasts.   Chatham House's latest: Comment | Trump, the polls, and the war with Iran: What happened to the 'President of Peace'? Comment | Sánchez's principled stand against Trump matters. So does Merz's silence Comment | Netanyahu's biggest gamble

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SHOW SCHEDULE1-15-25`1923 GREENLAND Rival Factions Contending for Power in Post-Maduro Venezuela. Guest: PROFESSOR EVAN ELLIS, U.S. Army War College. Following Maduro's detention, four major crime families are competing for authority in Caracas, including the Rodriguez siblings and military leadership. While Delcy Rodriguez shows cautious cooperation with the U.S. regarding oil and prisoners, the country remains unstable as criminal interests and political repression continue to stifle progress. Cuba's Collapse Amidst U.S. Oil Blockade and Economic Ruin. Guest: PROFESSOR EVAN ELLIS, U.S. Army War College. The Trump administration has halted oil shipments to Cuba, exacerbating a crisis where the electrical grid is failing and life is becoming "impossible." Despite minimal aid from Mexico, the repressive communist apparatus remains ingrained, and the regime is expected to muddle through despite massive out-migration. Regional Tensions: U.S. Pressure on Mexico and South American Shifts. Guest: PROFESSOR EVAN ELLIS, U.S. Army War College. The U.S. is pushing Mexico for joint military operations against cartels, forcing President Sheinbaum into a "delicate dance" to protect sovereignty. Meanwhile, Brazil's Lula balances leftist ties against a conservative military, and Colombia shows a potential shift to the right as Petro's policies face significant discredit. Trade Integration and Security Concerns in Mercosur and Costa Rica. Guest: PROFESSOR EVAN ELLIS, U.S. Army War College. Mercosur has achieved a historic trade deal with the European Union, potentially offsetting U.S. economic pressure and deepening ties with China. In Costa Rica, rising public insecurity has led the government to consider El Salvador's "mega-prison" model as they head into elections dominated by concerns over organized crime. The Risks of Seizing Russia's Shadow Fleet at Sea. Guest: ANATOL LIEVEN, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. The U.S. seizure of Russian-owned "shadow fleet" tankers raises the risk of a direct military clash if European nations follow suit. Russia views a maritime blockade as an act of war. Hardliners in the Kremlin may seek to escalate to terrify the West into withdrawing support from Ukraine. Russia's Role as a Stabilizing Factor in Middle East Tensions. Guest: ANATOL LIEVEN, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. Russia has reportedly arbitrated between Jerusalem and Tehran to prevent preemptive strikes and maintain stability in Eurasia. While Russia lacks the power to defend Iran from a U.S. attack, it seeks to avoid regional instability. Russia's diplomatic approach contrasts with perceived universal aggression from other global actors. Economic Realities: Chinese Struggles and U.S. Consumer Strength. Guest: CHRIS RIEGEL, CEO of Stratacache. China's economy is struggling, evidenced by declining imports of raw materials and factory workers facing destitution. In contrast, the U.S. economy remains strong, with banner retail sales during the Christmasseason. However, the "K-shaped" economy shows consumer fatigue in the quick-service restaurant sector. Strategies for a Democratic Transition in Venezuela and Cuba. Guest: CLIFF MAY, Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Marco Rubio is reportedly developing a plan for a gradual transition in Venezuela by making specific demands on the remaining "gangster regime." By cutting off subsidized oil to Cuba, the U.S. hopes to cause the collapse of the Castroite regime, encouraging people to seek liberation from tyranny. Canada's Strategic Pivot to China. Guest: CONRAD BLACK. Prime Minister Mark Carney is visiting Chinato establish a "new strategic partnership" and a "new world order." This mission serves as a "Plan B" to offset potential trade losses with the United States under President Trump, specifically regarding strategic minerals and the renewal of the USMCA agreement. The Upwardly Mobile but Anxious Middle Class. Guest: VERONIQUE DE RUGY. Despite reports of a shrinking middle class, data shows many individuals are actually moving into the upper middle class. However, significant anxiety remains due to rising costs in government-regulated sectors like healthcare, housing, and education. This discontent leads to a search for scapegoats among the elite. Cosmological Mysteries: The Little Red Dots. Guest: DINESH NANDAL. The James Webb Space Telescopediscovered "little red dots"—compact, bright objects in the early universe that are not easily explained as galaxies or accreting black holes. These findings challenge the standard model of cosmology, suggesting the universe matured much earlier than previously thought by 21st-century scientists. Mapping the Future of Space Observation. Guest: DINESH NANDAL. Advancing cosmology requires a "James Webb 2.0" with larger mirrors and a successor to the Chandra X-ray telescope. Funding is also needed for researchers to develop new mathematical models. While AI can assist with pattern recognition, human physicists remain essential for creating the necessary new theoretical frameworks. Sovereignty and the Russian Identity Crisis. Guest: GREGORY COPLEY. Sovereignty is fundamentally tied to geography and identity. In the current period of "cratomorphosis," Russia exhibits defensive nationalism rather than expansionism. To the Kremlin, Ukraine remains the "cradle of Russia," making its loss a profound threat to Russian ethos, historical religious origins, and its personal identity. China's Quest for Legitimacy and Defense. Guest: GREGORY COPLEY. The Chinese Communist Partyyearns for ancient China's legitimacy while defending its modern borders. Rather than traditional imperial expansion, China employs "total war" non-military means. However, the state currently faces a crisis of sovereignty as it implodes internally under disproven totalitarian models and intensifying defensive pressures. The Reassertion of American Empire. Guest: GREGORY COPLEY. During Donald Trump's second term, the United States moved into an offensive mode to reassert dominance and energy security. Simultaneously, the European Union faces a crisis of legitimacy, with nation-states rebelling against its supra-state model. The EUlacks a cohesive vision, leading to internal distress. Lessons from the Superpower's Economic Resurgence. Guest: GREGORY COPLEY. The 21st century reveals that nations prioritizing energy security and enforced borders tend to succeed. President Trump's focus on manufacturing and cheap energy has bolstered the U.S. economy, positioning it as an unchallenged superpower. However, his dynamic approach often alienates allies while redefining grand strategy.

The Risks of Seizing Russia's Shadow Fleet at Sea. Guest: ANATOL LIEVEN, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. The U.S. seizure of Russian-owned "shadow fleet" tankers raises the risk of a direct military clash if European nations follow suit. Russia views a maritime blockade as an act of war. Hardliners in the Kremlin may seek to escalate to terrify the West into withdrawing support from Ukraine1905 AMIRAL KORNILOV

VENEZUELA: THE REGIME SURVIVES MADURO'S EXIT Colleague Mary Anastasia O'Grady, Wall Street Journal. Despite Maduro's removal, the Venezuelan regime remains intact under hardliners Delcy Rodriguez and Diosdado Cabello. Mary Anastasia O'Grady notes that repression continues, and European oil companies are hesitant to invest. The regime feigns cooperation to avoid US intervention, but genuine recovery is impossible without restoring the rule of law. NUMBER 131930

On Tuesday, a sprawling two-part Vanity Fair piece built from more than a dozen interviews with Susie Wiles, President Trump's chief of staff, dropped online. It is, without exaggeration, one of the most revealing portraits of an active White House power broker I can remember. Wiles describes Trump as having an “alcoholic's personality,” a striking characterization given his lifelong teetotalism. Trump, notably, did not dispute it. He later confirmed the description himself, calling it aggressive, possessive, and myopic.Wiles also took shots across the bow at several major figures. She labeled Elon Musk an “odd duck,” dismissed his politics, and triggered a very public response that included Musk taking a drug test near my own neighborhood to rebut claims of ketamine use. She endorsed JD Vance as the likely Republican nominee in 2028 while simultaneously describing his MAGA conversion as politically convenient. On Epstein, she confirmed Trump's name appears in the files, contradicted Trump's claims about Bill Clinton, and slammed Attorney General Pam Bondi's handling of the document release as a total failure. These were not slips. They were deliberate disclosures from someone who understands power intimately.Perhaps most telling was Wiles's admission that some Trump-era prosecutions look vindictive and that Venezuelan boat strikes were intended to pressure Nicolás Maduro politically, not just disrupt drug trafficking. That level of candor is rare. It reframes policy decisions as leverage rather than law enforcement, and it explains why the article landed like a grenade inside Republican circles.Politics Politics Politics is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.A Cooling Jobs Market and a Complicated Economic PitchAway from the media drama, the November jobs report offered something for everyone but reassurance. Payrolls grew by 64,000 jobs, better than feared but far from robust. Unemployment climbed to 4.6 percent, the highest level in more than four years, signaling a labor market that is cooling but not collapsing. The Labor Department flagged unusual data uncertainty due to the government shutdown, muddying trend lines even further.Supporters of the administration argue that private sector employment remains solid and that government job losses were inevitable given debt and deficits. Critics counter that Trump ran as the “economy man,” and this is not an economy that inspires confidence. Manufacturing and professional services continue to contract, while gains are concentrated in health care and education. The Fed's recent rate cut looks justified, but the promised “golden age” is difficult to sell when affordability remains front and center for voters.A Prime-Time Address and the Politics of the MomentAll of this sets the stage for Trump's prime-time address from the White House, scheduled for Wednesday night. Officially, there is no news hook. Unofficially, this looks like a straight-to-camera year-in-review and year-ahead speech, a nakedly political address designed to reset the narrative as he approaches the midpoint of his second term. If there were a major announcement, such as a Russia-Ukraine breakthrough or a stimulus package, it would not stay secret. The absence of leaks suggests there is no surprise coming.At the same time, Speaker Mike Johnson is facing an internal revolt over expiring Affordable Care Act subsidies. Moderates in swing districts are desperate for a vote they can point to, even if it fails. Hardliners insist on abortion-related restrictions tied to the Hyde Amendment, and leadership is frozen. With discharge petitions circulating and Trump's own political strength under scrutiny, Johnson's power is only as strong as Trump's grip on the conference. Right now, that grip looks uncertain.Chapters00:00:00 - Intro00:01:23 - Susie Wiles in Vanity Fair00:04:49 - Kirk Bado on Susie Wiles00:35:30 - Update00:37:14 - Jobs Report00:39:43 - Trump's Primetime Address Announcement00:44:04 - Mike Johnson and the ACA00:50:37 - Kirk Bado on Nuzzi/Lizza and More01:13:57 - Wrap-up This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.politicspoliticspolitics.com/subscribe

The Senate's vote to extend enhanced ACA subsidies was the clearest sign yet that congressional Republicans are fracturing as they head toward the midterms. Four GOP senators — Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, Dan Sullivan, and Josh Hawley — joined Democrats to back a three-year extension. The measure failed, but the defectors matter. Two are facing reelection in 2026. All four have been pressured by constituents facing premium spikes. And every one of them knows that allowing subsidies to expire is a political nightmare.The problem is that no Republican-sponsored alternatives have enough momentum to pass. Hardliners insist insurers are bluffing about catastrophic premium hikes and argue that federal subsidies can flow to abortion providers in violation of the Hyde Amendment. Leadership is frozen, moderates are restless, and none of the policy paths available appear functional. My read: the subsidies will expire. And the longer Republicans look divided on health care, the messier 2026 becomes.Politics Politics Politics is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Trump Loses Indiana — and a Bit of His Grip on the GOPTrump's aggressive mid-cycle redistricting push hit a brick wall in Indiana, where 21 Republican state senators joined Democrats to defeat a map designed to produce two more GOP-friendly House seats. The vote wasn't close. This wasn't quiet dissent. It was a collective “no.” And the reason is obvious: Republican lawmakers are terrified of a “dummymander,” a map that overreaches and accidentally creates more vulnerable districts in a bad year. If 2026 is shaping up to be a Democratic wave — and every special election suggests it might be — legislators don't want to be caught holding the bag.Trump's allies threatened primaries. Outside groups ran ads. J.D. Vance weighed in personally. None of it mattered. If you want a temperature check on Trump's leverage right now, this is it. He still commands loyalty, but not fear. And when Republicans stop fearing the leader of their own party, they start preparing for the next one. That's how lame-duck dynamics begin — long before anyone says the words out loud.A Hard Pivot on VenezuelaThe administration also announced new sanctions on Nicolás Maduro's inner circle, targeting his nephews, his wife, and a network of businessmen and shippers. This came just after the U.S. seized a tanker carrying Venezuelan crude. For now, this is a sanctions campaign — not military escalation — but it fits a familiar Trump-era pattern: push to the brink, stop just short, and ask adversaries whether they still want to keep playing.With Iran, the strategy eventually led to direct strikes. With Venezuela, nobody knows yet. But every foreign-policy story pulling headlines away from domestic issues is a political risk for Trump. His base doesn't want global adventurism. They want America First, not America Everywhere.Chapters00:00 - Intro02:06 - Nuzzi/Lizza10:46 - Update11:01 - Obamacare12:14 - Indiana Redistricting15:53 - Venezuela Sanctions18:35 - Matt Laslo on the WH Press Corps54:10 - Wrap-up This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.politicspoliticspolitics.com/subscribe

Factional Infighting: Republican Party FracturesThe party is splintering between Trump loyalists, MAGA hardliners, and more traditional conservatives. High-profile feuds—such as Trump's clashes with Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene and Thomas Massie—illustrate how internal disputes are eroding cohesionBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/conspiracy-theories-exploring-the-unseen--5194379/support.

0:00 GOP hardliners fume over Senate parliamentarian axing key aspects of ‘Big, Beautiful Bill' | RISING 9:35 Trump calls for firing of CNN, NYT reporters who wrote Iran strikes story | RISING 17:55 Elissa Slotkin calls for ban on cell phones in all K-12 classrooms | RISING 23:11 'Thomas Massie targeted by AIPAC, Trump for primary challenge | RISING 33:07 Jasmine Crockett blasts Melania Trump over ‘Einstein Visa': ‘Math ain't mathin' | RISING 40:34 Jeff Bezos, Lauren Sanchez forced to move Venice wedding location due to protesters | RISING 46:45 Mamdani would be ‘disastrous' for New York City, Daniella Greenbaum Davis argues | RISING Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of Parallax Views, journalist and foreign policy analyst Ted Snider joins us to discuss his latest article for Antiwar.com, "America's Deception Strengthens Iranian Hardliners." As tensions between the U.S., Israel, and Iran escalate following devastating Israeli strikes, Snider breaks down how recent events, such as Trump's rhetoric following the strikes, may have sabotaged permanently sabotaged nuclear negotiations and reinforced the position of Iran's most hawkish factions. We examine: Trump's inflammatory statements and alleged coordination with Israel How U.S. deception may have derailed peace talks The historical pattern of American betrayal toward Iranian reformists The long-term consequences for diplomacy and U.S.-Iran relations This conversation provides critical context for understanding the geopolitics of the Middle East and how American foreign policy continues to undermine moderates while fueling hardliner narratives in Iran. Support me on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/parallaxviews

SEND ME A TEXT MESSAGE NOWAmerica stands at a crossroads of political turmoil and economic uncertainty. The Supreme Court has temporarily halted President Trump's controversial attempt to use the 1798 Alien Enemies Act for expedited deportations of Venezuelan immigrants, marking a significant setback to his immigration agenda. Though the ruling offers momentary relief, the underlying battle continues across multiple federal courts, highlighting the ongoing tension between executive power and judicial oversight in our democracy.Meanwhile, Republican infighting threatens to derail Trump's legislative priorities as GOP hardliners defy both the former president and House leadership by blocking his self-described "one big, beautiful bill" in a critical committee vote. These conservative holdouts demand deeper cuts to Medicaid and clean energy programs, creating a political headache for Speaker Mike Johnson who must somehow appease the right wing without alienating moderates whose support is equally crucial. The rebellion exposes the fragility of Republican unity despite Trump's dominance over the party.Perhaps most concerning for everyday Americans, Moody's Ratings has downgraded the United States' debt, stripping the country of its last perfect credit rating after maintaining AAA status since 1917. This downgrade, following similar moves by S&P and Fitch in previous years, reflects growing alarm about America's ballooning deficits and political dysfunction. The timing couldn't be worse, as Trump's proposed legislative package would add approximately $3.3 trillion to the national debt over the next decade, potentially increasing borrowing costs for everything from mortgages to car loans. Amid this political and economic turbulence, scientific research offers an unexpected respite—Japanese gardens specifically designed to encourage wandering gazes have been shown to reduce stress and improve mood, a small but welcome reminder that solutions to our modern anxieties might be found in ancient wisdom.Join me each episode as I navigate these challenging times. Share your thoughts at  resistdonaldnow@gmail.com, and help keep our democratic conversation alive during a world gone mad. AWorldGoneMadPodcast@gmail.com

The Big Beautiful Bill is finally past the quiet phase. The behind-the-scenes negotiations have spilled into the open, and now we're in the bloodletting. Speaker Mike Johnson wants this out of the House by Memorial Day, which means committee votes need to happen, and fast. But right now, the Budget Committee is a problem. Hardliners are balking — Ralph Norman, Josh Brecheen, and Chip Roy are all leaning no. They're not satisfied with the Congressional Budget Office's timeline for a cost estimate, and they're worried the Medicaid changes could pressure red states into expanding coverage.Mike Lawler and Marjorie Taylor Greene are fighting on Twitter over SALT deductions — state and local tax breaks — and that fight is not going away. There's talk of raising the cap from $30,000 to $40,000 or adjusting the phase-out thresholds. But this is exactly why they're doing one big bill instead of multiple smaller ones. Everyone knew it was going to be painful. Nobody wanted to go through this kind of battle again and again for every policy item.Politics Politics Politics is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Still, I'm bullish. It's ugly right now, but that doesn't mean it's doomed. The usual sign of failure — a flood of press conferences from members declaring the bill dead — hasn't happened. Republicans aren't holding cameras. They're texting reporters. They're venting in group chats. But they're not going on record saying they'll tank Trump's agenda. That's a big difference. This isn't like other bills I've seen die. It still feels like something they're going to get through — just barely.The key players are all doing what they need to do. Trump is overseas for now, but his influence is still real. He got Johnson the speaker's gavel. He's kept this whole thing moving. When he's back, the pressure campaign ramps up. Meanwhile, JD Vance is already starting his Senate charm offensive to get reconciliation done once it clears the House. They know they'll lose a few senators, but they're planning for that. The goal is to get something — anything — through.And here's what's actually in it: no tax on tips, no tax on overtime, and no tax on Social Security for anyone making under $150,000. Yes, those provisions sunset in four years, but let's be honest — once they go into effect, they're not going anywhere. Nobody's going to vote to take those benefits away from working people. Republicans used to hate that logic — the “give a mouse a cookie” approach to entitlements — but now they're writing the cookies themselves. And they're going to love running on them.This bill is messy. It's jammed with contradictions. It's being held together with string and prayers. But I still think it passes. And if it does, the Trump administration gets to claim a huge legislative win — not just a headline, but real, sticky policy that people will feel in their paychecks. That's the ballgame.Chapters00:00:00 - Intro00:03:52 - Big Beautiful Bill Progress00:15:51 - Interview with Bill Scher00:39:39 - Update00:40:23 - Inflation00:43:36 - Supreme Court Birthright Citizenship00:45:44 - Iran Nuclear Deal, "Sort Of"00:47:57 - The News Sheriff00:53:03 - Interview with Bill Scher (con't)01:18:02 - Wrap-up This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.politicspoliticspolitics.com/subscribe

Stories we're following this morning at Progress Texas: In defiance of the Texas Republican Party, three dozen House GOP electeds voted along with most of the Democratic minority yesterday to elect Rep. Dustin Burrows of Lubbock House Speaker: https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/14/dustin-burrows-david-cook-texas-house-speaker-vote/ Several Democratic House members declined to vote for Burrows, who himself is pretty darn MAGA, while a handful curiously voted for Cook, who had pledged to sideline them in the session: https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/14/texas-house-speaker-vote-breakdown/ ...Texas GOP leadership is swearing retribution against Burrows and his Republican followers: https://www.dallasnews.com/news/politics/2025/01/14/in-contentious-vote-texas-house-chooses-dustin-burrows-as-speaker/ ...That same GOP leadership took part in Christian Nationalist revival-style rallies at the Capitol yesterday, openly denying any separation between church and state: https://www.texastribune.org/2025/01/15/texas-legislature-christianity-church-state-separation/ ...Congratulations to Dallas Rep. Venton Jones and his longtime partner Gregory Scott Jr, who got engaged on the House floor yesterday right after Jones was sworn in: https://x.com/JasonWhitely/status/1879239353865761265 The U.S. Supreme Court is set to hear arguments today over a Texas law requiring pornography websites to verify the age of users - a law with much broader implications than just porn: https://www.houstonchronicle.com/politics/texas/article/pornhub-supreme-court-20034583.php The merch to match your progressive values awaits at our web store! Grab your goodies at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://store.progresstexas.org/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. We're loving the troll-free environment at BlueSky! Follow us there at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://bsky.app/profile/progresstexas.bsky.social. Thanks for listening! Find our web store and other ways to support our important work at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://progresstexas.org⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

On the show today, Amber Duke and Kevin Walling discuss what it means for President-elect Trump that some GOP lawmakers voted against his proposed legislation to keep the government open. Georgia Attorney General Fani Willis is disqualified from the election interference case against Donald Trump. California declares a state of emergency amid a spike in bird flu cases. An explosive article from the Wall Street Journal says Biden aides covered up his ailing mental capacity for years. NASA astronauts are still stuck in space as the plan to return them to Earth gets pushed to March 2025. All this and more. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Guardian US political correspondent Laura Gambino talks through Donald Trump's likely next cabinet and what it tells us about his plans in power. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/infocus

U-S President-elect Donald Trump has named a number of people for key roles on his new administration. Among them is Tom Homan, known for his hardline position on immigration, who's set to be in charge of the U-S border policy.

While Gaza endures a devastating war, an increasingly brutal battle is being fought over land in another Palestinian territory: the West Bank. Israeli settlers are attacking Palestinians there more frequently and ferociously than ever before and forcing them to flee their homes. Special correspondent Leila Molana-Allen reports. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

While Gaza endures a devastating war, an increasingly brutal battle is being fought over land in another Palestinian territory: the West Bank. Israeli settlers are attacking Palestinians there more frequently and ferociously than ever before and forcing them to flee their homes. Special correspondent Leila Molana-Allen reports. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

In a situation reminiscent of the 2004 attacks on John Kerry, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee, is facing Republican criticism over his military service. The Trump campaign has questioned the accuracy of Walz's statements about his service in the Minnesota National Guard, sparking a debate that echoes the "swift boating" attacks on Kerry's Vietnam War record. Background: The "Swift Boating" Strategy The term "swift boating" originated from the 2004 presidential campaign when an outside group, Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, questioned Kerry's military honors, including his three Purple Hearts and a Silver Star. The strategy effectively undermined Kerry's image as a war hero and raised doubts about his fitness to lead. Walz's Military Service Timeline Tim Walz served 24 years in the Minnesota National Guard, achieving the rank of Command Sergeant Major. However, he retired as a Master Sergeant for benefits purposes due to not completing certain coursework. His military service included a deployment as part of Operation Enduring Freedom, and his retirement in May 2005 has been scrutinized by Republicans, who claim he retired to avoid deployment to Iraq. Walz's campaign refutes these claims, asserting that his service record is being mischaracterized. Political Implications Democratic strategists argue that the political landscape has evolved since 2004, and such attacks may not have the same impact in today's media environment. The Trump campaign's attempt to revive this tactic, led by adviser Chris LaCivita, who was involved in the original "swift boating" campaign, highlights the enduring nature of military service as a political issue. Key Takeaways Tim Walz's Military Record: Central to the Republican criticism, with claims that he misrepresented his service and retired to avoid deployment. Comparison to John Kerry: The strategy mirrors the 2004 attacks on Kerry, although the effectiveness of this approach in 2024 remains uncertain. Political Landscape: Democrats believe that the changed media environment may blunt the impact of these attacks compared to 2004. #TimWalz #MilitaryRecord #SwiftBoating #JohnKerry #2024Election #TrumpCampaign #Veterans #Democrats #Republicans #PoliticalStrategy #OperationEnduringFreedom #NationalGuardYou can find every episode of this show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or YouTube. Prime Members can listen ad-free on Amazon Music. For more, visit barstool.link/ZeroBlog30

OpenAI verblufte afgelopen week de wereld met een nieuwe versie van ChatGPT. Nog nooit kreeg een chatbot zo'n menselijke stem, vol emotie. Maar het nieuws werd al snel overschaduwd door een conflict met opstappende mede-oprichters en een boze Scarlett Johansson. Wat maakt deze nieuwe update zo speciaal? En waar komt de interne escalatie vandaan? Dat bespreken we met wetenschapsredacteur Laurens Verhagen.Onze journalistiek steunen? Dat kan het beste met een (digitaal) abonnement op de Volkskrant, daarvoor ga je naar www.volkskrant.nl/podcastactie  Presentatie: Esma LinnemannRedactie: Corinne van Duin, Lotte Grimbergen, Julia van Alem, Jasper Veenstra, Nathalie Denie en Pim HubertsMontage: Rinkie Bartels, Simone EleveldSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In the 1980s, a pair of intimidating NRA leaders recast the organization in their own imposing images as the group went on an all-out offensive against gun regulations.

Congress cares more about foreigners than American citizens…PERIOD! «Ep. 1871» + RINO's and “hardliners”, oh my!       Monday, Monday, April 22, 2024   I break down how our so called Representatives seem to care more about foreigners than American citizens! Every American should be outraged by this weekends Ukraine flag waving, no strings attached, $60billion we don't have vote!     + California to the rescue of those wanting an abortion and a group launches a bid to oust AZ Supreme Court justices that voted to uphold AZ abortion ban law.      —————————————— Please FOLLOW or SUBSCRIBE to the Jeff Oravits Show! RUMBLE   YouTube   ApplePodCasts   AmazonMusic   Spotify        Also on Twitter and www.TalkWithJeff.com   Disclaimer: The information provided on the Jeff Oravits Show does not constitute legal, medical, financial or tax advice.  All information is the opinions of the host's and his guests.  You should always seek the advice of a professional regarding any of these complex issues to make sure all circumstances of your situation are properly considered.   ——————————————

A recent Lebanese public opinion poll suggests there may be limits to Iran-backed Shiite militia Hezbollah's restraint in confronting Israel. It also suggests why Iran feels emboldened by escalating tensions in the Middle East.

Bloomberg Washington Correspondents Joe Mathieu and Kailey Leinz deliver insight and analysis on the latest headlines from the White House and Capitol Hill, including conversations with influential lawmakers and key figures in politics and policy. On this edition, Joe and Kailey speak with: Republican Congressman Buddy Carter of Georgia as Speaker of the House Mike Johnson says the topline budget agreement with Democrats will remain despite disapproval from the House Freedom Caucus Bloomberg Pentagon Reporter Tony Capaccio about US and UK strikes on the Yemen-based Houthis last night. Bloomberg Politics Contributors Rick Davis and Jeanne Sheehan Zaino ahead of Monday's Iowa caucuses. Suffolk University Political Research Center Director David Paleologos about the latest polling data from Iowa and New Hampshire. Foundation for Defense of Democracies Senior Fellow Craig Singleton ahead of Taiwan's elections. Bloomberg Washington Senior Correspondent and Host of The Big Take DC Podcast Saleha Mohsin with a look on the ground in the Hawkeye State. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Georgia Congressman Austin Scott says Congress must get its act together and win for the American people before it's too late. Scott says GOP hardliners must realize that no legislation or deal will be perfect, but cutting any federal spending or a deal on border security is better now than 10 months from now. Scott also says that Republicans “must be professional” so they can achieve successful messaging to independents and liberals on the truth about the Biden family business dealings, and topics that the media isn't talking about. Additional interviews with Freedom Caucus Member Rep. Eli Crane on border and Johnson's budget plan.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida was joined by seven other Republicans and the Democratic party in a first-of-its-kind maneuver. There is no plan for what comes next.We want to hear from you about the show: npr.org/politicssurveyThis episode: White House reporter Deepa Shivaram, political correspondent Susan Davis, and congressional correspondent Deirdre Walsh.The podcast is produced by Casey Morell and Elena Moore. Our editor is Eric McDaniel. Our executive producer is Muthoni Muturi.Unlock access to this and other bonus content by supporting The NPR Politics Podcast+. Sign up via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org. Connect:Email the show at nprpolitics@npr.orgJoin the NPR Politics Podcast Facebook Group.Subscribe to the NPR Politics Newsletter.

The White House is warning of severe economic consequences if Congress fails to pass a funding bill by an October 1 deadline. Far-right House Republicans are demanding deep spending cuts that are almost certain to be rejected by the Democratic-controlled Senate. Also in this edition: France asks its energy firms to sell fuel at cost, and Germany looks to semiconductor production to revive its flagging industrial sector.

House Speaker McCarthy is on a collision course as pressure is growing from his right flank to impeach President Biden which could end up shutting down the government. Plus, Donald Trump wants the judge overseeing his federal election case out, now calling on her to recuse herself. Also, a look back as the nation remembers 9/11 and families continue to seek justice.  To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Joining the Church despite hardliners and the point of dogma is to change your life, Allegorically vs. historically true, talking about LGBTQ+ issues and abortion as a Catholic.

Joining the Church despite hardliners and the point of dogma is to change your life, Allegorically vs. historically true, talking about LGBTQ+ issues and abortion as a Catholic.

The European Research Group was once the most consequential faction in the Conservative party, playing a central role in bringing down former prime minister Theresa May and installing Boris Johnson in Number 10. And yet, in a recent test of strength, the Brexit hardliners stumbled. This is the story of what happened to the ERG.Tortoise is a newsroom devoted to slow journalism.For early access and ad-free listening subscribe to Tortoise+ on Apple Podcasts or join Tortoise for £60 a year.As a member you'll also get our newsletters and tickets to live events. Just go to tortoisemedia.com/slowdown.If you'd like to further support slow journalism and help us build a different kind of newsroom, do consider donating to Tortoise at tortoisemedia.com/support-us. Your contributions allow us to investigate, campaign and explore, and to build a newsroom that is responsible and sustainable. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Fionnan Sheahan joins Eamon to talk about the continuing election expenses reporting issues now impacting Sinn Féin. Also the continuing Northern Ireland Protocol negotiations, will Sunak be able to do a deal with the EU as he faces DUP and Brexit hardliners? Fionnan Sheahan is Ireland Editor at the Irish Independent, Sunday Independent, and independent.ie.Recorded on Monday 20th February 2023 Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/the-stand-with-eamon-dunphy. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

House Republicans are getting down to business, drafting legislation to spend more money on border control, less on the IRS. Hardliners are calling for radical changes to social security and Medicare. How will the GOP advance its agenda in the House? Rep. Gary Palmer, Scott MacFarlane and Philip Wallach join Kimberly Atkins Stohr.

A small group of Republican hardliners set out to block Kevin McCarthy, their party's leader in the House of Representatives, from becoming Speaker. That same faction has taken on GOP leaders before.We speak to Paul Kane, senior Congressional correspondent and columnist for the Washington Post, about the history behind this week's standoff in the House and what it means for Congress.In participating regions, you'll also hear a local news segment to help you make sense of what's going on in your community.Email us at considerthis@npr.org.

Economist, commentator and podcaster Chris Johns joins Eamon to talk about Brexit, the UK economy and Rishi Sunak's government. Chris also talks about the negative impact of the struggling NHS on the economy. Chris Johns co-hosts his own podcast, The Other Hand, with economist Jim Power.Recorded on 11th November 2022. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/the-stand-with-eamon-dunphy. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

ORN Martin Armstrong show notes 10/25/22 US sanctions over Russia are a nail in our coffin. Including other countries in our sanctions violated international law. Undermining rule of law. NATO wanted Russia to join NATO in 1991. Story about failed Gorbachev coup, Yeltsin in interim, and Putin come to power. Documents show Clinton part of getting Putin in and communist takeover. People behind Putin are far worse. The communists are still there. Putin criticized by Russian hardliners for being too nostalgic about Ukraine, the root of Russia. He didn't want to destroy it. Ukraine not a nation before 1991. Area east of Dnieper River was always Russian empire. Yeltsin forced out of power over fraudulent transaction at Bank of New York in July 1999. He picked Putin to succeed. Biden administration is controlling Zelensky. Zelensky told not to negotiate. Said Ukraine would rearm with nuclear weapons. It's a war for climate change. 55% of Russian economy is fossil fuels. West wants to cut off ability of Russia to sell fossil fuels. US wanted to invade Syria because Syria wanted to run a pipeline. US invasion of Iraq is old story of projections that US will take out the dictator and the people will cheer and support the US. Invading countries take out the power grid first. Putin only now is taking out the Ukrainian power grid. Hardliners want Putin out. US blew up the Nordstream pipeline. A drone was discovered, Sweden not saying whose it was. The problem is having standing armies. US second amendment was supposed to enable a militia. They have to always demonize Russia. Every prior leader has always sought world peace. Only the opposite now. Not one leader is talking peace. They just want war. They need war because the financial system is collapsing. They plan to default on debts and start over again. Kissinger is very smart. Every president since Nixon has invited him to the White House except Biden. US history of false flags. They never tell the truth about anything. Removing Russia from SWIFT gave China the go ahead to initiate their CIPS financial system. Neocons on both sides, Republican and Democrat. Ukrainian Nazis horrified even the German Nazis. Deep-rooted hatred between Russia and Ukraine. Even the IMF refused to give Ukraine money until they cleaned up their corruption. Major area for laundering money. Minsk agreement that NATO would stay out of Ukraine. Donbass supposed to vote and form their own republic then. US started the civil war in Ukraine in 2014. US wanted Yanukovych out, forced protests and new election. Attacks on Donbass started then. November 7 is US election but also a critical time for the Ukrainian war. Will there be a false flag before the election? US, UK, France, Turkey warned by Russia that Ukraine will set off a dirty bomb. Armstrong's SOCRATES computer and its successful predictions. Japan has 2nd largest sovereign debt. Will fall before the US does. Uncertainty created about their financial system, so capital comes to the US. EU money also coming to the US now, because of liquidity crisis. FED creates money when it takes in debt. Yellen is shortening the yield curve. Biden is increasing expenditures dramatically. Bank needs a balance sheet to buy debt. Debt increasing so fast that banks can't buy debt. Yellen will buy 30 year bonds from the market and then issue short term debt as a swap. Is making the Treasury more susceptible to interest rate changes. Phase 1 was repo crisis. US wouldn't sell to European banks. The first crack in confidence. Now in Phase 2. Crack in confidence in government debt itself. Phase 3 is a complete collapse. They go into war to get out of this. Armstrong's new book, The Seizure of Russia.