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VIDEO EN https://youtube.com/live/nZOnogCLxDo 21 de julio de 2025 ️ En esta edición de ¿HABLAMOS?, Francisco García Campa analiza el momento crítico que vive Irán tras la guerra de los 12 días con Israel. Europa lanza un ultimátum: “o resultados concretos o reactivamos todas las sanciones”. El temido mecanismo snapback está sobre la mesa. FOCO del día: Reuniones del E3 (Francia, Reino Unido y Alemania) con Irán en Estambul. Irán no cede en su derecho a enriquecer uranio. ¿Qué implica el retorno de las sanciones de la ONU? Además: ☢️ Israel destruyó buena parte del sistema antiaéreo iraní en la guerra de junio. Rusia se ofrece como mediador y proveedor de uranio civil. China entra en el tablero diplomático para frenar un nuevo conflicto. Explicamos: ✅ ¿Qué es el mecanismo snapback del JCPOA? ✅ ¿Por qué podría sumir a Irán en un nuevo colapso económico? ✅ ¿Quién gana y quién pierde si fracasan las negociaciones?
Welcome to Top of the Morning by Mint.. I'm Nelson John and here are today's top stories. Earnings Tsunami Incoming The Q1 FY26 earnings season has officially begun, with Reliance Industries and HDFC Bank leading the charge. Over 95 major companies are set to report their numbers this week, covering sectors like tech, pharma, infra, and finance. “Markets will first react to Reliance, HDFC Bank, and ICICI Bank,” said Ajit Mishra, SVP, Religare Broking. Key dates to watch: July 22: Colgate-Palmolive, Dixon, IRFC, JSW Infra, Paytm July 23: Infosys, Dr. Reddy's, Tata Consumer, Coforge July 24: Bajaj Finance, Canara Bank, Nestle, Mphasis, SBI Life July 25: Cipla, Bajaj Finserv, Bank of Baroda July 26: Kotak Bank, IDFC First, Balkrishna Industries Markets are closely tracking profitability trends, rural demand, and input cost pressures. With large and midcaps on center stage, investor sentiment could shift fast. $44M Crypto Hack Hits CoinDCX India's leading crypto exchange CoinDCX has confirmed a $44 million security breach, after hackers compromised an internal liquidity account over the weekend. Co-founder Sumit Gupta said customer wallets remain safe and losses will be fully covered by treasury reserves. Trading was briefly paused but services are now live. The company is also launching a bug bounty program and working with cybersecurity partners to trace the stolen assets. This breach follows last year's WazirX hack worth $230M, adding urgency ahead of India's first crypto policy paper, expected this month. EU Sanctions Nayara Refinery, Rosneft Hits Back The European Union has sanctioned Nayara Energy's refinery in Vadinar, Gujarat, drawing sharp condemnation from Rosneft, which owns a 49% stake. Rosneft called the move “unjustified and illegal,” warning it could undermine India's energy security and hurt the economy. It emphasized that Nayara is a locally governed and taxed Indian entity, with profits reinvested in the country. India's Ministry of External Affairs responded firmly: “We do not recognize unilateral sanctions. There should be no double standards, especially in energy trade,” said MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal. The EU also slashed the Russian oil price cap to $47.6/barrel and clamped down on “shadow fleet” ships—efforts to reduce Moscow's wartime revenue. Iran-EU Nuclear Talks Back On In a diplomatic shift, Iran has agreed to restart nuclear talks with the UK, France, and Germany—collectively known as the E3. Deputy foreign ministers will meet Friday, separate from any talks with the US. These nations were part of the original 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA), which the US exited in 2018. Talks have remained frozen since an Israeli airstrike in June disrupted a round of Oman-mediated negotiations. Iran is demanding security guarantees after joint US-Israel strikes targeted its nuclear infrastructure. While expectations are low, any movement is seen as a sign of thaw in an otherwise tense region. Honda Hits the Brakes on ABS Deadline With a January 2026 deadline approaching for mandatory ABS (anti-lock braking systems) on all two-wheelers, Honda Motorcycles has joined Hero MotoCorp in raising red flags. “Cost is one issue. But the real concern is supply chain readiness,” said Yogesh Mathur of Honda. Currently, only bikes above 125cc require ABS. The new norms would impact 84% of the two-wheeler market, adding ₹3,000–₹5,000 per unit in cost. 70% of key ABS parts—like ECUs and sensors—are still imported, mostly from China and ASEAN nations. Industry body SIAM has asked the government to push the deadline, but the Ministry remains firm, citing India's high road fatality rate. Analysts say the domestic ABS market could grow 5X to ₹80,000 crore, though full localization may take up to 18 months. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
בפרק הזה נבחן כיצד שתי החלטות אסטרטגיות דרמטיות של נשיאים רפובליקנים בהמלצת נתניהו - פירוק מדינת עיראק (שהיתה הבלם העיקרי נגד ההתפשטות האיראנית), ופיצוץ הסכם הגרעין המחמיר שהגביל את איראן - הפכו אותה למעצמה אזורית סף גרעינית. דרך תחקירים נוקבים, ציטוטים היסטוריים, ונתונים מהמודיעין של ארה״ב ושל ישראל, נבין כיצד אמונות והזיות של מנהיגים - מושחתים וחסרי הבנה בסיסית - הביאו לתוצאות קטסטרופליות עבור ישראל והאזור כולו. האם נתניהו וטראמפ קידמו את ביטחון ישראל או את תוכנית הגרעין האיראנית? מה הייתה ההזיה שהביאה לפיצוץ הסכם הגרעין המחמיר שהיה עם איראן, ולריצה האיראנית לפצצה מאז ביטול ההסכם, ללא מגבלות ופיקוח? דניאל אדר מנתח את השקרים, את התוצאות, ואת מה ששכחו לספר לכם בחדשות.
What does Iran's foreign policy say about its national identity, and how is a new generation seeking to reshape both?In this episode, we explore the evolution of Iran's diplomatic posture, from revolutionary isolation to strategic ambiguity—and now, toward greater exposure and public scrutiny. Drawing on civic movements, symbolic shifts, and institutional analysis, we ask:What kind of nation does Iran imagine itself to be in the world?Featuring reflections on the JCPOA, the role of institutions like the IRGC and MFA, and the redefinition of esteqlāl through a civic lens, this episode ties diplomacy to deeper questions of justice, voice, and belonging.
ieci anni esatti dopo la firma del JCPOA, la questione rimane irrisolta: è davvero il nucleare la questione irrisolta di Tehran?
10 ans après le JCPOA, que reste-t-il de l'Accord de Vienne sur le nucléaire iranien. Et ce, après les bombardements des sites abritant les installations par l'armée israélienne avec le soutien des Etats-Unis, lors de « la guerre de 12 jours » ? Benjamin Hautecouverture, historien et maître de recherche à la Fondation pour la recherche stratégique, spécialiste des questions de sécurité internationale et des questions nucléaires est, ce dimanche 13 juillet, l'invité international de la mi-journée de RFI. À lire aussiNucléaire: l'Iran met en garde la «troïka européenne» et refusera un accord sans enrichissement À lire aussiLe programme nucléaire iranien n'a pas été détruit par les frappes américaines, selon un rapport du renseignement
From Munich 1938, to the JCPOA in 2015, to Parshat Balak, Rabbi Dunner explores how not being present can be devastating—or not, when divine intervention steps in as human diplomacy falls short. A powerful reflection on unseen protection, ancient patterns, and why absence doesn't necessarily mean you've been forgotten.
On June 13th, Israel launched attacks on several military and nuclear facilities in Iran, marking the beginning of a 12-day war between the two countries. The United States followed with targeted strikes on Iranian nuclear sites to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power and posing a threat to regional and global stability. China's involvement in the conflict was limited to condemning the Israeli and US use of military force and calling for de-escalation. Beijing offered only rhetorical support for Tehran. To discuss what the Israel-Iran war reveals about China's relationship with Iran, its evolving strategy in the Middle East, and the broader implications for US-China competition, we are joined by Yun Sun on the podcast today. Yun is a Senior Fellow, co-Director of the East Asia Program and Director of the China Program at the Stimson Center. Her recent piece in The Wire China entitled “How China Sees Iran's Future” offers provides a nuanced take on Beijing's calculus during and after the war. Timestamps[00:00] Start[01:34] China's Diplomatic Strategy Toward the Middle East[05:00] A Limited Chinese Response and China's Regional Role[08:19] Chinese Perceptions of Iran's External Strategic Blunders[15:00] Trickling Chinese Investment into Iran[20:10] Chinese Concerns About a Nuclearized Iran[25:09] Implications of the Israel-Iran War for China's Energy Security[32:04] Trump's Response Shaping Chinese Views of the United States
As the world watches Gaza burn, Iran tremble, and diplomacy stall, what if the real war isn't between nations—but within them? In this powerful episode, Maz is joined once again by Lebanese economist and seasoned political analyst Nadim Shehadi to explore the often-overlooked internal fractures driving conflict in the Middle East.
Thu, 03 Jul 2025 16:50:08 +0000 https://jung-naiv.podigee.io/1085-769-iran-expertin-azadeh-zamirirad-uber-das-atomprogramm-krieg-mit-israelusa 05a2e2d6c9616fc77af456b6ebbfc587 Politik für Desinteressierte Zu Gast im Studio: Azadeh Zamirirad, stellvertretende Leiterin Naher/Mittlerer Osten & Afrika. Azadeh ist in Iran geboren und hat ihre politikwissenschaftliche Ausbildung an der Uni Potsdam genossen. Ein Gespräch über die letzten kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Iran, Israel und Israel, das Atom-Abkommen (JCPOA) mit Iran von 2015, den Ausstieg der USA aus dem JCPOA unter Trump, iranische Verstöße des Abkommens, das iranische Recht auf Uran-Anreichung, die Frage, wie nah Iran tatsächlich kurz vor dem Besitz von Atomwaffen war und ist, Iran als nuklearer "Schwellenstaat", die Fatwa des Ayatollahs, die Verhandlungen der Amerikaner sowie Europäer mit dem iranischen Regime, den Blick auf geopolitische und hegemoniale Interessen in der Region von Iran, Israel, Saudis und Amerikanern, die Druckmittel der Iraner, die Nachfolge des Obersten Führers Ali Chamenei, das Schicksal der Frauenbewegung ("Frauen, Leben, Freiheit") sowie die Rolle des Sohns des Schahs im Exil + eure Fragen via Hans Bitte unterstützt unsere Arbeit finanziell: Konto: Jung & Naiv IBAN: DE854 3060 967 104 779 2900 GLS Gemeinschaftsbank PayPal ► http://www.paypal.me/JungNaiv Link: Azadeh zu Iran bei Jung & Naiv, Folge 456 (Februar 2020) full Politik für Desinteressierte no iran,israel,saudi arabien,usa,atomprogramm,regime change,geopolitik,analyse,krieg
Note: There's a little bit of crackle in the audio in this episode. Attempts were made to remove crackle as much as possible, but it remains at some point. Hopefully it does not pose too much of a problem for listening. https://jamesmdorsey.substack.com/p/israel-iran-ceasefire-fragility-israels On this edition of Parallax Views, James M. Dorsey of the Turbulent World Substack blog returns to reflect of the "ceasefire" between Israel and Iran. Dorsey argues this is not so much a ceasefire as a fragile halt of hostilities for the time being, or a pause. Dorsey notes that it's unclear how much of Iran's nuclear program has been damaged or salvaged by the Islamic Republic in light of the strikes. That, he says, is a big question right now. We then discuss Trump's relationship with the Gulf States and his evangelical Christian Zionist base. That poses an issue for Trump, Dorsey argues. $3.6 trillion are on the table from the Gulf States (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, etc.) and they want the situation with Israel, Gaza, and Iran solved according to Dorsey. The tumult and fragility of the Middle East has become something of a headache for both the U.S. and the Gulf States. Dorsey argues the current talk of a Gaza ceasefire is a "Fata Morgana", or a mirage, an illusion. We delve into the different interests at work when it comes to the Gulf States and Israel, and how the relationship between Israel and certain Gulf States have changed from 2015 to now. He argues that the Gulf States' perceptions of Israel have changed. For one thing, the Saudi Arabia-Iran rapprochement means that the situation of Israel's unofficial alliance with the Saudis against Iran has changed. Moreover, Dorsey says that the defense doctrine of Israel has gone from deterrence to emasculation of perceived enemies and states within the region. This changes the dynamic between Israel and the Gulf States, at least in how the Gulf States perceive Israel. Which is to say that Gulf States are now perceiving Israel as aggressive leading to the question of, "Could we be next?" We then begin delving into some "odds and ends" in the conversation including: - Israel, Palestine, and the issue of the 1967 borders - The history of the U.S.-Iran relations and why they have been so tense - Pushing back on the "mad mullahs" narrative about the Islamic Republic of Iran - Trump's walking away from the JCPOA (the Iran nuclear deal) - Is Iran more likely to go nuclear after the latest strikes? - Biggest risk in the Middle East?: not tackling root problems; Israel's belief that it has the right to strikes whenever and wherever it wants against a perceived threat means a "law of the jungle" system in the Middle East and could become adopted by other states - Potential deal between Israel and Syria - The Abu Shabab clan in Gaza - Netanyahu's rejection of any Palestinian national aspirations and what informs it - And more! NOTE: Views of guests are their own and do not necessarily reflect all the views of J.G. Michael or the Parallax Views w/ J.G. Michael program
Note: There's a little bit of crackle in the audio in this episode. Attempts were made to remove crackle as much as possible, but it remains at some point. Hopefully it does not pose too much of a problem for listening.
LAURA ROCKWOOD: Retired Gen. Counsel for Vienna's International Atomic Energy Agency. Expert on Iranian nuclear capabilities.SummaryIn this conversation, Laura Rockwood, a former senior legal advisor at the IAEA, shares her extensive experience in nuclear nonproliferation, particularly in relation to Iran and Iraq. The discussion covers the complexities of negotiating in the Middle East, the challenges of verifying nuclear capabilities, and the impact of false intelligence on the Iraq War. Rockwood emphasizes the importance of diplomacy in addressing nuclear threats and the need for a collective approach to global stability. The conversation also touches on the moral implications of military actions against nuclear facilities and the role of leadership in shaping public sentiment and international relations.TakeawaysLaura Rockwood has over 40 years of experience in nuclear nonproliferation.Negotiating in the Middle East can be challenging, but gender does not hinder respect.The IAEA's role is to verify, not prevent, nuclear weapons development.False intelligence significantly impacted the justification for the Iraq War.Iran's nuclear program is complex and requires careful monitoring.Diplomacy is essential for resolving nuclear tensions and conflicts.Military actions against nuclear facilities raise moral and legal questions.The Non-Proliferation Treaty aims to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons.Public sentiment can be influenced by leadership decisions and actions.Addressing root causes of instability is crucial for global peace.Chapters00:00 Introduction and Setup01:06 The Aftermath of the Iraq War and Intelligence Failures02:29 Navigating Nuclear Inspections in Iraq04:56 The IAEA's Role and False Intelligence06:28 Technical Challenges and Communication Issues06:46 Revisiting Iraq: Inspections and Cooperation08:29 The U.S. Justification for War10:29 The Impact of Forgeries on Intelligence12:06 Understanding Enrichment and Transportation12:41 Historical Context of Iran's Nuclear Ambitions14:29 The Role of the JCPOA in Iran's Nuclear Strategy16:39 Diplomatic Solutions and Future Negotiations18:24 The Morality of Military Action20:33 The Global Nuclear Landscape22:20 The Influence of Domestic Politics on Foreign Policy24:20 The Threat of Non-State Actors26:31 The Future of Nuclear Proliferation28:22 The Role of the NPT and Global Governance30:23 The Impact of U.S. Foreign Policy on Global Stability32:38 The Complexity of International Relations34:28 The Role of Leadership in Nuclear Decisions36:18 The Importance of Diplomacy38:28 The Human Cost of War40:24 The Technical Aspects of Nuclear Weapons42:25 The Future of U.S.-Iran Relations44:22 The Role of Public Perception in Policy46:19 The Intersection of Politics and Nuclear Strategy48:11 The Human Element in Nuclear Proliferation50:16 The Legacy of Nuclear Weapons52:29 The Future of Global Security54:11 The Path Forward for Nuclear Non-ProliferationSound Bites"I have never felt disrespected by...""We reported that to the Security Council...""Iraq never reached that stage."
What does international law really say about Israel, the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem? In this hard-hitting episode of The Andrew Parker Show, Andrew welcomes one of the world's foremost legal minds on the Arab-Israeli conflict: Eugene Kontorovich.Kontorovich, Senior Fellow at The Heritage Foundation, director of the Center for International Law in the Middle East at George Mason's Antonin Scalia School of Law, and head of international law at the Kohelet Policy Forum in Jerusalem—cuts through the media noise and legal misinformation surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.Together, they explore:The truth about “occupied territories” and the origins of terms like “West Bank” and “East Jerusalem”Why the ICC's indictment of Israeli leaders is legally unfounded and politically chargedThe myth of genocide in Gaza and how international law views civilian casualties in warThe strategic failure of the JCPOA (Iran nuclear deal) and what recent events mean for peace in the regionWhether real peace is possible with Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, and the broader Arab worldIf you're looking for clarity on the legal and historical realities of the Middle East—from one of the leading authorities on the topic—don't miss this episode.Support the showThe Andrew Parker Show - Politics, Israel & The Law. Follow us on Facebook, LinkedIn, YouTube and X. Subscribe to our email list at www.theandrewparkershow.com Copyright © 2025 The Andrew Parker Show - All Rights Reserved.
Have a comment? Send us a text! (We read all of them but can't reply). Email us: Will@faithfulpoliticspodcast.comWhy would the U.S. strike Iran's nuclear facilities—and what does it mean for global stability?In this episode, former U.S. diplomat and Middle East expert Ethan Chorin returns to break down the escalating tensions between Iran, Israel, and the U.S. Chorin, author of Benghazi and writer of The Middle East Told Slant, gives a nuanced view of how the region arrived at this inflection point—from the JCPOA withdrawal to the October 7 Hamas attack and the long shadow of the Abraham Accords.With deep knowledge of regional proxy wars, U.S. foreign policy, and Iran's theocratic regime, Chorin explores how power, ideology, and politics collide across borders. He unpacks why Iran's nuclear ambitions are so destabilizing, how Israel's strategy has evolved, and what the American public often misunderstands about both allies and adversaries.
John Spencer, Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at West Point, joins guest host Casey Kustin, AJC's Chief Impact and Operations Officer, to break down Israel's high-stakes strike on Iran's nuclear infrastructure and the U.S. decision to enter the fight. With Iran's terror proxy network reportedly dismantled and its nuclear program set back by years, Spencer explains how Israel achieved total air superiority, why a wider regional war never materialized, and whether the fragile ceasefire will hold. He also critiques the international media's coverage and warns of the global consequences if Iran's ambitions are left unchecked. Take Action: Take 15 seconds and urge your elected leaders to send a clear, united message: We stand with Israel. Take action now. Resources and Analysis: Israel, Iran, and a Reshaped Middle East: AJC Global Experts on What Comes Next AJC Advocacy Anywhere - U.S. Strikes in Iran and What Comes Next Iranian Regime's War on America: Four Decades of Targeting U.S. Forces and Citizens AJC Global Forum 2025: John Spencer Breaks Down Israel's War and Media Misinformation Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran People of the Pod: Latest Episodes: Iran's Secret Nuclear Program and What Comes Next in the Iranian Regime vs. Israel War Why Israel Had No Choice: Inside the Defensive Strike That Shook Iran's Nuclear Program Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript of the Interview: Casey Kustin: Hi, I'm Casey Kustin, AJC's Chief Impact and Operations Officer, and I have the pleasure of guest hosting this week's episode. As of the start of this recording on Wednesday, June 25, it's been 13 days since Israel launched precision airstrikes aimed at dismantling the Iranian regime's nuclear infrastructure and degrading its ballistic missile capabilities to help us understand what transpired and where we are now, I'm here with John Spencer, Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at the Modern War Institute at West Point, co-director of the Urban Warfare Project and Executive Director of the Urban Warfare Institute. John, welcome to People of the Pod. John Spencer: Hey, Casey, it's good to see you again. Casey Kustin: Thanks so much for joining us. John, you described Israel's campaign as one of the most sophisticated preemptive strike campaigns in modern history, and certainly the scope and precision was impressive. What specific operational capabilities enabled Israel to dominate the Iranian airspace so completely? John Spencer: Yeah, that's a great question, and I do believe it basically rewrote the book, much like after the 1973 Yom Kippur War, where Israel did the unthinkable, the United States military conducted 27 different studies, and it fundamentally changed the way we fight warfare. It's called Air-Land Battle. I think similarly with Operation Rising Lion, just the opening campaign rewrote what we would call, you know, Shock and Awe, Joint Forcible Entry, things like that. And the capabilities that enabled it, of course, were years of planning and preparation. Just the deep intelligence infiltration that Israel did before the first round was dropped. The Mossad agents texting the high command of the IRGC to have a meeting, all of them believing the texts. And it was a meeting about Israel. They all coming together. And then Israel blew up that meeting and killed, you know, in the opening 72 hours, killed over 25 senior commanders, nine nuclear scientists, all of that before the first bomb was dropped. But even in the opening campaign, Israel put up over 200 aircrafts, almost the entire Israeli air force in the sky over Iran, dominating and immediately achieving what we call air supremacy. Again, through years of work, almost like a science fiction story, infiltrating drone parts and short range missiles into Iran, then having agents put those next to air defense radars and ballistic air defense missile systems. So that as soon as this was about to begin, those drones lost low cost drones and short range missiles attacked Iranian air defense capabilities to give the window for all of the Israeli F-35 Eyes that they've improved for the US military since October 7 and other aircraft. Doing one of the longest operations, seconded only to one other mission that Israel has done in their history, to do this just paralyzing operation in the opening moment, and then they didn't stop. So it was a combination of the infiltration intelligence, the low-tech, like the drones, high-tech, advanced radar, missiles, things like that. And it was all put together and synchronized, right? So this is the really important thing that people kind of miss in military operations, is how hard it is to synchronize every bit of that, right? So the attack on the generals, the attack on the air defenses, all of that synchronized. Hundreds of assets in a matter of minutes, all working together. There's so much chance for error, but this was perfection. Casey Kustin: So this wasn't just an operational success, it was really strategic dominance, and given that Iran failed to down a single Israeli Aircraft or cause any significant damage to any of Israel's assets. What does that tell us about the effectiveness of Iran's military capabilities, their Russian built air defenses that they have touted for so long? John Spencer: Absolutely. And some people say, I over emphasize tactics. But of course, there's some famous sayings about this. At the strategic level, Israel, one, demonstrated their military superiority. A small nation going against a Goliath, a David against a Goliath. It penetrated the Iranian myth of invincibility. And I also failed to mention about how Israel, during this opening of the campaign, weakened Iran's ability to respond. So they targeted ballistic missile launchers and ballistic missile storages, so Iran was really weakened Iran's ability to respond. But you're right, this sent a signal around the Middle East that this paper tiger could be, not just hit, it could be dominated. And from the opening moments of the operation until the ceasefire was agreed to, Israel eventually achieved air supremacy and could dominate the skies, like you said, without losing a single aircraft, with his really historic as well. And hit what they wanted with what they wanted, all the military infrastructure, all the senior leaders. I mean, eventually they assigned a new commander of the IRGC, and Israel found that guy, despite him running around in caves and things. It definitely had a strategic impact on the signal to the world on Israel's capabilities. And this isn't just about aircraft and airstrikes. Israel's complete dominance of Iran and the weakness, like you said. Although Israel also taught the world back when they responded to Iran's attack in April of last year, and in October of last year, is that you probably shouldn't be buying Russian air defense systems like S-300s. But Iran still, that was the backbone of their air defense capabilities, and Israel showed that that's a really bad idea. Casey Kustin: You mentioned the component of this that was not just about going after infrastructure sites, but targeting Iranian military leadership and over 20 senior military and nuclear figures, according to public reporting. This was really a central part of this campaign as well. How does this kind of decapitation strategy alter the regime's military capability now, both in this immediate short term, but also in the long term, when you take out that kind of leadership? John Spencer: Yeah, absolutely. I mean, much like when the United States took out Qasem Soleimani, the head of the Quds Force, who had been decades of leadership of the Quds Force, the terror proxies, which I'm sure we'll talk about, overseeing those to include the ones in Iraq, killing my soldiers. It had a ripple effect that was, it's hard to measure, but that's decades of relationships and leadership, and people following them. So there is that aspect of all of these. Now we know over 25 senior IRGC and Iranian basically leadership, because they killed a police chief in Tehran and others. Yet that, of course, will ripple across. It paralyzed the leadership in many ways during the operation, which is the psychological element of this, right? The psychological warfare, to do that on the opening day and then keep it up. That no general could trust, much like Hezbollah, like nobody's volunteering to be the next guy, because Israel finds him and kills him. On the nuclear though, right, which all wars the pursuit of political goals. We can never forget what Israel said the political goals were – to roll back Iran's imminent breakout of a nuclear weapon, which would not only serve to destroy Israel, because that's what they said they wanted to do with it, but it also gives a nuclear umbrella, which is what they want, to their exporting of terrorism, and the Ring of Fire, the proxy networks that have all been defanged thanks to Israel. That's the reason they wanted. So in taking out these scientists.So now it's up to 15 named nuclear scientists. On top of the nuclear infrastructure and all the weaponization components. So it's not just about the three nuclear enrichment sites that we all talked about in the news, you know, Fordow, Natanz, and Esfahan. It's about that complete, decades-long architecture of the scientists, the senior scientists at each of the factories and things like that, that does send about, and I know we're in right now, as we're talking, they're debating about how far the program was set back. It holistically sets back that definitely the timeline. Just like they destroyed the Tehran clock. I'm sure you've heard this, which was the doomsday clock that Iran had in Tehran, which is the countdown to the destruction of Israel. Israel stopped that clock, both literally and figuratively. Could they find another clock and restart it? Absolutely. But for now, that damage to all those personnel sets everything back. Of course, they'll find new commanders. I argue that you can't find those same level of you know, an Oppenheimer or the Kahn guy in Pakistan. Like some of those guys are irreplaceable. Casey Kustin: So a hallmark of Israeli defense policy has always been that Israel will take care of itself by itself. It never asks the United States to get involved on its behalf. And before President Trump decided to undertake US strikes, there was considerable public discussion, debate as to whether the US should transfer B2s or 30,000 pound bunker busters to Israel. From purely a military perspective, can you help us understand the calculus that would go into why the US would decide to take the action itself, rather than, say, transfer these assets to Israel to take the action? John Spencer: Sure. It's a complex political question, but actually, from the military perspective, it's very straightforward. The B2 stealth fire fighter, one of our most advanced, only long range bomber that can do this mission right, safely under radar, all this stuff. Nobody else has it. Nobody else has a pilot that could do it. So you couldn't just loan this to Israel, our strongest ally in the Middle East, and let them do the operation. As well as the bomb. This is the only aircraft with the fuselage capable of carrying this side. Even the B-52 stratomaster doesn't have the ability to carry this one, although it can push big things out the back of it. So just from a logistics perspective, it wouldn't work. And then there's the classification. And there's many issues with, like, the somebody thinking that would have been the easiest, and even if it was possible, there's no way to train an Israeli pilot, all the logistics to it, to do it. The Israel Begin Doctrine about, you know, taking into their own hands like they did in Iraq in 1981 and Syria in 2007, is still in full effect, and was shown to be literally, a part of Israel's survival is this ability to, look, I understand that allies are important. And I argue strongly that Israel can never go at it alone, and we should never want it to. The strength of any nation is its allies. And the fact that even during this operation, you saw immense amounts of American military resources pushed into the Middle East to help defend Israel and US bases but Patriot systems on the ground before this operation, THAAD systems on the ground before the system. These are the advanced US army air defense systems that can take down ballistic missiles. You had Jordan knocking down drones. You had the new Assad replacement guy, it's complex, agreeing to shoot things down over their airspace. That is part of Israel's strength, is its allies. I mean, the fact that you have, you know, all the Arab nations that have been helping and defending Israel is, I think, can't be underscored under Israel doesn't, shouldn't need to go it alone, and it will act. And that's the Begin Doctrine like this case. And I do believe that the United States had the only weapon, the only capability to deliver something that the entire world can get behind, which is nuclear proliferation, not, you know, stopping it. So we don't want a terror regime like the Islamic regime, for so many different reasons, to have a nuclear weapon close to breakout. So United States, even the G7, the United Nations, all agree, like, you can't have a nuclear weapon. So the United States doing that limited strike and midnight hammer, I think, was more than just about capabilities. It was about leadership in saying, look, Iran's double play that the economic sanctions, or whatever, the JCPOA agreement, like all these things, have failed. Conclusively, not just the IAEA statement that they're 20 years that now they're in violation of enrichment to all the different intelligence sources. It was not working. So this operation was vital to Israel's survival, but also vital for the world and that too, really won in this operation. Casey Kustin: Vital both in this operation, in the defense of Israel, back in April 2024 when Iran was firing missiles and we saw other countries in the region assist in shooting them down. How vital is Israel's integration into CENTCOM to making that all work? John Spencer: Oh, I mean, it's life saving. And General Carrillo, the CENTCOM Commander, has visited Israel so much in. The last 20 months, you might as well have an apartment in Tel Aviv. It's vital, because, again, Israel is a small nation that does spend exponential amounts of its GDP in its defense. But Iran, you know this, 90 million much greater resources, just with the ballistic missile program. Why that, and why that was so critical to set that back, could overwhelm Israel's air defense systems. Could. There's so much to this, but that coordination. And from a military to military perspective, and this is where I come and get involved, like I know, it's decades long, it's very strong. It's apolitical on purpose. It's hidden. Most people don't know it, but it's vital to the survival of our greatest ally in the Middle East. So it meets American interest, and, of course, meets Israel's interest. Casey Kustin: Can you help us understand the Iranian response targeting Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, because this seemed like a very deliberate way for the regime to save face and then de-escalate. But if the ceasefire falls apart, what are the vulnerabilities for us, troops and assets in the region. How well positioned are our bases in Qatar, Al Dhafra in the UAE, our naval assets in Bahrain, our bases in Iraq? How well positioned are we to absorb and deter a real retaliatory response? John Spencer: Yeah, it's a great question. I mean, first and foremost, you know, there is a bit of active defense. So, of course, all of our US bases are heavily defended. A lot of times, you can see things are about to happen, and you can, just like they did, they moved to naval aircraft that would have been even vulnerable in some of these locations, out to sea, so they can't be touched. Heavily defended. But really, active defense is absolutely important, but really deterrence is the greatest protection. So that has to be demonstrated by the capability, right? So the capability to defend, but also the capability to attack and the willingness to use it. This is why I think that supposedly symbolic to the 14 bunker busters that the United States dropped during Operation Midnight Hammer. Iran sent 14 missiles. President Trump says, thanks for the heads up. You know, all of it was evacuated, very symbolic, clearly, to save face and they had a parade, I guess, to say they won something. It's ludicrous, but sometimes you can't get inside the heads of irrational actors who are just doing things for their own population. Our bases, the force protection is heavy. I mean, there's never 100% just like we saw with all the air defenses of Israel, still about 5% or if not less, of the ballistic missiles got through one one drone out of 1000 got through. You can never be 100% but it is the deterrence, and I think that's what people miss in this operation. It set a new doctrine for everyone, for the United States, that we will use force with limited objectives, to send an immense amount of strength. And when somebody says there's a red line now that you should believe that, like if you would have injured a single American in the Middle East, Iran would have felt immense amount of American power against that, and they were very careful not to so clearly, they're deterred. This also sent a new red line for Israel, like Israel will act just like it did in other cases against even Iran, if they start to rebuild the program. War is the pursuit of political objectives, but you always have to look at the strategic on down. Casey Kustin: On that last point, do you think we have entered a new phase in Israeli military doctrine, where, instead of sort of a more covert shadow war with Iran, we will now see open confrontation going forward, if necessary? John Spencer: Well, you always hope that it will not be necessary, but absolutely this event will create, creates a new doctrine. You can see, see almost everything since October 7, and really there were just things that were unconceivable. Having studied and talked to Israeil senior leaders from the beginning of this. Everybody thought, if you attacked Hezbollah, Iran, was going to attack and cause immense amounts of destruction in Israel. Even when Israel started this operation, their estimates of what the damage they would incur was immense. And that it didn't is a miracle, but it's a miracle built in alliances and friendships with the United States and capabilities built in Israel. Of course, Israel has learned a lot since October 7 that will fundamentally change everything about not just the military doctrine, but also intelligence services and many aspects that are still happening as they're fighting, still to this day in Gaza to achieve the realistic, measurable goal there. Yes, it absolutely has set forth that the old ways of doing things are gone, the you know, having these terror armies, the ring of fire that Israel has defanged, if not for Hamas dismantled and destroyed. It sets a new complete peace in the Middle East. But also a doctrine of, Israel is adapting. I mean, there's still some elements about the reserve forces, the reigning doctrine, that are evolving based on the magnitude of the war since October 7. But absolutely you're right about they will, which has been the doctrine, but now they've demonstrated the capability to do it to any threat, to include the great, you know, myth of Iran. Casey Kustin: So when you talk about this defanging of the Iranian proxy network obviously, Israel undertook significant operations against Hezbollah. Over the last year, they've been in active conflict with the Houthis. How does this operation now alter the way that Iran interacts with those proxies and its capacity to wage war against Israel through these proxies? John Spencer: Yeah, cripples it, right? So Iran's nuclear ambition and its terror campaign are literally in ruins right now, both literally and figuratively. Hezbollah was defanged, the leadership, even taking out Nasrallah was believed to have caused catastrophic consequences, and it didn't. So, absolutely for Iran, also during this operation, is sniffing because all of his proxies were silent. I think the Houthis launched two missiles because thanks to Israel and the United States, the Houthi capabilities that should never have been allowed to amass, you know, this pirate terror empire. They didn't make those greatest shore to sea arsenal out of falafels. It got it straight from Iran, and that pipeline has already been cut off, let alone the capabilities. Same thing with Hezbollah, which relied heavily on pipelines and infrastructure of missiles and everything being fed to it by Iran. That's been cut. The Assad regime being the drug empire, support of Hezbollah to rule basically, in Lebanon, has been cut. Hezbollah couldn't come to the aid of Assad. All of these variables. And of course, Hamas will never be able to do anything again, period. It all causes Iran to have to rethink everything. From, you know, not only their own national defense, right air defense capabilities and all this, but their terror campaign, it isn't just in ruins. There's a new doctrine, like it's not acceptable. Now, of course, that's going to be hard to fully reign in. You have Shia backed groups in Iraq, you have a lot of bad things going on, but the Quds Force, which is its job, it's all shattered. Of course, they'll try to rebuild it. But the fact that these terror proxies were already so weakened by Israel that they couldn't do anything and remain silent. Hezbollah just was silent basically during this, is very significant to the peace going forward. I mean, there, there's still a lot of war here, but Israel and the United States have rewritten the map of the Middle East. Casey Kustin: in the hours days that followed the US deciding to engage here. A lot of the conversation focused on the possibility of triggering now broader regional escalation, but we didn't see that, and it sort of shattered that myth that if Israel or the US were to go after Iran, that it would spiral into a broader Middle East conflict. Why did we not see that happen? Why did this remain so controlled? John Spencer: So many reasons that really go back a few months, if not years? Mean going back to the first the Abraham Accords, President Trump's recent tour of the Gulf states and his story. Turic financial deals Israel's like we talked about with the Arab nations that were part of protecting it, the fact that the so on, that very geopolitical aspect. And we saw Iran turn to Russia, because there's always geopolitical considerations. Iran turned to Russia. Said, you're going to help us out. We signed this security agreement last year. We've been helping you in Ukraine do the awful things you're doing there. And Russia said, No, that's not what we said. And it called called President Trump. President Trump says, how about you worry about mediating a ceasefire in Ukraine? And well, so they turned to China and the fact that there was nobody again, and that all the work that had been done with all the people that also disagree, nation states like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, all those others. Those are many of the contributing factors. But war also, I wrote this piece about, this isn't Iraq, this isn't Afghanistan, this isn't Libya. I really hate the lazy comparisons. This was contained and not able to spill out by constant communication from day one of what the goals were. Limited objective to roll back a threat to the world nuclear program and the ballistic program as well. That prevents the ability for even the Islamic regime to say, you know, my survival is at risk, I need to escalate this, right? So, being clear, having strategic clarity from Israel, and when the United States assisted, from the United States. You know, war is a contest of wills, not just between the military is fighting it, but the political element and the population element. So, you know, being able to communicate to the population in Israel and like, what's the goal here? Like, how long are we gonna have to do this? And to the United States. Like, what are our interests? Keeping it the goal limited, which all parties did. And even, in fact, you had the G7 meeting during this and they signed an agreement, we agree Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon. That is a big part of how you permit the spill out. But it does have many contextual elements of the broader, this isn't black and white between Israel and Iran. It's much bigger than that. And that, and we saw all that work that has been done to show strength through peace, or peace through strength, in all the forms of national power that have been rallied against what is chaos that the Islamic regime wants in the Middle East. Casey Kustin: So now that we've had a few days to begin to assess the impact of both the US and the Israeli strikes based on what's publicly available. I think you wrote that the nuclear timeline has been pushed back years. We saw some reporting in the New York Times yesterday saying it's only set back months. It seems this morning, the US is concurring with the Israeli assessment that it's been set back years. A lot of talk about where certain Where did certain stockpiles of enriched uranium, and how confident can we be at this point in any of these assessments? John Spencer: So yes, as we're talking, people are trying to make it political. This should be a non partisan, non political issue. I'm an objective analyst of war. If you just write down all the things that Israel destroyed, validated by satellite imagery. then the fact that somebody And even the spinning of words where like we saw with that leaked report, which was the preliminary thoughts about something, it isn't comprehensive, right? So one, BDA has never come that fast. Two, we do know, and Iran has validated, like all these scientists dead, all these generals dead, all these components of the nuclear program, damaged or destroyed. The idea that somebody would say, well, you only set it back a couple months to me, it's just anti-intellectual. Look, Natanz, Esfahan, Fordo, we can debate about how much stuff is inside of that mountain that was destroyed, although 14 of the world's best bunker buster munitions, 30,000 pounds punching through. I just think, it's not a silly argument, because this is very serious. And yes, there could be, you know, hundreds of pounds of enriched uranium up there, a certain percentage that got floated around. That's not the, the things that set the timeline of breakout. Breakout included all the components of the knowledge and capability to reach breakout and then weaponization of a nuclear bomb. There's nobody, I think, who can comprehensively, without nuancing the words say that Israel wasn't very effective, and the United States assistance in only what the United States could do, at setting this program back and actually stopping the immediate danger. Of course, Iran is still a danger. The program is still a danger, but I just think it's so political that they're trying to say that, well, you only said it back a couple months. That's like, that's ridiculous. Casey Kustin: So as an objective analyst of war, but also as someone who's really been a voice of moral clarity and has called out the international media over the last 18 months for a lot of this disinformation, misinformation, bias reporting. Before we go, John, what is one consequence of this operation that the international media is just missing? John Spencer: One is that, I think the international media who are debating whether Iran was literally using an opposing opinion against global thought that Iran was close to a nuclear bomb, they missed that completely and tried to politicize it to where, just giving disinformation agents that tidbit of a headline that they need. I do believe in journalistic standards, fact checking, those elements and holding those people accountable. I live in the world of experts. People on the platform X who think they're experts. But when you have national media running headlines for sensationalism, for clicks, for you know, struggling for opposition to just political administration, we should learn to really question a single report as valid when there's overwhelming opposition. I don't know how to put that succinctly, but you think we would learn over the last, you know, 20 months of this lies, disinformation, statistical warfare, the things like that that, yeah, it's just crazy that that somebody would think in any way this wasn't an overwhelming success for the world, that this program was set back and a new doctrine for treating the program was established. Casey Kustin: Finally, John, before we wrap up here, the question on everyone's mind: can the ceasefire really hold? John Spencer: So, you know, I don't do predictions, because I understand wars uncertainty. It's human. It's political. It looks by all signs, because of how Iran was dominated, and how the United States showed that if it isn't contained, then immense amounts of force and of course, Israel's superiority, I believe that the ceasefire will hold. It was normal. And I made some some posts about the historical examples of wars coming to an end, from the Korean War, to the Yom Kippur war, Bosnia War, where you had this transition period where you're rolling back forces and everything. But the by the fact that Iran has said, Yeah, we agreed. We have stopped our operation. All signs for me are saying that this ceasefire will hold, and now the world's in a better place. Casey Kustin: John, thank you so much for the insight, for, as I said, your moral clarity that you bring to this conversation. We appreciate you joining us today on People of the Pod. John Spencer: Thank you so much.
Renowned Israeli historian Benny Morris joins The Winston Marshall Show for a piercing and provocative conversation on the origins of the historic conflict between Israel and Iran — and why the West still doesn't understand it.Morris dismantles the popular narrative that Zionism was a colonial project, explaining how Jewish statehood was born out of historical necessity, persecution, and repeated rejection by Arab leaders. He charts the trajectory from 1948 to October 7th, tracing a consistent refusal to accept Israel's existence.They explore the role of religion in the conflict, the enduring power of jihadist ideology, and the failure of peace processes built on Western illusions.All this — Middle East myths, Hamas, U.S. naivety, and why history keeps repeating itself in the Holy Land…See the extended conversation here: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------FOLLOW ME ON SOCIAL MEDIA:Substack: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/X: https://twitter.com/mrwinmarshallInsta: https://www.instagram.com/winstonmarshallLinktree: https://linktr.ee/winstonmarshall----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Chapters0:00 Introduction 2:05 Iranian Regime's Messianic Outlook and Historical Context 10:33 Islamic Conquests and Jewish Communities 15:59 Shia Islam and Relationship with Jews 20:05 Iranian Revolution and Relations with Israel 30:08 Development of Iranian Proxies 39:14 JCPOA Deal and Its Implications 50:57 Trump's Withdrawal from the JCPOA 55:26 Impact of the 2023 Conflict on Iranian Proxies 1:13:26 Future of Hamas and Palestinian Resistance 1:24:00 Netanyahu's Image and Israel's Conflict with Iran 1:26:33 The Hostage Situation and Hamas' Ideology 1:29:31 Hamas' Demands and Netanyahu's Response 1:30:56 Hezbollah's Weakened Position and Israeli Operations 1:33:30 Potential Outcomes of the War with Iran1:36:20 Regime Change and Future Relations with the Islamic World Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
مناسبة تصريحات ميرتس - مستشار ألمانيا الجديد - عن الأعمال القذرة اللي بتنفذها إسرائيل لصالح الغرب،تعرف إن ألمانيا هي اللي عملت أول مفاعل نووي إيراني؟وإن أجهزة الطرد المركزي لتخصيب اليورانيوم، أصلاً ألمانية؟!طيب تعرف إن ألمانيا عندها علاقة اقتصادية قوية بإيران، وقبلها علاقة سياسية، وعرقية كمان؟كمان الحرب بين إسرائيل وإيران مش مجرد حرب عسكرية، دي حرب سيبرانية كمان، وألمانيا داخلة فيها من ساعة هجوم ستاكس نت؟ونرحب بدعمكم للقناة مادياً كذلك عن طريق الاشتراك.
Former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren joins The Winston Marshall Show for a sweeping conversation on Iran-Israel war — and why the West keeps failing to see the bigger picture.Oren warns that the missile attacks from Iran are just the surface of a much deeper, ideological war—one in which Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and others act as Tehran's proxies in a global jihadist strategy. He explains why the West misreads the region, mistaking economic grievances for religious zeal, and how this blindness has led to years of appeasement and strategic failure.Oren discusses historic missteps, the illusion of moderation, and the rising threat of a direct Iran–Israel confrontation that could drag the world into war.All this—Iran's global network, the myth of proportionality, jihadist ideology, and the price of Western naivety…-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------To see more exclusive content and interviews consider subscribing to my substack here: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------FOLLOW ME ON SOCIAL MEDIA:Substack: https://www.winstonmarshall.co.uk/X: https://twitter.com/mrwinmarshallInsta: https://www.instagram.com/winstonmarshallLinktree: https://linktr.ee/winstonmarshall----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Chapters 00:00 Introduction 07:32 The Obama Administration's Approach to Iran 20:06 The Trump Administration's Perspective 25:00 The Biden Administration's Approach and the JCPOA's Violations 34:47 The Military Capabilities and Strategy of Operation Lion's Roar 45:28 The Potential for Regime Change in Iran 57:43 The Role of the U.S. and International Support 1:00:10 The Impact of British and Canadian Actions on Israel 1:04:03 The Historical and Geopolitical Context of the Conflict Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Eskandar Sadeghi-Boroujerdi is a professor of history at York University, England and author of "Revolution and its Discontents" and is a recognized scholar of Iran . . . and today Bob had a great talk with him about the current attacks and threats of a larger war coming from Israel and the U.S.They discussed the possible reasons for the current crisis, the role of Iran's nuclear program and the JCPOA, the Axis of Resistance, Israeli losses and potential vulnerabilities, what the regional environment is like, and Iran's domestic political situation. It's an analysis you're not likely to hear elsewhere. Eskandar Sadeghi has written extensively on this topic, including at "Iran and the 'Axis of Resistance': A Brief History" and "Culmination" in NLR's "Sidecar" ------------------Outro- "Green and Red Blues" by MoodyLinks//+ Iran and the 'Axis of Resistance': A Brief History (https://bit.ly/3SYkA4T)+ Culmination (Reviewed in New Left Review "Sidecar") (https://bit.ly/40fPyt0)Follow Green and Red// +G&R Linktree: https://linktr.ee/greenandredpodcast +Our rad website: https://greenandredpodcast.org/ + Join our Discord community (https://discord.gg/3a6AX7Qy)+Follow us on Substack (https://greenandredpodcast.substack.com)+Follow us on Bluesky (https://bsky.app/profile/podcastgreenred.bsky.social)Support the Green and Red Podcast// +Become a Patron at https://www.patreon.com/greenredpodcast +Or make a one time donation here: https://bit.ly/DonateGandR Our Networks// +We're part of the Labor Podcast Network: https://www.laborradionetwork.org/ +We're part of the Anti-Capitalist Podcast Network: linktr.ee/anticapitalistpodcastnetwork +Listen to us on WAMF (90.3 FM) in New Orleans (https://wamf.org/) + Check us out! We made it into the top 100 Progressive Podcasts lists (#68) (https://bit.ly/432XNJT) This is a Green and Red Podcast (@PodcastGreenRed) production. Produced by Bob (@bobbuzzanco) and Scott (@sparki1969). Edited by Scott.
On Friday's Mark Levin Show, President Trump is neither an isolationist nor an appeaser, unlike critics like Chatsworth Osborne Jr. (Tucker Carlson), who push confused ideologies. Trump transformed the Republican Party, but he and his supporters reject isolationism, which would mean yielding to Iran's terrorist regime that threatens the U.S. and its allies. Pacifist and unilateral disarmament policies, particularly opposing Israel's moves against Iran's nuclear program, are to be condemned. What is the isolationist's plan to deal with Iran? They don't have one. Also, Daily Wire's Ben Shapiro calls in to address criticisms from Isolationists claiming to represent the MAGA movement, who oppose U.S. involvement in Israel's conflict with Iran. These groups misrepresent MAGA, as Trump has consistently opposed the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), criticized Iran's ballistic missile program, and supported Israel and Saudi Arabia against Iranian aggression. Most Americans, especially Republicans, support Israel's actions against Iran. Later, WABC's Sid Rosenberg called in to express his strong support for Israel's military actions against Iran, crediting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's leadership and asserting that Trump gave the "green light" for the operation. Rosenberg recounted a conversation with Trump two months prior, where he suggested Iran needed to "feel pain," and now views Israel's strikes as a response to Iran's non-compliance with a 60-day deadline. The Trump-Netanyahu partnership is a historic "one-two punch" for the U.S. and Israel. Afterward, Ambassador Michael Leiter calls in with an update on Israel's strike on Iran. He reports that Israel has eliminated key IRGC leadership. The operation also destroyed much of Iran's military leadership, ground-to-air defenses, the Natanz uranium enrichment plant, and a nuclear fuel conversion center, significantly disrupting Iran's nuclear weapons program. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Israel attacked Iran in an aggressive act of war. The US government supported the strikes, providing intelligence and planning with Netanyahu. Donald Trump cynically used nuclear negotiations with Tehran as cover, as he oversaw the joint US-Israeli operation. Ben Norton reviews the evidence. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o0s7O8RU9V0 Topics 0:00 USA supported Israeli attacks 1:38 Trump's fake "peace talks" with Iran 3:13 USA provided Israel intelligence 3:49 Trump gave Israel green light 5:07 US military helped Israel 6:01 Marco Rubio's lies 6:40 Israel: unsinkable US aircraft carrier 7:15 Netanyahu is an American 8:07 USA arms Israel 8:45 USA protects Israel at UN 9:37 ICC charges Netanyahu 10:34 Trump threatens Iran 12:41 Trump's 60 day deadline 13:37 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) 15:24 Lessons from Libya 17:24 Israel's nuclear weapons 18:37 Nuclear weapon free zone 19:20 Alliance with apartheid South Africa 20:26 Germany condemns Iran 21:37 Western neo-colonialism 22:20 France's Macron criticizes Iran 23:07 Iranian civilian victims 24:11 Human shields 27:29 US & Israel: imperial bullies 28:44 Iran hits back 29:13 US military aid to Israel 29:55 Outro
“Sicherheitshalber” ist der Podcast zur sicherheitspolitischen Lage in Deutschland, Europa und der Welt. In Folge 96 diskutieren Thomas Wiegold, Ulrike Franke, Frank Sauer und Carlo Masala zuerst über einen Aspekt der ukrainischen Operation Spinnennetz, der etwas weniger mediale Aufmerksamkeit erfahren hat: die Nutzung von KI-gestützter Objekterkennung in Drohnen und das, was man “Autonomie in Waffensystemen” nennt. Es geht in diesem Zusammenhang auch um die von der Bundeswehr avisierte Beschaffung von “Strike Drohnen” bzw. “Loitering Munitions”. Im zweiten Teil wenden die vier Podcaster sich dem Thema Personal bei der Bundeswehr zu. Gespeist wird das Gespräch von vielen Erfahrungsberichten, die Hörerinnen und Hörer eingesandt haben. Wie kann die Bundeswehr hier das eine oder andere besser machen? Wir würden gerne auch von all jenen hören, die dafür in den entsprechenden Stellen Verantwortung tragen! Abschließend wie immer der “Sicherheitshinweis”, der kurze Fingerzeig auf aktuelle, sicherheitspolitisch einschlägige Themen und Entwicklungen - diesmal mit JCPOA, aber bei Wish bestellt, der Frage nach der Rolle des Datenschutz beim Aufbau der Reserve, Drohnentests in der Ostsee sowie Italiens Plan, einen nuklear angetriebenen Flugzeugträger zu bauen. KI: 00:02:40 Personal: 00:42:02 Fazit: 01:08:42 Sicherheitshinweise: 01:11:11 Mail: mail@sicherheitspod.de Web: https://sicherheitspod.de/ Shop: https://sicherheitshalbershop.myspreadshop.de/ Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/sicherheitspod Bitte beachten! Neues Spendenkonto: Sicherheitshalber Podcast IBAN DE81 1001 8000 0995 7654 77 FNOMDEB2 Finom Komplette Shownotes unter: https://sicherheitspod.de/2025/06/10/folge-96-spinnennetz-oder-was-ki-militaerisch-kann-bundeswehr-und-personal-wunsch-vs-wirklichkeit/
Eric and Eliot discuss this week's jackassery (Joni Ernst's dismissive attitude towards Medicaid cuts, Trump's obsessive posting on Truth Social and his disconnection from reality) before moving into a discussion of the Ukrainian drone attack on Russian Long-Range Aviation and the degree to which it represents an inflexion point in military affairs. How much will future wars in different parts of the world look like what we witnessed this past weekend? How will autonomy and AI combine to change the character of war? They also discuss the situation in Gaza, the difficulty of discerning a political objective in Israeli military operations, Israeli policy in Syria which may be self-defeating and its potential impact on how Bibi responds to what may be a Trump Iran deal that looks an awful lot like President Obama's JCPOA. Eliot's Latest in The Atlantic: https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/06/ghosts-haunt-strategy/683004/ Shield of the Republic is a Bulwark podcast co-sponsored by the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia.
While the Trump administration was eager to jettison the Obama-era Iran nuclear deal in its first term, it now seems serious about negotiating another agreement in its second. And Iran, though wary of that seriousness and fearful of U.S. military action, appears willing to give negotiations a chance. What are the prospects for success and the appetite for meaningful engagement with Iran? How would an agreement differ from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal? And if diplomacy fails, is American and Israeli military action against Iranian nuclear sites inevitable? Join Aaron David Miller as he engages Suzanne Maloney, the vice president and director of the Foreign Policy program at the Brookings Institution, and Vali Nasr, the Majid Khadduri Professor of International Affairs and Middle East Studies at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, on these and other issues on the next Carnegie Connects.
Conversations on Groong - May 27, 2025TopicsUS-Iran Nuclear TalksRussia and UkraineArmenia Azerbaijan TalksArmenian Elections in 2026GuestLevon ZourabianHostsHovik ManucharyanAsbed BedrossianEpisode 439 | Recorded: May 23, 2025SHOW NOTES: https://podcasts.groong.org/439VIDEO: https://youtu.be/CSmca-IgTaESubscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong
Iran Amidst Geopolitical TensionsTopicsUS-Iran Nuclear TalksPezeshkian Visit to BakuIran-Armenia RelationsAbraham Accords for the South CaucasusGuestEhsan Movahedian - TW/@ultra_ehsanHostsHovik Manucharyan - TW/@HovikYerevanAsbed Bedrossian - TW/@qubriqEpisode 437 | Recorded: May 16, 2025Subscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong
“This has been my favorite session of the three days. Thank you,” said one attendee following a powerful live conversation at AJC Global Forum 2025. This exclusive episode of AJC's People of the Pod, presented by AJC's Women's Global Leadership Network, features a candid discussion on the critical impact of Jewish women leaders in global diplomacy and conflict resolution. Casey Kustin, AJC's Chief Impact and Operations Officer, joins former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Mira Resnick and Dana Stroul, Research Director and Kassen Family Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, to share how they've navigated the corridors of power, shaped international policy from the Middle East to Europe and beyond, and opened doors for the next generation of women in foreign affairs. ___ Resources– AJC Global Forum 2025 News and Video AJC Global Forum 2026 returns to Washington, D.C. Will you be in the room? Listen – AJC Podcasts: Most Recent Episodes: A United Front: U.S. Colleges and AJC Commit to Fighting Campus Antisemitism What is Pope Francis' Legacy with the Jewish People? Why TikTok is the Place to Talk about Antisemitism: With Holocaust Survivor Tova Friedman The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran People of the PodFollow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Interview Transcript: Manya Brachear Pashman: Live from AJC Global Forum 2025, welcome to People of the Pod. For audience members who are not in this room, you are listening to a show that was recorded in front of a live studio audience on April 29 at AJC Global Forum 2025 in New York. I'm your host, Manya Brachear Pashman. Thank you all for being here. In countries around the world, women are working more than ever before. But compared to men, they are not earning as much or being afforded an equal voice – at work, at home, or in the community. In no country in the world do women have an equal role. Let me repeat that. In no country in the world, do women have an equal role–when it comes to setting policy agendas, allocating resources, or leading companies. With us today are three modern-day Miriams who have raised their voices and earned unprecedented roles that recognize the intellect and compassion they bring to international diplomacy. To my left is AJC Chief Impact and Operations Officer, Casey Kustin. Casey served as the staff director of the Middle East, North Africa, and Global Counterterrorism Subcommittee on the House Foreign Affairs Committee for 10 years. She has worked on political campaigns at the state and national level, including on Jewish outreach for Barack Obama's presidential campaign. Welcome, Casey. To Casey's left is Dana Strohl. She is the Director of Research for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. She was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East. In this role, she led the development of U.S. Department of Defense policy and strategy for Bahrain, Egypt, Israel, Iran, Iraq–I'm not done–Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. Prior to that, she also served on Capitol Hill as the senior professional staff member for the Middle East on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Welcome, Dana. And last but not least, Mira Resnick. Mira was the former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Israeli and Palestinian Affairs and Arabian Peninsula Affairs, in which she handled two crucial Middle East portfolios, usually helmed by two separate people. Previously, she oversaw the Department's Office of regional security and arms transfers, where she managed foreign arms sales and shepherded the Biden administration's military assistance to Ukraine and Israel after Russia's invasion and after the October 7 Hamas attacks. Like Casey, Mira has also served as a senior professional staff member with the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, focusing on the Middle East and North Africa. Thank you for being here, Mira. Welcome to all of you, to People of the Pod. I think it's safe to say, this panel right here, and all the knowledge and experience it represents could solve the Middle East conflict in one day, if given the chance. Casey, you served for a decade as staff director for the Middle East, North Africa and Global Counterterrorism Subcommittee. A decade, wow. You witnessed a lot of transition, but what were the constants when it came to regional cooperation and security needs? Casey Kustin: What's the saying? The enemy of my enemy is my friend. And that's the world that we're all trying to build. So, you know, from an American perspective, which we all came from in our government work, it was trying to find those shared interests, and trying to cultivate, where we could, points of common interest. And even with the challenges of October 7 now, perhaps stalling some of those areas of progress, you still see that the Abraham Accords haven't fallen apart. You saw when Iran launched missiles at Israel. You saw other countries in the region come to, maybe they wouldn't say Israel's defense. It was their airspace defense. But you saw that still working. You see that still working now. And it's every day when we come to work at AJC, we're thinking about how to increase and strengthen Israel's place in the world. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Mira, your role encompassed both Israel and the Gulf for the first time, right? Mira Resnick: That was the first time at my level. Yes. Manya Brachear Pashman: Okay, so whose idea was that, and did that put you or the US in a position to work for the good of the neighborhood, rather than just Israel, or just the Gulf States? Mira Resnick: Yeah, this was an opportunity for the State Department to be able to see all of the different threads that were coming throughout the region. This is something that Dana did on a daily basis. This is something that our colleagues at the NSC did on a daily basis. The Secretary, of course, needs to be able to manage multiple threads at the same time. When I was overseeing arms sales, of course, I would have to consider Israel and the Gulf at the same time. So this wasn't a new idea, that our interests can be aligned within one portfolio, but it was particularly important timing for the United States to be able to see and to talk to and to hear our Gulf partners and our Israeli partners at the same time within the same prism, to be able to truly understand what the trends were in the region at that particularly critical moment, post-October 7. Manya Brachear Pashman: Dana, in your role as Assistant Deputy Secretary of Defense, you met with military leaders in the Middle East, around the world, and you were often the only woman at the table. What do women contribute to international conflict resolution that's missing when they're not given a seat at the table? Dana Strohl: Well, let me start out by stating the obvious, which is that women make up 50% of the global population of the world. So if 50% of the world is missing from the negotiating table, from the peacemaking table, from conflict prevention mechanisms, then you're missing 50% of the critical voices. There's evidence, clear evidence, that when women are part of peace processes, when they are part of negotiations, the outcomes on the other side are 35% more sustainable. So we have evidence and data to back up the contention that women must be at the table if we are going to have sustainable outcomes. When I think about the necessity, the imperative, of women being included, I think about the full range of conflict. So there's preventing it, managing it, and then transitioning to peace and political processes in a post-war or post-conflict situation. In every part of that, there's a critical role for women. As examples, I always think about, when you make policy, when you have a memo, when there's a statement that's really nice, in the big capital of some country, or in a fancy, beautiful palace somewhere in the Middle East or in Europe. But peace only happens if it's implemented at a local level. Everyone in the world wants the same things. They want a better life for their kids. They want safety. They want access to basic services, school, health, clean water and some sort of future which requires jobs. Confidence you can turn the light on. You can drive your car on a road without potholes. Those are details that often are not included in the big sweeping statements of peace, usually between men, that require really significant compromises. But peace gets implemented at a very local level. And at the local level, at the family level, at the community level, at the school level, it's women. So how those big things get implemented requires women to champion them, to advance them. And I will also just say, you know, generally we should aspire to prevent conflict from happening. There's data to suggest that in countries with higher levels of gender equality, they are less likely to descend into conflict in the first place. Manya Brachear Pashman: Can you recall a particularly consequential moment during your tenure, when you were at the table and it mattered? Dana Strohl: So my view on this is that it was important for me to be at the table as a woman, just to make the point. That women can serve, just like men. Do the same job. And frankly, a lot of the times I felt like I was doing a better job. So what was really important to me, and I can also just say sitting up here with Mira and Casey, is that all of us have worked together now for more than a decade, at different stages of, getting married, thinking through having kids, getting pregnant, taking parental leave, and then transitioning back to work. And all of us have been able to manage our careers at the same time. That only happens in supportive communities, in ecosystems, and I don't just mean having a really supportive partner. My friends up here know, I ask my mom for a lot of help. I do have a partner who really supported me, but it also means normalizing parenthood and being a woman, and having other obligations in the office space. I would make a point of talking about being a parent or talking about being a woman. To normalize that women can be there. And often there were women, really across the whole Middle East, there were always women in the room. They were just on the back wall, not at the table. And I could see them looking at me. And so I thought it was really important to make the point that, one, a woman can be up here, but I don't have to be like the men at the table. I can actually talk about, well, I can't stay for an extra day because I have a kindergarten, you know, theater thing, and I have to run back and do that. Or there were many times actually, I think Mira was Zooming for parent teacher conferences after we were having the official meeting. But I think it's important to actually say that, at the table, I'm going to leave now and go back to my hotel room because I'm making a parent teacher conference. Or, I have to be back by Friday because I'm taking a kid to a doctor's appointment. So all the women that come after us can see that you can do both, and the men at the table can understand that women have a right to be here. Can do the jobs just as effectively and professionally as the men, and do this other absolutely critical thing. Manya Brachear Pashman: But your point about, it requires a supportive network, a supportive work community. You told me a story before we got up here about just how supportive your colleagues were in the Department of Defense. Dana Strohl: I will give a shout out to Lloyd Austin, the Secretary of Defense. So one of the things you do in our positions is travel with the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense. And these are not the kind of things where they get on a plane and you land in whatever country. There's a tremendous amount of planning that goes into these. So on a particular trip, it was a four country trip, early in 2023. Secretary Austin was going to multiple countries. He had switched the day, not he, but his travel team, of his departure, which then caused us to switch the day of my son's birthday party. And then they switched the time of his departure from Andrews Air Force Base, and we could not change the birthday party. So I called Secretary Austin's office and said, Listen, I want to be at my son's birthday party. So I've looked and it looks like I can take this commercial flight. So I won't be on the Secretary of Defense's plane, but I can largely land around the same time as you all and still do my job in the region. And to their credit, they said, okay, and then one of the things that you do in my position is you get on the airplane and you talk to the Secretary of Defense about the objectives and the goals and the meetings. So they said, Okay, we'll just change that to earlier. You can do it the day before we depart, so that he can hear from you. You're on the same page. You can make the birthday party. He can do the thing. So we were actually going to Jordan for the first stop. And it turns out, in his itinerary, the first thing we were doing when we landed in Jordan, was going to dinner with the King. And it was very unclear whether I was going to make it or not. And quite a high stakes negotiation. But the bottom line is this, I finished the birthday party, had my mother come to the birthday party to help me clean up from the birthday party, changed my clothes, went to Dulles, got on the airplane, sort of took a nap, get off the airplane. And there is an entire delegation of people waiting for me as you exit the runway of the airplane, and they said, Well, you need to go to this bathroom right here and change your clothes. I changed my clothes, put on my suit, ran a brush through my hair, get in a car, and they drove me to the King's palace, and I made the dinner with the king. It's an example of a team, and in particular Secretary Austin, who understood that for women to have the opportunities but also have other obligations, that there has to be an understanding and some flexibility, but we can do both, and it took understanding and accommodation from his team, but also a lot of people who are willing to work with me, to get me to the dinner. And I sat next to him, and it was a very, very good meal. Manya Brachear Pashman: I find that so encouraging and empowering. Thank you so much. Casey, I want to turn to you. Mira and Dana worked under particular administrations. You worked with members of Congress from different parties. So how did the increasing polarization in politics affect your work, or did it? Casey Kustin: It's funny, I was traveling last week for an AJC event, and I ended up at the same place with a member of Congress who was on my subcommittee, and I knew pretty well. And he looked at me and he said, the foreign affairs committee, as you know it, is no longer. And that was a really sad moment for me, because people always described our committee as the last bastion of bipartisanship. And the polarization that is seeping through every part of society is really impacting even the foreign policy space now. As you see our colleague, our Managing Director of [AJC] Europe, Simone Rodan[-Benzaquen], who many of you know, just wrote a piece this week talking about how, as Israel has become to the progressive, when Ukraine has become to the far right. And I think about all the years I spent when Ted Deutch, our CEO, was the top Democrat on the Middle East subcommittee, and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), a great friend of AJC, was the chair of the subcommittee. And Ted and Ileana would travel around together. And when she was the chair, she always made a point of kind of joking like Ted's, my co chair, and we did so many pieces–with Mira's great support of legislation for the US, Israel relationship, for Syria, for Iran, that we worked on together, really together. Like at the table with my staff counterparts, trying to figure out, you know, what can your side swallow? What can your side swallow? And I hear from so many of our former colleagues that those conversations aren't really taking place anymore. And you know, the great thing about AJC is we are nonpartisan, and we try so hard to have both viewpoints at the table. But even that gets harder and harder. And Dana's story about the King of Jordan made me laugh, because I remember a very similar experience where I was on a congressional delegation and Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen, and I was six months pregnant at the time, and I wanted to go on the trip, and the doctor said I could go on the trip. And we were seated around the table having the meeting. And I, as you won't be able to hear on the podcast, but you in this room know, look very young, despite my age. And you're self conscious about that. And I remember Ileana just being so caring and supportive of me the entire trip. And I wasn't even her staffer, and I remember she announced to the King of Jordan that I was six months pregnant, and you could kind of see him go, okay. That's very like, thank you. That's very nice. But even just having that moment of having the chairwoman on the other side of the aisle. That whole trip. I think I've told some AJC people another funny story of on that same trip, we met with the Greek Orthodox Patriarch in Jerusalem, and she pulled me up to him, and she said to the patriarch, will you bless her unborn child? Knowing I'm Jewish, she leaned over and said to me: Can't hurt. So I hope that we return to a place like that on Capitol Hill. I think there are really good staffers like us who want that to happen, but it is just as hard a space now in foreign policy as you see in other parts of politics. Manya Brachear Pashman: Mira, I want to ask you another policy related question. How did the Abraham Accords change the dynamics of your combined portfolio, and how could it shape the future? Mira Resnik: My first, one of my first trips, certainly my first trip to the Middle East, when I was the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Regional Security, overseeing security assistance and security cooperation, was to Dubai, as the State Department representative for the Dubai Airshow. And it is a huge event that showcases the world's technology. And I remember walking into the huge hangar, that every country that has a defense industry was showcasing their most important, their most important munitions, their most important aircraft. And I remember seeing the enormous Israeli pavilion when I was there. And I was staying at a hotel, and I get to the breakfast and they said, Would you like the kosher breakfast or the non-kosher breakfast. And I'm like, Am I in Israel? And I was blown away by the very warm relationship–in the security space, in the humanitarian space. I agree with Casey that things have gotten a little tougher since October 7, and since the aftermath in Gaza. But what I would also point out is that April and October, during the time when when we witnessed Israel under cover, when we witnessed Iran's missiles and projectiles going toward Israel and going toward other regional airspace, our diplomats, our militaries, our intelligence officials, all had earlier warning because of the work of other Gulf governments, even those who have not joined the Abraham Accords. And that is a prime example of where this security cooperation really matters. It saves lives. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Casey, so much of what AJC does has to do with international diplomacy and maintaining that regional cooperation and security, and that sounds a lot like your previous role. So I'm really curious how much your job truly has changed since you came to AJC? Casey Kustin: You're absolutely right. There are so many similarities in what we do at AJC and what we did in the government. And the core of that is really those relationships that you build with partners and interlocutors in other countries and other governments, and the foundation, over decades that AJC has laid. Particularly in the Middle East, thanks to 30 years of quiet travel to the region. It struck me when I first came here, the access that AJC has is nearly the same that we had traveling as members of Congress. And the meetings and the quality and the level of meetings that AJC is afforded in these other countries. Our missions, which many of you have been on, often feel like congressional delegation trips to me, and the conversations and the candor with which partners speak to AJC is almost the same that was afforded to members of Congress. And that has been comforting, in a way, as you said Manya, Because there feels like there's continuity in the work that we're doing, and it has made me realize that organizations, non-governmental organizations, advocacy organizations, play such a crucial role in supporting the work of a government, of your country's government. And in reinforcing the values and the interests that we as AJC want to communicate that very much dovetail, with hopefully any US administration. I think that the role that an organization like ours, like AJC, can play in a particular moment, like we're in, where, as we've discussed, there's hyperpartisanship, and we hear a lot, Dana mentioned this. We hear a lot from foreign partners that the way our democracy works with a change in administration every four years is unsettling to some of them, because they don't know if a particular policy or agreement is going to continue the role that we can play, providing some of that continuity and providing a nonpartisan and thoughtful place to have conversations. Because they know that we have that kind of nuanced and thoughtful and nonpartisan insight. Manya Brachear Pashman: I really appreciate your insights on the roles that you've played, and I think the audience has as well. But I want to pivot back to your role as women. Dana, I mentioned that you were often the only woman at the table. Would you discover that when you arrived at meetings and events? Dana Strohl: In Washington, DC, and in particular, I'm very proud to have served in the Biden administration, where there were always women at the table. And I will also say that there was a network of women, and it was the same on the Hill. On the hill, there was actually a box of maternity clothes that was kept in then-Senate Leader Harry Reid's office. And his National Security Advisor called me when she heard I was pregnant the first time, which was during the 2015 JCPOA negotiations on the Hill, which meant that I was super tired and doing all of those congressional hearings and briefings, but there was a network of women who were supporting each other and giving me clothes as I got bigger and bigger. And it continued into the Pentagon and the State Department, where there were always women and when we saw each other at the White House Situation Room or in the different meetings, there was always the quiet pull aside. How are you doing? How are your kids? Are you managing? What's the trade off on your day to day basis? Can I do anything to help you? And in particular, after October 7, that network of people really kicked into high gear, and we were all checking in with each other. Because it was the most intense, most devastating time to work in the government and try to both support Israel and prevent World War III from breaking out across the Middle East. So that was DC. In the Middle East, I largely assumed that I was going to be the only woman at the table, and so I decided to just own it. There are some great pictures of me always in a pink jacket, but the point you know, was that I expected it, and there were always women, again, against the back walls. I made an effort whenever possible to make sure everyone at the table, regardless of your gender, had an opportunity to speak and participate, but I was also not just the only woman. A lot of times, I was the co-chair with whatever partner it was in the Middle East, so I had a speaking role, and I felt was incumbent upon me to present a model of leadership and inclusivity in how we engage with our partners, spoke to our partners, listened to our partners concerns, and that that was part of the job. And only once, I remember it very clearly. We were at a dinner after a big meeting, and somebody looks at me, it's a meeting with all, y7all men, all men for a dinner. And they said, Is this what it's like for you all the time? And I said, Yes, it is. And you know, it took two and a half years for somebody to notice, so. Manya Brachear Pashman: Mira, what have you experienced? And have you ever worried as a woman that you weren't being taken seriously? Mira Resnick: I think that every woman in one of these jobs has imposter syndrome every so often, and walking into the room and owning it, fake it till you make it right. That's the solution. I will. I agree with Dana wholeheartedly that in Washington, I was really proud to walk into the room and never fear that I was the only woman. And I even remember traveling where another delegation was all women, and our delegation was all women, and how surprising that was, and then how disappointing, how surprising that was, but to take notice of the moment, because they don't happen very often. I think that in Washington and throughout diplomacy, the goal is to pay it forward to other women. And I wasn't the last person to pump in the Ramallah Coca Cola factory, and I wasn't the first person to pump in the Ramallah Coca Cola factory. But that is, that was, like, my moment where I was like, Oh, this is a strange place to be a woman, right? But I do find that women really bring holistic views into our policy making, and whether it's meeting with civil society, even if your job is strictly security cooperation to understand the human impacts of your security decisions, or making sure that you are nurturing your people, that you are a good leader of people. I remember post-October 7, I was looking for some way that I could nurture in the personal life. And I see Nadine Binstock here, who goes to my shul, and Stephanie also. Stephanie Guiloff is also in the audience. She's my neighbor, and also goes to my shul. And after October 7, I took on the Kiddush Committee Coordinator at my shul. So that every week, no matter what I was experiencing at the office and no matter where I was in the world, our community would be a little bit more nurtured. And it was a way for me to like to give back to the community, and at the same time be able to continue to do the hard power work of security cooperation. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Mira, Casey, Dana, thank you so much for joining us, sharing your modern-day Miriam experiences. I want to open it up for questions from the audience. Just raise your hand and someone will bring you a microphone. Audience Member: Hi, I'm Maddie Ingle. I'm a Leaders for Tomorrow alum. What is some advice that any of you have for young women like me in the advocacy space and in general. Casey Kustin: First of all, thank you for taking the time to come to Global Forum and for joining LFT. You've already taken the first step to better arming yourself as an advocate. I think there is, I wish someone had said to me, probably before I met the two of them who did say it to me, that it was okay to take up space around the table. I remember sitting in secure facilities, getting classified briefings from ambassadors, male ambassadors who were 30 years my senior, and watching the two of you in particular i. Not be scared to challenge the back and forth when I as a probably still, you know, mid 20s, early 30s, did have fear of speaking up. And I wish someone, when I was your age as a teenager, had, and obviously, I had supportive parents who told me I could do anything, but it's different. It's different than seeing it modeled by people who are in the same space as you, and who are maybe even just a couple years older than you. So I would just say to you not to ever be afraid to use your voice. This is a memory that has stuck with me for 15 years. I was in a meeting, sitting next to my congressman boss, with two men who were probably in their 60s, and a vote was called. And you never know on the Hill when a vote is going to be called. So it interrupts a meeting. And he had to go vote, and he said, Casey will finish the meeting with you. And they looked at him and said, Does she know what we're talking about? Dana Strohl: We have all been there, Casey. Casey Kustin: We have all been there. So even if you're met with a response like that when you try to use your voice, don't let it deter you. Audience Member: Hi, guys. I'm Jenny. This has been my favorite session of the three days. Thank you guys. My mom is the first female, woman brakeman conductor on Amtrak. So you guys are just so empowering. As a long time Democrat, you guys talked about bipartisan issues. With how the Democratic Party is. I know you guys probably can't go fully into this. Do you have any inspiring words to give us hope when it feels very scary right now, as a Democrat, how divided our party is. Casey Kustin: I work for a nonpartisan organization now, so I'll let them handle that one. Dana Strohl: I, so were we all on the Hill during the first Trump administration? And there was still bipartisanship. And what I'm looking for right now is the green shoots of our democracy. And I see them. There is thinking through what does it mean to be in this country, to be an American, to live in a democracy? What does democracy do? I think, first of all, it is healthy and okay for Americans to go through times of challenge and questioning. Is this working for us? And you know, the relationship between the government, whether it's legislative, judicial, executive and the people, and it's okay to challenge and question, and I think it's okay for there to be healthy debates inside both the Republican and the Democratic Party about what what this stands for, and what is in the best interest of our country. And you can see both in polling data and in certain areas where there actually are members of Congress coming together on certain issues, like economic policy, what's in the best interest of our constituents and voters. That there is thinking through what is the right balance between the different branches of our government. I was talking to somebody the other day who was reminding me this actual, you know, we are, we are in a time of significant transition and debate in our society about the future of our country and the future role of the government and the relationship. But it's not the first time, and it won't be the last. And I found to be that part of my job was to make sure I understood the diversity of voices and views about what the role of the government should be, general views about American foreign policy, which was our job, was just such a humble reminder of democracy and the importance of this back and forth. Audience Member: [My name is Allie.] My question for you is, what are your hopes and dreams for generation alpha, who will be able to vote in the next election? Casey Kustin: I think we all have, all our kids are still in elementary, or Mira, your one is going into middle school now– Mira Resnik: To middle school. Casey Kustin: So the vast majority of our children are still elementary school age. And for me, I have a very interesting experience of moving my family out of a very diverse community in Washington, DC to Jacksonville, Florida. And it's a very different environment than I thought that my children were going to grow up in, because at the time, we didn't anticipate leaving DC anytime soon, and it's made me realize that I want them to live in a world where no matter what community They are growing up in, they are experiencing a world that gives them different perspectives on life, and I think it's very easy now that I have gone from a city environment to suburbia to live in a bubble, and I just, I hope that every child in this next generation doesn't have to wait until they're adults to learn these kinds of really important lessons. Dana Strohl: I have two additional things to add. I'm very concerned at what the polling suggests, the apathy of young people toward voting, the power of voting, why it matters. And participation, that you need to be an active citizen in your governments. And you can't just vote every four years in the presidential election, there's actually a ton of voting, including, like the county boards of education, you got to vote all the way up and down you continuously. And that it's okay to have respectful debate, discourse, disagreements in a democracy. So I would like this generation to learn how to have respectful discourse and debate, to believe that their votes matter and just vote. And three, on the YouTube thing, which is terrifying to me, so I'm hoping the educators help me with this is, how to teach our kids to separate the disinformation, the misinformation, and the fiction that they are getting because of YouTube and online. So mine are all elementary schoolers, and I have lost positive control of the information they absorb. And now I'm trying to teach them well, you know, that's not real. And do I cut off certain things? How do I engage them? How do I use books and when? So they need to not just be active participants in their society, all up and down the ballot, multiple times every year, but they need to know how to inform themselves. Manya Brachear Pashman: And Mira? Mira Resnick: I do hope that our children, as they approach voting age, that they see the value in cooperation with each other, that they see the value of face to face conversation. I think that honestly, this is the value of Shabbat in my household. That you take a break from the screens and you have a face to face conversation. My children understand how to have conversations with adults now. Which is, I think, a critical life skill, and that they will use those life skills toward the betterment of their communities, and more broadly, our Jewish community, and more broadly than that, our global community. Manya Brachear Pashman: Thank you so much. Thank you to everyone.
Friday Focus provides listeners with a focused, half-hour masterclass on the big issues, events and trends driving the news and current events. The show features Janice Gross Stein, the founding director of the Munk School of Global Affairs and bestselling author, in conversation with Rudyard Griffiths, Chair and moderator of the Munk Debates. Rudyard and Janice open today's show with their key takeaway from the Canadian election: Mark Carney's functional minority was delivered to him by the Boomers who want to protect their assets and wealth accumulation, often at the expense of the younger generation who are faced with poor job prospects and an inflated housing market. Governments need to address these conflicting demographic interests and provide a pathway to financial security for our young people. In the second half of the show Rudyard and Janice turn to the ongoing nuclear negotiations between the US and Iran. The new agreement being discussed is very similar to Obama's JCPOA, a deal that Trump backed out of in his first term in office. Why does Trump want to pursue a deal with Iran at the expense of the security of their close ally Israel? How are the Saudis influencing Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East? And will Israel be forced to go against Trump and strike Iran's nuclear facilities on their own? To support the Friday Focus podcast consider becoming a donor to the Munk Debates for as little as $25 annually, or $.50 per episode. Canadian donors receive a charitable tax receipt. This podcast is a project of the Munk Debates, a Canadian charitable organization dedicated to fostering civil and substantive public dialogue. More information at www.munkdebates.com.
Eliot and Eric welcome Edward Fishman, Senior Research Fellow at the Center on Global Energy Policy and Adjunct Professor of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University's SIPA program and author of Chokepoints: American Power in The Age of Economic Warfare (New York: Portfolio/Penguin, 2025). They discuss the American tradition of reaching for economic sanctions as an alternative to kinetic military action or war and how U.S. policymakers have weaponized the role of the dollar in international finance to U.S. advantage as well as export controls like the Foreign Direct Product rule that weaponize U.S. cutting edge technologies. They discuss how these tools, if used inappropriately, can backfire as they arguably did in the early 1800s with the Non-Intercourse Act and the Embargo under Jefferson and Madison as well as the scrap metal and oil embargoes against Imperial Japan in 1940-1941. They consider the record of economic warfare in bringing Iran to the table for the negotiations on the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), as a deterrent to Russian military action against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 and then as tools of attrition against the Russian war effort, as well as in the ongoing strategic competition with China. Finally, they consider whether we should see sanctions and economic warfare as limited tools that can achieve limited goals as opposed to fundamentally changing the behavior of America's authoritarian adversaries. Shield of the Republic is a Bulwark podcast co-sponsored by the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare: https://a.co/d/fFkgUq7
Today, Martha, Les, Morgan, and Matt break down the major explosion at Iran's Shahid Rajaee port—a key hub for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps that plays a crucial role in supplying proxies and moving sanctionable goods. With at least 40 dead, and early reports linking missile propellant sourced from China to the blast, the incident raises urgent questions about Iran's illicit networks, foreign support, and the growing ties between Tehran, Moscow, and Beijing.Will this explosion reshape Iran's ability to supply its proxies? What are the geopolitical implications? As Iran remains weakened, is now the moment for a more aggressive approach to dismantle its nuclear ambitions, or will Trump return to a JCPOA-style deal?Check out the answers to these questions and more in this episode of Fault Lines.Check out these sources which helped shape our Fellows' conversation: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx251yyvwr3o https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/apr/27/russia-sends-help-to-iran-after-deadly-port-explosionhttps://www.jpost.com/middle-east/iran-news/article-851637https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/26/world/middleeast/us-iran-nuclear-talks.htmlFollow our experts on Twitter: @marthamillerdc@lestermunson@morganlroach@WMattHaydenLike what we're doing here? Be sure to rate, review, and subscribe. And don't forget to follow @masonnatsec on Twitter!We are also on YouTube, and watch today's episode here: https://youtu.be/mau4aw6M94c Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
This week, Christina Ruffini and former MI6 Chief Sir Richard Dearlove unpack the proposed Iran nuclear deal discussed in Rome, following Trump's exit from the JCPOA. They also reflect on Pope Francis's recent death and the Catholic Church's ties to intelligence agencies. Later, Rep. Tim Burchett joins to weigh in on the strategic importance of U.S.-Greenland trade, his views on Putin, and U.S. aid to Ukraine. Episode produced by Situation Room Studios. Original music composed and produced by Leo Sidran.
Mark Dubowitz, CEO of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and host of The Iran Breakdown podcast, joins the show to discuss the Iranian nuclear program, where things stand with the Trump administration's pursuit of a deal, and the prospects of an Israeli attack. ▪️ Times • 01:33 Introduction • 02:04 Beginnings • 04:25 A weapon is the purpose • 07:31 Enrichment • 12:32 JCPOA • 16:54 “The worst deal…” • 18:46 Can Iran reach the U.S.? • 23:53 Dismantle the program • 29:01 Splitscreen • 34:09 Risky and futile • 41:02 Pacing Follow along on Instagram, X @schoolofwarpod, and YouTube @SchoolofWarPodcast Find a transcript of today's episode on our School of War Substack
Editors' Picks:Rich: NR's webathonPhil: Ryan Mills's piece “North America's Auto Supply Chain Took Decades to Build. Trump's Tariffs Could Crush It”Ramesh: Vahaken Mouradian's magazine piece "American Becoming: The Making of a New U.S. Citizen"Dominic: Christian Schneider's piece “Universities Get Schooled on Federal Funding”Light Items:Rich: Going to MilwaukeePhil: Aaron JudgeRamesh: Books for Lent by Edward FeserDominic: Rest Is History club subscriptionSponsors:DonorsTrustFastGrowingTreesThis podcast was edited and produced by Sarah Colleen Schutte.
Today, Martha, Les, Andy, and Jess unpack the Trump administration's latest mixed signals on Iran. After U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff publicly suggested the U.S. might accept uranium enrichment at levels allowed under the JCPOA, the statement was quickly walked back—raising major questions about whether the administration has a coherent strategy for talks with Tehran.What is the Trump administration's actual position on Iran's nuclear program? Is Witkoff—despite his lack of diplomatic experience—shaping U.S. foreign policy by default? Can the U.S. pursue negotiations without clear parameters, or should it return to a maximum pressure campaign?Check out the answers to these questions and more in this episode of Fault Lines.Check out these sources which helped shape our Fellows' conversation: https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/u-s-softens-position-on-iranian-uranium-enrichment-5bf0953a https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/apr/15/trump-envoy-steve-witkoff-demands-iran-eliminate-nuclear-programme https://www.ft.com/content/5fa3707d-7952-464f-a67c-37ddfc061ed5 Follow our experts on Twitter: @NotTVJessJones@lestermunson@marthamillerdc@AndyKeiserLike what we're doing here? Be sure to rate, review, and subscribe. And don't forget to follow @masonnatsec on Twitter!We are also on YouTube, and watch today's episode here: https://youtu.be/qqev_TnyGVk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
[00:30] Trump Administration Supports JCPOA 2.0 (51 minutes) The Trump administration's proposed deal with Iran is eerily similar to Barack Obama's Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which allowed Iran to quietly pursue its nuclear goals. President Donald Trump and his team are big on dialogue, but dialogue will not solve the Iranian nuclear threat, neutralize Hamas, or convince Russian President Vladimir Putin to retreat from Ukraine. Though President Trump recognizes that Iran is “tapping us along” to get its own way, other leaders are beginning to view him as a geopolitical bloviator who talks big but doesn't follow through. [51:30] Feedback (4 minutes)
Is Israel Prepared to Act Alone Against Iran's Nuclear Threat?In this explosive follow-up, Dr. Bob welcomes back Brigadier General (Res.) Jacob Nagel — former Israeli National Security Advisor and close confidant to Prime Minister Netanyahu — to deliver a sobering warning: Iran is 6 to 18 months away from a nuclear weapon.Nagel lays out the facts:
Michael Doran, senior fellow and director of the Center for Peace and Security in the Middle East at Hudson Institute, joins the show to discuss “restraintism” as a factor in Trump's choices in the Middle East. ▪️ Times • 01:46 Introduction • 02:20 What is it? • 05:01 Left, right, center • 06:56 Syria '07 • 11:47 Iraq Study Group • 17:21 Populist expression • 27:34 Balance • 30:20 Obama v Trump • 34:56 Oscillation • 42:16 Back to JCPOA? • 45:49 Snapback • 47:44 Syria '25 • 52:09 Iran and Turkey Follow along on Instagram, X @schoolofwarpod, and YouTube @SchoolofWarPodcast Find a transcript of today's episode on our School of War Substack
As new negotiations begin to tackle Iran's nuclear program, missile development, and support for terror proxies, tensions are escalating. Jason Isaacson, AJC Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer, joins us to unpack the legacy of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) and withdrawal in 2018, and Iran's dangerous stockpiling of uranium, getting them closer to nuclear weapons capabilities. With U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff leading talks and key UN sanctions expiring soon, the stakes are higher than ever. Don't miss Jason's insights on what the U.S. is demanding, the potential for successful diplomacy, and the global risks posed by Iran. ___ Listen – AJC Podcasts: The Forgotten Exodus: Untold stories of Jews who left or were driven from Arab nations and Iran Social media influencer Hen Mazzig on leaving Tunisia Chef Einat Admony on leaving Iran Playwright Oren Safdie on leaving Syria Cartoonist Carol Isaacs on leaving Iraq Novelist Andre Aciman on leaving Egypt People of the Pod: Latest Episode: This Often Forgotten 1929 Massacre is Key to Understanding the Current Israel-Palestinian Conflict Higher Education in Turmoil: Balancing Academic Freedom and the Fight Against Antisemitism Held Hostage in Gaza: A Mother's Fight for Freedom and Justice Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify.
Upcoming Event Notice: Dan Senor will be delivering this year's “State of World Jewry Address” at the 92nd Street Y (92NY) on Tuesday May 13 at 7:30 pm: https://www.92ny.org/event/the-state-of-world-jewry-addressWatch Call me Back on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CallMeBackPodcastTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: https://arkmedia.org/Dan on X: https://x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dansenorArk Media on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/arkmediaorgIn response to escalating tensions with Iran, the US, over the past month, has been quietly — and not so quietly — ramping up its military presence in the region, signaling it's preparing for the possibility of direct confrontation with Iran. Six B-2 stealth bombers, capable of carrying bunker busting weapons, have been deployed to Diego Garcia, a remote base in the Indian Ocean that's well within striking distance of Iran. At the same time, while missile defense systems have been repositioned to guard against Iranian retaliation, the US Navy has extended the deployment of the Harry Truman carrier strike group and has sent in the USS Carl Vinson, adding serious firepower to the region.So, to many Israelis, it came as a surprise when President Trump, with Mr. Netanyahu sitting beside him, announced on Monday that the United States would engage in “direct” negotiations with Iran on Saturday, in a last-ditch effort to rein in the Islamic Republic's nuclear program. So we're looking at a very volatile situation, with military might being deployed on the one hand, and a diplomacy track underway on the other. How are Israeli decision-makers assessing the situation?With us today is Call me Back regular Nadav Eyal, senior analyst for Yediot Achronot, to help us unpack how we got here, and what Israelis expect to happen next. CREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorYARDENA SCHWARTZ - Executive Editor, Ark MediaGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer
Benyamin Poghosyan - US-Iran, Gyumri, Armenia MFA Blames Artsakh, Negotiations with AzerbaijanGroong Week in Review - April 6, 2025TopicsUS Iran EscalationAftermath of Gyumri and ParakarMFA blames Artsakh for Regional IsolationBullets and PeaceGuestBenyamin PoghosyanHostsHovik ManucharyanAsbed BedrossianEpisode 426 | Recorded: April 8, 2025Subscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong
Iran, US, Armenia, Fake Peace, Gyumri & Parakar Municipal ElectionsGroong Week in Review - March 30, 2025TopicsIran Rejects US Offer of Direct NegotiationsIran and Armenia TiesGyumri and Parakar Municipal ElectionsArtsakh Refugee Protests in ArmeniaGuestArthur Khachatryan, MP - Hayastan Dashinq/ARFHostsHovik ManucharyanAsbed BedrossianEpisode 425 | Recorded: March 31, 2025Subscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong
The original JCPOA agreement is set to expire on October 18, 2025, raising the question of whether it makes sense to restore the JCPOA as it was envisioned in 2015 or to draft a new nuclear agreement, with both the US and Iran signaling willingness to negotiate. Economic transformation in the Gulf requires stability and GCC countries have engaged with Iran, reducing support for aggressive US policies. Rebounding US inflation may also influence policy priorities. We forecast Iranian crude production to remain flat at 3.1 mbd in 2025, unchanged from 2024 levels. Speaker: Natasha Kaneva, Head of Global Commodities Research This podcast was recorded on 21 February 2025. This communication is provided for information purposes only. Institutional clients can view the related report at https://www.jpmm.com/research/content/GPS-4906782-0 or more information; please visit www.jpmm.com/research/disclosures for important disclosures. © 2025 JPMorgan Chase & Co. All rights reserved. This material or any portion hereof may not be reprinted, sold or redistributed without the written consent of J.P. Morgan. It is strictly prohibited to use or share without prior written consent from J.P. Morgan any research material received from J.P. Morgan or an authorized third-party (“J.P. Morgan Data”) in any third-party artificial intelligence (“AI”) systems or models when such J.P. Morgan Data is accessible by a third-party. It is permissible to use J.P. Morgan Data for internal business purposes only in an AI system or model that protects the confidentiality of J.P. Morgan Data so as to prevent any and all access to or use of such J.P. Morgan Data by any third-party.
You're Listening to Parallax Views https://parallaxviews.podbean.com/ Support the Show on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/parallaxviews On this edition of Parallax Views, Robbie Martin, filmmaker behind the documentary A Very Heavy Agenda about the history of neoconservatism & co-host with Abby Martin of Media Roots Radio, returns to discuss the 2024 election and its fallout with a particular focus on what Robbie perceives as the psyop-ing or cognitive infiltration of so-called alternative media. Robbie expresses his annoyance with the state of alternative media and what he sees as alt media figures who claim to be antiwar and against the mainstream, but are smuggling pro-war, hawkish views into the political arena while claiming to be against U.S. militarism and interventionism. We'll also delve into the parallels between this cognitive infiltration of alt media and the trajectory of the 9/11 Truth movement. Robbie and I also discuss the state of conspiracy culture, RFK Jr.'s leaked call with Trump before he suspended his campaign in the 2024 election, the paranoid climate in the post-Jeffrey Epstein moment, antisemitism in alt media, nationalist sentiments in alt media, Trump's foreign policy record in his first term (arming Saudi Arabia's war in Yemen, Ukraine and Russia, reneging on the JCPOA deal with Iran and assassinating Gen. Qassem Soleimani of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps., Latin America), the influence of Tucker Carlson, Trump's hawkish appointments (confirmed and unconfirmed at time of recording; Pete Hegseth, Marco Rubio, Mike Waltz, et al.), antiwar Libertarians getting sucked into the right-wing's culture war, the mainstream media's turn on Joe Biden,
The Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), which the United States was a signatory to but abandoned under former President Trump, is unlikely to be revived. Barbara Slavin, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center and journalist with extensive experience reporting from Iran, underscores Iran's desperate need for sanctions relief. She argues that the JCPOA is an outdated framework, given President Biden's refusal to sign an executive order to bring the U.S. back into the deal, and that current twisted American foreign policy greenlights Israel's maniacal plans to target Iran.
Mike Braun, Jennifer McCormick, Donald Rainwater Debate Last Night. Another union choosing not to endorse in the presidential election. Iran is going to be a nuclear power because of the JCPOA, not in spite of it. FEMA doesn't have the money to take care of Americans ravaged by Hurricane Helene? Because it went to illegal immigrants? Caitlin Clark was not the unanimous Rookie of the Year. The WNBA continues to be ridiculous Jennifer McCormick Is Not Serious And Does Not Connect With Regular Hoosiers. Micah Mistake? Dems now love warhawk Liz Cheney. Japanese Dan bot for sale. FEMA cries poor. McCormick fighting White Christianalism. Dems believe that Cheney's endorsement moves momentum their way? Jobs numbers beat expectations, but will they revise down? Degenerate Rob Kendall makes his weekend picks See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Discussions about renewing or adopting something like the JCPOA to slow Iran's advance toward nuclear weapons should be tempered by the evidence. Justin Logan believes it's a dead letter. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
From June 17, 2019: It's getting ugly in the Persian Gulf: Iran allegedly attacks two oil tankers. It announces that it's going to violate the JCPOA, the so-called Iran nuclear agreement. There's talk of military strikes. Europe is edgy, and the Secretary of State is on Sunday talk shows being edgier still.Benjamin Wittes sat down with Suzanne Maloney and Scott R. Anderson to talk it all through. They talked about whether the AUMF covers Iran, why Iran is doing this stuff, whether the Trump administration brought this all on itself, and where it's all going from here.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/c/trumptrials.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.