Podcasts about Hong Kong

Nick - in Hong Kong - is joined by Mirror man David Yates to canter through the day's global horse racing headlines. They lead with the news that The Sun newspaper is continuing its 'Save Our Bets' campaign, with cross-industry backing, to face down the threat of yet more restrictive affordability checks and the migration to the unregulated market. BHA boss Brant Dunshea joins the show to discuss. Also today, Nick and Dave reflect on the conclusion of the de Boinville/Queally case as well as the Welsh Greyhound Racing ban. In Hong Kong, Nick catches up with trainer Mark Newnham, with Invincible Ibis a big runner in Sunday's Derby and fresh from a 5-timer at Happy Valley. Meanwhile, Annabel Archibald drops in to tell us about the claims of Chayan, her likely favourite for Saturday's Golden Slipper, plus David Letts on the ROA/RSA's series of racecourse events to convert fans to ownership and Chester Racecourse's Patrick Chesters on the new partnership with NYRA.

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, Joe Kent, the former deputy at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, is a reportedly serial leaker who was hostile to President Trump's agenda and rejected the commander-in-chief's decisions on military operations in Iran. His resignation letter, written publicly for the press and Democrats rather than privately to the president, is intentionally crafted to create controversy, undermine the president's war effort against, question the existence of an imminent threat, give aid and comfort to enemies, and dishonor current military personnel. Later, Sebastien Lai, son of Jimmy Lai who's imprisoned in Hong Kong, calls in. Jimmy Lai is a prominent courageous Hong Kong pro-democracy advocate, media owner, and journalist who stood up against China's crackdown on Hong Kong's freedoms. Despite his age, Lai has been imprisoned since the crackdown began. Sebastian expresses gratitude for Trump's public support and mentions that releasing the elderly Lai would be an easy, moral, and rational gesture for China, especially amid upcoming diplomatic opportunities, but stresses that more pressure is needed as his father's health rapidly worsens and his death in prison would serve no one's interest. Afterward, Sen Rick Scott calls in to explain that the Senate must look at all the options to pass the SAVE America act because the Democrat party wants fraud. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

I'm your China travel guide in exile, Missionary Ben, recording today in downtown Dhaka, the overcrowded capital of Bangladesh. Follow me on Twitter/X (@chinaadventures) where I share a new Chinese city to pray for every single day. Feel free to email anytime: chinacompass @ privacyport.com. Check out PrayGiveGo.us for everything else, incl. Patreon, Substack & books… The Memoirs of William Milne (PrayGiveGo.us) The Autobiography of John G. Paton (JohnGPaton.com) Borden of Yale: The Millionaire Missionary (BordenofYale.com) Unbeaten: Arrested, Interrogated, and Deported from China (Unbeaten.vip) Why the Prison Pulpit? The goal is to remind people to pray for persecuted believers as Hebrews 13:3 teaches: “Remember those who are in prison, as bound with them.” We’ve looked at Wang Yi and Early Rain Church’s writings in the aftermath of their arrest and attack in 2018, but I’ve also regularly turned to other persecuted ministers who have gone before, such as Richard Wurmbrand, to give us a voice literally from prison. Thoughts on Bangladesh and How to Pray… When I first started learning about Bangladesh in 2002, there were only about 130+ million people. Today that number is closer to 180! Let me help you with an example of just how crowded it is… similar in size to Georgia, Iowa, and Alabama, but with 15 or 25x more people!s **Bangladesh is the most densely populated sovereign nation larger than 1,000 square miles** - It has a population density of roughly 3,538 per sq. mile (1400/km)! - Virtually all higher-density entries are tiny city-states, territories, or micro-nations far below 1,000 square miles, including: Macau (~33 km², ~22,000/km²), Monaco (~2 km², ~19,000/km²), Singapore (~710 km², ~8,225/km²), and Hong Kong (~1,100 km², ~7,000/km²). - Among sovereign countries (or comparable large entities) exceeding the size threshold, no other nation surpasses Bangladesh. Next in line for larger countries include places like Taiwan (~636/km²), the Netherlands (~548/km²), and South Korea (~529/km²). Islam growing faster than anything else Christians converted from Islam are growing, but still a tiny minority (200k) Pray for more laborers, open doors, boldness, and protection from the evil one As always, put yourself “in their shoes” as you pray… How to Give? MCI3.org ($50k need!) We have a major project later this year to help the missionary arm of China's underground church. Follow China Compass Thank you for listening! Subscribe & leave a review on your preferred podcast platform! And don’t forget to visit PrayGiveGo.us for books + Heb. 13:3: Remember those who are in prison, “as bound with them”!

Charlotte Greenway in for Nick today and joined by RTE's Jane Mangan. They look back on Cheltenham and pick out some of the key moments whilst also hearing from successful trainers AJ O'Neill and Padraig Roche on where there Festival successors might head next. Jane give her view on Nick Rockett's prep run for the National and runs through the list of jockeys who are set to miss a number of days at Aintree through whip bans picked up at Cheltenham. Jane then recounts her trip to Ballydoyle and nominates the horse made the biggest impression before we have bad news from the greyhound world, along with a statement from GBGB's CEO Mark Bird. It's Wednesday so we wrap up by heading off to Hong Kong for an update from JA McGrath.

A massive story the mainstream media won't touch: the Biden White House, FBI, and CIA knew China and Iran accessed U.S. voter registration databases in 2020—and hid it from Congress. Learn how 19,888 fake U.S. driver's licenses were intercepted at Chicago O'Hare, designed to enable absentee voting for Joe Biden. We break down the prohibited access files, whistleblower revelations, and why Democrats' protection of Iran suddenly makes sense. Plus: the truth behind NATO, Trump's Iran strikes, and Europe's energy crisis. This is the story everyone should be talking about. Message / Social Post:

Whistleblowers reveal explosive details about foreign interference in the 2020 election. China and Iran allegedly accessed U.S. voter registration databases to create fraudulent absentee ballots for Joe Biden—while the FBI, CIA, and White House hid it from Congress. This episode breaks down the secret “Prohibited Access” files, the Hunter Biden laptop cover-up, and the censorship campaign that kept the public in the dark. ⚡ EPISODE SUMMARY This episode uncovers a hidden story behind the headlines: Prohibited Access Files: Whistleblowers reveal a secret FBI system hiding investigations into Biden family bribery and corruption. Evidence was deliberately kept from Congress, Trump, and the public. Foreign Election Interference: China and Iran allegedly stole sensitive voter information, enabling the creation of tens of thousands of fraudulent absentee ballots. Fraudulent Driver's Licenses: Customs seized 19,888 counterfeit U.S. licenses shipped from China and Hong Kong, designed to vote illegally. Media & Social Media Censorship: The FBI allegedly collaborated with platforms like Twitter and Facebook to suppress Hunter Biden laptop stories and other reporting exposing bribery and election fraud. Delayed Disclosure: CIA and FBI blocked efforts to inform Trump or Congress about the hacks and intelligence reports. Political Context: Why the Democrats fiercely defended Iran and protected a candidate allegedly compromised by China. Ongoing Investigation: CIA Director John Radcliffe and Tulsi Gabbard confirm the story is just the tip of the iceberg, with more explosive files being declassified. Listeners will get the full picture of alleged election manipulation, intelligence cover-ups, and foreign involvement in U.S. politics.

Charlotte Greenway in for Nick today and joined by RTE's Jane Mangan. They look back on Cheltenham and pick out some of the key moments whilst also hearing from successful trainers AJ O'Neill and Padraig Roche on where there Festival successors might head next. Jane give her view on Nick Rockett's prep run for the National and runs through the list of jockeys who are set to miss a number of days at Aintree through whip bans picked up at Cheltenham. Jane then recounts her trip to Ballydoyle and nominates the horse made the biggest impression before we have bad news from the greyhound world, along with a statement from GBGB's CEO Mark Bird. It's Wednesday so we wrap up by heading off to Hong Kong for an update from JA McGrath.

I'm your China travel guide in exile, Missionary Ben, recording today in downtown Dhaka, the overcrowded capital of Bangladesh. Follow me on Twitter/X (@chinaadventures) where I share a new Chinese city to pray for every single day. Feel free to email anytime: chinacompass @ privacyport.com. Check out PrayGiveGo.us for everything else, incl. Patreon, Substack & books… The Memoirs of William Milne (PrayGiveGo.us) The Autobiography of John G. Paton (JohnGPaton.com) Borden of Yale: The Millionaire Missionary (BordenofYale.com) Unbeaten: Arrested, Interrogated, and Deported from China (Unbeaten.vip) Why the Prison Pulpit? The goal is to remind people to pray for persecuted believers as Hebrews 13:3 teaches: “Remember those who are in prison, as bound with them.” We’ve looked at Wang Yi and Early Rain Church’s writings in the aftermath of their arrest and attack in 2018, but I’ve also regularly turned to other persecuted ministers who have gone before, such as Richard Wurmbrand, to give us a voice literally from prison. Thoughts on Bangladesh and How to Pray… When I first started learning about Bangladesh in 2002, there were only about 130+ million people. Today that number is closer to 180! Let me help you with an example of just how crowded it is… similar in size to Georgia, Iowa, and Alabama, but with 15 or 25x more people!s **Bangladesh is the most densely populated sovereign nation larger than 1,000 square miles** - It has a population density of roughly 3,538 per sq. mile (1400/km)! - Virtually all higher-density entries are tiny city-states, territories, or micro-nations far below 1,000 square miles, including: Macau (~33 km², ~22,000/km²), Monaco (~2 km², ~19,000/km²), Singapore (~710 km², ~8,225/km²), and Hong Kong (~1,100 km², ~7,000/km²). - Among sovereign countries (or comparable large entities) exceeding the size threshold, no other nation surpasses Bangladesh. Next in line for larger countries include places like Taiwan (~636/km²), the Netherlands (~548/km²), and South Korea (~529/km²). Islam growing faster than anything else Christians converted from Islam are growing, but still a tiny minority (200k) Pray for more laborers, open doors, boldness, and protection from the evil one As always, put yourself “in their shoes” as you pray… How to Give? MCI3.org ($50k need!) We have a major project later this year to help the missionary arm of China's underground church. Follow China Compass Thank you for listening! Subscribe & leave a review on your preferred podcast platform! And don’t forget to visit PrayGiveGo.us for books + Heb. 13:3: Remember those who are in prison, “as bound with them”!

On today’s show, Josh dives into what he describes as a continued “shadow war” against President Trump, as leaks from within the White House persist and Director of the National Counterterrorism Center Joe Kent announces his departure from the intelligence community. Josh examines what he believes are the motives behind these internal actors and the impact they may be having.Josh is then joined by Sebastien Lai to discuss his father, Jimmy Lai, who remains imprisoned in Hong Kong. Sebastian explains why he believes the president’s upcoming trip to China presents a critical opportunity to press for his father’s release.To close the show, Josh discusses the government shutdown, reacts to reports involving TSA and questions why, in his view, Democrats are not facing greater political accountability for the situation.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

S&P futures are down (0.3%) right now following Monday's rebound. Asian markets were mostly higher on Tuesday, though many indices pulled back from earlier peaks. Strong performances in South Korea and Taiwan were driven by optimism in tech and semiconductor sectors, while Japan and Hong Kong posted moderate gains. European markets are narrowly mixed in early trading. Companies Mentioned: NVIDIA, AeroVironment, Solaris Energy Infrastructure

Who bore the burdens of empire?  Christopher Munn's Penalties of Empire: Capital Trials in Colonial Hong Kong (Hong Kong UP, 2025) explores how judges, juries, and lawyers strove to deliver justice during the 150 years when the death penalty was in force in Hong Kong. Nine main chapters focus on key capital trials in the first century of British rule. Among the cases are piracies, assassinations, and crimes of passion and desperation. These chapters describe the proceedings in court and the participants involved. They also explore the debates surrounding each case and the exercise or denial of mercy by governors. Two final chapters discuss the decline of the death penalty after World War II, its suspension after 1966, and the controversies leading to its formal abolition in 1993. Penalties of Empire traces the evolution of criminal justice at its highest levels. It also offers a prism for understanding some of the broader forces at work in Hong Kong's history. Christopher Munn served as an administrative officer in the Hong Kong Government and in various positions in the Hong Kong Monetary Authority. His publications include Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong, 1841–1880 and (with May Holdsworth) Crime, Justice and Punishment in Colonial Hong Kong. Lucas Tse is Examination Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Who bore the burdens of empire?  Christopher Munn's Penalties of Empire: Capital Trials in Colonial Hong Kong (Hong Kong UP, 2025) explores how judges, juries, and lawyers strove to deliver justice during the 150 years when the death penalty was in force in Hong Kong. Nine main chapters focus on key capital trials in the first century of British rule. Among the cases are piracies, assassinations, and crimes of passion and desperation. These chapters describe the proceedings in court and the participants involved. They also explore the debates surrounding each case and the exercise or denial of mercy by governors. Two final chapters discuss the decline of the death penalty after World War II, its suspension after 1966, and the controversies leading to its formal abolition in 1993. Penalties of Empire traces the evolution of criminal justice at its highest levels. It also offers a prism for understanding some of the broader forces at work in Hong Kong's history. Christopher Munn served as an administrative officer in the Hong Kong Government and in various positions in the Hong Kong Monetary Authority. His publications include Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong, 1841–1880 and (with May Holdsworth) Crime, Justice and Punishment in Colonial Hong Kong. Lucas Tse is Examination Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Ali Nuraly and Xeniya Tregubenko, the Kazakh founders of Central Asian restaurant Yurt, join Proudly Asian to talk about opening Hong Kong's first Central Asian restaurant and bringing ingredients such as horse meat to Hong Kong.Born and raised in Kazakhstan, Ali and Xeniya are on a mission to put Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan on the table and widen the region's cultural representation. They also talk about Central Asian representation in dining, and what they want you to know about Kazakhstan.Follow Yurt: ⁠https://instagram.com/yurt.hkProudly Asian Playlist: https://open.spotify.com/playlist/1hmol1gJIFlnJVn6zyeJTm?si=wk-mxhM-ToOepJgF1c3lBQ----------------------------------------Stay Connected with Proudly Asian:Website - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠proudly-asian.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Instagram - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠instagram.com/proudly.asian⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Youtube - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠youtube.com/@proudlyasianpodcast⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Support us - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ko-fi.com/proudlyasian⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Email us - ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠proudlyasianpodcast@gmail.com⁠⁠

In this episode of The Russell Brunson Show, I sat down with Kaylee Chu, and we talked about one of the most powerful personal transformation stories I've heard in a long time. Kaylee started out extremely introverted, struggling with confidence after immigrating from Hong Kong to Australia. For years she stayed in a small bubble, avoiding conversations and feeling like she didn't belong - until one moment of embarrassment in a meeting pushed her to do something radical: schedule 100 lunches with 100 strangers. What started as a simple New Year's resolution turned into a life-changing experiment. Those lunches didn't just help her learn how to talk to people - they opened doors to mentors, business partners, and opportunities she never imagined. One connection led to writing a book, which led to her first speaking opportunity, which quickly turned into a full-time career traveling and inspiring audiences around the world. It's a powerful reminder that sometimes the fastest way to change your life is to step outside your comfort zone and start connecting with people. Key Highlights: ◼️The “100 Lunches with Strangers” experiment that helped Kaylee overcome extreme introversion and build life-changing relationships ◼️How one unexpected connection encouraged her to write a book - which eventually led to her first speaking opportunities ◼️The behind-the-scenes story of how she transitioned from a shy financial planner to a full-time keynote speaker ◼️The difference between keynote presentations, webinars, and TEDx talks - and why a TEDx talk focuses on a single “idea worth spreading” ◼️How Kaylee and her team created the Next Top Speaker competition to give everyday people a platform to craft and share their stories We also talk about why speaking is one of the most valuable skills any entrepreneur can develop, how telling your story can unlock opportunities you never expected, and why the people who succeed are the ones who simply make commitments - and keep them. If you've ever wanted to share your message, step onto a stage, or just become more confident connecting with people, this episode will inspire you to start. ◼️If you've got a product, offer, service… or idea… I'll show you how to sell it (the RIGHT way) Register for my next event →⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://sellingonline.com/podcast⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ◼️Still don't have a funnel? ClickFunnels gives you the exact tools (and templates) to launch TODAY → ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://clickfunnels.com/podcast Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese neutrality pact. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major clash along the Halha River, where Soviet-Mongolian forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeated Japan's Kwantung Army. Zhukov's offensive, launched on August 20, involved intense artillery, bombers, and encirclement tactics, annihilating the Japanese 23rd Division and exposing weaknesses in Japanese mechanized warfare. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders and deterring further northern expansion. Stalin navigated negotiations with Britain, France, and Germany to avoid a two-front war, ultimately signing the German-Soviet pact on August 23, which secured Soviet neutrality in Europe while addressing eastern threats. Post-Nomonhan, Soviet-Japanese relations warmed rapidly: fishing disputes were resolved, ambassadors exchanged, and the Chinese Eastern Railway sale finalized. By 1941, a neutrality pact was concluded, allowing Japan to pivot southward toward China and Southeast Asia.   #193 The Chiang-Wang Divide Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After that lengthy mini series covering the battle of Khalkin Gol, we need to venture back into the second sino-japanese war, however like many other colossal events….well a lot was going on simultaneously. I wanted to take an episode to talk about the beginning of something known as the Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China, or much shorter, the Wang Jingwei Regime. It's been quite some time since we spoke about this character and he is a large part of the second sino-japanese war.    After the fall of Tianjin and Beiping, the government offices in Nanjing entered their annual summer recess. All of GMD's senior leadership, from Chiang Kai-shek down to Wang Jingwei, gathered on Mount Lu, a picturesque resort in northern Jiangxi, south of the Yangtze, famed for cliffs, clouds, and summer villas. Although Chiang had visited Mount Lu every summer, this was the first occasion that nearly the entire central government assembled there. Analysts suspected the gathering was a deliberate move to relocate government functions inland in the event of total war. Dozens of the nation's leading intellectuals were invited to Mount Lu to discuss strategies for countering Japan's ambitions. The forum was scheduled to begin on July 15 and to last twenty-seven days in three phases. The bridge incident caught them off guard. Unlike Manchuria, Beiping had long been the nation's capital, and the shock added urgency to the proceedings. When the forum, chaired by Wang, finally opened on July 16, speculation ran as to whether this signaled another regional conflict or the onset of full-scale war. The media pressed for a resolute stance of resistance from the government. To dispel the mounting confusion and perhaps his own indecision, Chiang delivered a solemn speech on July 17, declaring that if the incident could not be resolved peacefully, China would face the "crucial juncture" of national survival and would consider military action; if war began, every Chinese person, from every corner of the country and from every walk of life, would have to sacrifice all to defend the nation.   Chiang's Mount Lu Speech was now commonly regarded as the moment when China publicly proclaimed its firm commitment to resistance. Contemporary observers, however, did not take Chiang's stance at face value. Tao Xisheng, a Peking University law professor who had been invited, recalled that after the speech, people gathered in Hu Shi's room to discuss whether a peace option remained. Chiang left the mountain on July 20, leaving Wang to chair the conference. The discussions continued upon their return to Nanjing, where a National Defense Conference was organized in mid-August. It was also Tao's first encounter with Wang Jingwei. A "peace faction," largely composed of civil officials and intellectuals, began to take shape around Wang, favoring diplomatic solutions over costly and potentially ineffective military action.   During this period, both Chiang and Wang publicly called for resistance, while both harbored hopes for a peaceful solution. Yet their emphases differed. On July 29, Wang Jingwei delivered a radio address from Nanjing titled "The Critical Juncture," echoing Chiang's slogan. He likewise asserted that after repeated concessions and retreats, the critical juncture had come for China to rise against Japan. It would be a harsh form of resistance, since a weak nation had no alternative but to sacrifice every citizen's life and scorch every inch of land. Yet toward the end, Wang's speech took on an ironic turn. He stated, "The so-called resistance demands sacrificing the whole land and the whole nation to resist the invader. If there is no weakness in the world, then there is also no strength. Once we have completed the sacrifice, we also realize the purpose of resistance. We hail 'the critical juncture'! We hail 'sacrifice'!" The sentiment sounded almost satirical, revealing his doubt about the meaning of total sacrifice.   The hope for containment was crushed by Japan's ongoing advances. On November 12, Shanghai fell. Chiang's gamble produced about 187,200 Chinese casualties, including roughly 30,000 officers trained to German standards. Japanese casualties were estimated at a third to a half of the Chinese losses, still making it their deadliest single battle to date. The battered Japanese Imperial Army and Navy, long convinced of their invincibility, were consumed by vengeful bloodlust. The army swept from Shanghai toward Nanjing, leaving a trail of murder, rape, arson, and plunder across China's heartland.   With the fall of Nanjing looming, the central government announced on November 20 that it would relocate to Chongqing, a city upriver on the Yangtze protected by sheer cliffs. Plans for Chongqing as a reserve capital had already begun in 1935, with Hankou as the midway station. To preserve elite troops for the future while saving face, Nanjing was entrusted to General Tang Shengzhi and his roughly one hundred thousand largely inexperienced soldiers. Nanjing fell on December 13. Despite this victory, Japan's hopes of ending the China Incident within three months were dashed. The carnage produced by the war, especially the Rape of Nanjing, left a profound moral stain on humanity. A mass exodus from the coastal provinces toward the hinterland began. People fled by boats, trains, buses, rickshaws, and wheelbarrows. Universities, factories, and ordinary households were moved halfway across China, step by step. The nation resolved to persevere, even in distant mountains and deserts if necessary. In Sichuan alone, government relief agencies officially registered about 9.2 million refugees during the war years.   Chiang Kai-shek, after paying respects at Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum, flew to Mount Lu with Song Meiling. The so-called Second Couple chose a more modest path: like most refugees, the Wang family traveled upriver along the Yangtze. On November 21, they left Nanjing, abandoning a recently renovated suburban home and thirty years of collected books. Coincidentally, the ship carrying Wang Jingwei from Nanjing to Wuhan was SS Yongsui, the former SS Zhongshan that had escorted Sun Yat-sen to safety and witnessed Wang's ascent and subsequent downfall from power. Ironically renamed "Yong-sui," the ship's new title meant "peace," while the compound term suijing denoted a policy of appeasement. This symbolism—Wang being carried away from Nanjing by a ship named "Eternal Peace"—foreshadowed his eventual return to the city as a champion of a "peace movement."   After the Mount Lu Forum, Hu Shi and Tao Xisheng could not return to Beiping, now under Japanese occupation. They joined the government in Nanjing. Beginning in mid-August, Japanese bombers began attacking Nanjing. Air power—an unprecedented weapon of mass destruction—humbled and awed a Chinese public largely unfamiliar with airborne warfare. By striking a target that did not serve its immediate interests, Japan demonstrated its world-class military might and employed psychological warfare against the Chinese government and people. Because Zhou Fohai's villa at Xiliuwan had a fortified cellar suitable as an air-raid shelter, a group of like-minded intellectuals and civil servants sought refuge there. They preferred a peaceful approach to the conflict, subscribing to the idea of trading space for time—building China's industrial and military capabilities before confronting Japan. Tao Xisheng and Mei Siping, old allies of Zhou Fohai, lived in his house. Another frequent guest was Luo Junqiang, an ex-communist. The former CCP leader Chen Duxiu, recently released from prison, joined their gatherings a few times. Gao Zongwu hosted another meeting site. Hu Shi, as a guest himself, jokingly called this circle the "Low-Key Club" (Didiao julebu), a label that underscored their pragmatic defiance of the government's high-flown rhetoric urging all-out resistance. Many members of this group would later become central figures in a conspiracy known as the "peace movement," with Wang Jingwei as its leader and emblem.   As Gerald Bunker noted, the peace scheme did not originate with Wang but with certain associates of Chiang, elements in Japanese military intelligence, and members of liberal-minded Japanese political circles who were linked to Konoe. Zhou Fohai belonged to the Chiang-loyalist CC faction, named for Chen Guofu and Chen Lifu. Zhou believed that resistance under current conditions was suicidal. He sought to influence Chiang through people around him, including Wang Jingwei, whom he found impressionable and began visiting at Wang's salon. Gao Zongwu, head of the Foreign Ministry's Asian Department, felt sidelined by Chiang's uncompromising stance. They shared the sense that Chiang might be willing to talk but feared the price, perhaps his own leadership. They were dismayed by the lack of a long-range war plan beyond capitulation. Their view was that China's battlefield losses would worsen the terms of any settlement, and that the war's outcome seemed to benefit Soviet Russia and undermine the GMD more than China itself. The rapid collapses of Shanghai and then Nanjing vindicated their pessimism. Chiang's autocratic decision-making only deepened their dissatisfaction. They feared China was again at risk of foreign conquest from which it might not recover.   Wang Jingwei became the focal point for these disaffected individuals, drawn by his pacifist leanings, intellectual temperament, and preference for consensus-building. After the government relocated to Hankou, he lent guidance to the Literature and Art Research Society (Yiwen yanjiu hui), a propagandist body led by Zhou Fohai and Tao Xisheng. Its purpose was to steer public opinion on issues like the war of resistance and anticommunism, and to advocate a stance that the government must preserve both peace and war as options. Many believed it to be Wang's private organization; in truth, Chiang supported its activities. For much of 1938, Chiang's belligerent anti-Japanese rhetoric and Wang's conciliatory push were two sides of the GMD's broader strategy.   Among the society's regional branches, the Hong Kong chapter flourished under Mei Siping and Lin Baisheng. In addition to editing South China Daily News, Lin established Azure Books and the International Compilation and Translation Society (Guoji bianyishe) as primary propaganda organs. Ironically, Mei Siping had himself been a radical during the 1919 student protests, when he helped set fire to the deputy foreign minister's house in protest of perceived capitulation to Japan.   Wang Jingwei also actively engaged in international efforts to broker peace between Japan and China, including Trautmann's mediation by the German ambassador. Since the outbreak of war, various Western powers had contemplated serving as mediators, but none succeeded. Nazi Germany, aligned with Japan in an anti-Soviet partnership, emerged as China's most likely ally because it did not want Japan to squander its strength in China or compel China to seek Soviet help. Conversely, Japan's interest lay in prolonging the war or achieving a swift settlement. Ambassador Trautmann met with Wang Jingwei multiple times from October 31 to early November 1937 to confirm China's preference for peace before negotiating with Japan. The proposal Trautmann carried to Chiang Kai-shek on November 5 proposed terms including autonomy for Inner Mongolia, a larger demilitarized zone in North China, an expanded cease-fire around Shanghai, a halt to anti-Japanese movements, an anti-communist alliance, reduced tariffs on Japanese goods, and protection of foreign interests in China. Although Japan did not specify territorial gains, these terms deviated significantly from Chiang's demand to restore pre–Marco Polo Bridge status. After Shanghai fell, Chiang's rigidity softened.   On December 5, at Hankou, the National Defense Conference agreed to begin peace negotiations based on Trautmann's terms, a decision Chiang approved. But it was too late: Nanjing fell on December 13, and a provisional Beiping government led by Wang Kemin was established, signaling Japan's growing support for regional separatism. On December 24, Japan issued an ultimatum for a harsher deal to be accepted by January 10. In response, Chiang resigned as chairman of the Executive Yuan on January 1, 1938, and was succeeded by his brother-in-law Kong Xiangxi. Chiang declared that death in defeat was preferable to death in disgrace and refused to yield under coercion. The Konoe Cabinet announced on January 16 that Japan would not negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek. Trautmann's mediation had failed.   After Konoe's announcement, mediation became even more precarious, as it placed the already deadly, no-win situation between the two nations in deeper jeopardy. Secret contacts between the two governments persisted through multiple channels—sometimes at the direction of their own leaders, other times at the initiative of a cadre of officials and quasi-official figures of dubious legitimacy. Many of these covert efforts were steered by Chiang himself. In late 1937, Wang Jingwei even sent Chen Gongbo to Rome to explore the possibility of Italian mediation between China and Japan. After meetings with Mussolini and Foreign Minister Ciano, Chen concluded that Italy had no genuine goodwill toward China and favored Japan. His conversations with other Western leaders (Belgium, France, Britain, and the United States) proved equally fruitless. In diaries, Zhou Fohai and Chen Kewen recorded a pervasive mood of pessimism among Hankou and Chongqing's national government factions. Although direct champions of negotiating with Japan were few, many voices insisted that China was on the brink of collapse while secretly hoping peace talks would begin soon. Gao Zongwu's mission emerged from this tense atmosphere.   With Konoe's cabinet refusing to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek, many regarded Wang as the best candidate to carry forward a diplomatic solution. Yet Wang remained convinced of his loyalty to Chiang and to Chiang's policy. The Italian ambassador visited Wuhan to offer mediation between Wang and the Japanese government, an invitation Wang declined. Tang Shaoyi's daughter traveled to Wuhan to convey Tokyo's negotiation intent, but was similarly turned away. Even Chen Bijun, then in Hong Kong, urged Wang to join her and start peace negotiations; he again declined. Tao Xisheng remembered a quiet night when Wang confided in him: "This time I will cooperate with Mr. Chiang until the very end, regardless of how the war unfolds." His stance did not change when Gao Zongwu reported that the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office wanted him to head the peace talks.   Gao Zongwu's bid was brokered by Dong Daoning, head of the Japan Affairs Section in the Foreign Ministry. Shortly after Konoe's statement, Dong traveled to Shanghai to meet Nishi Yoshiaki, representative of Mantetsu, and Matsumoto Shigeharu, a Dōmei News Agency journalist. Nishi and Matsumoto then introduced Dong to Kagesa Sadaaki, head of the Strategy and Tactics Department in the General Staff Office. Kagesa introduced Dong to Deputy Director Tada Hayao and colleagues Ishiwara Kanji and Imai Takeo, who agreed that a peaceful resolution to the China crisis aligned with Japan's interests. It would be inaccurate to paint these figures as pacifists: Ishiwara, who helped build Manchukuo, also recognized that further incursions into China could jeopardize Japan's hard-won gains. They proposed a temporary resignation by Chiang to spare Konoe from having to retract his refusal to negotiate, thereby allowing Wang to lead the talks. In short, the scheme aimed to save face for Konoe.   Dong returned to Hong Kong and delivered the proposal to Gao Zongwu, who had been stationed there since February under Chiang's orders to oversee intelligence and liaison with Japan. Luo Junqiang, Gao's contact, testified that Gao was paid monthly from Chiang's secret military fund. Gao went back to Hankou twice, on April 2 and May 30. On the second trip, he personally conveyed Japan's terms to Chiang. Gao later admitted that Chiang never gave him explicit instructions, but rather cultivated an impression of tacit approval. At no point did Gao view the deal as Chiang's betrayal. As long as Chiang retained control of the military, Wang's leadership could only be nominal and temporary. Unbeknownst to Wang, Gao's personal ties to Chiang remained hidden from him; he learned of them only through Zhou Fohai. Startled, he handed the information to Chiang Kai-shek and told Tao Xisheng: "I cannot broker peace with Japan alone. I will not deceive Mr. Chiang." Given Tao's later departure from Wang's circle to rejoin Chiang, Tao's recollection could be trusted.   Two months later, Wang left Chongqing to pursue a peace settlement. A key factor may have been persistent lobbying by Zhou, Gao, Mei, Tao, and especially his wife Chen Bijun. Luo Junqiang recalled that Kong Xiangxi objected that Gao acted without him, prompting Chiang to order Gao to halt his covert efforts, an order Gao ignored. Gao and Mei Siping continued to press for a deal. Gao even spent three weeks in Japan in July, holding extensive talks with Kagesa Sadaaki and Imai Takeo. Their discussions produced the first substantive articulation of the Wang peace movement as a Sino-Japanese plot to end the "China incident." On November 26, Mei flew from Hong Kong to Chongqing with a draft of Japan's terms and Konoe's planned announcement. The proposal stated that the Japanese army would withdraw completely within two years once peace was reached, but it demanded that China formally recognize Manchukuo. Wang was to leave Chongqing for Kunming by December 5, then proceed to Hanoi. Upon Japan receiving news of his arrival in Hanoi, the telegram would reveal the peace terms. This pivotal moment threw Wang into intense inner turmoil. Zhou Fohai visited Wang daily, and Wang delayed decisively each time, much to Zhou's frustration. Ultimately, it seemed that Chen Bijun rendered the final judgment on Wang's behalf. As in earlier episodes, Wang found himself trapped by an idealized image of himself held by family, followers, and loyalists, seen by them as a larger-than-life figure who must undertake a mission too grand to fail.   Yet Wang's stance was not purely involuntary. As Imai Takeo noted, he fundamentally disagreed with Chiang's strategy of resistance. The so-called scorched-earth approach caused immense suffering. Three episodes stood out: the 1938 Yellow River flood, ordered by Chiang to impede Japan's advance, which destroyed dikes and displaced millions, yielding devastating agricultural and humanitarian consequences; the subsequent epidemics and famine that followed, producing about two million refugees and up to nine hundred thousand deaths, while failing to stop the Japanese advance toward Wuhan (which fell in October); and the Changsha fire, ignited in the early hours of November 13, which killed nearly thirty thousand people and devastated most of the city. These events sharpened Wang's doubts about Chiang's defense strategy, especially its reckless execution and cruelty. By late November, Wang began to openly challenge Chiang's approach, delivering a series of speeches advocating his own war-weariness and preference for limiting resistance to preserve national strength for future counterstrikes. He argued that guerrilla warfare burdened the people and wasted national resources that could be saved for a later, more effective defense. He urged soldiers to exercise judgment and listen to their consciences, and he attributed much of the civilian suffering to the Communists; nonetheless, with General von Falkenhausen, Chiang's German adviser, now urging a shift toward smaller-unit mobile warfare, Wang's critique of Chiang's strategy took on a more pointed, risksome tone. If resistance equaled total sacrifice, Wang was not prepared to endorse it. As Margherita Zanasi noted, Wang Jingwei and Chen Gongbo had long shared a vision of a self-consciously anti-imperial "national economy", the belief that China's economy had not yet achieved genuine nation-power and that compromising with the foe might be necessary to save the national economy.   Wang and Zhou also worried that continuing resistance would strengthen the Communists and that genuine international aid would not arrive, at least not soon. After Nazi Germany occupied Czechoslovakia, Wang briefly hoped for the formation of an antifascist democratic alliance. Yet the Munich Agreement disappointed him. Viewing Western democracies as culturally imperialist, he doubted they would jeopardize their relations with Japan, another imperial power, on China's behalf. This view was reinforced by Zhou Fohai and other China specialists who had recently joined Wang's circle; they argued that China would fall unless the international situation shifted dramatically. Their forecast would prove accurate only after Pearl Harbor.   In the end, Wang longed for decisive action. He had been sidelined since the government's move to Wuhan. At the GMD Provisional National Congress in Hankou (March 29–April 1), the party resolved to restore Chiang Kai-shek to near-total control by reasserting the authoritarian zongcai system. The Congress also established the People's Political Council as a nominal nod to democracy, but it remained largely consultative. Wang was elected deputy director and chairman of the council, yet he clearly resented the position. Jiang Tingfu described Wang's Hankou mood as "somewhat resentful," recognizing the role as largely ceremonial. More optimistic observers attributed his dismay to the return of dictatorship, and he likely felt increasingly useless. Since the Mukden Incident, Wang had prioritized party unity and been content to play a secondary role to Chiang, but inaction did not fit his sense of historical purpose. It was Zhou Fohai who urged Wang to risk his reputation for a greater cause, presenting a calculated nudge to someone susceptible to idealism. A longing to find meaning through action may have finally pushed him toward a fateful decision. As Chen Bijun bluntly told Long Yun, her husband "was merely an empty shell in Chongqing and could contribute nothing to the country; thus he wanted to change his surroundings."   Wang considered staying abroad as a serious option amid the Hanoi uncertainty. Gao Zongwu had previously told Japanese negotiators that if Konoe's stance did not satisfy Wang, he might head to France. Chongqing echoed this possibility. On December 29, Ambassador Guo Taiqi, acting on Chiang's orders, telegraphed Wang suggesting he go to Europe "to take a break." It would have offered a graceful exit. Kagesa recommended Hanoi as Wang Jingwei's midway station because, as a French colony, it offered a relatively safe environment. Only the French were armed there, and several members of the extended Wang family had grown up in France, enabling them to communicate with the colonial authorities.   After Wang departed for Hanoi, Long Yun hesitated for weeks. On December 20, he telegraphed Chiang, saying Wang had paused in Kunming on the way to Hanoi to seek medical treatment. Knowing this was untrue, Chiang replied on December 27 with a stern warning about Japan's unreliability, a message that appeared to have persuaded Long. A day later, Long urged leniency for Wang. Following Wang's publication of the "yan telegram," public anger likely pushed Long toward a final decision. On January 6, he informed Chiang of a letter from Wang delivered by Chen Changzu, and he noted that the Wangs were considering the French option, but recommended allowing Wang to return to Chongqing to show leniency and to enable surveillance.   Chiang replied two days later that Wang would be better off going to Europe. The extended Wang family resided in two Western-style mansions at 25 and 27 Rue Riz Marché, surrounded by high walls. On February 15, Chongqing's envoy Gu Zhengding brought their passports to Hanoi. Accounts differed on what happened next. One version had Wang offering to travel abroad if Chongqing accepted his proposal to start peace talks; if Chongqing remained indecisive, he would return to voice his dissent. Another version claimed Gu's primary task was to bring Wang back to Chongqing, which Wang declined, preferring France.   Although the French option was gaining favor, the Wang circle continued to explore other avenues. In early 1939, secret contacts with the Japanese government persisted, though not always in a coordinated way. Chiang's intelligence advised that the Wang group was forming networks in Shanghai and especially Hong Kong, with Gao Zongwu playing a central role. On February 1, Gao returned from Hong Kong and stayed for five days, finding Wang in a despondent mood. Wang asked Gao to pass along a few letters to Japanese leaders urging the creation of a unified Chinese government to earn the Chinese people's understanding and trust. Wang believed his actions would serve the best interests of both China and Japan. On March 18, the Japanese consulate in Hong Kong informed Gao that funding for the Wang group would come from China's customs revenues that Japan had seized.   Meanwhile, Chiang Kai-shek sensed a shift in the war's direction. On February 10, Japan seized Hainan, China's southernmost major island. The next day, Chiang held a press conference describing the development as "the Mukden Incident of the Pacific." He warned that Japan's ambitions could threaten British and French colonial interests and U.S. maritime supremacy. Gao Zongwu read the speech and concluded that Chiang's outlook had brightened.   For three months, the Wang circle met frequently to weigh options. The prominent writer and scholar Zhou Zuoren, who had already accepted a collaborationist post as head of the Beiping library, warned Tao Xisheng, saying "Don't do it," signaling his misgivings about collaborating with Japan based on his reading of Japanese politics. As Zhou observed, many young Japanese militarists did not even respect General Ugaki, let alone a foreign leader.   Then the assassination of Zeng Zhongming, Wang's secretary and protégé, abruptly altered the meaning of Wang's mission. The Wang group was deeply unsettled by Zeng Zhongming's assassination. The event came as a shock. On March 20, Gu Zhengding's second Hanoi visit concluded. Allegedly Gu delivered passports and funds for a European excursion. On a bright spring day, the entire Wang family enjoyed a lighthearted outing to Three Peaches Beach, only to be halted by a French officer who warned they were being followed. During their afternoon rest, a man posing as a painter, sent by the landlord to measure rooms for payment, appeared at the door and was turned away when he insisted on entering every room. More than twenty people in the household, none were armed.   Since January, Hanoi had been a hive of BIS activity. The ringleader was Chen Gongshu, a veteran operative under spymaster Dai Li, though Chen's recollections clashed with those of other witnesses, leaving the exact sequence unclear. Chen claimed their role was intelligence and surveillance until March 19, when an unsigned telegram from Dai Li ordered, "Severest punishment to the traitor Wang Jingwei, immediately!" The mission supposedly shifted. The Wang family was followed the next day but evaded capture in traffic, prompting a raid on the house. Reports varied: some said Wang resided on the second floor of No. 27; others suggested he lived in No. 25, with No. 27 used for day guests. The force entered the courtyard, forced open the door to Wang's room, and a getaway car waited outside. Chen, in the car, heard gunshots: initial shots toward a downstairs figure, then three shots through a bedroom door hacked open with an axe, aimed at a figure beneath the bed, believed to be Wang Jingwei. The team drove off after four to five minutes. Vietnamese police soon detained three killers who lingered in the courtyard and even listened in on a hospital call. Chen didn't realize the target had been misidentified until the next afternoon. Some BIS records suggested Wang and Zeng Zhongming had swapped bedrooms that night, a detail Chen doubted. Chen did not mention a painter's earlier visit.   There were competing accounts of the event with their numerous inconsistencies that fueled conspiracy theories. Jin Xiongbai outlined three possibilities: (1) the killers killed the "wrong person" as a warning to Wang Jingwei; (2) they killed Zeng to provoke Wang toward collaboration; or (3) the episode was always part of a broader Chiang-Wang collaboration plan.   In any case, Dai Li showed unusual leniency toward Chen Gongshu, who was never punished and later led the Shanghai station. After Dai Li's agent Li Shiqun was captured in 1941, Li not only spared Chen's life but recruited him on a double-agent basis for the remainder of the war, with Chen retiring to Taiwan. Chiang Kai-shek never discussed the case publicly or in his diary, and his silence was perhaps the strongest indication that he ordered the killing.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Wang Jingwei, once a key figure in China's resistance against Japan, grew disillusioned with Chiang Kai-shek's scorched-earth tactics during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Amid devastating events like the Yellow River flood and Changsha fire, which caused immense civilian suffering, Wang joined a peace faction advocating negotiation. Secret talks with Japanese officials led to his defection in 1938. He fled Chongqing to Hanoi, where an assassination attempt, likely ordered by Chiang, killed his secretary Zeng Zhongming instead.   

Axel Geddes ACE, Tony Greenberg, Chloe Kloezeman, Geoff Sledge, Ayesha Johannes The Hoppers editing team of Axel, Tony, Chloe, Geoff and Ayesha understand better than anyone, that in the world of animation, creating a captivating film involves more than just drawing and animating characters. It requires a deep understanding of storytelling, editing, and collaboration.  Not to mention the occasional party in the cutting room. Hoppers follows a young woman named Mabel Tanaka, an animal lover whose mind is transferred into a lifelike robotic beaver, allowing her to communicate with animals and save their habitat from human destruction, while inadvertently starting an uprising in doing so.   AXEL GEDDES, ACE Axel Geddes joined Pixar Animation Studios in February 1999 as an assistant editor on the Academy Award®-nominated feature "Toy Story 2." Geddes went on to work as a second assistant editor on "Monsters, Inc.," first assistant editor on Oscar®-winner "Finding Nemo" and second film editor on Oscar®-winning feature film "WALL•E."  He continued as a lead editor on two Toy Story Toons, the studio's Halloween television special "Toy Story of TERROR!" and "Finding Dory." He more recently served as Editor on the Academy AwardÆ-winning film "Toy Story 4," in addition to working on Pixar's "Lightyear." Geddes recently completed cutting Pixar's latest feature "Hoppers". Geddes was born and raised in the San Francisco Bay Area. He studied filmmaking with an emphasis on editing at The Academy of Art University in San Francisco. He resides in the East Bay with his wife and their three children. TONY GREENBERG Anthony Greenberg (call him Tony) joined Pixar in 2002 as a Second Assistant Editor for The First Incredibles. His subsequent credits include serving as First Assistant Editor on WALL•E, and Second Editor on both The Good Dinosaur and Incredibles 2. Most recently, he served as the Lead Editor for Lightyear and as a Second Editor for Hoppers. Prior to his time at Pixar, Tony began his career as an Intern at Industrial Light & Magic, where he eventually rose to the position of Assistant VFX Editor. CHLOE KLOEZEMAN Chloé Kloezeman was hired as a temporary assistant editor in 2012 for the TV special, Toy Story of Terror. What was supposed to be 3 months turned into 14 years, and she's hoping that no one has noticed. She has Second Assistant Editor credits on Finding Dory, Coco, Toy Story 4 (and said TV Special), and two credits as a Second Editor (Lightyear and the new Hoppers). Working on Hoppers has been a highlight of her career. Kloezeman was born and raised in the San Francisco Bay Area and is a UC Berkeley graduate. She lives in Oakland with her partner and two kids. GEOFF SLEDGE Geoffrey Sledge previously worked on live action features in New York, mainland China and Hong Kong. After returning to the States, he started at Pixar in 2013, first as an assistant on Coco. He transitioned into the Second Editor role while working on Hoppers. AYESHA JOHANNES Ayesha Johannes joined Pixar in the spring of 2016 as an Editorial Intern on Cars3. She then went on to become a second assistant editor on Luca and then Lightyear.  She also worked as an assistant editor on two spark shorts at Pixar, PURL and LOOP. On Hoppers she was promoted to a first assistant editor and it has been her most favorite time at Pixar so far. Prior to her time at Pixar, Ayesha studied at the Academy of Art University and while there worked with a director on a Filipino short film called Christmas Bonus. She was born and raised in Mumbai, India and now lives in Oakland, California with her family. Visit Extreme Music for all your production audio needs Listen to past interviews with 2026 ACE Eddie Winners, Michael Shawver (Sinners), Andy Jurgensen (One Battle After Another), Mark Strand (The Pitt), Nathan Schauf (KPop Demon Hunters) and Eric Kissack (The Studio) Check out what's new with Avid Media Composer Subscribe to The Rough Cut podcast and never miss an episode Visit The Rough Cut on YouTube

Our guest this episode is Max Farrell talking about urban sustainability, city making and much more.If you enjoy this episode, share it with friends and give us a review, it helps more than you know.In this episode, we discuss:Smart citiesUrban observatoriesPost modernism and post, post modernism“the work of many hands”And much more…….More on MaxMax on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/max-farrell-83561019/LDN Collective: https://ldn-collective.com/BioMax Farrell is Founder & CEO of the LDN Collective, a network of built environment specialists fighting to improve people's lives and the planet's prospects. Members are experts in placemaking & urban design; social value & co-design; branding & communications. They are a dynamic and collaborative ‘one stop shop' for projects anywhere in the world.Max's expertise lies in urban planning & strategic communications. He was a Partner at Farrells for 10 years, the internationally renowned architects with offices in London, Hong Kong and Shanghai, before leaving to set up the LDN Collective in 2019. He was recently elected President of LAI Land Economics Society (London chapter); appointed Non Exec Director for Wild Streets, the world's first augmented reality app for urban greening; Chair of Built Environment Policy for West London Business; Fellow of the RSA (Royal Society of Arts, Manufacturing & Commerce); Chair of Cultural Co-Location for Creative Estuary, part of the Thames Estuary Production Corridor.#edificecomplexpodcast #bluerithm #BPV #ProjectManagement #podcast #CxM #Cx #RICS #PMI #PMP #smartbuildings #ESG #training #systems #resiliance #builtenvironment #LEED #netzero #MEP #ASHRAE #CIBSE #buildingservices #BECx #facades #BPVGlobal #bluerithm #environment #LEED #netzero #MEP #ASHRAE #CIBSE #sustainability #AESG

Johnny Mac delivers a Daily Comedy News roundup: Oscars coverage is coming, and Wanda Sykes told Stephen Colbert to “burn this bitch down” on his final May 21 episode as Colbert joked about trying to book Pope Leo. Jimmy O. Yang's third special, "Finally Home," taped on a sold-out Hong Kong arena run, will screen in Hong Kong March 20 and open in U.S./Canada theaters March 27, blending English with subtitled Cantonese and immigrant/family material. Tom Segura praised YMH Studios' staff and said he was reluctant to start podcasting but found it empowering. Theo Von reportedly dropped out of the Baton Rouge Parade. George Lopez discussed including politics without preaching. Ron Funches praised Travis Kelce as a charming game show host. Angela Kinsey would reprise Angela Martin for Peacock's "The Paper," while Mackenzie Crook discussed moving toward “gentle comedy.” Steve Harvey shared a story about fishing to survive. The episode previews SXSW comedy events and notes Jeff Foxworthy's talk on biblical manhood and fatherhood. 00:20 Wanda Sykes on Colbert00:42 Jimmy O Yang Special01:33 Trailer Clip Highlights02:10 Tom Segura Podcasting03:06 Theo Von Parade Update03:41 George Lopez Politics04:06 Travis Kelce Praise04:32 Office Spinoff Talk05:56 Steve Harvey Fishing Story06:44 Oscars and SXSW Schedule07:59 Jeff Foxworthy Faith Talk Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/daily-comedy-news-with-johnny-mac-a-daily-briefing-on-comedians-and-the-comedy-industry--4522158/support.Daily Comedy News is the number one comedy news podcast, delivering daily coverage of standup comedy, late night television, comedy specials, tours, and the business of comedy.COMEDY SURVIVOR in the facebook group.Contact John at John@thesharkdeck dot com For Uninterrupted Listening, use the Apple Podcast App and click the banner that says Uninterrupted Listening.  $4.99/month John's Substack about media is free.This is the animal sanctuary mentioned in the February 10 episode.

Felix Wemheuer zu Staatskapitalismus, Planwirtschaft und unserer Zukunft mit China.  Shownotes Felix Wemheuer  Prof. Dr. Felix Wemheuer (Lehrstuhl für Moderne China-Studien) an der Universität zu Köln: https://chinastudien.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/arbeitsbereiche/moderne-china-studien/personal/prof-dr-felix-wemheuer Fuchs, D., Klotzbücher, S., Riemenschnitter, A., Springer, L., & Wemheuer, F. (2023). Die Zukunft mit China denken. Mandelbaum. https://www.mandelbaum.at/buecher/daniel-fuchs-sascha-klotzbuecher-andrea-riemenschnitter-lena-springer-felix-wemheuer/die-zukunft-mit-china-denken/ Konferenz 'CHINA und WIR - Perspektiven für Frieden, Menschenrechte und sozial-ökologischen Wandel': https://www.attac.de/china-konferenz/startseite https://www.attac.de/china-konferenz/anmeldung   Kritisches China Forum: https://kritisches-chinaforum.org/ Youtube Kanal ‘Studying Maoist China': https://www.youtube.com/@felixwemheuerstudyingmaois1051 zum ‘Chinesischen Traum': https://www.readingthechinadream.com/ Leese, D. & Ming, S. (2023). Chinesisches Denken der Gegenwart. Schlüsseltexte zu Politik und Gesellschaft. C. H. Beck. https://www.chbeck.de/leese-ming-chinesisches-denken-gegenwart/product/34659702 Fukuyama, F. (1989). The End of History? The National Interest. https://pages.ucsd.edu/~bslantchev/courses/pdf/Fukuyama%20-%20End%20of%20History.pdf zu China als ‘Werkbank der Welt': https://www.bpb.de/shop/zeitschriften/izpb/china-337/275570/von-der-werkbank-der-welt-zur-innovationswirtschaft/ zu Authoritarian Resilience: Nathan, A. J. (2003). China's Changing of the Guard: Authoritarian Resilience. Journal of Democracy 14(1), 6-17. https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/chinas-changing-of-the-guard-authoritarian-resilience/ zu ‘Chimerica': Ferguson, N., & Schularick, M. (2007). ‘Chimerica' and the global asset market boom. International Finance, 10(3), 215-239. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1468-2362.2007.00210.x Grundlagen zu Staatskapitalismus (in China): https://www.lpb-bw.de/china-wirtschaft https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Staatskapitalismus zu Mao Zedong: Wemheuer, F. (2021). Mao Zedong. Rowohlt Verlag. https://www.rowohlt.de/buch/felix-wemheuer-mao-zedong-9783644010192?srsltid=AfmBOopJE_AXx57LiheMHh9YOyy-Tl3MVKPkWznaGGKMUFlvtnj058-X zur Mao-Ära:  Wemheuer, F. (2019). A Social History of Maoist China. Conflict and Change, 1949-76. Cambridge University Press. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/social-history-of-maoist-china/6D2579E4BA68B4C8DACB08F8AAC9809A zur Wirtschaftsreform 1978 nach dem Tod Maos: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reform-_und_%C3%96ffnungspolitik Weber, I. (2021). How China escaped shock therapy. The market reform debate. Routledge. https://www.routledge.com/How-China-Escaped-Shock-Therapy-The-Market-Reform-Debate/Weber/p/book/9781032008493 zur erwähnten ‘Eisernen Reisschüssel': https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eiserne_Reissch%C3%BCssel zum Zitat Engels:  Engels, F. (1880). Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft. manifest. https://manifest-buecher.de/produkt/entwicklung-des-sozialismus-von-der-utopie-zur-wissenschaft/ zur Neuen Ökonomische Politik: Bergmann, T. & Schäfer, G. (1989). Liebling der Partei. VSA. https://www.zvab.com/Liebling-Partei-BergmannSch%C3%A4fer-Hg-Hamburg-VSA-Verl/30757362947/bd Wemheuer, F. (2021). Marktsozialismus. Eine kontroverse Debatte. Promedia. https://mediashop.at/buecher/marktsozialismus/ https://web.archive.org/web/20160304205516/http:/www.mlwerke.de/le/le33/le33_453.htm zu den Kommandohöhen der Wirtschaft:  Yergin, D. & Stanislaw, J. (1998). The Commanding Heights. The battle for the world economy. Simon & Schuster. https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Commanding-Heights/Daniel-Yergin/9780684835693 zum Fall Jack Ma und Alibaba: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Ma https://www.icij.org/investigations/china-targets/interpol-red-notice-police-warrant-jack-ma/ https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000125770730/kurssprung-von-alibaba-aufatmen-nach-rekordstrafe Einschätzung der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung Chinas:  Wemheuer, F. (2022). Chinas große Umwälzung. Soziale Konflikte und Aufstieg im Weltsystem. PapyRossa. https://shop.papyrossa.de/Wemheuer-Chinas-grosse-Umwaelzung zu Hartmut Elsenhans:     https://hartmutelsenhans.net/ zu Hartmut Elsenhans' Konzept der Staatsklassen:  Elsenhans, H. (1997). Staatsklassen. In: Schulz, M. (eds) Entwicklung. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-322-91011-0_9 Wallerstein, I. (1974 [2012]). The modern world-system I-IV. ProMedia Verlag. https://mediashop.at/buecher/das-moderne-weltsystem-i-iv/ zu den ‘Panama Papers': https://panamapapers.sueddeutsche.de/ https://www.icij.org/investigations/panama-papers/ zu Xi Jinping: Rudd, K. (2024). On Xi Jinping: How Xi's Marxist nationalism is shaping China and the world. Oxford Universtity Press. https://academic.oup.com/book/58156 Torigian, J. (2025). The Party's interest come first: The life of Xi Zhongxun, father of Xi Jinping. Stanford University Press. https://www.sup.org/books/history/partys-interests-come-first zum ‘Sozialismus mit chinesischer Besonderheit':  Boer, R. (2021). Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. Springer Singapore. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-1622-8 https://jungle.world/artikel/2017/44/der-kern-der-fuehrung zu Wen Jiabao: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wen-Jiabao zu den Reformen Yugoslawiens und Ungarns: https://www.akweb.de/gesellschaft/planwirtschaft-und-marktmechanismen/ zu Josib Broz Tito: https://www.dhm.de/lemo/biografie/josip-broz-tito zum Fünfjahresplan: https://www.zdfheute.de/politik/ausland/china-fuenfjahresplan-kommunistische-partei-strategie-100.html https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five-year_plans_of_China zum Xi-thought: https://www.soas.ac.uk/research/political-thought-xi-jinping zu den Reichswerken Hermann Göring: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reichswerke_Hermann_G%C3%B6ring https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/hitlers-holding-die-reichswerke-hermann-goering-100.html zur Verstaatlichung Renaults in Frankreich: https://monde-diplomatique.de/artikel/!1405644 zur Britischen Labour Regierung nach 1945: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Britische_Unterhauswahl_1945 zu Hu Jintao: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Hu-Jintao zu Jiang Zemin: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jiang-Zemin Überblick politisches System in China: https://www.bpb.de/themen/asien/china/44270/charakteristika-des-politischen-systems/ Überblick chinesischer Führungskräfte: Shambaugh, D. (2021). China's Leaders: From Mao to Now. Polity Press.  https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=chinas-leaders-from-mao-to-now--9781509546510 zu Neokonfuzianismus und der ‘neuen Linken': https://jungle.world/artikel/2023/10/solidaritaet-mit-wem https://chinabooksreview.com/2024/05/16/how-chinas-new-left-embraced-the-state/ zu den Ereignissen in Xingjiang und Hongkong: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2026/country-chapters/china#d22098 zum erwähnten Spiegel-Artikel: https://www.spiegel.de/ausland/china-abschied-eines-korrespondenten-das-regime-steht-bombenfest-a-0b653e07-092a-41fc-a9c4-8edee76044c5 Xi, J. (2014-2025). The Governance of China I-V. http://english.scio.gov.cn/featured/xigovernance/node_7248444.htm zum Machtwechsel in Kuba: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/264845/zehn-jahre-machtwechsel-in-kuba zu Abdelaziz Bouteflika in Algerien: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Abdelaziz-Bouteflika zur Kulturrevolution: https://www.bpb.de/shop/zeitschriften/apuz/228467/kulturrevolution-in-china/ zu den linksdissidentischen Strömungen der Kulturrevolution:  Wu, Y. (2019). Die andere Kulturrevolution. 1966-169: Der Anfang vom Ende des chinesischen Sozialismus. (R. Ruckus, Übers.). Mandelbaum Verlag. https://www.mandelbaum.at/buecher/wu-yiching/die-andere-kulturrevolution/ Orwell, G. (1945 [2022]). Animal Farm.  zu Hu Yaobang: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Hu-Yaobang zur Institutionalisierung und Demokratiebewegung unter Hu Yaobang: https://pekinger-fruehling.univie.ac.at/die-demokratiebewegung-1978-1981/hu-yaobang-und-die-demokratiebewegung/ zum ‘Fragend schreiten wir voran' Motto der zapatistischen Bewegung: https://www.suedwind-magazin.at/fragend-schreiten-wir-voran/ zur Debatte innerhalb der deutschen Linken: https://jungle.world/artikel/2023/10/solidaritaet-mit-wem zur Streikwelle 2010 in China: https://www.bbc.com/news/10389762 zu Arbeitskämpfen in China: https://www.gongchao.org/ zu den Bewegungen in Hongkong: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/296970/massenproteste-in-hongkong/ Demirović, A. (2025). Marx als Demokrat oder: Das Ende der Politik. Dietz. https://dietzberlin.de/produkt/marx-als-demokrat-oder-das-ende-der-politik/ zu Gramsi und ‘Hegemonialer Block': Cox, R. (1996). Gramsci, Hegemony, and International Relations. Approaches to World Order, 124-41. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/03058298830120020701 zum Tiananmen Massaker: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/taegliche-dosis-politik/549121/vor-35-jahren-tiananmen-massaker-in-peking/ zum geopolitischen Hintergrund Venezuela – China – USA: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cly92dkxqvko zur Iranischen Revolution (1979): https://www.britannica.com/event/Iranian-Revolution Zhao, T. (2025). Alles unter dem Himmel. Vergangenheit und Zukunft der Weltordnung. Suhrkamp. https://www.suhrkamp.de/buch/zhao-tingyang-alles-unter-dem-himmel-t-9783518298824 Kang, Y. (1935 [2020]). Die große Gemeinschaft. Drachenhaus. https://www.drachenhaus-verlag.com/products/die-grosse-gemeinschaft Thematisch angrenzende Folgen S02E09 | Isabella M. Weber zu Chinas drittem Weg https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e09-isabella-m-weber-zu-chinas-drittem-weg/ S02E54 | Alex Demirovic zu sozialistischer Gouvernementalität, (Re-)produktion und Rätedemokratie (Teil 2) https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e54-alex-demirovic-zu-sozialistischer-gouvernementalitaet-re-produktion-und-raetedemokratie-teil-2/ S02E53 | Alex Demirovic zu sozialistischer Gouvernementalität, (Re-)produktion und Rätedemokratie (Teil 1) https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e53-alex-demirovic-zu-sozialistischer-gouvernementalitaet-re-produktion-und-raetedemokratie-teil-1/ Future Histories Kontakt & Unterstützung  Wenn euch Future Histories gefällt, dann erwägt doch bitte eine Unterstützung auf Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/join/FutureHistories Schreibt mir unter: office@futurehistories.today Diskutiert mit mir auf Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/futurehistories.bsky.social Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/futurehpodcast/ Mastodon: https://mstdn.social/@FutureHistories Webseite mit allen Folgen: www.futurehistories.today English webpage: https://futurehistories-international.com Episode Keywords  #FelixWemheuer, #JanGroos, #Interview, #FutureHistories, #China, #Mao, #MaoZedong, #Sozialismus, #Kommunismus, #Staatskapitalismus, #Marktsozialismus, #Planwirtschaft, #XiJinping, #ChinasWirtschaft, #Ökonomie, #Staatsklassen, #NeueÖkonomischePolitik, #Chimerica, #GeschichteChinas, #Arbeitskampf, #ChinesischerTraum  

The Erasable Podcast turns 12! As of March 12, we've officially been doing this podcast for 12 years. 279 hours of audio — that's more than 11.5 straight days of Erasable! Tim is out today, but Johnny grills Andy about his trip to Hong Kong and Japan, including some of the cool pencils he found at a stationery shop in Kyoto that's been in business since the 1600s. Have a listen!For this episode, we recorded video, available to Patreon subscribers! If you're a patron, head over to see our faces and visual examples of many of the things we discuss. And if you're not a patron, join us at any level and you can see this and other supplemental content at any time!Show Notes & LinksErasable PatreonErasable Podcast Discord inviteGestalt App — join the beta!Pencil & Paper's custom Field NotesJ Herbin Vert Pre inkIroshizuku chiku-rin inkKyukyodoYour HostsJohnny GamberPencil Revolution@pencilutionAndy WelfleWoodclinched@awelfleTim Wasem@TimWasem

Hong Kong health authorities investigate a norovirus outbreak aboard Holland America's Westerdam after 76 passengers and crew fall ill during an Asia sailing. Carnival Sunshine is delayed departing Norfolk after an overnight power outage leaves passengers in the dark. And HX Expeditions announces two new Alaska Inside Passage cruises for 2026, offering expedition-style small-ship access to remote Alaskan waterways.

 This week Sidey, Dan, and Cris fly solo — Simon's been called to Southampton on urgent business (he was spotted in a pub surrounded by tea cups, so make of that what you will). The dads are reviewing Ballad of a Small Player (2024), the new Netflix film from Edward Berger — the director behind All Quiet on the Western Front and Conclave — starring a very much on-form Colin Farrell. The Film: Colin Farrell plays Lord Doyle, a dissolute British gambler drowning in debt in the casinos of Macau — and if you thought Vegas was the gambling capital of the world, think again. Doyle owes 352,000 Hong Kong dollars to the house, is blagging his way past the front desk in a crumpled cravat, and somehow still looks magnificent. He falls in with a mysterious young woman at the Baccarat tables, and from there the film slides into gorgeous, ambiguous territory — is she real? Is any of this? And does it even matter when the rush of the bet is the only thing that feels true? Themes of addiction, redemption, obsession, and the question of whether you can ever really stop — all wrapped in the stylised, sun-drenched visual language of Macau's casino underworld. The lads give it two words each: "All in" (Dan), "Bizarre but funny" (Cris), and "Strong recommend" (Sidey). Consensus: go watch it. Top Five: Gardens The boys dig into their favourite cinematic, televisual, musical, and gaming gardens. From the gnome in Amélie and David Lynch's suburban lawn horror in Blue Velvet, to the brutal communal fields of Midsommar, Spirited Away's otherworldly beauty, and the garden in Saltburn that had certain members of the pod seeing quite a lot of a particular actor. Wonka's chocolate garden gets a nod, as does Miss Peregrine's hedge-portal to another time. Sidey & Reegs are also going to see Wu-Tang Clan at the O2. Protect ya neck. You can now text us anonymously to leave feedback, suggest future content or simply hurl abuse at us. We'll read out any texts we receive on the show. Click here to try it out!We love to hear from our listeners! By which I mean we tolerate it. If it hasn't been completely destroyed yet you can usually find us on twitter @dads_film, on Facebook Bad Dads Film Review, on email at baddadsjsy@gmail.com or on our website baddadsfilm.com. Until next time, we remain... Bad Dads

I want to invite you into one of the most meaningful, emotional, and important conversations I've ever had the honor to record.This episode is a tribute, a celebration, and a deep bow of respect to a man whose very presence influenced the direction of my path, who shaped an entire island's martial culture, and who quietly—but powerfully—influenced some of the biggest names in Jeet Kune Do and modern martial arts.Today, with my dear friend Guro Burton Richardson, we honor the life, legacy, philosophy, and spirit of the one and only:Professor / Sifu Daniel Duby De Lavergnê—martial artist, philosopher, rock star, pioneer, and a living embodiment of JKD's essence.There are people in life who teach you techniques…And there are people who teach you how to live.There are people who show you how to kick…And there are people who show you how to be.Sifu Dan was one of those rare individuals who carried a different frequency.A different presence.A different internal stillness.A different type of lightning.When you stood with him, you didn't just see martial arts—you felt an entire way of being.He wasn't imitating Bruce Lee.He wasn't reciting philosophy.He was the philosophy.He was the art.He was the expression.He traveled from Reunion Island to Taiwan and Hong Kong at a time when there was no YouTube, no translators, no pre-arranged seminars—just pure heart, courage, and curiosity. He trained Wing Chun under Lo Man Kam, Monkey Boxing under Grandmaster Liao Wu Tsang, he studied the internal arts, he studied with Philip Bourjon and then fused all of it with the ferocity and elegance of Street Savate, which he brought to the United States in the 1970s.People don't realize this, but the street kicking, the stop-kicking, the savate flavor in JKD today?A huge part of that came through him.He influenced Jeet Kune Do luminaries like —Guru Dan Inosanto, Paul Vunak, and Matt Thornton—who spoke of Dan's ability to close the gap, the suddenness of his kicks, the cobra-like explosion that made him look like lightning.This man influenced multiple generations of martial artists who never even met him.But beyond the technique, what made him truly extraordinary was something deeper:His presence.His ability to be fully himself—without facade, without mask, without fear.His ability to empower others.To look you in the eyes and say,“You've got this. Go find your own way.”That single sentence changed the trajectory of my Jeet Kune Do.And so today, we honor him.We honor his journey.We honor his courage.We honor his impact.We honor his students, his family, and the martial artists of Reunion Island whose culture he transformed forever.So settle in.Take a deep breath.Because today, we're not just recounting stories…We're remembering a legend.Welcome to:“The Legend of Daniel Duby de Lavergne: Fearless, Fluid, Free.” 

EPISODE 686 - Richard Walter - DEADPAN is a funny novel about an unfunny subject - Hate speech and bigotryRichard Walter is an author of best-selling fiction and nonfiction, celebrated storytelling educator, screenwriter, script consultant, lecturer and retired professor who led the screenwriting program in the film school at UCLA for several decades. He has written scripts for the major studios and television networks; lectured on screenwriting and storytelling and conducted master classes throughout North America as well as London, Paris, Jerusalem, Madrid, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, Beijing, Shanghai, Sydney and Hong Kong.DEADPAN is a funny novel about an unfunny subject—hate speech and bigotry—that takes readers on an extraordinary ride of unlimited imagination, providing gobs of entertainment and delivering a comedic body blow to prejudice. https://www.richardwalterbooks.com/Support the show___https://livingthenextchapter.com/podcast produced by: https://truemediasolutions.ca/Coffee Refills are always appreciated, refill Dave's cup here, and thanks!https://buymeacoffee.com/truemediaca

From the 1970s to the early 1990s a patch of land in Hong Kong the size of just a few football fields was the most densely-populated area in the world – and by a longshot. Even more remarkable, it was an outlaw land that somehow formed a tight community.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Send a textWelcome to episode 369 of the Chasing Daylight Podcast! This week, Matt, Joe, Jeremy, and Dan cover Akshay's big win at the Arnold Palmer Invitational and dive into the heated debate: Is he anchoring his long putter? The boys also discuss Gary Woodland's incredibly emotional interview about his battle with PTSD, Rory McIlroy tweaking his back, and Jon Rahm capturing a LIV Golf win in Hong Kong.With major season energy in the air, we preview The Players Championship, balk at the wild $900 tee times at TPC Sawgrass, and share a legendary story about playing barefoot night golf at Shadow Creek. Plus, stick around for Matt's absolute disaster class in hosting AI-generated golf trivia, and find out who takes home the ultra-rare 1-of-100 Garsen Stadium grip!Episode Breakdown:Giveaways & Gear: We announce the 1-of-100 Garsen Stadium grip giveaway and talk about the realities of equipment tinkering.Tour News & Recaps: Recapping Akshay's API victory, Jon Rahm's LIV Hong Kong win, and Rory's back tweak.Gary Woodland's Battle: Reacting to Gary Woodland's deeply emotional interview about his post-surgery PTSD.The Anchoring Debate: Analyzing Akshay's putting stroke, the long putter trend, and whether he's breaking the rules.Matt's Knee Rehab: A candid (and painful) update on Matt's grueling physical therapy following his knee replacement.AI Trivia Disaster: Matt hosts a Jeopardy-style golf trivia game powered by Google Gemini, but completely botches the answer key.The Players Championship Preview: Discussing the "fifth major" at TPC Sawgrass, $900 tee times, and making our picks for the week.High Roller Golf: Swapping stories about expensive rounds, including playing barefoot night golf at Shadow Creek.Special thanks go out to our show sponsors:

On this episode the Cincinnati Pink Pony crew joins us at the After Party as they talk about working and partying at the Cincinnati party bar. Matt tells us about his staycations at El Paso County jail and Mad's catches us up from her last episode and her ex drama. Follow us on social media @AaronScenesAfterParty

Recorded on March 7, 2026, at Boundless Mind Temple in Brooklyn, NY. Please enjoy this interfaith dialogue on engaged action as spiritual practice with guest teacher, Reverend Mira Salwani of The Riverside Church, and Sarah Dojin Emerson. The BZC Podcast is offered free of charge and made possible by the donations we receive. You can donate to Brooklyn Zen Center at brooklynzen.org under ‘Giving.' Thank you for your generosity! Rev. Mira Salwani speaks about “what it means to find home in the midst of chaos,” by “leaning into discomfort as a means to survival.” She explores the value of “extending home and belonging and safety to someone else … and to ourselves.” Reverend Mira Salwani serves as the Minister of Justice, Advocacy & Change at The Riverside Church. She is a daughter of immigrants, a pastor, a preacher, an educator and a public theologian. Mira received her Master of Divinity degree from Wesley Theological Seminary where she earned an award for Excellence in Public Theology and a Community Life Award. During her time in seminary, Mira served as the Associate Pastor of Spiritual Formation at Peace Fellowship Church, working in partnership with congregants, community organizers and activists to end gun violence in Washington, DC. Mira has also served on the launch team of Resurrection City, a Queer and Black led church plant; as the former Community Pastor at Forefront Church NYC and most recently as the Minister for Spiritual Development and Care at Middle Collegiate Church. Her decolonized approach to justice and advocacy have been informed by her lived experience as a “third culture kid” of Philippine and Indian heritage in her birthplace of Hong Kong, and her extensive experience doing ministry in multicultural communities from Australia to the United States. Her journey as a mother of three girls has fueled her desire to bring about social change for their futures and to bring to realization God's kin-dom here on earth for all to experience.

The ports of Balboa and Cristóbal bookend the Panama canal. They don't control the canal, and they have been privately operated by CK Hutchison's Panama Ports Company for decades.  Those old contracts are now in the middle of a legal fight, a sovereignty debate, and a live test of how far national power competitions can reach into commercial infrastructure. Panama's Supreme Court recently ruled that the legal terms underlying CK Hutchison's port concession were unconstitutional. The concessions have been canceled and Panama has selected two different operators to take over responsibility for the ports while new owners are determined. If that wasn't complicated enough, Hong Kong-based CK Hutchinson intended to sell the ports to U.S.-headquartered BlackRock, a move that China was not too happy about.  The ports are now in the middle of a high stakes proxy war, with China and CK Hutchison on one side, and BlackRock and the Trump Administration on the other. In this episode of the Art of Supply podcast, Kelly Barner covers the short and long term implications of uncertain Panama Canal port ownership: Panama's disputed Supreme Court ruling  Why the original $23 billion BlackRock-MSC transaction now looks much more complicated than a straightforward ownership transfer. How BlackRock, Maersk, MSC, and other bidders are repositioning around the two terminals. What to watch for when a local concession dispute becomes a multi-jurisdiction legal and geopolitical risk event Links: Who owns the Panama Canal? Kelly Barner on LinkedIn Art of Supply LinkedIn newsletter  Art of Supply on AOP Subscribe to This Week in Procurement  

S&P futures are slightly higher as of now. Oil price volatility and geopolitical risks in the Middle East remain key drivers of global sentiment. Asian equities advanced today, led by a +1.4% gain in Japan's Nikkei. South Korea and Taiwan posted strong gains, driven by chipmakers and AI demand optimism. Mainland China and Hong Kong were near flat. European equity futures point to a slightly lower open. Companies Mentioned: OpenAI, Google, Microsoft, Paypay, Chevron, Shell

The Transformation Ground Control podcast covers a number of topics important to digital and business transformation. This episode covers the following topics and interviews:   What ERP Vendor Roadmaps Reveal About AI in 2026, Q&A (Darian Chwialkowski, Third Stage Consulting) How Customers Are Taking Back Control of Their Technology Roadmap (Eric Helmer, Rimini Street) Why Some ECC Customers Are Being Told to Spend Over $100M on S/4HANA We also cover a number of other relevant topics related to digital and business transformation throughout the show.  

In Episode 34 DDSWTNP sit down for a revelatory talk with Tom LeClair, a founding critic in the study of DeLillo, his longtime friend and liaison to the literary world, and a figure who has both written fiction shaped by DeLillo's and (he suggests) seen his own stories turned into scenes and dialogue by DeLillo himself. We get into LeClair's relationship with DeLillo going back more than forty years, starting from the time the author sent him a copy of Ratner's Star and proceeding to a 1979 interview in Athens that illuminated a then rather reclusive and secretive writer, including the story behind a card DeLillo handed out in those years reading “I don't want to talk about it.” We also ask LeClair questions about his many readings of DeLillo's and others' works over the years, starting from his major books In the Loop: Don DeLillo and the Systems Novel (1987) and The Art of Excess: Mastery in Contemporary American Fiction (1989), studies that initiated LeClair's career-long examination of encyclopedic works that form categories of “systext,” “monsterpiece,” and others he has defined in his many major magazine and newspaper reviews and in his current substack. What does LeClair make of the many mentions of “systems” in Underworld? What does a line from Point Omega suggest to him about the possibility someday of a DeLillo biography? What does LeClair mean when he calls DeLillo a thoroughly “intuitive” writer and an artist obsessed his whole life with embodiment, birth, death, and fear? Is “mystery” the right word for what drives DeLillo's narrative seeking, and is Catholicism a useful lens? What to make of the ending of Zero K? Why did DeLillo want to visit Beirut with LeClair? And what do these two talk about when they have lunch together? The interview also gets into depth on the many comparisons LeClair sees with his own fiction, its set of Kierkegaardian maneuvers through the Greece-based world of basketball player Michael Keever, the hero of Passing Off (1996) who begins for LeClair a series of examinations of games, terrorism, and some familiar DeLillo territory that extends through the four other Passing novels that LeClair has published in the thirty years since.    Cover photograph by Kinga Owczennikow. A native of Poland, Kinga Owczennikow is currently based in New York City. She holds a BA (Hons) in Photography from the University for the Creative Arts in the UK. Kinga is an Associate of the Royal Photographic Society, a member of the Center for Photographic Art in Carmel and an exhibiting member of the Soho Photo Gallery in New York City. Kinga had a solo exhibition “The secret paths of Hong Kong” at the Asia and Pacific Museum in Warsaw, in 2011. Her photographic work has also been exhibited internationally in group shows. Her first photobook "Framing the World" was published by Ephemere in Tokyo, in 2025.   Texts by Tom LeClair and others discussed in this episode:   “Don DeLillo: The Word, The Image, The Gun.” BBC, 1991. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt4029096/   Amy Hungerford, “Don DeLillo's Latin Mass.” Contemporary Literature 47.3 (Autumn 2006): 343-380.   Tom LeClair and Larry McCaffery, eds. Anything Can Happen: Interviews with Contemporary American Novelists. U. of Illinois P., 1983.   Tom LeClair. In the Loop: Don DeLillo and the Systems Novel. U. of Illinois P., 1987.   ---. The Art of Excess: Mastery in Contemporary American Fiction.U. of Illinois P., 1989.   ---. “Me and Mao II” (1993). https://perival.com/delillo/meandmaoii.html   ---. Passing Off. Permanent Press, 1996.   ---. “An Under-history of Mid-Century America” (review of Underworld). The Atlantic, October 1997.   ---. “Two On One: Writing a Basketball Novel.” In What to Read (and Not): Essays and Reviews. Dzanc Books, 2014.   ---. “Serious But Not Dangerous Don DeLillo” (review of The Silence). American Book Review 42.4 (May/June 2021): 10-11.   —-. Harpooning Donald Trump: A Novelist's Essays. Mediacs, 2017.   ---. Passing Again. 2022.   Tom LeClair's Substack: https://tleclair.substack.com/   Vince Passaro, “Dangerous Don DeLillo.” New York Times Magazine, May 19, 1991. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/19/magazine/dangerous-don-delillo.html   Lawrence Weschler, Mr. Wilson's Cabinet of Wonder: Pronged Ants, Horned Humans, Mice on Toast, and Other Marvels of Jurassic Technology. Vintage, 1995.

Royal Caribbean becomes the first major cruise line to restrict smart glasses like Apple Vision Pro and Meta Ray-Bans in pools, spas, and changing areas, setting a new privacy standard at sea. Norwegian Cruise Line takes delivery of the Norwegian Luna, their newest Prima Plus class ship featuring 19 restaurants and a go-kart track. And StarCruises expands its Star Voyager 2026 sailing schedule from Hong Kong with new routes across Asia.

As Hong Kong approaches the 30th anniversary of its return to China, Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu has revealed that the city is exploring the development of its first-ever Five-Year Plan. The initiative is expected to focus on economic growth, improving livelihoods, and strengthening the city's global competitiveness, before undergoing public consultation. Why is Hong Kong considering a Five-Year Plan now? How would such a framework work in a city long known for its market-driven governance?

Scott shares a few 2026 updates shaping the Amazon landscape... plus a key reminder that opportunity is still real, but it's shifting. He challenges the “Amazon is dead for new sellers” narrative. Michael White (a longtime SmartScout teammate) left to launch his own Amazon brand and has already crossed $1M in revenue after launching in August. This was driven by patient sourcing and a clear trend thesis. From there, Scott zooms out to the more sobering macro view behind his YouTube documentary “Death of the Amazon Seller”: fewer new sellers are entering, and incremental marketplace growth is increasingly captured by large brands, large sellers, and Chinese sellers. using creatine as the example, Scott leans into what he's most bullish on: trend-chasing done intelligently. While the overall creatine market is booming, the real edge is spotting sub-trends inside the trend (like gummies, Creapure, and women-focused positioning) that are growing faster than the broader category. He closes with a data point on Chinese sellers shifting their “country of business” (often to Hong Kong or the U.S.) and a new research tool he's excited about: ECDB, a global e-commerce database founded by a former Statista leader, aimed at mapping retail and marketplace performance worldwide. Episode Notes 00:31 - A real-world counterpoint to “Amazon is too hard now”: a SmartScout teammate launches and hits $1M+ revenue fast 01:48 - Why Scott's documentary argues Amazon is consolidating: fewer new sellers, more share captured by big players 03:00 - Why Scott is still bullish on trend-based product selection, especially in fast-moving categories 03:55 - Creatine as the case study: macro growth is strong, but sub-trends are where the outsized opportunity lives 05:00 - Practical takeaway: “find a trend inside the trend” and build positioning around the faster-growing slice 06:45 - New data insight: large Chinese sellers changing business location (often Hong Kong or U.S.) 07:50 - Why: conversion optics and rising pressure around revenue reporting and compliance 09:25 - Tool spotlight: ECDB and what global marketplace data reveals about Amazon vs. China-based giants 11:08 - Scott's outlook: Still optimistic on growth, but the game is changing Related Watch “Death of the Amazon Seller”  Related Post Top 10 Chinese Sellers That Have Changed Countries   Scott's Links: LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/scott-needham-a8b39813 X: @itsScottNeedham Instagram: @smartestseller YouTube: www.youtube.com/@smartestamazonseller2371 Newsletter: https://www.smartscout.com/newsletter-sign-up Blog: https://www.smartscout.com/blog

Akshay Bhatia caught fire on the back nine Sunday at Bay Hill to catch Daniel Berger and eventually beat him on the first playoff hole to win the Arnold Palmer Invitational. We will dive into the tournament, players complaining about the conditions and we will pose the question, what is wrong with Scottie Scheffler's iron play? It is Players Championship week and the best players in the world will be in Ponte Vedra for the PGA Tour's flagship event. We will break down the Players Championship and give our picks for this week. Jon Rahm won his first LIV event in a year and a half in Hong Kong. We will talk about that and his comments this week about the DP World Tour. All this and some other golf news and events. Subscribe to the Break80 Podcast on Apple, Spotify and YouTube for weekly golf content. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

S&P futures are up +0.3% right now as risk sentiment improves amid hopes for de-escalation in the Iran conflict. Asian equities rallied today, supported by a sharp correction in crude prices. Japan's Nikkei advanced +2.8%, followed by Hong Kong's Hang Seng, which closed near +2% higher. South Korea and Taiwan also saw strong gains, while India posted more modest increases. European equity futures point to a strong start, with major benchmarks all up over +1%. This follows Monday's losses, where the energy sector was the only performer in the black. Companies Mentioned: Anthropic, Disney, Apple, NVIDIA

Send a textIn this episode, our guests Drs. Huseyin Uysal and Luis Javier Pentón Herrera talk to us about learning the English language, and supporting young people in humanizing ways as they learn English. Dr. Huseyin Uysal's research interests, which tie back to several of his current endeavors, are primarily centered on studying fairness, justice and equity in language assessment, criticality in TESOL teacher education, and plurilingualism at public schools. His work has appeared in venues such as TESOL Journal, TESOL Quarterly, Linguistics and Education, and Peabody Journal of Education. He currently serves as the Editor-in-Chief of Journal of Education for Multilingualism, and the Associate Editor of Journal of Education, Language, and Ideology. He is the current Chair of the Bilingual-Multilingual Education Interest Section of TESOL International Association. Dr. Uysal is a Research Assistant Professor in the Department of English Language Education at The Education University of Hong Kong. He holds a PhD degree in Curriculum and Instruction with a specialization in ESOL/Bilingual Education from the University of Florida. You can reach Dr. Uysal at huysal9@gmail.com. Dr. Luis Javier Pentón Herrera's current teaching and research projects are situated at the intersection of identity, emotions, and well-being in language and literacy education, social-emotional learning (SEL), autoethnography and storytelling, refugee education, and language weaponization. His books can be found in the University of Michigan Press, Routledge, Springer, Brill, De Gruyter, TESOL Press, Bucharest University Press, and Rowman & Littlefield. Dr. Pentón Herrera is an award-winning Spanish and English educator and a best-selling author. In 2024, he was selected as the 2024 TESOL Teacher of the Year, awarded by the TESOL International Association and National Geographic Learning. He is a Professor at VIZJA University, Poland, and a Book Series Co-Editor of the Cambridge Elements in Language and Power (Cambridge University Press) and Contemporary Perspectives on Learning Environments book series (Emerald Publishing), as well as Co-Editor of Tapestry: A Multimedia Journal for Teachers and English Learners, and Associate Editor of Language Teacher Education Research. Further, he is a Fulbright Scholar and Specialist, and an English Language Specialist with the U.S. Department of State. Previously, he served as the 38th President of Maryland TESOL from 2018 to 2019, and earned the rank of Sergeant while serving in the United States Marine Corps (USMC). Two of his professional accolades include the ‘30 Up and Coming Emerging Leaders in TESOL', awarded by TESOL International Association in 2016, and the J. Estill Alexander Future Leader in Literacy Award, awarded by the Association of Literacy Educators and Researchers (ALER) in 2018 when his dissertation was chosen as ALER's Outstanding Dissertation of the Year. Originally from La Habana, Cuba, Dr. Pentón Herrera enjoys creative writing, playing with his two dogs, Virgo and Maui, and running in his free time. You can connect with Dr. Pentón Herrera on his Instagram: @luisjavierpentonherrera and on his website https://luispenton.com/To cite this episode: Persohn, L. (Host). (2026, Mar. 10). A Conversation with Huseyin Uysal and Luis Javier Pentón Herrera. (Season 6, No. 8) [Audio podcast episode]. In Classroom Caffeine Podcast series. https://www.classroomcaffeine.com/guests. DOI: 10.5240/F619-2EFE-72B9-79F4-04DF-FConnect with Classroom Caffeine at www.classroomcaffeine.com or on Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn.

BLOODSPORT (1988) - Couch Potato Theater: 1980's Cannon Films Retrospective Watch: Fandom Podcast Network YouTube Channel Link: https://www.youtube.com/@FandomPodcastNetwork Listen: Couch Potato Theater Audio Podcast Link: https://fpnet.podbean.com/category/couch-potato-theater Welcome to Couch Potato Theater, where we celebrate our favorite movies on the Fandom Podcast Network! We're celebrating 1980's Cannon action films with a retrospective on how important these movies were to our fandom then, and the nostalgic grasp they still have on us today. On this episode we discuss Jean-Claude Van Damme's cult classic movie, BLOODSPORT (1988).  Bloodsport is a 1988 American martial arts film directed by Newt Arnold and starring Jean-Claude Van Damme, with a supporting cast of Leah Ayres, Donald Gibb, Roy Chiao, Norman Burton, Forest Whitaker, and Bolo Yeung. The film centers on Frank Dux (Van Damme), a United States Army captain and ninjutsu practitioner who competes in an underground full-contact martial arts tournament called the Kumite in Hong Kong. Based on Dux's real-life claims, the film was marketed as a true story. It was one of Van Damme's first lead roles and showcased his abilities, launching his career as a mainstream action star. We will also discuss the films 1980's Cannon Films Famous Producers, Menahem Golan and Yoram Globus. We also mention the documentaries about them, Electric Boogaloo: The Wild, Untold Story of Cannon Films (2014), and The Go-Go Boys: The Inside Story of Cannon Films (2014). Fandom Podcast Network Contact Information - - Fandom Podcast Network YouTube Channel:  https://www.youtube.com/c/FandomPodcastNetwork - Master feed for all FPNet Audio Podcasts: http://fpnet.podbean.com/ - Couch Potato Theater Audio Podcast Master Feed: https://fpnet.podbean.com/category/couch-potato-theater - Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Fandompodcastnetwork - Email: fandompodcastnetwork@gmail.com - Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/fandompodcastnetwork/ - X: @fanpodnetwork / https://twitter.com/fanpodnetwork -Bluesky: @fanpodnetwork / https://bsky.app/profile/fanpodnetwork.bsky.social Host & Guest Contact Info: - Kevin Reitzel on X, Instagram, Threads, Discord & Letterboxd: @spartan_phoenix / Bluesky: @spartanphoenix - Kyle Wagner on X: @AKyleW / Instagram & Threads: @Akylefandom / @akyleW on Discord / @Ksport16: Letterboxd / Bluesky: @akylew - Special Guest:  Adam O'Brien on X, Instagram, Threads, & Bluesky: @TheLethalMullet #Bloodsport #JeanClaudeVanDamme #CannonFilms #CouchPotatoTheater #FandomPodcastNetwork #FPNet #FPN #CPT #80sCannonFilms #Bloodsport1988 #BloodsportMovie #FrankDux #BoloYeung #DonaldGibb  #LeahAyres  #RoyChiao #NormanBurton #ForestWhitaker  #KenSiu #NewtArnold #MenahemGolan #YoramGlobus #TheGoGoBoys #ElectricBoogaloo #80sActionMovies #1988Movies #CultClassic #KevinReitzel #KyleWagner #AdamObrien

SVP of Business Development at Bullish and Chairman of Consensus, Michael Lau, joins David Sencil at Consensus Hong Kong to discuss why Hong Kong is becoming the world's most important city for the convergence of TradFi and crypto.Topics covered:• Why HK ranked #1 globally for IPOs in 2025 — and what that means for crypto• The developer talent gap: "Nobody stays here"• Live events in the age of AI: physical presence as the new scarcity• How HK compares to Singapore, Dubai & Korea as a crypto hub• The institutional adoption thesis for Hong KongRecorded at Consensus Hong Kong.00:00 Michael Lau's Journey into Finance and Technology03:00 The Role of Consensus in the Crypto Ecosystem06:12 Conferences as Catalysts for the Crypto Industry08:55 Hong Kong: A Rising Crypto Hub12:00 Comparing Asian Crypto Hubs14:58 Challenges and Opportunities for Hong Kong18:01 The Future of Crypto in Hong Kong

Mark Clifford, journalist and biographer of the recently convicted pro-democracy businessman Jimmy Lai, talks about his journey from Hong Kong journalist to accidental activist.About Peking HotelThe Peking Hotel podcast and newsletter are digital publications in which Liu He interviews China specialists about their first-hand experiences and observations from decades past. The project grew out of Liu's research at Hoover Institution collecting oral history of China experts living in the U.S. Their stories are a reminder of what China used to be and what it is capable of becoming.Podcast music Get full access to Peking Hotel at pekinghotel.substack.com/subscribe

“Fidel Castro told his aides, ‘We're going to fill his arms with shit.' That is an example of weaponised migration. What we're experiencing now is on a thermonuclear scale.” — Peter SchweizerIs best selling writer Peter Schweizer a conspiracy theorist? He doesn't think so. His new book, The Invisible Coup: How American Elites and Foreign Powers Use Immigration as a Weapon, argues that Mexico, China, and the Muslim Brotherhood are using mass migration as a strategic tool to undermine the United States. Not in a coordinated conspiracy—but as a confluence of interests, what he calls a “Venn diagram” of enemies who overlap on one point: transforming America through its borders.Rather than an axis of evil, then, we have a Venn diagram of foreign governments filling America with shitty immigrants. The world according to Peter Schweizer.Some of the claims are more credible than others. Mexico operates 53 consulates in the US—the UK has six. A dozen senior Mexican officials live full-time in the United States while serving in Mexico's parliament, and one of them crossed the country in 2025 to, in his own words, “organise the militancy” against the Trump administration. Chinese birth tourism, encouraged by the CCP, has produced an estimated million children born on US soil who are growing up in China—future voters, donors, and government employees. Hong Kong banned the practice in 2013, calling it subversion. And look at Hong Kong's predicament now.Other claims are harder to take seriously. The idea that Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum is a revanchist who wants to seize back California strikes me as Latin American magical realism—though Schweizer quotes Mexican officials saying exactly that. And the “Muslim Brotherhood” (whatever that is), which isn't in power anywhere, is no more of a threat to the United States than the Ottoman Empire. I pushed him on whether all immigrants are Manchurian candidates. He says no—but Schweizer's Invisible Coup could easily be confused with silly script for a paranoid Hollywood fantasy.There is, of course, a bit of an irony here. Schweizer's own parents were immigrants—his father Swiss, his mother Swedish. He grew up outside Seattle. His mother warned him, as a young man, about the terrible dangers of Swedish socialism. He favours “some legal immigration”—and sounds almost surprised at his liberal self for saying so. The American dream, he insists, is not dead. It's just being exploited by foreign powers who see America's open borders as a strategic vulnerability. Castro's Mariel boatlift is the model that Claudia Sheinbaum and the Moslem Brotherhood are trying to emulate. Pass the popcorn. Five Takeaways•       Immigration Has Been Weaponised: Schweizer argues that Mexico, China, and the Muslim Brotherhood are using mass migration as a strategic tool to undermine the United States. Not in a single conspiracy—but as a confluence of interests, a Venn diagram of enemies who overlap on one point: transforming America through its borders.•       Mexico Has 53 Consulates in the US. The UK Has Six: Schweizer's most striking claim: a dozen senior Mexican officials now live full-time in the US, serving in Mexico's parliament, organising what one of them calls “the militancy” against the Trump administration. Mexican consulates have met with Democratic activists to discuss how to flip states from red to blue.•       A Million US Citizens Are Being Raised in China: Chinese birth tourism, encouraged by the CCP, has produced an estimated million children born on US soil who are growing up in China. When they turn 18, they can vote, donate to candidates, and take government jobs. Hong Kong banned the practice in 2013, calling it subversion.•       The Son of Immigrants Who Fears Immigration: Schweizer's own parents were immigrants—his father Swiss, his mother Swedish. He grew up outside Seattle. His mother warned him about Swedish socialism. He favours “some legal immigration” but wants the weaponised networks dismantled first. The irony is not lost.•       The American Dream Is Not Dead—It's Being Exploited: Schweizer insists he's not arguing against immigration itself. The dream survives, he says, but it's being exploited by foreign powers who see America's open borders as a strategic vulnerability. Castro's Mariel boatlift was the template. What's happening now, he says, is the same thing on a thermonuclear scale. About the GuestPeter Schweizer is president of the Government Accountability Institute and a former fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is the #1 New York Times bestselling author of The Invisible Coup, Red-Handed, Blood Money, and Clinton Cash. He received his M.Phil. from Oxford University. He lives in Tallahassee, Florida.ReferencesBooks and references:•       Red-Handed: How American Elites Get Rich Helping China Win by Peter Schweizer•       Blood Money: Why the Powerful Turn a Blind Eye While China Kills Americans by Peter Schweizer•       The Mariel boatlift of 1980—Fidel Castro's template for weaponised immigration•       The Manchurian Candidate — referenced in the conversation•       China's National Intelligence Law (2017)—requiring any Chinese national to perform intelligence duties when askedAbout Keen On AmericaNobody asks more awkward questions than the Anglo-American writer and filmmaker Andrew Keen. In Keen On America, Andrew brings his pointed Transatlantic wit to making sense of the United States—hosting daily interviews about the history and future of this now venerable Republic. With nearly 2,800 episodes since the show launched on TechCrunch in 2010, Keen On America is the most prolific intellectual interview show in the history of podcasting.WebsiteSubstackYouTubeApple PodcastsSpotify Chapters:(00:00) - Introduction: Is Peter Schweizer a conspiracy theorist? (02:37) - The cover: Sheinbaum, Xi, AOC, Obama, Biden (04:57) - Good immigrants and bad immigrants (05:51) - The Mariel boatlift as template: Castro's “fill his arms with shit” (08:24...

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Join us to hear from renowned historian Frank Dikötter, who offers a commanding history recasting how communists seized power in China. In April 1927, soldiers and detectives descended upon the Russian Embassy in Beijing, revolvers drawn. An hour later, they emerged with a trove of documents, some of them partly damaged by Russians who had tried quickly to destroy them. In these singed and soggy papers was proof that Moscow, despite agreeing three years earlier not to “propagate communistic doctrines,” had, in fact, sent what amounts to millions in today's dollars—along with shiploads of arms and advisors—to support nothing less than a revolution in China.  These findings are hardly ever mentioned by historians—until now. Dikötter says the history of modern China has long been framed as an organic enterprise, wherein Communists mobilized the “peasants,” took land from the rich and redistributed it to the poor. Drawing on the Beijing raid as well as several other overlooked archives, Dikötter's new book Red Dawn Over China reveals how unlikely a communist victory actually was, had it not been for massive financial and military support from the Soviet Union; a brutal war of occupation by Japan; severe miscalculations by the United States; and—most of all—the Communist Party's unflinching will to conquer at all costs. Dikötter reveals how what began in 1921 with 13 delegates in a dusty room led to a red flag being raised over the Forbidden City in 1949, forever altering the course of history for a quarter of humanity and shaping the global balance of power as we know it today.  About the Speaker: Frank Dikötter is the Milias Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He is also Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong. His books have changed the way historians view China, from the classic The Discourse of Race in Modern China to his award-winning People's Trilogy, a series of books that document the lives of ordinary people under Mao: Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe; The Tragedy of Liberation: A History of the Chinese Revolution, 1945-1957; and The Cultural Revolution: A People's History, 1962-1976. An Asia-Pacific Affairs Member-led Forum program. Forums and chapters at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. Organizer: Lillian K NakagawaNotes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

I sat down with Shady from HUMAN.TECH during Consensus Week in Hong Kong. We talked about how he entered Web3 through neuroscience, why HUMAN.TECH is focused on putting humans at the center of technology, and what digital rights should look like in an AI-driven world. This episode goes deep into self custody, decentralized identity, wallet infrastructure, sustainable token economies, and why timing matters so much when building in Web3.We also explored what it takes to build products that last. Shady shared how HUMAN.TECH thinks about revenue, long-term incentives, and real utility beyond hype. We also discussed AI agents, identity delegation, and why founders need to answer one simple question: why does what they are building actually matter for the world?Key pointsIntro from Consensus Week in Hong Kong and welcome to Shady from HUMAN.TECHHow Shady entered Web3 through a neuroscience data-sharing problemDiscovering IPFS and the path into decentralizationWhy Holonym evolved and how HUMAN.TECH was bornBuilding technology with digital rights embedded by designWhy sustainability is still one of Web3's biggest problemsThe gap between crypto hype and real-world utilityHow HUMAN.TECH plans to monetize identity proofs and wallet infrastructureCreating sustainable economic loops through node staking and network demandWhy self custody is the guiding star for HUMAN.TECHHow AI changes the conversation around ownership, identity, and private keysA future where AI agents may need delegated human identityWhy timing matters in startups and how to tell if a market is readyWhy crypto is still early, especially for self custodyThe next 12 months for HUMAN.TECH and the upcoming token launchWhat developers can build today with HUMAN.TECH and WAPThe vision for easier multichain wallet experiencesThe one question every Web3 founder should be askedConnect https://www.linkedin.com/in/shadyeldamaty/ https://human.tech/https://x.com/humntech https://linktr.ee/human.tech DisclaimerNothing mentioned in this podcast is investment advice and please do your own research.It would mean a lot if you can leave a review of this podcast on ApplePodcasts or Spotify and share this podcast with a friend.Be a guest on the podcast or contact us - https://www.web3pod.xyz/

A language returnedMollie Guidera returns to the Irish Stew for a second conversation. Since her first appearance in November 2023, she has published The Gaeilge Guide and grown Irish with Molly into the fastest-growing Gaeilge community in the world — more than 10,000 students across 75 countries. But what Mollie is really doing is harder to quantify: dismantling the barriers that sit between Irish people and their own language.The problem was never the languageFourteen years of compulsory classes, taught through the very language you were trying to learn, left a generation feeling guilty for failing at something that was never properly taught. Mollie's argument is simple: the language is logical, patterned, and far more learnable than people believe. The problem was always the delivery.Hidden in plain sightWe spend time on Hiberno English — the way Irish survives in everyday speech. "Is the dinner not ready yet?" Nobody in America says that. Say it in Irish and it makes perfect grammatical sense. From Wilde to Joyce to Sally Rooney, the Irish literary tradition is Hiberno English in action — a colonized people turning the language of their oppressor into a thing of beauty.The key holderThe episode carries the presence of Manchán Magan, who passed away last year. Mollie recalls asking Manchán for advice on a documentary about her offshore students — Hong Kong, Moscow, Alaska — and his reply coming back immediately: go for it. His wife's words at the Irish Book Awards said it best: Manchán opened the door and showed us all the way through. We just have to walk.The language is yoursFluency is a myth. What matters is showing up consistently, with curiosity, and without shame. The language is yours. It always was.Episode Quote"People have this negative reaction to Irish — and yet this regret for not learning it. There's a very complicated relationship. But I don't think the language itself is complicated."— Mollie GuideraLinksMollie GuideraWebsite: Irish With MollieBook: The Gaeilge GuidePodcast: Irish with MollieInstagramTikTokIrish Language ResourcesTEG: Irish Language CertificationAn Siopa Leabhar - Irish Language Book StoreAll Irish Stew Irish Language Episodes - Ten episodes. All in one place.Irish Language EpisodesIrish Stew LinksWebsiteFacebookInstagramLinkedInBlueskyMastodonMedia Partner: IrishCentralEpisode Details: Season 8, Episode 11; Total Episode Count: 152

Comedian and actor Jimmy O. Yang returns to the studio and gets dragged into Bobby’s chaotic dating philosophy. We chat Asian tour stories, Hong Kong comedy speicial, a Chow Yun-Fat suprise, Jimmy O. Chang, crushing every minute, Terrace House, Bobby's dating show. For simple, online access to personalized and affordable care for Hair Loss, Weight Loss, and more, visit www.hims.com/belly Get 10% off your first month of BlueChew Gold with code BELLY. That’s promo code BELLY. Visit www.bluechew.com for more details and important safety information, and we thank BlueChew for sponsoring the podcast. Join the loyalty program for renters at www.joinbilt.com/belly

Brendan! is on edge early in this episode ahead of a win-and-in Jupiter Links match rounding out TGL's regular season. He shares his favorite team's lineup for the match with Andy and highlights management's decision to send out Kevin Kisner for this pivotal moment in team history. Things quickly transition into the Schedule for the Week for another loaded weekend of outdoor golf. The PGA Tour returns to Bay Hill Club & Lodge for the Arnold Palmer Invitational, one of the premier iron tests on the schedule. Brendan claims that you "cannot be a fraud" this week and believes imposters will be exposed around Arnold's Place. Andy's "5 Guys to Monitor" puts the spotlight on two players making their first PGA Tour starts of 2026 and some other big-name players searching for a win in Florida. There are some laments from Andy about the smaller, Signature Event field making Bay Hill not as fun for PGA Tour Live viewing, but Brendan pushes back and is excited to see all the screened-in porches. PJ jumps in to run the year's first installment of In/Out/Alternate in honor of this week's Puerto Rico Open, where the Past Champions category is putting in work after a slew of withdrawals. Ben Crane's much-anticipated (and highly bet on!) Champions Tour debut is blown by in the rundown in favor of a discussion about Jon Rahm's comments in Hong Kong. Many LIV players are stuck in the Middle East and reserves will be in action, but Rahm made the trip and decided to prolong his fight with the DP World Tour. He has taken exception to the DP World Tour mandating that LIV members play six events, making for a busy fall following the LIV season's end. Andy and Brendan do not feel any pain for Rahm, wondering how he's gone this far in his "delusional" fight against the DPWT. Will this mark the end of Rahm's Ryder Cup career? It looks like things are trending that way. Use promo code SGS30 to shop the Draddy Sport Spring collection: ⁠https://bdraddy.com/collections/draddy-sport-spring-26-collection

When pro-democracy protesters marched in the streets in Hong Kong in 2019, China responded by arresting thousands, including the leaders of the movement. One of the arrested was Jimmy Lai, who had used his newspaper to campaign for democracy. This month, he received a 20-year jail sentence. In an interview, Michael Barbaro speaks to Mr. Lai's son, Sebastien Lai, about the sentence, what it means for the pro-democracy movement and where Hong Kong may go from here. Guest: Sebastien Lai, a democracy activist and the son of the pro-democracy media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai. Background reading: A Hong Kong court sentenced Jimmy Lai to 20 years in prison. The sentence for the media mogul shows how Hong Kong enforces Xi Jinping's red lines with a new severity. Listen to our interview with Jimmy Lai from 2020. Photo: Andrew Testa for The New York Times For more information on today's episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily. Transcripts of each episode will be made available by the next workday.  Subscribe today at nytimes.com/podcasts or on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. You can also subscribe via your favorite podcast app here https://www.nytimes.com/activate-access/audio?source=podcatcher. For more podcasts and narrated articles, download The New York Times app at nytimes.com/app. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.