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Pokalbis su sportininke ir verslininke Roma Puišiene apie jos įspūdingą savaitę - 7 maratonai per 7 dienas 7 žemynuose ir visuose juose - pergalės.Pasirodė komiksas, pasakojantis apie 1945 m. vykusį Merkinės miestelio puolimą - partizanai, vadovaujami Adolfo Ramanausko- Vanago, siekė atkeršyti už draugų žūtį. Tada žuvo 5 partizanai, o priešas neteko 15 NKVD karių ir 7 stribų. Pokalbis su komikso „Kartą Merkinėje“ autoriais Aiste Petrauskiene ir Dovydu Čiupliu.Šįkart LRT „Ieškos sprendimų“ žurnalistai domisi, kaip mažinti jaunimo priklausomybę nuo ekranų ir socialinių tinklų. Amerikiečių šeima, kaip alternatyvą išmaniesiems telefonams, savo vaikams nupirko senuosius laidinius telefonus. Per metus tokius telefonus įsigijo dar bent trisdešimt netoliese gyvenančių šeimų. Iniciatyvos pradininkė Kerol Mors sako, kad laidiniai telefonai skatina bendravimą ir atsakomybės jausmą, o kartu padeda jaunuolėms išvengti išmaniųjų prietaisų keliamų rizikų.O kiek Lietuvoje dar populiarūs laidiniai telefonai? Kas jais naudojasi?Rusijos sportininkai galės dalyvauti dziudo varžybose su savo šalies vėliava - Tarptautinė dziudo federacija atšaukė neutralų statusą, kuris jiems buvo nustatytas po plataus masto karo prieš Ukrainą pradžios.Ved. Agnė Skamarakaitė

Last time we spoke about the beginning of a conflict between the USSR and Japan. In the frost-hardened dawns by the Chaun and Tumen, two powers eye a ridge called Changkufeng, each seeing a prize and fearing a trap. On the Soviet side, weary front-line troops tighten their grip, while Moscow's diplomats coaxed restraint through Seoul and Harbin.  As July unfolds, Tokyo's generals push a dangerous idea: seize the hill with a surprise strike, then bargain for peace. Seoul's 19th Division is readied in secret, trains loaded with men and horses, movement masked, prayers whispered to avoid widening the rift. Japanese scouts in white Hanbok disguise, peering at trenches, wire, and watchful Russians. Russian border guards appear as shadows, counters slipping into place, yet both sides hold their fire. On July 29, a skirmish erupts: a platoon crosses a shallow line, clashes flare, and bodies and banners ripple in the cold air.    #178 Night Attacks and Diplomatic Strains: The Lake Khasan Conflict Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. A second troop train was scheduled to depart Agochi for Nanam on the night of 29 July, carrying back the initial elements of the 75th Infantry. At Haigan, regimental commander Sato was pulling on his boots at 16:00 when the division informed him that fighting had broken out near Shachaofeng since 15:00 and that the Russians were assembling forces in that area. Suetaka ordered Sato's 3rd Battalion, which had not been slated to leave until the following night, to proceed to Kucheng; the remainder of the regiment was to assemble at Agochi. After consulting with Division Staff Officer Saito at Agochi, Sato returned to Haigan with the conclusion that "overall developments did not warrant optimism, it was imperative to prepare to move the entire regiment to the battlefield." One of Sato's first actions was to telephone a recommendation to the division that he be allowed to occupy Hill 52, which commanded the approaches to Changkufeng from south of Khasan. Suetaka approved, and at 17:30, Yamada's company was ordered to proceed to Shikai along with Hirahara's battalion. Meanwhile, Suzuki's 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment, which had been among the last units ordered to leave, had finished loading at Agochi by about 15:00. Sato recommended to Suetaka that a portion of Suzuki's regiment be attached to him; this was why Suetaka decided to transfer one of the two batteries to the 75th Infantry. The rest of the heavy artillery concentrated at Kyonghun. Suetaka's orders, issued at 18:20, called for Sato to have two of his battalions, the 1st and 3rd, cross the Tumen as soon as possible, with engineer support. Attached was Narukawa's heavy battery. Sato's mission was twofold: to assist Senda and to watch the enemy in the Changkufeng area. Sato arrived at 21:15 in Shikai. There, he assembled a number of his officers, including Yamada, and explained his plan: the 1st Company plus machine guns were to cross the Tumen from Sozan ahead of the other units, occupy Hill 52 with an element, and concentrate the main body at the foot of Fangchuanting to await Hirahara's battalion. A portion of the 19th Engineers would go to Sozan to assist the 1st Company with its river crossing. Amid heavy rain and darkness, the various units set out at 22:15. The platoon sent to Hill 52 arrived before dawn on the 30th, the rest of the forces somewhat later, though Sato had intended to move everybody across the river by the early hours. On the 29th the engineer regiment commander, Kobayashi, had also arrived at Shikai. He ordered Captain Tomura to handle the crossing in the vicinity of Sozan, as well as preparations for a future offensive with the main body. When Kobayashi reached Kucheng, he learned from Hirahara not only about the front-line situation but also about Sato's important plans: "The K. Sato force is going to cross the river tonight, 29–30 July. A night attack will be launched against Changkufeng on the night of 30–31 July." Kobayashi issued orders to his two commanders to assist the crossing by Nakano's infantry unit, 1st Battalion, 75th Regiment at Matsu'otsuho and Sozan, and, in addition, to cooperate with the position attack by Nakano and help in the assault at Hill 52. Most of these young officers, such as Seutaka dishing out orders were performing what the Japanese termed "dokudan senko" or "arbitrary or independent action". Japanese operational regulations actually contained a section dealing with dokudan senko, by which initiative, not imperiousness, was meant. Two elements were involved: control but encouragement of self-reliant thinking. This subject became important in training officers, all of whom, including such infantry experts as Suetaka, were well acquainted with the requirements. Combat missions were stipulated in operations orders, but, if these were not realistic, initiative was to come into play, though only when there was no time to contact superiors. By the same token, commanders had to be ready to assume full responsibility if matters turned out adversely. "We were disciples of the 'Moltke' system of AGS control, with dual authority vis-à-vis the local forces and the chief of staff."  The Korea Army's version of events on 29 July, there was no mention of any report received from the division prior to 17:30. Details did not reach Seoul, in the form of printed divisional intelligence reports and operational orders, until 1 August. The late afternoon report from Kyonghun provided the Korea Army authorities with little solid information, but Seoul had to notify higher headquarters immediately. Kitano sent messages to Tokyo and Hsinking at 19:15. The command and Kwantung Army were told that, in addition to Senda's assault party, 40 Japanese soldiers were deployed west of Changkufeng and at Yangkuanping. The division's main forces had begun the rail pullback from the 28th, leaving behind only two infantry battalions and a mountain artillery battalion for the time being. At 21:20 on 29 July, Korea Army Headquarters received the text of Suetaka's full report, which concluded: "With a view toward a possible emergency, the division suspended movement back of the 75th Regiment and is making necessary arrangements to have them advance instead. The latest affair derives sheerly from the enemy's unlawful challenge. It is my firm belief that the nature of this incident differs completely from the one at Changkufeng and should be handled separately. At present, since communication with the forward lines is not good, Lieutenant Colonel Senda (who is at the front) has been entrusted with command, but I assume entire responsibility for the consequences." Instead of boarding their trains at Agochi, Sato's regiment and supporting engineers moved to the Manchurian side of the Tumen as soon as possible. Suetaka called Sato's 2nd Battalion to Kyonghun as divisional reserve. Subsequent dispatches claimed that: (1) Senda's unit, which had driven off intruders in the Shachaofeng area once, was engaged against new Soviet forces (sent at 18:20, 29th);  (2) Senda's unit had expelled trespassers, and a combat situation had developed near Shachaofeng (22:00, 29th);  (3) fighting was going on in the vicinity of Shachaofeng (06:40, 30th).  Korea Army Headquarters, however, obtained no more important communication concerning the events of 29 July than a report, sent that evening by Suetaka, that revealed his concern about a possible Soviet attack in the Wuchiatzu sector near the neck of the long Changkufeng appendix.  After the clash at Shachaofeng, a general officer, Morimoto, happened to be visiting Colonels Okido and Tanaka in Nanam. Both of them were said to be of the pronounced opinion that no troubles ought to be provoked with the USSR while the critical Hankow operation lay ahead; yet Suetaka apparently had some intention of striking at the Soviet intruders, using the 75th Regiment. They urged that this policy not be adopted and that Suetaka be approached directly; the channel through Y. Nakamura, the division chief of staff, was hopeless. Although in agreement, General Morimoto declined to approach Suetaka; since the latter seemed to have made up his mind, it would be inappropriate to "meddle" with his command. Suetaka was functioning as an operations chief at that time. Apart from the mobilization staff officer, who was not enthusiastic about aggressive action, the only other officer who may have affected the decisionmaking process was the Hunchun OSS chief, Maj. Tanaka Tetsujiro, a positive type who shared Suetaka's views and was probably with him on the 29th as well as 30th. Although developments at Suetaka's command post were known more as the result of silence than of elucidation, we possessed considerable information about thinking at the Korea Army level: "Suetaka contacted us only after his men had driven out the enemy near Shachaofeng. Till then, the front had been relatively quiet and we were of the opinion all or most of the deployed forces were on their way home. We at Seoul had no foreknowledge of or connection with the 29 July affair. Reports came in; we never sent specific orders. Triggered by the affray at Shachaofeng, the division attacked on its own initiative. It was our understanding that very small Japanese forces had been committed to evict a dozen enemy scouts and that, when a platoon of ours got atop the hill, they observed surprisingly huge hostile concentrations to the rear. This was probably why the platoon pulied back, although much has been made of the desire to obey the nonaggravation policy to the letter. We at Seoul felt that this was a troublesome matter—that our side had done something unnecessary. When the division finally made its report, the army had to reach some decision. There were two irreconcilable ways of looking at things. We might condemn what had been done, and the division ought to be ordered to pull out promptly, having arbitrarily and intolerably acted against the known facts that Imperial sanction for use of force had been withheld and Tokyo had directed evacuation of the moved-up units. The opposing, eventually predominant view was that the division commander's course of action ought to be approved. Perusal of small-scale maps of the locale indicated a clear violation of the frontier, something not proved in the case of Changkufeng. We shared the division commander's interpretation. His BGU had its mission, and he was acting with foresight to solve matters positively and on his own, since he was the man closest to the problem. General Nakamura felt that the latest development was inevitable; our units did not cross the Tumen until the Soviets attacked us in force. Therefore, the division's actions were approved and a report was rendered promptly to Tokyo. It could be said that our outlook served to "cover" the division commander, in a way. But if IGHQ had ordered us to desist, we would have".  Nakamura added: "I was of the opinion the only solution was to drive the Soviet troops outside Manchukuoan territory; therefore, I approved the action by the division." Such sanction had been granted on the basis of information supplied to Seoul by Suetaka on the evening of 29 July, again post facto. At 01:20 on the 30th, Nakamura wired Suetaka a message characterized by gracious phrasing that suggested his grave concern: "One ought to be satisfied with expelling from Manchurian territory the enemy attacking our unit on the . . . heights southwest of Shachaofeng. It is necessary to keep watch on the enemy for the time being, after having pulled back to the heights mentioned above, but we desire that matters be handled carefully to avoid enlargement; in case the foe has already pulled back south of Shachaofeng . . . he need not be attacked." Nakamura also sent a wire to the AGS chief, the War Minister, and the Kwantung Army commander. After conveying the information received from Suetaka, Nakamura continued: "In spite of the fact that our troops have been patient and cautious . . . this latest incident [near Shachaofeng] started with Soviet forces' arrogant border trespassing and . . . unlawful challenge. Therefore, I am convinced that this affair must be dealt with separately from the incident at Changkufeng. Nevertheless, I shall endeavor to handle matters so that the incident will not spread and shall make it my fundamental principle to be satisfied with evicting from Manchurian territory the hostile forces confronting us. The Korea Army chief of staff is being dispatched quickly to handle the incident".  The Korea Army, "painfully slow to act," says a Kwantung Army major, was merely the intermediary link, the executor of Tokyo's desires. In the case of remote Shachaofeng, there was an inevitable gap between on-the-spot occurrences and AGS reactions. By then, Arisue, Kotani, and Arao, Inada's observers, had returned to Japan—an important fact, given the "Moltke" system of staff control. Nevertheless, their return must have exerted significant effects on central operational thinking. Kotani remembered that his AGS subsection had given him a welcome-home party on the night of 29 July when an emergency phone call was received from the duty officer. "It was about the clash at Shachaofeng. The festivities came to an abrupt end and I headed for the office. From then till the cease-fire on 11 August, I remained at the AGS night and day." Since the 19th Division had furnished higher headquarters with minimal information, Tokyo, like Seoul, had only a few ostensible facts to act upon. But this had been the first combat test for the Korea Army, which needed all the encouragement and assistance possible. Although Japanese field armies, notably the Kwantung Army, were notorious for insubordination, one could not overemphasize the fact that the Korea Army was meek and tractable. If Nakamura had concluded that Suetaka acted properly (which reports from Seoul indicated), the AGS could hardly demur. It would have been unrealistic to think that Tokyo, although cautious, was "softer" about the Russian problem than front-line forces. There had been no concern over time lags; details were Seoul's province. Reaction took time at every level of the chain of command. Decision making in the Japanese Army had been a many-layered process. The Army general staff had been of the opinion that initial guidance ought to have been provided to the Korea Army soon, particularly since there had been evidence of failure to convey intentions promptly to the front and no high command staff officer remained to direct matters. After hearing from Seoul twice about the Shachaofeng affair, the responsible Army general staff officers conferred at length. Stress had been laid on the indivisibility of the Shachaofeng and Changkufeng incidents. It had also been evident that further information was required. On that basis, a "handling policy for the Shachaofeng Incident" was drafted, and Tada notified the Korea and Kwantung armies accordingly on 30 July. Nakamura had received the telegram at 16:50 and had its contents retransmitted to Kitano, then at Kyonghun: "Shachaofeng Incident is progressing along lines of our policy, leave things to local units, which have been adhering to the principle of nonenlargement. Have them report on front-line situation without fail."  The Army general staff and the Korea Army were calling for prudence, but the division, well down the rungs of the ladder of command, was initiating actions that jeopardized the government's basic policy. Earlier quibbling about restraints on "unit-size" elements crossing into Manchuria had been abandoned after the firefight near Shachaofeng on 29 July. At 15:30, Takenouchi's battalion, part of the 76th Regiment, had been directed to assist Senda near Yangkuanping; at 18:20 Suetaka was ordering the 75th Regiment to head for the Kucheng sector and be ready to assault the Russians in the Changkufeng area. Support was to be provided by Kobayashi's engineers, by Iwano's transportation men, and by Suzuki's heavy guns. Of particular interest had been Suetaka's acceptance of Sato's recommendation that elements be sent to occupy Hill 52, a measure linked with a possible Japanese attack against Changkufeng.   Sato had decided by evening that the new situation required rapid deployment of his forces across the river. At Shikai, he conducted a briefing of his officers. Suetaka's orders conveyed orally by staff officers had stipulated: "The division will take steps to secure the border line immediately, even if the situation undergoes change. The Sato unit will advance immediately to the left shore, reinforce Senda's unit, and maintain a strict watch on the enemy in the Changkufeng area." Around 23:20, the last elements ordered forward arrived at Shikai station. Sato instructed only his headquarters and the Ito company to get off. The rest of the troop train primarily the 1st [Nakano's] Battalion was to move on to Hongui. From there, the soldiers proceeded to the Tumen near Sozan. With his staff and Ito's company, Sato trudged in silence through the mud from Shikai to the shore at Matsu'otsuho, starting at 00:30 and reaching the crossing site at 03:00. Reconnaissance had proved satisfactory, Sato remembered.  At the crossings, the hardworking engineers rowed his 1st and 3rd battalions across, company by company. Near dawn, around 04:30, he traversed the river. The movement had been completed in about an hour. When Sato's infantry finally got across, they proceeded to the skirt of Fangchuanting and assembled in secrecy. Not until about 08:00 did the regimental headquarters, Ito's company, and Hirahara's battalion reach Hill 147, already held by Noguchi's company west of Changkufeng. By then, plans had fallen behind schedule by at least several hours because of difficulties in train movement forward. Sato also remembered torrential rains; other officers mentioned darkness. Members of Nakano's battalion pinpointed a shortage of engineer boats from Kucheng. Engineers rowed some boats downstream during the night, but six of them were kept at Matsu'otsuho. This left only three boats for moving the 400 men of the 1st Battalion, the unit slated to storm Changkufeng, across the river at Sozan. Sato had wanted all of his troops across well before dawn on the 30th. A division staff officer rightly thought that Suetaka had already advised Sato, in secret, to "attack at an opportune time," and that the night of 29–30 July had been intended for the surprise assault. "Perhaps there was not enough time for all the attack preparations." Kobayashi's engineers admitted problems in moving boats to Sozan: "Although the water level had gone up because of daily rains recently, there were still many shallows and the current was irregular. Not only was it hard to move downstream, but dense fog also complicated the work. Nevertheless, the units at both sites were able to accomplish the river-crossing operation approximately as scheduled".  Meanwhile, after reconnoitering Soviet defenses along the Manchurian bank, Suzuki, commander of the 15th Heavy Field Artillery Regiment, crossed the Kyonghun Bridge on 30 July with his 1st Battery and established positions on the edge of Shuiliufeng Hill. Once Captain Narukawa was attached to the 75th Infantry on 29 July, he dispatched his 2nd Battery by train to Shikai that night. Although firing sites had been surveyed northwest of Sho-Sozan, the battery had to traverse two weak, narrow bridges in the darkness. With two 15-centimeter howitzers to haul, plus five caissons and wagons, the unit faced tense moments. The gun sites themselves were worrisome: they were scarcely masked from observation from Changkufeng, and the single road to them from the unloading station ran through a paddy area and was similarly exposed. By 1200 hours on 30 July, Sato exerted operational control over the following units: his own forces, Nakano's battalion east of Fangchuanting; Hirahara's reinforced battalion west of Chiangchunfeng; a platoon from Nakajima's infantry company on Hill 52; and Noguchi's company on Hill 147; and from other forces, Senda's 2nd (Kanda) BGU Company; two reinforced companies from Takenouchi's battalion of Okido's 76th Regiment near Shachaofeng; and a 75-mm half-battery from the 25th Mountain Artillery on the Manchurian side with Sato. On the Korean shore, another half-battery comprising two 15-centimeter howitzers from Narukawa's unit of the 15th Heavy Field Artillery was in place. The 19th Engineers operated near the crossing sites, though one platoon remained at Fangchuanting. Sato said, "We were now deployed at last, to cope with any situation." His command post was set in foxholes on open ground at Chiangchunfeng, a central hill that offered excellent observation and control over actions around Changkufeng to the east and Shachaofeng to the north. Not content with suspending the pullout of units and deploying additional combat troops across the Tumen, Suetaka decided to recall division headquarters, mountain artillery, cavalry, signal, medical, and veterinary personnel from Nanam. At dawn on 30 July, Nanam issued orders for Colonel Tanaka to move 500 men and 300 horses to Agochi by rail; most of the increment came from Tanaka's horse-drawn 25th Mountain Artillery. The colonel reached the Korean side of the Tumen at 05:00 on 31 July. The preceding emergency measures were being implemented by Suetaka, even as he received Nakamura's calming telegram of 30 July enjoining nonexpansion. Changkufeng Hill was not even mentioned. Nakamura's concern was typified by Kitano flying to the front. At 10:00 on 30 July, Kitano sent the division chief of staff a cautious follow-up cable: "Based on the consistent policy for handling the Changkufeng Incident and on the army commander's earlier telegram, kindly take steps to ensure careful action in connection with the affair in the Shachaofeng vicinity lest there be enlargement." At 13:45, Nakamura transmitted another restraining message to Suetaka: "The division is to secure … Chiangchunfeng and … the heights southwest of Shachaofeng, using present front-line units. Unless there is an enemy attack, however, resort to force will depend on separate orders." Several hours later, at 16:50, Nakamura received instructions from Tada: the Shachaofeng case was being left to the local forces, who were pursuing the desired policy of nonenlargement, but prompt reporting was desired. At 19:30, the retransmitted message was received by Kitano, already at the front with Suetaka at Kyonghun. After his units had crossed the Tumen on 30 July, Sato Kotoku ordered a strict watch and directed preparations for an assault based on the plans. He conferred with Senda at Chiangchunfeng and observed the enemy. Even after dawn, the frontline commanders who had crossed the river remained uncertain about when the attack would be staged. While Sato's force conducted reconnaissance to prepare for a daytime offensive, orders arrived around 08:00 indicating, "We intend a night attack, so conceal your activities." Daytime movements were prohibited. Sato then explained the impression he had derived from Senda and the intelligence on which he based his estimates: " Exploiting the impasse in diplomatic negotiation, the enemy side had steadily reinforced front-line offensive strength and trespassed anew near Shachaofeng. They now had a battalion and a half of infantry plus 20 artillery pieces in the area, some south of Shachaofeng and the others at four positions immediately east of Lake Khasan. At least a dozen (maybe 20) tanks were deployed in the sector opposite us. About 300 well-armed, active Russian troops were at Changkufeng. I decided that an attack ought to be staged that night. First of all, we were going to chill the insolent enemy by a courageous night assault—a method characteristic of the Imperial Army. Then all kinds of fire power were to be combined in a surprise attack against the positions. Our intention was to jo lt the Russians, demonstrate the true strength of our combat fire, and, by a combination of night and dawn attacks, cut down losses which our left-flank units would have incurred if a night assault alone were staged. We had considered two plans—a night attack against Changkufeng by the 3rd Battalion from the north, or by the 1st Battalion from the south. On 30 July, I decided to execute the second plan, using my 1st (Nakano's) Battalion, to avoid simultaneous involvement around Shachaofeng where the foe was by now alerted."  The Japanese Army ordinarily favored surprise assaults without supporting guns, since firepower was regarded as secondary in close combat and artillery was in short supply. According to the regimental journal, telephone contacts from the morning of the 30th indicated that the division commander shared the same line of thinking as Sato. By noon, Suetaka made his stance explicit. A phone call from Kucheng conveyed to Sato the gist of a critical division order: first, a detailed briefing on Soviet troop concentrations and dispositions, firing positions, troops, and armor south of Shachaofeng; entanglements and forces at Changkufeng; large concentrations behind west of Khasan; tanks and ground formations moving north of the lake; a heavy concentration near the lake to the northwest; one confirmed and two suspected positions along the eastern shore and another with artillery far to the south. Then the order stated that K. Sato's forces, including the Takenouchi battalion from the 76th Infantry, one mountain artillery platoon, and one engineer platoon were to strengthen their positions and, at the same time, promptly evict from Manchurian territory the intruding and advancing enemy. However, pursuit must not be pushed too far lest the border be crossed. Shortly after noon, Suetaka issued another order to form a new force under Senda, who was to strengthen border security along the Shuiliufeng–Hunchun line. As with Sato, Senda was to eject the intruding and advancing enemy from Manchurian soil but not pursue them across the border. By midafternoon, Sato knew not only what he wanted to do but also Suetaka's intentions. At 15:30, he assembled all subordinate officers at Chiangchunfeng and dictated minute attack instructions. Intelligence indicated that the enemy continued to fortify points of importance along the Changkufeng–Shachaofeng line. Sato's plan was to annihilate hostile elements that had crossed the border north and south of Changkufeng. His concept went beyond a frontal assault. While Nakano's battalion would jump off south of Changkufeng, one reinforced company, Takeshita's 10th was to attack north. Since the sun rose at about 05:00, Sato intended to wipe out the enemy during three hours of darkness. Another battalion, Hirahara's 3rd would be held in reserve, with Ito's 6th Company ready to launch a night attack against Changkufeng from the northwest if necessary. Small forces deployed southeast at Hill 52 were to block the arrival of Soviet reinforcements around the southern shores of Khasan. Only after Changkufeng was secured and fire swept the high ground south of Shachaofeng would a reinforced battalion, Takenouchi's 1st from the 76th Regiment undertake a dawn assault to clear the Russians from that sector. An engineer platoon would assist both the night and dawn assault battalions with obstacle clearing. There would be no artillery support until dawn, when the available guns were to provide maximum coverage. Notably, even the movement of a single antitank gun warranted mention. Sato concluded the attack order by directing that each unit mask its intentions after sunset. Takenouchi was to act to check the enemy as soon as the sun went down. In connection with the dawn barrage against the enemy southwest of Shachaofeng, key personnel were to study the best way to exploit sudden fire described as gale and lightning. They were also to be ready to destroy enemy tanks. A green star shell would be fired to signal the success of the night attack. The code words were shojiki "honesty" and ydmo "bravery". At midnight, the regiment commander would be at the northwest foot of Chiangchunfeng. The order stressed typical night-attack precautions: secrecy and concealment, avoidance of confusion, antitank defense, and flare signaling of success. Sato added his own flair with his daily motto as code words and the reference to "whirlwind" fire. Impending action times were explicitly set when the order was issued at 15:30 on the 30th, more than ten hours before the 1st Battalion was to jump off. The key to success in a night assault lay in an absolute prohibition on firing by their side, and bold, courageous charging. Sato reminded his men that life is granted again after death. Nakano then assembled his company commanders east of Fangchuanting and issued his battalion order at 18:30. A few hours after Sato's briefing of the assault commanders, Suetaka arrived at the 75th Regiment command post. This visit late on 30 July is central to allegations that Sato, not Suetaka, conceived and executed the night attack on his own initiative. Divisional orders giving Sato his core mission had already been conveyed by telephone. After 16:00, Suetaka boarded a motorboat at Kucheng and went to the Manchurian side to verify front-line conditions. Soviet snipers south of Yangkuanping fired several shots, but his craft reached the Matsu'otsuho landing and proceeded to Chiangchunfeng to meet Sato. Sato described the situation: "frontline enemy forces had been reinforced steadily and had begun a vigorous offensive. The foe was provoking us, and the matter had grown very serious. I had already issued orders at 15:30 to take the initiative and deal the enemy a smashing blow." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On a frost-bitten dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, Russia and Japan lock eyes over Changkufeng. Diplomats urge restraint, yet Tokyo's generals push a bold gamble: seize a hill with a surprise strike and bargain later. Japanese divisions, engineers, and artillery edge toward the border, while Soviet sentries brace for a confrontation that could widen the war. 

Happy Thanksgiving! Kiera gives ideas of service opportunities, from a personal to a practice-wide scale.  Episode resources: Subscribe to The Dental A-Team podcast Schedule a Practice Assessment Leave us a review Transcript: The Dental A Team (00:00) Hello, Dental A Team listeners. This is Kiera and happy, happy Thanksgiving. I am so honored to share today with you. You guys, I love Thanksgiving. It used to not be one of my favorite holidays, but gosh, you know, the secret to living is giving and to have a day dedicated to gratitude, a day dedicated to love, a day dedicated to families and friends and to just come together and to remember how good our lives truly are.   I think is beyond special. And I just want to say, for me, it would feel crazy for me not to jump on here and to say thank you to all of you. You guys are my favorite humans. You're the people that I love, that I get to talk to so many times a week, that I get to hang out with, that I get to see your stories, that I get to know personally and professionally, that I get to see your wins. I get to see you tag us on social media. I get to see the emails that come in. I get to see your reviews that you leave. I get to see you positively impacting the world of dentistry. And just to truly know,   that you guys are doing so good out there. And I just want to say thank you. Thank you for being here. You guys, this podcast was a hope, a wish, a dream when I was hiking up, I'm not joking, Half Dome in Yosemite. And I thought there is nothing out there that's serving dentists and teens. And it's a niche and it's a space. And I'm going to come in and I'm going to positively impact. And I'm going to get both sides of the coin to come together to really, truly influence and impact dentistry in the greatest way possible. And that is such a huge testament to all of you for being here.   for being a part of the Dental A Team family. So I just wanna say thank you for being here. And to this, I just wanna say like, if you've been an OG, thank you for being here from the beginning. And if you're a newbie, welcome. I hope that you feel loved. I hope you feel appreciated. I hope you just feel great. And I hope you remember how amazing life truly is. So I want you guys to just know that watching this podcast evolve, to seeing millions of downloads, to seeing us in so many countries, my like...   It's mind boggling to me. It's crazy because when I built this, didn't know how many people would listen and to see the fans, to see the love, to see the raving fans, to see the clients come through, to laugh with you, to celebrate with you, to cry with you. I just want to say like, gosh, like this is a journey. It's a joy and it's an honor and it's a privilege because I know your time is your greatest asset. And so I just want to say thank you. And today with it being Thanksgiving, you know, I really just want you to know   that I believe that the secret to living is giving. And we have a portion of our company called Live To Give. And I've talked about it on a few other podcasts. I've talked about how like, you know, it was back in 2019, I went to a Tony Robbins event. And a lot of you know how much I love Tony Robbins. That was because I caught one of my lightning moments in life where I was in a space so focused on myself and it was random because I was building a company called Live To Give.   and that was where we were non-believable and we were like getting donations to help these nuns who didn't even have a house. Like it was crazy and we raised so much money so quickly and I've done it a few other times. Like another one idea was the Vibe prison ventures where inmates were actually like I went I actually went to the prison and it was crazy and I was scared out of my mind ⁓ but I saw these inmates take their skills that got them into prison which were not the best.   and turn them into good and they pitched us their business ideas and to be able to sit there with them. That was another business that I got that was part of the Live To Give to be a part of that and to give back. And I found that so many of the times in my life that are my happiest moments are those where we like went above and beyond. And a few years ago, I talked about like probably my favorite Live To Give moment that we've ever had was when we were able to, one of my friends in Arizona, her son was struggling with stomach cancer and   I really wanted to do a make a wish and make a wish is like really, really hard to get in touch with. And I had committed that year. I was going to do a make a wish. I didn't know what it was going to look like. I didn't know how we were going to do it. I told my team, this is what we wanted to do. And we found this boy and his goal, his dream was to go to Italy. And I was like, this is it. Like guys, this is it. We have a team member who's a stomach cancer ⁓ survivor as well. And I was like, this is it. This is our live to give. And our whole team was able to participate in it. We're able to give this, this   child who's 12 years old, him and his family, a complete all expense paid trip to Italy when he got done with cancer and to give him the hope and the wish. And you guys like that moment in my life, I think about the ones that really impact us the most, the ones that changes, the ones that are like those lightning bolt moments. And I, the bulk of them are ones that we've been able to give to serve, to love. ⁓ We were able to last year as a team go and like help so many kids at the children's hospital.   our team has done angel tree where we go and like shop for these families. And Shelbi and I, I remember we went shopping for a family of nine and that was the exact of my family. I think back to when I was at, ⁓ United Way and I was able to bring holiday magic to hundreds of families from the donations of others. And I remember there was a time where I just was feeling grumpy about life. I realized like, I haven't checked my, giving like vitals.   in me in a while. I think about businesses and I think about all of you and we are constantly looking at our KPIs of our business. We're looking at the KPIs that drive us to success, but I'm like, what are the KPIs of our life that drive us to success? And maybe those are some of the pieces that are there. And I've just realized that giving and serving and loving should be an area that maybe we want to check those vitals, especially today.   of where is my giving my love, my service, KPI? Is it high? Is it low? Is it on track? Is it off track? And I will say that if it's off track, today's a great day to get it on track. And maybe a couple of ways for us to give back is just to love a little bit more, to text someone today that you might love. A few years ago, my brother-in-law and I have a kind of a unique relationship. When I met...   He was a business owner and I always thought he was so grumpy. I didn't really like him that much. was like, Jason, your brother is so just rude. I did not care for him. And as I become a business owner further into my career, I understand this brother-in-law so much. And he's kind of like, I don't know, I would say like a little crusty on the edges. He's not soft, I'll put it that way. And I was actually really, really scared to text him.   But just cared about him so much and I appreciated so much of what he's done and he's been a mentor to me. And I just said, take a risk, a gamble. I remember I was sitting on the beach in Maui and I texted him and I just said, hey, I just want you to know how much I appreciate you. I value you. And how much of a mentor you've been to me and you've given me hope when I didn't know that there was hope. And I'm just so grateful for you. And he wrote back, he's like, Kiera, I don't usually cry. And that text meant so much to me. And I just think that's our giving.   KPI. So what little love bombs could you send out? What service could you and your team do together? Our team, every year in December, we do a Live to Give. Could you guys adopt that in your company and together collectively as a podcast family? Think of all the lives that we could give back to. I think about my husband was talking about another brother that he has and this brother literally is in such a hard place in his life right now and   does not have a lot of money, has a lot of family dynamics, I won't get into it. And when I say like, pretty much homeless, that's literally what's going on with him. And I only highlight that because his situation is so hard. we were, Jason was talking about struggling with something and he was like, ⁓ I could help you with that. And Jason and I talked about it and we thought about who are the people that give to those that are struggling? A of times it's those that are like, not hardly better off than they are. And I think like,   Could today or this next month, could we maybe boost that live to give side of us where we look for people in need, we look for opportunities that can be in our patient base, that can be in our team base, it can be in our community, it can be in our families. Can I give out little love bombs? It might be cold in your area. A few years ago, we did a coat drive and this came from one of my friends in Utah who...   would ask all his friends to donate coats that they're no longer wearing and would drive around and hand out coats to people on the side of the road that could really use it. I'm not here to say you've got to go do that, but I just think like, what a blessing to those people. What a space for us to be able to share and to love and to give back. Like you guys, are so insanely blessed. I promise every single person listening to this podcast today, we all collectively could say that we have been unruly blessed.   in our lives. And so where is that? Could I text a team member and tell them like, Hey, you're doing such a great job. I'm not joking. I have a little list over here to write thank you cards to my team members sporadically and unexpectedly for great things that they do. Could I text my spouse if it's been a while and tell them how much I love them? Could I maybe call my parents? I think about like, if you have your parents alive right now, I hope that you just love them.   I hope that you call them, I hope that you tell them, I hope you forgive them. Even offering forgiveness to somebody that maybe doesn't deserve it, it's not a gift to them, it's a gift to you. ⁓ Patching up and cleaning up when it maybe doesn't seem like it's necessary. ⁓ All these are little gifts of gratitude, of giving, of serving, of loving people. And what's crazy is the more you give that, the more you feel alive, the more your bucket's filled like,   Every year we go and do something and I leave those events just on like cloud nine. We have a team member who last year she was so inspired by it. She like found a girl in Africa and basically like adopted her and has been like helping her get through college and like she sends her letters and her dad did it and they were just so inspired that they've like changed these lives of people. And like, but that team member changed as well. And so I just think today,   Let's look at our KPI of our giving metric and how can we add maybe a little bit more service and give back? Because I promise you guys, the secret to living is giving. That's why I have Dental A Team's Live to Give. And if you know somebody that could benefit from Dental A Teams Live to Give, it's completely like on us. It's not even that I might make it the 1031 or excuse me, our nonprofit in the future. Like that just is a great idea on the podcast that came to me.   because I want to build a nonprofit. But if you know a family that's deserving, you know of somebody that could have a make a wish experience, you know someone in your community, I would love to partner up with you. I'd love to help make magic happen. I'd love to use the podcast. I'd love to connect with a lot of you. But like, there are so many people, including ourselves, including our team, that a little more love, a little more kindness, a little more gratitude could go a long ways.   And I just want to encourage you today as you're in this space for you to think of how can you do just a little bit more? How can you make a little bit more impact and change in people's lives? How can you just truly like not be as lonely as an owner and to give heartfelt thanks and gratitude to any person around you.   And I was like, team members to your doctors, to your owners, it is lonely at the top. It is hard. And to give a genuine heartfelt thank you of gratitude, could truly go so far. And so I think just go out of your way, text your team members, tell them how much you love them, tell them how much you appreciate them, how much you value them. Team members, tell your doctor, tell your family. Like these things don't have to be monetary. It's us just loving of being kind and to give.   to just give back a little bit more. And then I'd also encourage you to also give a little gratitude to yourself for the things that you've overcome, for the things that you've been able to do, for the challenges, for the person you've been able to become. Think back to who you were when you started your business, to who you are today and give grace and gratitude. Because the reality is like, I think about this, like if you were...   to look back and to be able to talk to your younger self, what would you say to that person? You'd probably be like so freaking proud of that person. Like you're gonna do it. I'm so proud of you and I'm so grateful for you. And then I think like, let's go even further. What if you only had one week left to live? What would you be doing right now with your life? I promise you, you'd be living on your highest cloud nine. You'd be telling everybody thank you. You'd be telling everybody you love them. You'd be giving hugs.   ⁓ one of my friends from high school just posted recently that his mom passed away unexpectedly. And he wrote, he said, hug your parents, hug your family, tell them that you love them, love your cousins, love your aunts, all of your uncles, like tidy up because your life can change so quickly. And what I hope for all of you is that your life does not change so quickly, but it does change so quickly, not in a negative way of losing somebody and wishing we could love on them more.   but that your life could change so quickly that you start to live your day every single day of having gratitude and love and telling your family and calling them and sharing with your team and not holding back. It's like, I'm hoping that you just feel this like confetti explosion of love being able to be finally released and unshackled from you to give it to yourself, to give it to your team, to give it to your family, to give it to those around you. I hope you know that I love you.   and that I care about you. And I think that you're doing way better than you ever imagined you could be. That I'm so proud that you're living the dreams that you once thought were impossible and you made them into the possible. That you push yourself, that you evolve, that you want to be this good human, that you're positively impacting your community and your team. You're doing so much good. And I just hope that you feel the love. I hope that you feel strengthened and I hope that you just know that I adore you. And with that, I would also be   completely ridiculous because I cannot let today pass without doing one of my favorite traditions. And that is publicly thanking my entire team, the team that stands behind Dental A Team that makes Dental A Team incredible. And this year our team has drastically and radically grown. And I'm so proud of the company that we've built. I'm proud of the team that we built. I'm proud of the deliveries that we're able to give, the consulting, the changing of lives.   Um, one of our consultants said at best, said, I love what we get to do because every single day we get to change someone's life. And that's the magic of Dental A Team That's the people we have. So I'll go kind of an order of where it's at. Um, and I'll just kind of go by like people, uh, I'll put them in like no exact order because that feels really weird to me. And so just going to like, go through the list of all of our team. So kicking it off is the one and only Spiffy Tiffy. I am so grateful for Tiff.   You guys, she jumped into this company from day one, pretty much. I asked her to put an ice cream cone on her head and that girl has never looked back. Not an ice cream cone with ice cream in it, but just the cone. We get asked that question a lot. And Tiff is just my ride or die. She's someone that I adore. She's someone who pushes me. She's a safe space for me to ⁓ be messy, to be vulnerable. She pushes me to be my best self. She encourages me.   She'll co-present with me. If you guys, mastermind this year with Tiff was pure and utter euphoria. And if you were not a part of it, I hope you choose to come and join us because this was something that Tiff pushed me on. was part of Tiff's vision. We talked about it multiple years sitting in a hotel room. We were on a trip and she said, you know, Kiera, I really have this idea of doing these events. And here they are. Tiff has been my ride or die. And she's someone that has really this year grown in her leadership and is running this incredible consulting team.   And I'm just so thankful for Tiff being someone that I love and adore. Someone who makes me laugh so hard. Someone who I've watched just really show up for herself and to challenge herself to grow, to not put blame, to look at herself as a leader and to rise and to go to the next level and to drive a consulting team far better than I ever could have imagined. And you guys, if you know her, you love her, Spiffy Tiffy, she's on the podcast.   She does the podcast, she writes newsletters, she does consulting, she drives her consulting team and she makes all of us laugh and she's literally the walking like Dental A Team mascot for our company. And I just hope that Tiff knows publicly and privately how grateful I am that she took a chance, that she's been my ride or die, that she's something that I just freaking love and adore so much and I'm so grateful for Spiffy Tiffy. Coming up next, No BS Britt. You guys, if you've heard her, you love her. ⁓ Brittany Stone is just this magical human who   is a yin to my yang. I have so much respect for Britt and the way that she leads. Britt is like our HR guru. She's the one who creates policies. She helps hire. ⁓ Britt is someone that I see. She hates this nickname. So don't call her it. Gritty Britty. And the reason I like Britt has so much grit. She is someone that will just keep showing up day in day out. She's very stable for me. She's very consistent.   When you think about a boat rocking in the ocean and they have stabilizers, that's Britt for our company. She is just this amazing stabilizer who I am so grateful for. And not only that, she consults incredibly well. Teams love her. Our team loves her. She gets the MVP word often. And Britt is someone that I am grateful who has pushed me as a leader, who's pushed our team, who stabilized, but also has shown me like how strong somebody with humility is.   And also someone who has a quieter personality can be an incredibly, incredibly talented leader. I'm just so grateful for her. I'm also grateful for you guys know her, you love her. Shelbi Poppins, Shelbi has been my personal and executive assistant for several years. She's customer success. Literally this girl is like the grease between all the wheels. You guys probably all know her. She helps with the podcast. She helps with the company. She puts on events.   Shelbi Poppins is practically perfect in every single way. And our whole team would agree to that. So I'm not showing favoritism. She just genuinely is someone that we all love. And I am so thankful for Shelbi being my right hand. I know Shelbi would take a bullet for me. And you guys, if you don't have someone like that, gosh, it's an honor to have someone that just like, you know, will jump in front of a train to make sure you're taken care of. Wow. Greatest gift you can give. And those of you that are the personal assistants, the executive assistants behind the scenes, just know that you're, ⁓   The person that you're helping values you more than I think words could ever put into play. Shelbi just is magic. She is ease. She knows how to have everything done. And I'm so thankful for this girl taking a risk, you guys. We shared a wall, like she's my next door neighbor and I knocked on her door, offered her a job, had her send the job, convinced her to come back. Like Shelbi is someone that I am so thankful and I will say great talent is often sitting next door to you.   So don't be afraid to like knock on the door and like mad kudos and appreciation to Shelbi for just showing up constantly every single day. Shelbi is in my opinion, our definition of passion for excellence and results focused. That girl does not miss a beat and she's constantly showing up. She's constantly figuring things out. She makes sure that the boats run on time, that everything is done perfect and that the experience for all of you is absolutely magic. And I just, our company truly is so blessed to have Shelbi Poppins on our team.   Coming up next is a new player on our team, Jenna. Jenna is our COO, and I will say she has been one of the greatest additions to our company. And I think kudos to our leadership team who saw the need for us to bring on this COO to take us to the next level, to drive us in ways that we didn't know. And I will say that Jenna has come in with this like ray of sunshine when I think a lot of us were covered in clouds. And Jenna has this amazing ability to cut through the noise to see what really needs to happen.   She's a freaking wizard with numbers. You guys, I love numbers and Jenna loves numbers too. Like she is just magical. And I will say for owner doctors out there that are struggling needing that implementer integrator, Jenna has taught me that the right person seated next to you really can drive a company and you it's okay. You can hire a fractional. You can hire somebody that you don't know. ⁓ But bringing someone in with insane experience who has passion and love, Jenna is one of the most driven. ⁓   giving people you guys like I hope there's an opportunity for a lot more of you to get to know Jenna because her stories and her passion inspire me to want to be a better person professionally and personally she's one of the most giving like the story she has of the impact and the companies this woman is a miracle girl for companies and she does it because she believes in their passion their cause and I will say her clarity her accountability her continuity her   ways that she is constantly doing the right thing day in and day out and just showing up for our team, showing up for me, but driving us. Like when I talk about someone who holds a team accountable, that is Jenna. And I have seen her just rise and drive our company in ways that I never imagined. And I am beyond grateful until like I got the freaking jackpot bringing Jenna to our company. And I know our whole team feels that way. She's been an amazing addition and someone we could not live without. So, so grateful for Jenna. Next up, you guys know, ⁓   Our consulting team, Dana. Dana has been with us so long. Dainey, ⁓ her and I, Dana is just someone who is, if you haven't gotten the opportunity to work with Dana, you're missing out. Dana is grit, tenacity, and that girl, there is no challenge, no problem bigger than her. Like she will, she just takes it. She's like a beast when it comes to life problems that are thrown at her. And she does it with fun and grit and grace. And Dana is someone that I can count on to be consistent.   to be thorough, to show up day in and day out. That girl does not miss for me. And I'm so grateful for her. And I have also watched Dana have insane passion for excellence and drive to become the next version of herself. Like before my eyes, have watched Dana be, Dana, when I hired her to Dana, like 4.0, this girl has just grown through the ranks and she takes it on and she takes every challenge and she takes the feedback and she...   just grows and to see the results she drives for her clients. You guys, this woman blows me away constantly, but she does it in a way of ease, Grace. She's got all the kids, she's got the soccer practice or the baseball practice. Like she's always busy and yet she's able to maintain and serve clients galore. Help Our Team Makes Me Laugh All The Time has the funniest stories. And I'm just so grateful for Daney taking a chance on Dental A Team for being an incredible hygienist who brings value, who speaks for us, who presents for us.   Dana is just like Dynamite Dana. That might have to be her new nickname because she's so, and maybe it's not Dynamite, but Dynamic Dana. Like she is truly someone that I am honestly in awe and impressed by her so much and so grateful to learn from her, to watch her, to grow with her because Dana is someone who is so special and someone I'm so thankful for in my life and in our company. Our company is beyond lucky and blessed to have Dana. ⁓   and she just shows up constantly. She's taught me more about life and gratitude for life than I think any other person I've ever met in my entire life. And I'm just grateful for that. We also have Kristy. is such a, her name is Kristy Treasure and she is a treasure on our team. Kristy came onto our team as this dynamic consultant who just, I call her like our truffle hunting. Like she looks for profitability in every practice she goes to and she drives offices to success.   She rivals me on my numbers, which is so fun. And what I love about Kristy is she has this calm, tenacious personality that just goes after it, figures it out. And I know that I can count on Kristy to deliver insane results every single time. And she never, ever, ever misses. This is a woman who has so much knowledge of dentistry, but she has so much passion for your success. She is obsessed with driving offices to their ultimate dreams, their ultimate goals.   She just has like mad following of people that love her, adore her, honor her, and I'm one of them. Kristy is such a beautiful blessing. We were looking for our next consultant. We were wanting somebody and Kristy just, I feel like popped out of the air like Glenda in her little bubble and showed up in the most perfect way, in the most perfect space. She is someone who sees people. She's someone who loves people and she's someone who's got a heart of gold. And I just truly am so lucky and so blessed to have Kristy on our team.   Dental A Team would not be the same without her. And following Kristy is Trish. Trish is such a, my gosh, we call her Tada, which stands for Trish Ackerman, Dental A Team ambassador. Like Trish is such, I mean, she's rivaling Tiffany on how much she loves Dental A team. And Trish just comes in with this, like she is a walking magnetic dynamic human.   You can like, she is so fun and she's so hilarious and teams love her. And she comes in this way where she gets you to like navigate to your goals and results, but you were laughing and joking and having the most hilarious time. Trish knows everybody. Everybody who knows Trish loves Trish. And Trish is just this beautiful, incredible woman who does consulting in such a fun, positive and impactful way. I learned so much from her. Trish has the best one-liners that we all snag from her. She's constantly making us laugh.   But what I love about Trish is her positivity in her outlook where every day is a golden ray of sunshine for Trish. She shows up every day with positivity. She shows up of how every day is the best day. She's the one who said like, are so blessed to consult because we get to change lives, we get to create magic and we get to truly inspire and bless people. And honestly, I don't know what I did for all these years without Trish in my life because Trish is just magic. Trish is fire and spice and fun and beauty and just...   Reminds me that life is so freaking fun and I need to laugh and have so much more fun and I'm so grateful for her I'm grateful for her knowledge. This girl has gosh Like coached teams of 150 people and so I learned from her and I'm inspired by her and you guys Offices who are working with any of our consultants are just beyond blessed Following Trish's Monica Monica is so special. She just has this whimsical fairy ease about her   that just is so poised, collected, brilliant, that is so magical for me to watch her consult, to have me watch her like with her email recaps. I see beautiful emails come from this woman. Like this woman can write. ask her, like Britt is so brilliant. We ask her all the time like, hey Monica, we need help writing this. And Monica comes with it. Like a lot of the things about our company have been written by Monica. She just got this like ease and grace and loves her.   creativity space and I'm just so grateful to have that ⁓ I think flow example in our company of someone who just can navigate the storms of life, who can go with the flow, who has poise and polish and professionalism and just like truly makes people sparkle in jazz. She's a very fun dynamic human that I'm so grateful is on our team. I'm so happy she's joined our team. And like I said, our consulting team is top notch. I do not hire.   anybody on our team unless they come with massive experience, massive years of experience, coming with consulting experience. Like these women truly know how to drive practices to their greatest fulfillment and profitability and do it in ease and fun. And we were just so lucky. Like our consulting team is absolutely incredible. So moving on from our consulting team, ⁓ we have just this amazing marketing team and Eve, she's like my little pixel fairy over there. We call her her pixel best.   If you have ever attended an event, if you have ever gotten anything from Dental A Team a newsletter, a flyer, anything, it is Eve's magic. And Eve just makes my life so easy. She told me, she Kara marketers are so easy to find. And I said, actually they're not because to find a marketer, Eve is not just a marketer. She's freaking funny. Like honestly, this girl makes me laugh so hard. She is so brilliant. She's stunning. She makes gorgeous design for me all the time. And she's just as magical human that I   I don't know what my life was like without Eve. Eve is someone that has just elevated our company. She's constantly here for brilliant designs. But something that I have loved that I've watched Eve just explore this year is this like new found, like vibrancy blossoming coming out of her where she is taking ownership. She's watching these metrics. She's seeing different things. And Eve can pretty much consult people now. Like this girl does not just build me a slide deck.   a typical marketer would. She thinks through how to make the experience for all of you the absolute best it can be, how to make the experience the best for me. And then she's the funniest person in our chats. So if you ever get a chance to meet Eve, you heard her on the podcast, Eve is this dynamic human that all of us, and she's freaking funny. Eve is like the comedy central of our company who makes all of us giggle. Her and Trish, we just, mean, Tiff is in that rally with them, but Eve is someone who is just.   beyond magical and someone that I'm so grateful came into our life personally and professionally. Her stories, her example, her like zuberance for life just inspires me. And I'm so grateful for her and grateful for her on our team. Following her is Jacintha. Jacintha has been with us and she's just really helped grow our team and evolve our team. And she helps make sure the podcast is taken care of and trains people and does social media. And she's really great at just making sure a lot of the pieces get done in our company.   ⁓ Her just joyous laughter and vivaciousness of life is so infectious and I'm so grateful to learn from her. She's one of the people that has just taken live to give and giving a next level that I think is just beyond magical and something that I've learned so much from her. She just lives life at a high level and she enjoys life and she lives life fully and that's something I'm so thankful for her for. Following her.   ⁓ Joash Joash is new to our team. And I think all of us would be lost without Joash. Joash is behind the scenes, but if you guys are in our company and you're part of our analytics or different platforms, Joash is your guy. Joash makes so many things. He's like our second Shelbi in the company. He builds spreadsheets. He's a data analyst. He figures out different things. He builds beautiful pieces for us. He just is constantly looking for ways to serve.   But Joash reminds me of the beauty of life. Joash is just such a special human He really is taking things to the absolute next level and I'm so grateful for him I love seeing his little messages come in He is someone who reminds me to be so grateful every single day for living this life every day in his slack messages He's like, thank you team. It was a beautiful day. Have a wonderful day tomorrow. We're so lucky to be alive build the best quotes for our company Joash ish is just this like   dynamic, special human that I feel we are so blessed to have helping fill in so many different gaps in our company. And we're so grateful for Joash. ⁓ Robi Robi's on our team and he's in the marketing department. And I love that Robi is just here to help to support, help our marketing team just flourish and thrive. And I love that he thinks of different ideas. He's a great designer. He's a great creator. And I'm so grateful to have Robi take on tasks, fill in the gaps wherever we need him to be. And he's just fun. He's got a lot of   He's got a lot of just energy and drive and like reminds me of how good life is. And I'm so thankful that Robi also is on our team. Following Robi is Paul. Paul is our new CRO. Again, I title, didn't even know existed nor did I know I needed. And what I love about Paul is Paul has been able to come into our company similar to Jenna and just brings this element of poise, of guidance, of knowledge.   I love meeting really smart people and Paul is so smart. He sometimes intimidates me in the best way possible. I love someone who can rival me, someone who can challenge me, somebody who inspires me. And I'm so excited for Paul to come in with so many years of knowledge and so much experience and to see our marketing and our customer success department and bring them together to just make it better for our entire team and for all of you coming to our company. And I'm just so grateful for Paul for taking a chance on us. I think...   I think when I look at consulting, often think like, gosh, those clients, like I feel so bad. I want to take care of them. I just want to help them out. And I think Paul felt that way about Dental A Team. Like, okay, Dental A Team needs some help and I can see how I can really drive. And I'm just so grateful for him coming in, jumping in the passion for excellence that he has, the drive, the tenacity. I'm so truly grateful for him.   The Dental A Team (33:32) And we have our incredible consultant Pam. Pam is just a joy. She is someone who just loves deep. She is so freaking brilliant at all things dental. She comes with this incredible experience of DSOs and of running huge teams and of consulting to tons of offices. And she just is a joy. She's someone who is thorough and on top of her A game. And I am just truly so grateful for her on our team, on our consultant team, being able to just deliver incredible value to our clients.   and also bringing insane value to our company as well. And then we also have Tyler. Tyler is on our customer success team and Tyler just brings this extensive background of dentistry with him. He is someone who really just jumps in, who has a very soft demeanor, but is a go-getter, has grit, has determination, who loves our clients. Our clients feel so safe and seen and heard by him. And for him to be one of the first impressions of Dental A Team, I think is just such a compliment to him.   to his skillset, to who he is as a person, and we are so lucky to have him on our team as well.   The Dental A Team (34:38) And I think like, as I look at my whole team, as I look at all these people that yes, I just said them in front of you. I told you.   and I'd be remiss if I didn't talk about Alex and Sissy who are podcast gurus behind the scenes that have been doing this with me for years. Alex writes the most beautiful show notes of any person that I've ever met. That woman is so magical with words. She's a published author this year. Just so freaking proud of her and so grateful to know her and to have her put together the podcast for you guys every single day, every single week. Sissy for editing it up for us, for making the commercials, for making sure that all the pieces are always put together for you guys.   Like these people just love, they're so incredible. They're just magical. I'm so, so grateful that we get to have all of these people to serve you, to love you. I'd be remiss if I didn't say thanks to Jason. Jason is my ride or die, my love. He's such an amazing human. He just loves me so purely guys. Like to have someone in your corner that loves you and loves you fully and completely.   and just wants the best for you. He's my biggest cheerleader. He's the one who brings me food when I'm on meetings all day. He's the one who's like pumping me up behind the scenes. He's the one who makes every single one of my dreams not seem crazy, audacious and just loves me for them and encourages me to pursue them. Constantly boosts me up, tells me to join you guys, tells me to take the risk, tells me that people need to hear these messages. And I'm so thankful for him. You guys, I'm so grateful. As I say this and like, I'm not gonna lie to you, all of you,   should go tell your team how much you love them because me just doing this podcast helps me see how lucky I am to be surrounded by brilliant people. You guys had so many be like, I look at last year to this year. My team has almost doubled in size. If you've listened to this for the years, you've heard me just go through this every single year. And I will continue to do this forever because my team deserves public recognition and private recognition. These men and women are here as amazing people that make me better.   that push me, that challenge me, that make me laugh. And this is a team of virtual people. So I want you just to love on your teams, to love on yourselves, and to really, truly, truly know that like, we are so blessed to live this world, to be able to be a part of this. I'm so thankful for my team. And if you didn't know, that's just our team. That's all of us. And I'm so grateful for them because I really would encourage each of you to do what I just did to your team.   in some way. And as you guys wrap today, I just hope that you have the most magical day, that you have a ton of fun doing whatever it is, and that you really do check your vital of how is my giving KPI? Am I giving? Am I feeling fulfilled? And if not, I would encourage you guys to choose one thing, one area of your life to make it just a little bit more bright, a little bit more giving, because honestly, the secret to living is giving.   And I hope that you know that I adore you, that I cherish you, that I'm so excited for you and me to be hanging out on the podcast. And I want you to know how much I value you, how much I appreciate you. And I hope you know that and I hope you feel loved. I hope that you feel appreciated. I hope that you remember that you are so blessed to be doing what you're doing, to be living the life that you're living, no matter how great or hard it is today, you are so blessed to be able to do this.   One day you dreamed about this life and now it's yours. And I'm so, so, so grateful to have you guys here. I'm so grateful for all the blessings that we get to be. I'm so excited for this next year around us. I'm so excited to work with you. I'm so excited to see you in person. I'm so, so, so excited for this beautiful life. And I'm honored and blessed to be able to serve you, to love you, to encourage you, to inspire you, and to be in this journey and this part of your life with you.   And if I can serve you in any way, reach out, Hello@TheDentalATeam.com Go have a magical Thanksgiving. Love people, give them hugs. Remember, we get one life to live and I hope that you make it the most magical you possibly can. And with that, thanks for listening and I'll catch you next time on the Dental A Team podcast.  

Singaporeans are used to getting what we want, when we want it, and that includes getting around the city. But behind every tap of the app, there’s a growing tension: drivers say they’re earning less even as demand surges, costs rise, and new rules tighten their take-home pay. On Viewpoint, Lynlee Foo speaks to Kay Woo, Group CEO and Founder of MVLLABS, parent company of TADA, to find out whether our convenience is coming at a real cost to the people behind the wheel.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ovo je doba godine kada zbog sezone gripe i prehlada mnogi pojačano razmišljaju o zdravlju. Tada na scenu stupa narodna medicina s čajevima, otopinama i drugim kućnim pomagalima. Ovo je i doba godine kada ljekarne ostvaruju najveći promet vitaminskim i mineralnim preparatima. Što od svega toga djeluje? I može li zamijeniti odlazak liječniku? Nenad Kreizer razgovara s farmaceutkinjom Tamarom Marković iz Düsseldorfa i reporterkom Majom Marić koja se udubila u tajne narodne medicine. Von Nenad Kreizer.

Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict. The border between Soviet Manchuria and Japanese-occupied territories emerges not as a single line but as a mosaic of contested spaces, marks, and memories. A sequence of incidents, skirmishes along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, reconnaissance sorties, and the complex diplomacy of Moscow, Tokyo, and peripheral actors to trace how risk escalated from routine patrols to calibrated leverage. On the ground, terrain functioned as both obstacle and argument: ridges like Changkufeng Hill shaping sightlines, river valleys shaping decisions, and markers weathered by snow, wind, and drift. In command tents, officers translated terrain into doctrine: contingency plans, supply routes, and the precarious calculus of restraint versus escalation. Both nations sought to establish firmer defensive barriers against the other. Inevitably they were destined to clash, but how large that clash would become, nobody knew.   #176 The Changkufeng Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we broke down a general history of the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict and how it escalated significantly by 1938. Colonel Inada Masazum serving as chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March of 1938 would play a significant role in this story. When the Japanese command's attention was drawn to the area of Changkufeng, consideration was given to the ownership and importance of the disputed high ground. Inada and his operations section turned to an appraisal of the geography. The officers had been impressed by the strategic importance of the Tumen, which served to cut off the hill country from North Korea. In the Changkufeng area, the river was a muddy 600 to 800 meters wide and three to five meters deep. Japanese engineers had described rowing across the stream as "rather difficult."  Russian roads on the left bank were very good, according to Japanese intelligence. Heavy vehicles moved easily; the Maanshan section comprised the Russians' main line of communications in the rear. To haul up troops and materiel, the Russians were obliged to use trucks and ships, for there were no railways apart from a four-kilometer line between the harbor and town of Novokievsk. Near Changkufeng, hardly any roadways were suitable for vehicular traffic. On the right, or Korean, bank of the Tumen, there were only three roads suitable for vehicular traffic, but even these routes became impassable after a day or two of rain. In the sector between Hill 52 to the south and Shachaofeng to the north, the most pronounced eminences were Chiangchunfeng and the humps of Changkufeng. Rocky peaks were characteristically shaped like inverted T's, which meant many dead angles against the crests. The gentle slopes would allow tanks to move but would restrict their speed, as would the ponds and marshes. In general, the terrain was treeless and afforded little cover against aircraft. Against ground observation or fire, corn fields and tall miscanthus grass could provide some shielding. Between Chiangchunfeng and the Tumen, which would have to serve as the main route of Japanese supply, the terrain was particularly sandy and hilly. This rendered foot movement difficult but would reduce the effectiveness of enemy bombs and shells. The high ground east of Khasan afforded bases for fire support directed against the Changkufeng region. Plains characterized the rest of the area on the Soviet side, but occasional streams and swamps could interfere with movement of tanks and trucks. The only towns or villages were Novokievsk, Posyet, Yangomudy, and Khansi. At Kozando there were a dozen houses; at Paksikori, a few. The right bank was farmed mainly by Koreans, whose scattered cottages might have some value for billeting but offered none for cover. On the left bank, the largest hamlets were Fangchuanting, with a population of 480 dwelling in 73 huts, and Yangkuanping, where there were 39 cottages. Shachaofeng was uninhabited. Japanese occupation of Changkufeng would enable observation of the plain stretching east from Posyet Bay, although intelligence made no mention of Soviet naval bases, submarine pens, or airstrips in the immediate area of Posyet, either in existence or being built in 1938. As Inada knew, the Japanese Navy judged that Posyet Bay might have another use, as a site for Japanese landing operations in the event of war. In Russian hands, the high ground would endanger the Korean railway. This line, which started from Najin in northeastern Korea, linked up with the vital system in Manchuria at the town of Tumen and provided a short cut, if not a lifeline, between Japan and the Kwantung Army and Manchuria from across the Sea of Japan. Even from relatively low Changkufeng, six or seven miles of track were exposed to Soviet observation between Hongui and Shikai stations. The port of Najin, with its fortress zone, lay 11 miles southwest; Unggi lay even nearer. It was not the danger of Japanese shelling of Vladivostok, at an incredible range of 80 miles that was at stake but the more realistic hypothesis of Russian shelling of the rail line, and Russian screening of the Soviet side of the border. Hills and questions were thought to have two sides. It was the consensus of Japanese that Changkufeng Hill's potential value to the Russians far outweighed its possible benefits to them, or at least that the Japanese had more to lose if the Russians took the high ground by the Tumen. Inada nurtured few illusions concerning the intrinsic value of the heights. Despite the fact that the high command always had good reasons for quiescence in the north, Inada believed that the latest border difficulty could not be overlooked. By mid-July 1938 Inada's thoughts crystallized. The Japanese would conduct a limited reconnaissance in force known as iryoku teisatsu in the strategic sense. Whereas, at the tactical schoolbook level, this might mean the dispatch of small forces into enemy territory to seek local combat intelligence, at the Imperial General Headquarters level the concept was far more sweeping. There would also be useful evidence of mobilization and other buildup procedures. The affair at Changkufeng was merely a welcome coincidence, something started by the Russians but liable to Japanese exploration. Inada had no intention of seizing territory, of becoming involved in a war of attrition at a remote and minor spot, or of provoking hostilities against the USSR. The Russians would comprehend the nature of the problem, too. If they were interested in interfering seriously with the Japanese, there were numberless better locations to cause trouble along the Manchurian front; those were the places to watch. The cramped Changkufeng sector, described as "narrow like a cat's brow," could too readily be pinched off from Hunchun to render it of strategic value to either side. The bog land to the north interfered with the use of armored forces, while artillery sited on the heights along the Tumen in Korea could as easily control the area as batteries emplaced east of the lake. It was Inada's professional opinion that the Russians could commit three or four infantry divisions there at most, with no mechanized corps—no heavy tanks, in particular. No decisive battle could be waged, although, once the Russians became involved, they might have to cling to the hill out of a sense of honor. The military action would be meaningless even if the Japanese let the Russians have the heights. For their part, the Japanese would ostensibly be fighting to secure the boundary and to hold Changkufeng peak, beyond which they would not move a step onto Soviet soil. There would be no pursuit operations. Troop commitment would be limited to about one division without tank support. Japanese Air Force intervention would be forbidden. Matters would be directed entirely by Imperial General Headquarters working through the Korea Army chain of command and carried out by the local forces. Calm, clear, and dispassionate overall estimates and instructions would be based on materials available only in Tokyo. The command would not allow the Kwantung Army to touch the affair. Inada foresaw that the Japanese government might also seek a settlement through diplomacy. Although border demarcation was desirable and should be sought, the command would not insist on it, nor would it demand permanent occupation of Changkufeng summit. As soon as reconnaissance objectives had been achieved, the local forces would be withdrawn. As Inada described it "In the process, we would have taught the Russians some respect and given them a lesson concerning their repeated, high-handed provocations and intrusions. If a show of force sufficed to facilitate the negotiations and cause the Russians to back down, so much the better; the affair would be over and my point proved." The instrument for carrying out Inada's strategic design appeared to be ideal, the 19th Division, strenuously trained and high-spirited. It could be expected to perform very well if unleashed within defined limits. Colonel Suetaka was just the commander to direct local operations. Since he had been pleading to fight in China, an operation at Changkufeng might prove to be an excellent "safety valve." His staff was full of experienced, fierce warriors eager for battle. Until recently, the Korea Army commanding general had wisely kept the aggressive division away from Changkufeng Hill, but now Imperial general headquarters had its own overriding ideas and needs. How could the Japanese ensure that any military action would remain limited if the Russians chose to respond with vigor? Naturally, one infantry division, without armor or air support, could not withstand all of the Soviet forces in the maritime province. Inada answered that the mission to be assigned the 19th Division was merely the recapture of Changkufeng crest. If the Japanese side had to break off the operation, evacuation would be effected voluntarily and resolutely on Imperial general headquarters responsibility, without considerations of "face." At worst, the Japanese might lose one division, but the affair would be terminated at the Tumen River without fail. "Even so, we ought to be able to prove our theory as well as demonstrate our true strength to the Russians." In case the Soviets opted for more than limited war, the Japanese were still not so overextended in China that they could not alter their strategic disposition of troops. Although the Kwantung Army's six divisions were outnumbered four to one and the Japanese were not desirous of a war at that moment, the first-class forces in Manchuria could make an excellent showing. In addition, the high command possessed armor, heavy artillery, fighters, and bombers, held in check in Manchuria and Korea, as well as reserves in the homeland. There was also the 104th Division, under tight Imperial general headquarters control, in strategic reserve in southern Manchuria. Inada recalled "How would the Russians react? That was the answer I sought. Victory in China depended on it." By mid-July, the high command, at Inada's urging, had worked out a plan titled, "Imperial General headqaurters Essentials for Dealing with the Changkufeng Incident." Tada's telegram of 14 July to Koiso described succinctly the just-decided policy: the central authorities concurred with the Korea Army's opinion regarding the Changkufeng affair, then in embryo. Considering that Changkufeng Hill posed a direct threat to the frontier of Korea, Imperial General headqaurters would immediately urge the foreign ministry to lodge a stern protest. Next day, Tojo sent a telegram stating the Japanese policy of employing diplomacy; whether the Russians should be evicted by force required cautious deliberation in case the USSR did not withdraw voluntarily. On the basis of the guidance received from Imperial General headqaurters, the Korea Army drew up its own plan, "Essentials for Local Direction of the Changkufeng Incident," on 15 July. Intelligence officer Tsuchiya Sakae was sent promptly to the front from Seoul. At the same time, military authorities allowed the press to release news that Soviet troops were constructing positions inside Manchurian territory in an "obvious provocation." The government of Manchukuo was demanding an immediate withdrawal. Even then, those Japanese most closely connected with the handling of the Changkufeng Incident were not in agreement that everybody at command level was as ardent a proponent of reconnaissance in force as Inada claimed to be. Some thought that most, if not all, of his subordinates, youthful and vigorous, were in favor of the notion; others denied the existence of such an idea. Inada remained clear-cut in his own assertions. Everything done by the local Soviet forces, he insisted, must have been effected with the permission of Moscow; it was customary for the USSR not to abandon what it had once started. The Japanese Army never really thought that the Soviet Union would withdraw just as the result of diplomatic approaches. Therefore, from the outset, preparations were made to deal the Russians one decisive blow. Inada had recommended his plan, with its clear restrictions, to his colleagues and superiors; the scheme, he says, was approved 14 July "all the way up the chain of command, through the Army general staff and the ministry of war, with unexpected ease." The only real opposition, Inada recalled, came from the navy, whose staff advised the army operations staff, in all sincerity, to give up the idea of strategic reconnaissance. Inada adhered to his opinion stubbornly. He never forgot the grave look on the face of Captain Kusaka, the UN operations section chief, as the latter gave in reluctantly. The navy view was that the Changkufeng affair typified the army's aggressive policies as opposed to relative passivity on the part of the navy. Like Kusaka, Japanese Navy interviewees shared the fear that Changkufeng might prove to be the most dangerous military confrontation ever to occur between the USSR and Japan. In view of navy objections, one wonders where Inada could have drawn support for his concept of reconnaissance in force. If one accepts the comments contained in a letter from a navy ministry captain, Takagi Sokichi, to Baron Harada Kumao at the beginning of August, in the army and in a portion of the navy there existed "shallow-minded fellows who are apt to take a firm stand in the blind belief that the USSR would not really rise against us, neglecting the fact that the Russians had foreseen our weak points." Takagi also had violent things to say about "white-livered" Gaimusho elements that were playing up to the army. Although Takagi's remarks, expressed in confidence, were sharp, cautious injunctions were being delivered by the high command to the new Korea Army commander, General Nakamura Kotaro, who was about to leave for Seoul to replace Koiso. Nakamura's attitude was crucial for the course and outcome of the Changkufeng Incident. More of a desk soldier than a warrior, he characteristic ally displayed a wariness that was reinforced by the guidance provided him. This personal quality assumes even greater significance if one believes that the Russians may have initiated the Changkufeng Incident by exploiting the special opportunities afforded them by the routine replacement of the Korea Army commander, the temporary absence from Moscow of Ambassador Shigemitsu Mamoru, and the geographical as well as subjective gap between the Kwantung and Korea armies that was exposed during the Lyushkov affair. At 10:00 on 15 July Nakamura was designated army commander by the Emperor at the palace. Soon afterward, he was briefed by Imperial General headquarters officers. Hashimoto, the operations bureau chief, recalled that when he saw Nakamura off on 17 July, Hashimoto stressed prudence, limitation of any military action, and diplomatic solution of the problem. The new commanding general, Inada asserted, promised full cooperation. There was no mention, at this level, of Inada's concept of reconnaissance in force. When Nakamura reached Seoul, he found an Imperial order from Tokyo dated 16 July awaiting him. This important document stipulated that he could concentrate units under his command in Korea near the border against the trespassing Soviet forces in the Changkufeng area. Resort to force, however, was dependent upon further orders. This message was followed by a wire from Kan'in, the Army general staff chief. The Imperial order, it was explained, had been designed to support diplomatic negotiations. Simultaneous approval was granted for concentrating forces to respond swiftly in case the situation deteriorated. As for implementation of the Imperial order, discretion should be exercised in line with the opinion expressed earlier by Korea Army Headquarters. Negotiations were to be conducted in Moscow and Harbin, the location of a Soviet consulate in Manchukuo. Meanwhile, the command was dispatching two officers for purposes of liaison: Lt. Colonel Arisue Yadoru in Operations and Major Kotani Etsuo a specialist in Soviet intelligence. Inada advised Arisue that, apart from liaison flights inside the frontiers, particular care should be exercised with regard to actions that might lead to air combat. Nevertheless, although Inada stated that the Imperial order called for "a sort of military demonstration," he admitted that it meant preparatory action for an attack. The Korea Army senior staff officer, Iwasaki, recalled hearing nothing about secret intentions. Nakamura briefed his staff about the need for restraint, especially during this key period of the Wuhan operation. Koiso had disposed of speculation that he had issued an order to concentrate the 19th Division before Nakamura arrived, although he and Nakamura did have the opportunity to confer in Seoul before he departed for Japan. The Imperial order of 16 July, in response to Koiso's inquiry received in Tokyo on 14 July, had arrived in Seoul addressed to Nakamura; thereupon, the Korea Army chief of staff, Kitano, had the message conveyed to the division. By 21 July Koiso was back in Tokyo where, the day afterward, he advised the war minister, Itagaki, "to act prudently with respect to the Changkufeng problem." Why did the high command dispatch two field-grade liaison officers to Korea from the outset of the Changkufeng Incident? The Korea Army lacked operations staff. Its commander had been allotted prime responsibility, within the chain of command, for defense of northeastern Korea. At the beginning, the highest-ranking staff officer at the front was a major. Since there were no fundamental differences of opinion between the command and the forces in Korea, it was proper to send experts from Tokyo to assist. Imperial General headqaurters would observe the situation carefully, devise measures on the basis of the overall view, and issue orders which the Korea Army would implement through ordinary channels. It had not been the type of incident which required the army commander to go to the front to direct. This was the Korea Army's first test, and political as well as diplomatic problems were involved that the army in the field should not or could not handle. If Tokyo had left decisions to the division and its regiments, the latter would have been held to account, which was not proper. Imperial General headquarters had to assume responsibility and reassure local commanders of its full support. Imaoka Yutaka explained that operational guidance by Imperial General headquarters and line operations conducted by the 19th Division formed the core of the affair; the Korea Army, placed between, was "shadowy." Koiso had not been enthusiastic; this set the mood among the staff. Nakamura, who arrived with a thorough comprehension of AGS thinking, was basically passive. The Korea Army staff, in general, included no "wild boars."    There was an urgent need to monitor developments. Not only was the Korea Army unfamiliar with handling this type of incident, but many hitches occurred. There had been no practice in emergency transmission of coded wires between the Korea Army and Tokyo. Now telegram after telegram had to be sent; most were deciphered incorrectly and many were not decoded at all. Another problem centered on the lack of knowledge in Tokyo about the situation on the spot, which only visual observation could rectify. As a result, the two Army general staff experts, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Korea on 16 July. Kotani recalled that he was to collect intelligence and assist the local authorities. One of the first duties that he and Arisue performed was to disseminate the principle that use of force required a prior Imperial order. Also on 16 July, Japanese newspapers reported that the USSR was still concentrating troops, that the Manchukuoan government was watching intently, "decisive punitive measures" were being contemplated by the Japanese-Manchukuoan authorities, and there were signs of a worsening of the crisis. Despite good reasons for this gloomy appraisal, the Japanese press had not yet given the incident page-one treatment. More alarming news was being disseminated abroad. Domei, the official Japanese news agency, reported that the situation would probably become worse unless Soviet troops were withdrawn. The position of the Japanese government impressed foreign correspondents as unusually firm. Informants characterized the Changkufeng Incident as the most serious affair since the clash on the Amur River in 1937. Irked by the Korea Army's timidity and eager for first-hand information, the Kwantung Army dispatched two observers to the front: from Intelligence, Ogoshi Kenji, and from Operations, Tsuji Masanobu. If you listen to my pacific war week by week podcast or echoes of war, you know I highlight Tsuji Masanobu as one of the most evil Japanese officers of WW2. No other way to describe this guy, he was a shithead. In his memoirs, Tsuji asserted that he and Ogoshi climbed Changkufeng Hill, discerned Soviet soldiers digging across the peak in Manchurian territory, and concluded that "probably even Tokyo could not overlook such a clear-cut case of invasion." Although his account aligned with the general thrust, Ogoshi contended that Tsuji could not have accompanied him. According to sources with the 19th Division, when Koiso learned that Tsuji and Ogoshi were disparaging the Korea Army's ability to defend Changkufeng, he ordered "those spies" ousted. Ogoshi replied that the army staff was not angry, but Koiso did become furious and ordered Ogoshi "arrested for trespassing." Ogoshi surmised that Koiso's concern was that emotional outsiders such as Tsuji could provoke trouble, perhaps even war, if they visited Changkufeng. This view was widely shared. Inada stated that he made a practice of keeping away to maintain the degree of detachment and impartiality required of high command authorities. One sidelight to the "fraternal" visit to the Changkufeng area by observers from Hsinking was provided by Lt. Colonel Katakura Tadashi, chief of the Kwantung Army's 4th Section, which handled Manchukuo affairs, primarily political direction. When Katakura visited the Operations Section, Tsuji and Ogoshi told him that an intrusion had been confirmed and that the Kwantung Army staff was studying ways to evict the Soviets. Katakura consulted Maj. General Ishiwara Kanji, acting chief of staff, who was already in possession of the draft of an operations order calling for offensive preparations by the Kwantung Army against the Russians at Changkufeng. Katakura asked for reconsideration of the order. This was not a matter to be handled solely by the operations staff. Borders and international affairs were involved; hence the 4th Section, along with the Manchukuoan government, the Gaimusho, and other agencies, were concerned. Field observers were expressing exaggerated personal opinions based on having seen Soviet sentries on a hilltop. If the matter fell within the Korea Army's defensive prerogative, that army ought to handle it. Apparently the Kwantung Army commander and Ishiwara agreed with Katakura, for the draft order was not approved. The so-called private message dispatched by a Kwantung Army staff officer just before Koiso's departure may have been provoked by this rejection of direct participation by forces under Kwantung Army command. Staff officers in Tokyo believed that Hsinking could not see the forest for the trees. In the high command's view, the Kwantung Army's deliberate escalation of a negligible frontier incident undoubtedly stemmed from a failure to grasp the strategic requirements of national defense—pursuit of the campaign in China, the nurturance of Manchukuo, and the buildup of operational readiness for the ultimate solution of the Soviet problem. The high command felt obliged to remind the Kwantung Army that, in dealing with the Changkufeng Incident, the central authorities pressed for a Russian pullback through diplomacy. Consequently, the Korea Army had been instructed to be ready to concentrate troops near Changkufeng as a "background." Meanwhile, it remained the Imperial will that utmost prudence be exercised. The Kwantung Army commander accordingly issued cautious instructions to subordinate units, especially those on the eastern border. The high command's injunctions did not end the discontent and recrimination at the lower levels of Kwantung Army Headquarters, nor did they quiet the concern felt in Tokyo. A former war minister told Baron Harada repeatedly in late July that the Kwantung Army was "no good," while the superintendent of police added that the Kwantung Army was embarrassing Foreign Minister Ugaki. Nevertheless, the Kwantung Army did exert self-restraint. For its part, the Korea Army naïvely sought to achieve entente with an antagonist who considered the case nonnegotiable. First, the government of Manchukuo was asked to lodge a formal protest with the USSR. The commissioner for foreign affairs at Harbin phoned V. V. Kuznetzov, the acting consul, on the night of 14 July and saw him on the 18th. Basing its contentions on maps, the Haensing regime demanded Soviet withdrawal from Changkufeng. The Japanese government was lodging similar protests within the framework of Japanese-Manchukuoan joint defense agreements. On the spot, the situation inflamed. During the afternoon of 15 July, a Japanese military police patrol from Korea reconnoitered at the foot of Hill 52, southeast of Changkufeng. The party came under Soviet gunfire and was driven back, abandoning the body of Corp. Matsushima Shakuni. Japanese sources claimed that a Russian ambush had been set inside Manchuria. The Russian side insisted that it was the Soviet frontier that had been violated by thirty meters. Kuzma Grebennik, the colonel commanding the 59th BGU, which covered the Posyet sector, asserted that Matsushima's effects included a notebook containing reconnaissance results and a camera with film of Soviet-claimed terrain, particularly Changkufeng Hill. According to Maj. Gilfan Batarshin, a subordinate of Grebennik, two Russian border guards from Podgornaya opened fire when the Japanese fled after being challenged. Japanese protests to the USSR about the death of Matsushima and the taking of his body were added to the negotiations concerning the disputed border and the alleged trespassing. Charge Nishi Haruhiko lodged a vigorous complaint in Moscow on 15 July but was answered by a counterprotest. Ambassador Shigemitsu underwent an identical experience during a conversation with Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov on 20 July. Shigemitsu retorted that the murder tended to exacerbate the negotiations. In his memoirs, he stated that the killing of Matsushima provoked the local Japanese border garrison unit. The shooting occurred as the Soviet military buildup continued, according to Japanese sources. Mechanized units were reported moving in the direction of Kyonghun from Barabash and Posyet Bay. Biplanes were reconnoitering the Hunchun Valley, within Manchurian territory, from the afternoon of 16 July. To the local Japanese authorities, it seemed that the Russians were adopting a challenging attitude. Although the Japanese-Manchukuoan side remained willing to negotiate—that is, to take no forceful actions if the Russians would withdraw, the latter appeared not to share such an intention. The Soviets were not only misinterpreting the Hunchun treaty to their advantage but were encroaching beyond what they claimed to be the line; they "lacked sincerity." Decisive use of force might have been imperative to secure the Manchurian border, which was Japan's legal responsibility. As far north as Tungning on the eastern Manchurian frontier, two Soviet ground divisions and considerable numbers of tanks and aircraft were reported massed in full view. At Changkufeng, Russian soldiers fortified the crest. Mountain guns were now seen with muzzles pointed toward Manchuria, and Japanese intelligence estimated that Soviet troop strength near Changkufeng had grown to 120 or 130 by the evening of 18 July. As Sawamoto Rikichiro, an Imperial aide, noted in his diary, "It would seem that settlement of the affair had become increasingly difficult." Korea Army staff officer Tsuchiya sent two emissaries bearing the notice to the Soviet border. The pair, "blazing with patriotic ardor,"set out on 18 July, carrying a message in one hand and a white flag in the other. From Kyonghun came the report the next day that there had been an urgent, well-attended Soviet staff meeting at BGU Headquarters in Novokievsk all night, and that the Russian side had been discomfited by the Japanese request, which had been transmitted to higher authorities. Still, the emissaries did not return, while a stream of reports indicated a Soviet buildup along a dozen frontier sectors. Russian authorities had reportedly forced the natives to evacuate an area twenty miles behind their borders. From Japanese observation posts, Soviet convoys of men, guns, and horses could be sighted moving toward Novokievsk after being unloaded from transports originating at Vladivostok. Japanese Army Intelligence reported that on 18 July a regimental-size force had arrived at Novokievsk; artillery displacements forward were particularly visible by night east of Khasan. A confidential Gaimusho message indicated that Soviet truck movements between Posyet, Novokievsk, and the front had increased since the 20th. Russian intrusions, kidnappings, and sniping incidents were reported along the Manchurian borders, from Manchouli on the west to Suifenho on the east, between 18 and 25 July. Aircraft on daytime reconnaissance were detected as far as three miles inside Manchurian territory in the Hunchun area. Although the Japanese asserted that their forbearance was being tested, Izvestiya charged "Japanese militarists" with manufacturing an affair at Ussuri as well as at Changkufeng. The Japanese themselves received reports from the Changkufeng front that by 20 July the Soviets had 250 soldiers, armed with field pieces, trench mortars, howitzers, and light and heavy machine guns, on the southern slopes. The Russians were putting up tents capable of holding 40 men each; officers could be observed for the first time. On the evening of the 20th, the Soviets lobbed illuminating shells toward Manchurian territory. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Inada Masazum, studying maps and mud, saw Changkufeng Hill as a prize with peril, a test of nerve rather than a conquest. Tokyo's orders pulsed through Seoul and Harbin: guard, probe, and deter, but avoid full-scale war. Across the border, Soviet units pressed closer, lights and tents flickering on the hillside. The sea within sight whispered of strategy, diplomacy, and a warning: a single misstep could redraw Asia. And so the standoff waited, patient as winter.

It took yer boys three goals, too many yellow cards, and one fallen soldier, but NYCFC is back in the eastern semifinals!! A white-knuckled ending to the Charlotte chronicle leaves NYCFC on top with a 3-1 victory. We chat Nico's wondergoals, performative Haaktivism, the Armchair Ignorance of Tayvon Gray, and the devastating consequences of Charlotte's concrete turf for perennial NYCFC protagonist Perea. Plus: Gotham FC's stunning upset and some potentially pessimistic predictions for Philadelphia. Eat your heart out, eastern conference: you've got Blue Balls!

Last time we spoke about the Changsha fire. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man or flood the land to slow the invaders. He chose both, pushing rivers and rallying a fractured army as Japanese forces pressed along the Yangtze. Fortresses at Madang held long, but the cost was high—troops lost, civilians displaced, a city's heart burning in the night. Wuhan fell after months of brutal fighting, yet the battle did not break China's will. Mao Zedong urged strategy over martyrdom, preferring to drain the enemy and buy time for a broader struggle. The Japanese, though victorious tactically, found their strength ebbing, resource strains, supply gaps, and a war that felt endless. In the wake of Wuhan, Changsha stood next in the Japanese crosshairs, its evacuation and a devastating fire leaving ash and memory in its wake. Behind these prices, political currents swirled. Wang Jingwei defected again, seeking power beyond Chiang's grasp, while Chongqing rose as a western bastion of resistance. The war hardened into a protracted stalemate, turning Japan from an aggressive assailant into a wary occupier, and leaving China to endure, persist, and fight on.   #175  The Soviet-Japanese Border Conflicts Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So based on the title of this one, you probably can see we are taking a bit of a detour. For quite some time we have focused on the Japanese campaigns into China proper 1937-1938. Now the way the second sino-japanese war is traditionally broken down is in phases. 1937-1938, 1939-1942 and 1942-1945. However there is actually even more going on in China aside from the war with Japan. In Xinjiang province a large full blown Islamic revolution breaks out in 1937. We will be covering that story at a later date, but another significant event is escalating border skirmishes in Manchukuo. Now these border skirmishes had been raging ever since the USSR consolidated its hold over the far east. We talked about some of those skirmishes prior to the Sino-Soviet war in 1929. However when Japan created the puppet government of Manchukuo, this was a significant escalation in tensions with the reds. Today we are going to talk about the escalating border conflicts between the Soviets and Japan. A tongue of poorly demarcated land extends southeast from Hunchun, hugging the east bank of the Tumen River between Lake Khasan to the east and Korea to the west. Within this tongue stands Changkufeng Hill, one of a long chain of highlands sweeping from upstream along the rivers and moors toward the sea. The twin-peaked hill sits at the confluence area several miles northwest of the point where Manchuria, Korea, and the Russian Far East meet. The hill's shape reminded Koreans of their changgo, which is a long snare drum constricted at the center and tapped with the hands at each end. When the Manchus came to the Tumen, they rendered the phonetic sounds into three ideographic characters meaning "taut drum peaks" or Chang-ku-feng. The Japanese admired the imagery and preserved the Chinese readings, which they pronounce Cho-ko-ho. From their eastern vantage, the Russians called it Zaozernaya, "hill behind the lake." Soviet troops referred to it as a sugar-loaf hill. For many years, natives and a handful of officials in the region cultivated a relaxed attitude toward borders and sovereignty. Even after the Japanese seized Manchuria in 1931, the issue did not immediately come to a head. With the expansion of Manchukuo and the Soviet Far East under Stalin's Five-Year plans, both sides began to attend more closely to frontier delimitation. Whenever either party acted aggressively, force majeure was invoked to justify the unexpected and disruptive events recognized in international law. Most often, these incidents erupted along the eastern Manchurian borders with the USSR or along the 350-mile frontier south of Lake Khanka, each skirmish carrying the seeds of all-out warfare. Now we need to talk a little bit about border history. The borders in question essentially dated to pacts concluded by the Qing dynasty and the Tsardom. Between the first Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689 and the Mukden Agreement of 1924, there were over a dozen accords governing the borders. Relevant to Changkufeng were the basic 15-article Convention of Peking, supplementing the Tientsin Treaties of November 1860, some maps made in 1861, and the eight-article Hunchun Border Protocol of 1886. By the 1860 treaty, the Qing ceded to Tsarist Russia the entire maritime province of Siberia, but the meaning of "lands south of Lake Khanka" remained rather vague. Consequently, a further border agreement was negotiated in June 1861 known as "the Lake Khanka Border Pact", by which demarcations were drawn on maps and eight wooden markers erected. The border was to run from Khanka along ridgelines between the Hunchun River and the sea, past Suifenho and Tungning, terminating about 6 miles from the mouth of the Tumen. Then a Russo-Chinese commission established in 1886 drew up the Hunchun Border Pact, proposing new or modified markers along the 1860–1861 lines and arranging a Russian resurvey. However, for the Japanese, in 1938, the Chinese or Manchu texts of the 1886 Hunchun agreement were considered controlling. The Soviets argued the border ran along every summit west of Khasan, thereby granting them jurisdiction over at least the eastern slopes of all elevations, including Changkufeng and Shachaofeng.  Since the Qing dynasty and the house of Romanov were already defunct, the new sovereignties publicly appealed to opposing texts, and the Soviet side would not concede that the Russian-language version had never been deemed binding by the Qing commissioners. Yet, even in 1938, the Japanese knew that only the Chinese text had survived or could be located.    Now both the Chinese and Russian military maps generally drew the frontier along the watershed east of Khasan; this aligned with the 1861 readings based on the Khanka agreement. The Chinese Republican Army conducted new surveys sometime between 1915 and 1920. The latest Chinese military map of the Changkufeng area drew the border considerably closer to the old "red line" of 1886, running west of Khasan but near the shore rather than traversing the highland crests. None of the military delimitations of the border was sanctified by an official agreement. Hence, the Hunchun Protocol, whether well known or not, invaluable or worthless, remained the only government-to-government pact dealing with the frontiers.  Before we jump into it, how about a little summary of what became known as the Soviet-Japanese border conflicts. The first major conflict would obviously be the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Following years of conflict between the Russian Empire and Japan culminating in the costly Battle of Tsushima, Tsar Nicholas II's government sought peace, recognizing Japan's claims to Korea and agreeing to evacuate Manchuria.  From 1918 to 1920, the Imperial Japanese Army, under Emperor Taishō after the death of Meiji, assisted the White Army and Alexander Kerensky against the Bolshevik Red Army. They also aided the Czechoslovak Legion in Siberia to facilitate its return to Europe after an Austrian-Hungarian armoured train purportedly went astray. By 1920, with Austria-Hungary dissolved and Czechoslovakia established two years earlier, the Czechoslovak Legion reached Europe. Japan withdrew from the Russian Revolution and the Civil War in 1922. Following Japan's 1919-1920 occupations and the Soviet intervention in Mongolia in 1921, the Republic of China also withdrew from Outer Mongolia in 1921. In 1922, after capturing Vladivostok in 1918 to halt Bolshevik advances, Japanese forces retreated to Japan as Bolshevik power grew and the postwar fatigue among combatants increased. After Hirohito's invasion of Manchuria in 1931–1932, following Taishō's death in 1926, border disputes between Manchukuo, the Mongolian People's Republic, and the Soviet Union increased. Many clashes stemmed from poorly defined borders, though some involved espionage. Between 1932 and 1934, the Imperial Japanese Army reported 152 border disputes, largely tied to Soviet intelligence activity in Manchuria, while the Soviets accused Japan of 15 border violations, six air intrusions, and 20 cases of "spy smuggling" in 1933 alone. Numerous additional violations followed in the ensuing years. By the mid-1930s, Soviet-Japanese diplomacy and trust had deteriorated further, with the Japanese being openly labeled "fascist enemies" at the Seventh Comintern Congress in July 1935. Beginning in 1935, conflicts significantly escalated. On 8 January 1935, the first armed clash, known as the Halhamiao incident, took place on the border between Mongolia and Manchukuo. Several dozen cavalrymen of the Mongolian People's Army crossed into Manchuria near disputed fishing grounds and engaged an 11‑man Manchukuo Imperial Army patrol near the Buddhist temple at Halhamiao, led by a Japanese military advisor. The Manchukuo Army sustained 6 wounded and 2 dead, including the Japanese officer; the Mongols suffered no casualties and withdrew after the Japanese sent a punitive expedition to reclaim the area. Two motorized cavalry companies, a machine‑gun company, and a tankette platoon occupied the position for three weeks without resistance. In June 1935, the first direct exchange of fire between the Japanese and Soviets occurred when an 11‑man Japanese patrol west of Lake Khanka was attacked by six Soviet horsemen, reportedly inside Manchukuo territory. In the firefight, one Soviet soldier was killed and two horses were captured. The Japanese requested a joint investigation, but the Soviets rejected the proposal. In October 1935, nine Japanese and 32 Manchukuoan border guards were establishing a post about 20 kilometers north of Suifenho when they were attacked by 50 Soviet soldiers. The Soviets opened fire with rifles and five heavy machine guns. Two Japanese and four Manchukuoan soldiers were killed, and another five were wounded. The Manchukuoan foreign affairs representative lodged a verbal protest with the Soviet consul at Suifenho. The Kwantung Army of Japan also sent an intelligence officer to investigate the clash. On 19 December 1935, a Manchukuoan unit reconnoitering southwest of Buir Lake clashed with a Mongolian party, reportedly capturing 10 soldiers. Five days later, 60 truck‑borne Mongolian troops assaulted the Manchukuoans and were repulsed, at the cost of three Manchukuoan dead. On the same day, at Brunders, Mongolian forces attempted three times to drive out Manchukuoan outposts, and again at night, but all attempts failed. Further small attempts occurred in January, with Mongolians using airplanes for reconnaissance. The arrival of a small Japanese force in three trucks helped foil these attempts; casualties occurred on both sides, though Mongolian casualties are unknown aside from 10 prisoners taken. In February 1936, Lieutenant-Colonel Sugimoto Yasuo was ordered to form a detachment from the 14th Cavalry Regiment to "drive the Outer Mongol intruders from the Olankhuduk region," a directive attributed to Lieutenant-General Kasai Heijuro. Sugimoto's detachment included cavalry guns, heavy machine guns, and tankettes. They faced a force of about 140 Mongolians equipped with heavy machine guns and light artillery. On February 12, Sugimoto's men drove the Mongolians south, at the cost of eight Japanese killed, four wounded, and one tankette destroyed. The Japanese began to withdraw, but were attacked by 5–6 Mongolian armored cars and two bombers, which briefly disrupted the column. The situation was stabilized when the Japanese unit received artillery support, allowing them to destroy or repel the armored cars. In March 1936, the Tauran incident occurred. In this clash, both the Japanese Army and the Mongolian Army deployed a small number of armored fighting vehicles and aircraft. The incident began when 100 Mongolian and six Soviet troops attacked and occupied the disputed village of Tauran, Mongolia, driving off the small Manchurian garrison. They were supported by light bombers and armored cars, though the bombing sorties failed to inflict damage on the Japanese, and three bombers were shot down by Japanese heavy machine guns. Local Japanese forces counter-attacked, conducting dozens of bombing sorties and finally assaulting Tauran with 400 men and 10 tankettes. The result was a Mongolian rout, with 56 Mongolian soldiers killed, including three Soviet advisors, and an unknown number wounded. Japanese losses were 27 killed and 9 wounded. Later in March 1936, another border clash occurred between Japanese and Soviet forces. Reports of border violations prompted the Japanese Korean Army to send ten men by truck to investigate, but the patrol was ambushed by 20 Soviet NKVD soldiers deployed about 300 meters inside territory claimed by Japan. After suffering several casualties, the Japanese patrol withdrew and was reinforced with 100 men, who then drove off the Soviets. Fighting resumed later that day when the NKVD brought reinforcements. By nightfall, the fighting had ceased and both sides had pulled back. The Soviets agreed to return the bodies of two Japanese soldiers who had died in the fighting, a development viewed by the Japanese government as encouraging. In early April 1936, three Japanese soldiers were killed near Suifenho in another minor affray. This incident was notable because the Soviets again returned the bodies of the fallen servicemen. In June 1937, the Kanchazu Island incident occurred on the Amur River along the Soviet–Manchukuo border. Three Soviet gunboats crossed the river's center line, disembarked troops, and occupied Kanchazu Island. Japanese forces from the IJA 1st Division, equipped with two horse-drawn 37 mm artillery pieces, quickly established improvised firing positions and loaded their guns with both high-explosive and armor-piercing shells. They shelled the Soviet vessels, sinking the lead gunboat, crippling the second, and driving off the third. Japanese troops subsequently fired on the swimming crewmen from the sunken ships using machine guns. Thirty-seven Soviet soldiers were killed, while Japanese casualties were zero. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs protested and demanded the Soviet forces withdraw from the island. The Soviet leadership, apparently shocked by the incident and reluctant to escalate, agreed to evacuate their troops. By 1938 the border situation had deteriorated. The tangled terrain features, mountain, bog, stream, forest, and valley, would have complicated even careful observers' discernment of the old red line drawn in 1886. Fifty years later, the markers themselves had undergone a metamorphosis. Japanese investigators could find, at most, only 14 to 17 markers standing fairly intact between the Tumen estuary and Khanka—roughly one every 25 miles at best. The remainder were missing or ruined; five were found in new locations. Marker "K," for example, was 40 meters deeper inside Manchuria, away from Khanka. Japanese military experts noted that of the 20 markers originally set along the boundaries of Hunchun Prefecture alone, only four could be found by the summer of 1938. The rest had either been wrecked or arbitrarily moved and discarded by Russian or Chinese officials and inhabitants. It is even said that one missing marker could be seen on display in Khabarovsk. The Chinese had generally interpreted the boundary as the road line just west of Khasan, at least in practice. Free road movement, however, had become a problem even 20 years before the Japanese overran Manchuria in 1931–1932 during the so-called Manchurian Incident. The Japanese adopted, or inherited, the Chinese interpretation, which was based on the 1886 agreement on border roads; the key clause held that the frontier west of Khasan would be the road along the lake. Japanese sources emphasize that local residents' anger toward gradual Soviet oppression and penetrations westward into Manchurian territory fueled the conflict. Many natives believed the original boundaries lay east of the lake, but the Soviets adjusted the situation to suit their own convenience. In practice, the Russians were restricting road use just west of Khasan by Manchurian and Korean residents. There was speculation that this was a prelude to taking over the ridgelines, depending on the reaction of the Manchukuoan–Japanese side. Villagers who went to streams or the lake to launder clothing found themselves subjected to sniper fire. Along a 25-mile stretch of road near Shachaofeng, farmers reported coming under fire from new Soviet positions as early as November 1935. Nevertheless, Japanese and Koreans familiar with the Tumen area noted agrarian, seasonal Korean religious rites atop Changkufeng Hill, including fattened pigs sacrificed and changgo drums beaten. Village elders told Japanese visitors in 1938 that, until early the preceding year, no Russians had come as far as Changkufeng Hill. Looking only at the border sector around Changkufeng, the easy days were clearly behind us. In the summer of 1938, Gaimusho "Foreign Ministry" observers described the explosive situation along the Korea–Manchuria–USSR borders as a matter of de facto frontiers. Both sides pressed against each other, and their trigger-happy posture was summed up in the colloquial refrain: "Take another step and we'll let you have it." Near dawn on 13 June 1938, a Manchurian patrol detected a suspicious figure in the fog swirling over Changlingtzu Hill on the Siberian–Manchurian frontier. Challenged at 15 feet, the suspect hurled two pistols to the ground and raised his hands in surrender. At headquarters, the police soon realized this was no routine border-trespassing case. The man was a defector and he was a Russian general, in fact he was the director of all NKVD forces in the Soviet Far East. Beneath a mufti of spring coat and hunting cap, he wore a full uniform with medals. His identification card No. 83 designated him as G. S. Lyushkov, Commissar 3rd Class, countersigned by Nikolai Yezhov, NKVD head in Moscow. Lyushkov was promptly turned over to the Japanese military authorities, who transferred him to Seoul and then to Tokyo under close escort. On 1 July, the Japanese press was permitted to disclose that Lyushkov had sought refuge in Japan. Ten days later, to capitalize on the commissar's notoriety and to confound skeptics, the Japanese produced Lyushkov at a press conference in Tokyo. For the Japanese and foreign correspondents, who met separately with him, Lyushkov described Soviet Far East strength and the turmoil wracking the USSR, because for those of you unfamiliar this was during the Stalinist purges. Clearly, the Japanese had gained a unique reservoir of high-level intelligence and a wealth of materials, including notes scratched in blood by suspects incarcerated at Khabarovsk. A general tightening of Russian frontier security had recently been reported. Natives of Fangchuanting asserted that a Soviet cavalry patrol appeared in June, seemingly for the first time. Contact with Yangkuanping, northwest of Khasan, was severed. More importantly, Japanese Army Signal Corps intelligence detected a surge of Soviet message traffic from the Posyet Bay district. After Lyushkov's defection, a drastic reshuffle in the local Russian command apparently occurred, and responsibility for border surveillance seems to have been reallocated. Japanese records indicate that the Novokievsk security force commander was relieved and the sector garrison replaced by troops from Vladivostok. Gaimusho intelligence also received reports that a border garrison unit had been transferred from Khabarovsk or Chita to the Tumen sector. The Kwantung Army signal monitors also intercepted two significant frontline messages on 6 July from the new Russian local commander in the Posyet region, addressed to Lieutenant General Sokolov in Khabarovsk. Decoded, the messages suggested (1) that ammunition for infantry mortars amounted to less than half the required supply; and  (2) a recommendation that higher headquarters authorize Russian elements to secure certain unoccupied high ground west of Khasan.  The commander noted terrain advantages and the contemplated construction of emplacements that would command Najin and the Korean railway. As a start, at least one Russian platoon should be authorized to dig in on the highest ground (presumably Changkufeng) and deploy four tons of entanglements to stake out the Soviet claim. Korea Army Headquarters received a telegram from the Kwantung Army on 7 July conveying the deciphered messages. On the same day, the 19th Division in North Korea telephoned Seoul that, on 6 July, three or four Soviet horsemen had been observed reconnoitering Manchurian territory from atop a hill called Changkufeng. The alarming intelligence from the Kwantung Army and the front warranted immediate attention by the Korea Army. Some Kwantung Army officers doubted the significance of the developments, with one intelligence official even suggesting the Russian messages might be a deliberate ploy designed to entrap the Japanese at Changkufeng. On 7–8 July, all staff officers in Seoul convened at army headquarters. The name of Changkufeng Hill was not well known, but maps and other data suggested that neither the Japanese nor the Russians had previously stationed border units in the ridge complex west of Khasan. As early as March 1936, Army Commander Koiso Kuniaki had distributed maps to subordinate units, indicating which sectors were in dispute. No patrol was to enter zones lacking definitive demarcation. Until then, the only Japanese element east of the Tumen was a Manchurian policeman at Fangchuanting. Ownership of the high ground emerged as an early issue. A number of other points were raised by  the Kwantung Army: At present, Soviet elements in the area were negligible. The intrusion must not be overlooked. The Russians could be expected to exploit any weakness, and half-measures would not suffice, especially regarding the Japanese defense mission along a 125-mile frontier. In Japanese hands, Changkufeng Hill would be useful, but two excellent observation posts already existed in the neighboring sector of the Manchurian tongue. With dissidence and purges underway, the Russians may have judged it necessary to seal border gaps, particularly after Lyushkov's defection. They may also have sought to control Changkufeng to offset Japanese dominance of the high ground to the north. Soviet seizure of Changkufeng would upset the delicate status quo and could provoke a contest for equivalent observation posts. In broader terms, it mattered little whether the Russians sought a permanent observation post on Changkufeng Hill, which was of relatively minor strategic value. Japan's primary concern lay in the China theater; Changkufeng was peripheral. The Japanese should not expend limited resources or become distracted. The matter required consultation with the high command in Tokyo. In the absence of more comprehensive intelligence, the assembled staff officers concluded that the Korea Army should, at a minimum, ignore or disregard Soviet actions for the time being, while maintaining vigilant observation of the area. The consensus was communicated to Major General Kitano Kenzo, the Korea Army chief of staff, who concurred, and to Koiso. Upon learning that the recommendation advocated a low posture, Koiso inquired only whether the opinion reflected the unanimous view of the staff. Having been assured that it did, he approved the policy. Koiso, then 58, was at the threshold of the routine personnel changes occurring around 15 July. He had just been informed that he would retire and that General Nakamura Kotaro would succeed him. Those acquainted with Koiso perceived him as treating the border difficulties as a minor anticlimax in the course of his command tour. He appeared unemphatic or relaxed as he prepared to depart from a post he had held for twenty-one years. Although neither Koiso nor his staff welcomed the Soviet activities that appeared under way, his reaction likely reflected a reluctance to make decisions that could constrain his soon-to-arrive successor. On 8 July Koiso authorized the dispatch of warnings to the 19th Division at Nanam, to the Hunchun garrison, and to the intelligence branch at Hunchun. These units were instructed to exercise maximum precautions and to tighten frontier security north of Shuiliufeng. In response to the initial appearance of Soviet horsemen at Changkufeng, the Kucheng Border Garrison Unit of the 76th Infantry Regiment maintained close surveillance across the Tumen. By about noon on 9 July, patrols detected approximately a dozen Russian troops commencing construction atop Changkufeng. Between 11 and 13 July, the number of soldiers on the slopes increased to forty; there were also thirty horses and eleven camouflaged tents. Operating in shifts on the western side, thirty meters from the crest, the Russians erected barbed wire and firing trenches; fifty meters forward, they excavated observation trenches. In addition to existing telephone lines between Changkufeng, Lake Khasan, and Kozando, the Russians installed a portable telephone net. Logistical support was provided by three boats on the lake. Approximately twenty kilometers to the east, well within Soviet territory, large forces were being mobilized, and steamship traffic into Posyet Bay intensified. Upon learning of the "intrusion" at Changkufeng on 9 July, Lt. General Suetaka Kamezo, the commander of the 19th Division, dispatched staff officers to the front and prepared to send elements to reinforce border units.  The special significance of Suetaka and his division stemmed from a series of unusual circumstances. Chientao Province, the same zone into which Lyushkov had fled and the sector where Soviet horsemen had appeared, fell within Manchukuo geographically and administratively. Yet, in terms of defense, the configuration of the frontier, the terrain, and the transportation network more closely connected the region with North Korea than with southeastern Manchuria. Approximately 80% of the population was of Korean origin, which implied Japanese rather than Manchukuoan allegiance. Consequently, the Korea Army had been made operationally responsible for the defense of Chientao and controlled not only the three-battalion garrison at Hunchun but also the intelligence detachment located there. In the event of war, the Korea Army's mission was defined as mobilization and execution of subsidiary operational tasks against the USSR, under the control and in support of the Kwantung Army.  The Korea Army ordinarily possessed two infantry divisions, the 19th in North Korea and the 20th stationed at Seoul, but the 20th Division had already departed for China, leaving only the 20th Depot Division in the capital. Beyond sparse ground units, devoid of armor and with weak heavy artillery, there were only two air regiments in Korea, the nearest being the unit at Hoeryong. The Korea Army was designed to maintain public security within Korea as well as fulfill minimal defensive responsibilities. Such an army did not require a full-time operations officer, and none was maintained. When needed, as in mid-1938, the task fell to the senior staff officer, in this case Colonel Iwasaki Tamio. In peacetime, training constituted the primary focus.  Thus, the 19th Division was entrusted with defending northeastern Korea. Its commander, Suetaka, a seasoned infantryman, resented the fact that his elite force had never engaged in combat in China. He intensified training with zeal, emphasizing strict discipline, bravery, aggressiveness, and thorough preparation. Japanese veterans characterized him as severe, bullish, short-tempered, hot-blooded, highly strung, unbending, and stubborn. Nonetheless, there was widespread respect for his realistic training program, maintained under firm, even violent, personal supervision. His men regarded Suetaka as a professional, a modern samurai who forged the division into superb condition. Privately, he was reputed for sensitivity and warmth; a Japanese phrase "yakamashii oyaji" captures the dual sense of stern father and martinet in his character. At the outset, however, Suetaka displayed little aggression. Although not widely known, he did not welcome the orders from army headquarters to deploy to the Tumen. Until late July, he remained somewhat opposed to the notion of dislodging the Soviets from the crest, a proposition arising from neither the division staff nor, initially, Suetaka himself. Colonel Sato noted that, for a week after reports of Soviet excavation at Changkufeng, the division's response was limited to preparations for a possible emergency, as they perceived the matter as a local issue best settled through diplomacy. Korea Army officers acknowledged that, around the time the Soviets consolidated their outpost strength at Changkufeng, an informal and personal telegram arrived in Seoul from a Kwantung Army Intelligence field-grade officer who specialized in Soviet affairs. If the Korea Army hesitated, the Kwantung Army would be obliged to eject the Russians; the matter could not be ignored. While the telegram did not demand a reply and struck several officers as presumptuous and implausible, the message was promptly shown to Koiso. Koiso was driven to immediate action, he wired Tokyo asserting that only the Korea Army could and would handle the incident. One staff officer recalled "We felt we had to act, out of a sense of responsibility. But we resented the Kwantung Army's interference." The Korea Army staff convened shortly after receipt of the unofficial telegram from Hsinking. Based on the latest intelligence from the division dated 13 July, the officers prepared an assessment for submission to the army commander. The hypotheses were distilled into three scenarios: The USSR, or the Far East authorities, desires hostilities. Conclusion: Slightly possible. The USSR seeks to restrain Japan on the eve of the pivotal operations in China: the major Japanese offensive to seize Hankow. Conclusion: Highly probable. The Posyet district commander is new in his post; by occupying the Changkufeng ridges, he would demonstrate loyalty, impress superiors, and seek glory. Conclusion: Possible. Late on 13 July or early on 14 July, Koiso approved the dispatch of a message to the vice minister of war, and the Kwantung Army chief of staff:  "Lake Khasan area lies in troublesome sector USSR has been claiming . . . in accordance with treaties [said Secret Message No. 913], but we interpret it to be Manchukuoan territory, evident even from maps published by Soviet side. Russian actions are patently illegal, but, considering that area does not exert major or immediate influence on operations [Japan] is intending and that China Incident is in full swing, we are not going to conduct counterattack measures immediately. This army is thinking of reasoning with Soviets and requesting pullback, directly on spot. . . . In case Russians do not accede in long run, we have intention to drive Soviet soldiers out of area east of Khasan firmly by use of force."  The message concluded with a request that the Tokyo authorities lodge a formal protest with the USSR, on behalf of Manchukuo and Japan, and guide matters so that the Russians would withdraw quickly. Dominant in Japanese high command thinking in 1938 was the China theater; the Changkufeng episode constituted a mere digression. A sequence of Japanese tactical victories had preceded the summer: Tsingtao fell in January; the Yellow River was reached in March; a "reformed government of the Republic of China" was installed at Nanking several weeks later; Amoy fell in early May; Suchow fell on the 20th. With these gains, northern and central fronts could be linked by the Japanese. Yet Chinese resistance persisted, and while public statements anticipated imminent Chinese dissension, private admissions acknowledged that the partial effects of Suchow's fall were ominous: control might pass from Chiang Kai-shek to the Communists, Chinese defiance might intensify, and Soviet involvement could ensue. A Hankow drive appeared desirable to symbolize the conclusion of the military phase of hostilities. The Japanese and their adversaries were in accord regarding the importance of the summer and autumn campaigns. Even after Suchow's fall, the government discouraged public insinuations that enemy resistance was collapsing; when Chiang addressed the nation on the first anniversary of hostilities, Premier Konoe prophetically proclaimed, "The war has just begun." Colonel Inada Masazum served as the Army General Staff's principal figure for the Changkufeng affair, occupying the position of chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March 1938. A distinguished graduate of the Military Academy, Inada completed the War College program and held a combination of line, instructional, and staff assignments at the War College, the Army General Staff, and the War Ministry. He was recognized as a sharp, highly capable, and driveful personality, though some regarded him as enigmatic. Following the capture of Suchow, Imperial General Headquarters on 18 June ordered field forces to undertake operational preparations for a drive to seize the Wuhan complex. Inada favored a decisive move aimed at achieving a rapid political settlement. He acknowledged that Soviet intervention in 1938, during Japan's involvement in China, would have been critical. Although Japanese forces could still defeat the Chinese, an overextended Japanese Army might be fatally compromised against the Russians. Soviet assistance to China was already pronouncedly unwelcome. The Soviets were reported to possess roughly 20 rifle divisions, four to five cavalry divisions, 1,500 tanks, and 1,560 aircraft, including 300 bombers with a range of approximately 3,000 kilometers, enabling reach from Vladivostok to Tokyo. Soviet manpower in Siberia was likely near 370,000. In response, Japanese central authorities stressed a no-trouble policy toward the USSR while seeking to "wall off" the border and bolster the Kwantung Army as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, the envisaged correction of the strategic imbalance could not occur before 1943, given shortages in ammunition, manpower, and materiel across existing theaters in China. By the end of 1937 Japan had committed 16 of its 24 divisions to China, bringing the standing force to roughly 700,000. Army General Staff planners reallocated three ground divisions, intended for a northern contingency, from north to central China, even as the Kwantung Army operated from a less favorable posture. Attitudes toward the northern problem varied within senior military circles. While concern persisted, it was not universal. As campaigns in China widened, planning at the high command level deteriorated, propagating confusion and anxiety to field armies in China. The Japanese Navy suspected that the Army general staff was invoking the USSR as a pretext for broader strategic aims—namely, to provoke a more consequential confrontation with the USSR while the Navy contended with its own strategic rivalries with the Army, centered on the United States and Britain. Army leaders, however, denied aggressive intent against the USSR at that time. The Hankow plan encountered substantial internal opposition at high levels. Private assessments among army planners suggested that a two-front war would be premature given operational readiness and troop strength. Not only were new War Ministry officials cautious, but many high-ranking Army general staff officers and court circles shared doubts.  Aggressive tendencies, influenced by subordinates and the Kwantung Army, were evident in Inada, who repeatedly pressed Tada Shun, the deputy army chief of staff, to endorse the Wuhan drive as both necessary and feasible, arguing that the USSR would gain from Japan's weakening without incurring substantial losses. Inada contended that Stalin was rational and that time favored the USSR in the Far East, where industrial buildup and military modernization were ongoing. He argued that the Soviet purges impeded opportunistic ventures with Japan. He posited that Nazi Germany posed a growing threat on the western front, and thus the USSR should be avoided by both Japan, due to China and Russia, due to Germany. While most of the army remained engaged in China, Tada did not initially share Inada's views; only after inspecting the Manchurian borders in April 1938 did he finally align with Inada's broader vision, which encompassed both northern and Chinese considerations. During this period, Inada studied daily intelligence from the Kwantung Army, and after Lyushkov's defection in June, reports suggested the Soviets were following their sector commander's recommendations. Russian troops appeared at Changkufeng, seemingly prepared to dig in. Inada recollects his reaction: "That's nice, my chance has come." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The simmering Soviet–Japanese border clashes centered on Changkufeng Hill near Lake Khanka, set within a broader history of contested frontiers dating to Qing and Tsarist treaties. Japan, prioritizing China, considered Changkufeng peripheral but ready to confront Soviet encroachment; Moscow aimed to consolidate border gains, with high-level war planning overlaying regional skirmishes. Conflict loomed over Manchuria.

Plus The Top Ten from 1967. Thank you for the sound effects: Ta Da! = Fanfare1.flac / n2p5 / freesound.org/people/n2p5/sounds/49477/

General u penziji Bogoljub Živković rasklapa mehanizme urušavanja institucija, od selektivnog postupanja i partijskih kadrova, preko brutalnosti prema sopstvenom narodu, do lične drame – sina Petra, pretučenog jer se usudio da misli Poslednjih godina, bezbednosni sistem Srbije doživljava ne samo političku, već i suštinsku transformaciju od stuba države do oruđa u rukama vladajućih elita. U ekskluzivnom razgovoru, penzionisani general policije Bogoljub Živković, kao gost tužiteljke Jasmine Paunović u novoj epizodi Radar Foruma, izneo je alarmantne uvide o krizi profesionalizma i političkoj čistki koja je pogodila policiju – izgubila je autonomiju, profesionalci su proterani, a bezbednost zamenjena strahom. Policija koja je nekada postojala da štiti građane danas funkcioniše pod političkim uticajem koji menja i njen smisao i način delovanja. Na to u uvodu podseća Jasmina Paunović, primećujući da policija danas i ona od pre deset godina više nisu iste – pre svega zbog ljudi koji je čine. Živković se slaže da je policija u sistemskoj krizi, ali da problem nisu samo „loši pojedinci“, već spuštanje profesionalnih normi i strah unutar njenih redova. „Rečeno mi je otvoreno da je razlog mog penzionisanja Petrova aktivnost u studentskom protestu. Ono što se desilo posle toga jeste hajka u medijima. Ali ono što me je najviše zabolelo, jeste to što ja znam ko je organizovao da Petar bude pretučen. Njemu su razbili glavu. To je organizovano. Petra su petorica inspektora kriminalističke policije izveli iz stana sa lisicama u svojstvu građanina i odveli ga u policijsku stanicu gde je bilo i nameštano snimanje. On ih je prozreo i rekao: ‘Evo da se nasmejem za tu i tu televiziju, jer znam gde će snimak završiti.' Tako je i bilo. Advokat je tražio pravni osnov, a odgovor je bio da je snimak rađen radi analize policijskog postupanja prilikom hapšenja, a to nije moglo biti hapšenje jer on u svojstvu građanina.” Više na radar.rs

Kiera and Trish apply their dentistry expertise for another practice autopsy! This episode looks at a legacy practice that was experiencing stagnation in production because of numerous challenges. Kiera and Trish walk through what exactly was changed to allow this practice to hit its production goals for the first time in over a year. Episode resources: Subscribe to The Dental A-Team podcast Schedule a Practice Assessment Leave us a review Transcript: The Dental A Team (00:00) Hello, Dental A Team listeners, this is Kiera and today is such a fun day. I have one of our incredible consultants, Trish, on the podcast with me. Her nickname in Dental A Team is, go ahead Trish, say it. And explain what to da means Trish, because it's my favorite nickname of any, like it's one of the best we've come up with.   DAT Trish Ackerman (00:11) Ta-da!   Well, it definitely got sticky, that's for sure. so TADA stands for Trish Ackerman Dental A Team Ambassador, because I love referring anybody I can to us. That's either a client or somebody to come and work with us. I love this company and I want everybody that I love to come and work here too. I want clients to join, so yeah, I'll take it.   The Dental A Team (00:27) you   Trish, like it is one of the like biggest compliments that you you have referred people to our company. You have brought tons of people to us. Like you are a walking little dental A team advertisement. And to me as a boss, as an owner of a company, like that is music to my ears. But like, didn't you just take that name on for another name in your life? Like this is this is sticking. So tell.   DAT Trish Ackerman (01:02) I did, I did. It got   that sticky. So I'm going to be a grandma very soon, which just sounds awfully strange to say out loud. But we had my original grandma name all picked out, which was going to be Cha Cha. But when I heard Ta Da, I'm like, that, that is really classic. That's going to stay. And my daughter and family, they're like,   The Dental A Team (01:26) Yeah   DAT Trish Ackerman (01:29) okay, we might have to grow into that a little bit. I'm like, well, get ready to grow anyway, because it's staying.   The Dental A Team (01:34) Well, our marketing team has already been working on some pretty fancy swag for you Trish, because TADA, if you don't know Trish yet, you're gonna get to know her. If you haven't heard her as much, Trish is one of the most funny, like she, I feel like you're just confetti in a human form. Like you literally just like burst confetti everywhere you go. You make people laugh. Like you have made me almost spit water of laughing so hard on calls together. You're just a good time. And so,   If you haven't gotten to work with Trish or you haven't got to meet her yet, welcome. She's one of my absolute faves. So excited that you're on our team and that you are the to da of the company. ⁓ but today I wanted Trish to come on because I love a good office autopsy and Trish has been consulting some clients, rocking them out, having some really incredible massive wins. And so we thought, let's like, let's go behind the scenes. Let's see what that to da consultant over there has been doing in her spare time, consulting some awesome offices.   And with that said, whenever we do an office autopsy, what we do these for is to help you see yourself in other practices fabric. I think a lot of times people think dentistry is lonely and isolated and it does not need to be. So what we're gonna do today, we do mashup practices. So if you think this is you, there might be parts of you, it might be parts of another practice. We try to do that to keep practice confidentiality. But really I also hope when you are a practice that's being highlighted in an office autopsy, just know that you get highlighted because...   We're freaking proud of you as the owner too. These things can't get done without owners executing and implementing. And while yes, we as consultants are really good at what we do, we truly are magicians. We're able to grow into ways that you couldn't even imagine, but we can't do that if you don't execute. So Trish, take it away. Let's kind of talk this office. Where were they when they like joined Dental A Team? Then I always love to say like, where are they now? Like how long did it take us? And then we'll get into the how of how did you do it? What were some of the things you implemented? So take it away Trish.   Where was this practice when they joined us and now where are they at ⁓ a couple of few short months later?   DAT Trish Ackerman (03:30) When this practice came to us, this was a really, really special situation because this is a legacy practice. And it was originally owned by grandpa and then the current owner's father. So this is now the third generation of a dental practice. And when this practice came on with us, they were doing many, many, things right.   but there was no traction taking place and they were very stuck. They were very stagnant and the current owner, this is a really big deal. know, this was again, because of the legacy that it's holding and he was struggling. He was struggling financially. He really was. There wasn't a lot of, there wasn't a lot of knowledge. He didn't have a lot of knowledge around like the current overhead, what it should be.   And things were feeling, he was feeling a pretty big pinch. And I had to give him so much credit. I think it takes a lot of courage to reach out to get the help. you know, it's like, practices don't typically reach out to us because everything is going so great. It's usually when they're starting to feel something's not right, something's uncomfortable. And he did just that. And they had an extremely congested schedule.   The Dental A Team (04:46) Mm-hmm.   DAT Trish Ackerman (04:57) They have a large patient base, as you can imagine, because many are still, you know, that were patients of his father. So what was happening is because of the congestion, they weren't able to see new patients right away. was like a six week wait for that. There were several patients in the hygiene that were still active that weren't able to get in. And then again, there was just kind of like a bunch of stuff on the schedule, just stuff. So they were working really hard.   And what I did is I really walked through the specifics of his patient base to show him you actually have way more patients than you do available hours, which is why you're stuck here. And how do we do this? Well, we were also a little restricted on that because this is a five op practice. So we had an op for each doctor, an overflow, and then the two hygienists.   But what we did is we got creative because we knew we had to add hygiene. That was a must. And we also had to allow more openings much sooner for the new patients because what was happening when I pointed out that he was basically giving his new patients away to his competitors because they were waiting so long that really got his attention. we ended up, the first thing that we did is added a hygienist.   The Dental A Team (05:57) Mm-hmm.   Absolutely.   DAT Trish Ackerman (06:20) which now brought those two doctors down to one op each. And that really scared them because we were handcuffed. It was like we were handcuffed in every direction, but we got very creative and we designed very strategic doctor schedule blocks so that they know when there's gonna be production.   and they know when they can make the time for like the sand and the water appointments, post-ops and things like that. But the staggering of the schedules made a huge difference. The practice was also only open Monday through Thursday. So we changed it to Monday through Friday. So on Mondays and Fridays, those doctors do have their two ops again. So that has worked well. When we implemented that design, we also implemented some patient filtering.   so that they could get in the new patients, not emergencies, but they could get in the new patients with significant needs right away and also not take the risk of giving those away to a competitor. If they have significant dental needs, get them in right now. And we took away the focus of like, they have the protocol, a lot of doctors like for those new patients to go through hygiene first and that's a great structure. It's a great structure for patients without   The Dental A Team (07:21) Mm-hmm.   Thank   DAT Trish Ackerman (07:41) significant dental needs. So that all of a sudden opened up the door to where both of the doctors were getting very comprehensive new patients on their schedule right away that needed significant amount of dental work. Then they could eventually get into the hygiene department. With that, when we designed that, within six weeks, this practice had hit their production goal.   The Dental A Team (07:43) Right.   DAT Trish Ackerman (08:10) for the first time in over a year. The team was starting to get very numb to goals. They weren't even looking at the numbers anymore. The numbers weren't mattering to them. And then all of a sudden there was this light coming at the end of the tunnel where they hit the goal. Then they hit it again and they've hit it again. He has not hit goal in the last four months. And the trend that they're on,   The Dental A Team (08:12) Wow.   Wow.   DAT Trish Ackerman (08:37) Well, running parallel with getting the new patients with the significant needs and such. What I also did is ensure that both him and his associate were really polished on presenting treatment. ⁓ They had intraoral cameras that were collecting dust like a treadmill in a living room that a lot of people have seen happen or hanging clothes on. They got those dusted off. They use them on every single patient. There's a way to use photography.   The Dental A Team (08:49) Mm-hmm.   you   DAT Trish Ackerman (09:05) And there's a way to use photography. And this doctor, anything I encouraged him to try, anything, he did it. There was zero pushback on any of the recommendations. I've seen, I know how this works. I know what doesn't work. And when these doctors, like this practice, when I broke it down, like here's how you use photography and here's how you share it with the patient, it just continued to skyrocket.   The Dental A Team (09:07) Absolutely.   DAT Trish Ackerman (09:35) The whole team was on board with him. Then we got the associate, the associate dentist on board and we are now getting ready to, he's getting ready to start construction. We're doing a build out. We're adding ops.   The Dental A Team (09:49) Nice.   Wow. And how long has this been? So you started with this practice, they're not hitting goal, they're not doing the things that they wanted to do at legacy practice to now hitting goal four months in a row. How long has this client been with you? Since April. So right now we're recording, that's about five months that this client's been with Trish. And to hear that.   DAT Trish Ackerman (10:05) This is April.   The Dental A Team (10:13) ⁓ what I think is magic one Trish shout out to you, think beautiful job as a consultant, because when we go into an office, there's literally thousands of levers that we could go after. And I think something that consultants have to really do in something I'm very sticky on any consultant who works with us and Trish kudos to you. Is finding the one lever that's going to move the practice forward the most, the quickest, the fastest for fastest ROI that's going to get there because Trish, could have gotten in and implemented, you know,   X, Y, or Z, and they would not see the results. you saw, I mean, you got tight, you got tight space. And I think also having a consultant that comes to the table that's willing to think outside the box. I mean, you got five operatories, two doctors, that's squishy. That's a squishy. And for you to realize they're not maximizing all the days that they could be. And to do it in a way to help both doctors. I also know that you have maybe played a little competition game.   because you realize and you find out that when doctors are a little competitive, it works for some, doesn't work for others. But then they start to watch to see, if this doctor can do it, I think I can do it. And it's not doing anything unethical. It's truly making sure that they're looking for opportunities, using intra-orals, like stuff that was already there. And I think this is what I love about being consultants are we see the entire treasure map. We see all the different things we could do. And we're like, all right.   This is going to be a fun game. And Trish, this is why I think you're Tadda. You're the confetti, like in a human form. You look at this and say, how can I make this fun? How can I get these people bought into it? And then we go for the harder pieces, but you, you dug gold. found the intro oral cameras and you taught them a few things. You figured out how to change the scheduling. And what I hope people hear is Trish that in about three, four moves very quickly and they're hitting goal. So when you're sitting here stuck at the ceiling and thinking, Oh my gosh, there's no way to get there. I just want to help you see that.   The answer is probably much closer than you think it is. You just are buried and you can't see it you need somebody outside who's not sitting in it that can guide you. like, shout out to this doctor, these offices, they take your lead. I feel like it's like, if you're gonna hire an expert who's been there, done that, done that successfully, Trish, I'd like to highlight, tell me how many team members before you came to Dental A Team, how many team members were you overseeing?   DAT Trish Ackerman (12:30) In my past, oh gosh. think at the max at the end, was close to 160.   The Dental A Team (12:31) Yes.   160 and how many practices were you overseeing at that time? All right, so you have a consultant who has worked with 16 practices, 160 employees overseeing them. Do you think she knows a thing or two of how to help a five-op practice with two doctors and a smaller team turn a few levers very quickly to get them up to where they need to go? The answer is absolutely yes. And I think Trish, that's the magic, that's the beauty that you were able to do so quickly, so thoroughly, and just something real fun.   DAT Trish Ackerman (12:43) 16.   The Dental A Team (13:09) I know like we, this is a quick podcast. I asked you to come in between client calls. So I know there's so much more magic I just want to share with everybody. But as we wrap up, cause I do know like you guys, they're consultants, they podcast in between coaching calls. They're here to deliver to clients and to also share with you. But any last thoughts you want to add as I know we wrap up so you can get on your way to another client, help them get their magic. Any last thoughts you have of this very quick office autopsy that you think people should recognize, maybe they're in the same boat as well.   DAT Trish Ackerman (13:38) Getting uncomfortable. Getting uncomfortable is going to be very important and it's okay. This doctor got uncomfortable. During the implementations that we were making, there was a team member that was not on the bus ⁓ and that was also holding the practice back a little bit. When we go in to make these types of changes, it's like, it's the unknown.   I do certain things a certain way every day the same and I understand how it feels when you're asked to do it differently. But when I first go in, that's the first thing that I will kind of announce and ask. Are you going to be okay getting uncomfortable with me? Because I promise, I promise I'm here. I'm here. I'm in your corner. And my job is to not watch people fall. My job is to watch them rise.   And I use the six pack analogy. We all want the six pack of abs. And it's going to require a lot of sit ups. And our abs can get a little bit sore, but the outcome is just really, really magical. And so once they make the commitment, like, OK, yeah, I'm ready. Let's get uncomfortable. That's when it really takes off.   The Dental A Team (14:55) That's incredible. And I think Trish, like you said, we can give you all the tactics. We can help you with all the how, but you've got to be showing up as a practice. So if you're not ready to get uncomfortable, it's not the time for you to do consulting. But I would say, like you said, most people call for consulting when they're much further down the path of hardship than they should. So if you're kind of like, all right, I know I could do some help. I know I could make some changes. Now's the time. But you also have to be willing to be uncomfortable. So Trish.   DAT Trish Ackerman (14:57) video.   The Dental A Team (15:22) I know you've got to run. I appreciate you so much being on the podcast. I think you just bring so much magic. You're so welcome. And for all of you listening, if you can see yourself maybe in this story that we shared, I know it was a very small snippet today, but there's so many things that we do, but I hope you can see in just a couple of months, this practice's life was changed, utterly changed. This doctor is having more fun. They're more excited. They're dreaming again. They're living their best life. They're loving it. The team's excited. The team's re-engaged. So if you're maybe in that like, gosh, we're kind of like losing momentum.   DAT Trish Ackerman (15:25) Thank you, Chair.   The Dental A Team (15:52) Reach out, we'd love to help you. Hello@TheDentalATeam.com or head on over to our website, TheDentalATeam.com. Book a call. We're here, we'll do like a totally complimentary practice assessment. Look to see where you are. Look to see some of the gaps. No pressure, just massive momentum for you. If we're a great fit, awesome. Otherwise we're gonna send you on your way with a lot of great tips. You're gonna have a lot of fun. And hey, you might even get to dodge your consultants. So reach out. Trish, love having you. Go have the best day. And for all of you listening, thanks for listening. I'll catch you next time on The Dental A Team podcast.

What did you think of this episode?Submitting work to agents and editors can be financially rewarding. Do you know that a submission can be rejected without even being read? Learn more in this episode.Welcome to Your Best Writing Life, an extension of the Blue Ridge Mountains Christian Writers Conference held in the beautiful Blue Ridge Mountains of NC. I'm your host, Linda Goldfarb. Each week, I bring tips and strategies from writing and publishing industry experts to help you excel in your craft. I'm so glad you're listening in. During this encore episode, you'll learn guidelines to help your manuscripts avoid rejection.Rhonda is a multimedia creative who treasures her fairy tale life in Central Kentucky, insisting her home is her castle, even if her prince refuses to dig a moat. She has published works in several anthologies and periodicals, winning numerous awards for her historical romance books. LINKSRhonda Dragomir Proposal Template DownloadFree Writing Resource ClassesDetails for checking the reading grade level of your WORD document   Hint for Mac users - To check Readability, (you do not have "Options" - instead, click Word, then Preferences, then Grammar & Spelling. From there, turn on "Show readability stats" - hitting OK is not required).To view the readability level, click the Editor icon, then select Document Stats under Insights.  Tada!         Grammarly AI-Powered writing enhancement toolChristian Writers Market GuideVisit Your Best Writing Life website.Join our Facebook group, Your Best Writing LifeYour host - Linda Goldfarb#1 Podcast in the "Top 50+ Must-Have Tools and Resources for Christian Writers in 2024". Awarded the Spark Media 2022 Most Binge-Worthy PodcastAwarded the Spark Media 2023 Fan Favorites Best Solo Podcast

Septembra beigās Latvijā risinājās sociālā akcija cilvēku ar invaliditāti atbalstam „Dažādo kurpju diena”. Par akcijas mērķiem un vai tos izdevies sasniegt, spriežam raidījumā Kā labāk dzīvot.  Interesējamies, kādas ir darba iespējas cilvēkiem ar kādiem autiskā spektra traucējumiem, kāds ir valsts sniegtais atbalsts, cik ļoti pašmāju uzņēmumi ir iekļaujoši un kas būtu uzlabojams?  Sarunājas invalīdu un viņu draugu apvienības "Apeirons" valdes priekšsēdētājs Ivars Balodis, "Reitan Conveniece Latvia" personāla departamenta direktore Ineta Vēze un SEB Bankas personāldaļas vadītāja Anita Segliņa. Pieredzē dalās Santa Beitāne. Viņa izveidojusi sociālo uzņēmumu "Mobilizing", kurā gan māca nedzirdīgus cilvēkus braukt ar automašīnu, gan cilvēkiem ar invaliditāti organizē ekskursijas. Viņa savu darbu raksturo īsi - tas ir mans sirdsdarbs. "Dažādo kurpju diena ir aicinājums ikvienam pievērst uzmanību cilvēku invaliditāti izaicinājumiem dzīvē un uzvilkt savādākas kurpes, iekāpt otra kurpēs, pastaigāties un mēģināt saprast, kā tas ir - būt savādākam, redzēt savādāk, sajust to, kā tas ir, kad uz tevi skatās," atklāj Ivars Balodis. "Droši vien slepenais mērķis ir tāds, ka mēs ne tikai mēģinām tās kurpes uzvilkt, bet mēģinām arī saprast kaut ko, izmainīt kaut ko un ar savu attieksmi parādīt to, ja mēs ļoti daudzus procesus nevaram izmainīt un ietekmēt, tad savu attieksmi mēs varam mainīt. Pamainot savu attieksmi, mēs varam izdarīt tā, lai cilvēki ar invaliditāti Latvijā justos labāk, piedāvāt kādas darba iespējas, piedāvāt viņiem būt kopā ar mums un pašiem būt neatkarīgiem, patstāvīgiem, brīviem." Viņš arī atzīst, ka šogad Dažādo kurpju dienā gājis interesanti un bijuši dažādi vērojumi. Jā, cilvēki bijuši atsaucīgi, apāvuši dažādas kurpes un publicējuši bildes sociālajos medijos, bet uz ielas cilvēki dažādās kurpēs nebija īpaši redzami.  "Mani kolēģi kolēģi devās ielās un ar šādām kurpēm brauca vilcienos, tramvajos un saņēma ļoti daudz nosodošu skatienu," atklāt Ivars Balodis. Tajā pašā laikā viņš uzteic kādu ēdināšanas uzņēmumu, kura reklāmu pamanījis, kas piedāvājis atlaidi tieši 27. septembrī, ja apmeklētājs būs dažādās kurpēs. "Latvijā ļoti pietrūkst pozitīvas kampaņas, kur mēs stāstām par cilvēkiem savādākā griezumā, savādākā skatījumā. Mums ir brīnišķīgas kampaņas, kur mēs vācam naudu pirms Ziemassvētkiem, Lieldienām, bet tās nevar būt vienīgās. Ja tās ir vienīgās, tad pamazām nosēžas zemapziņā, ka ģimenes ir bēdīgas, nabadzīgas, nevar nopirkt neko. Jābūt arī kampaņām, kur mēs redzam, ka cilvēki dzīvo brīnišķīgu dzīvi - viņi lasa, viņi priecājas, viņi dzer kafiju, viņi iet uz banku un tērē naudu kaut kur, viņi pērk drēbes, viņi ir sabiedrībā. Ja mēs pamainām savu domāšanu, arī ar saviem darbiem pastiprinām to visu, tad mēs tos cilvēkus ieraugām. Cik dažāda, krāsaina dzīve paliek!" analizē Ivars Balodis.

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

Send us a textWhat happens when the spotlight fades, the stage goes silent, and you're forced to rebuild… not just your career, but your identity?In this powerful episode, I sit down with Suzanne Castle—former Broadway dancer turned Stevie award-winning coach, keynote speaker, and unapologetic Shepreneur Strategist. After a devastating fall and a chapter of deep personal trauma, Suzanne didn't just bounce back—she rewired her brain, redefined her purpose, and rose to help women across the world do the same.Together, we unravel:The neuroscience behind burnout—and how to boss your brainHow Suzanne moved from To-Do to Ta-DaThe real story behind her Sparkle Factor®And what it takes to lead with radiance after surviving the darkest chaptersThis isn't just a comeback story. It's a stage-worthy reinvention—with a glittering twist.

The truth behind migration and the Left flipping out about ALL the things, let's discuss on this latest episode See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Judson shares a significant life update with both pain and optimism while Brian goes on a perfect date. A listener submits a Hookup of the Week in which he experiences Judson's definition of Daddyness. They are then joined by actor, writer, comedian and star of his own off-Broadway solo show, ‘Ta-Da!,' Josh Sharp. Josh talks about how fun it can and should be to live outside the norm as queer people, recounts some of his formative sexual experiences, reminisces fondly about the days of finding sex on Craigslist, shares the secret to the longevity of his 11+-year relationship with his boyfriend, and challenges gay men of a certain age to find new ways to be queer. He discusses the origins and development of ‘Ta-Da!,' working with the Tony Award-winning director of ‘Oh, Mary!,' Sam Pinkleton, the significance of ‘Oh, Mary!'s' breakout success, and the future of his work with longtime comedy partner Aaron Jackson, with whom he wrote and starred in the movie, ‘Dicks: The Musical.' He also puts the rumors about Lea Michele's reading ability to rest and reveals why he loves clip-on earrings. Josh then helps Brian and Judson respond to a question from a listener ten years his boyfriend's senior who wants to avoid developing into a punishing parent in their relationship.   Josh Sharp on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cluckcluckjoshsharp Josh Sharp's Ta-Da on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/joshsharptada/ Josh Sharp's Ta-Da on the Web: https://www.joshsharptada.com/   Dads and Daddies on the Web: https://www.dadsanddaddies.com/ Dads and Daddies on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dadsanddaddiespod Dads and Daddies on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@dadsanddaddiespod Dads and Daddies on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/dadsanddaddiespod.bsky.social

[REBROADCAST FROM July 16, and August 7, 2025] "ta-da!" is a new off-Broadway production, featuring collection of stories and jokes presented in 80 minutes with 2,000 power point slides presented. Hear about it from performer Josh Sharp, who leads the show, and director Sam Pinkleton of "Oh, Mary!" Plus, Morgan Bassichis discusses working with Pinkleton on their show 'Can I Be Frank?,' about the life and work of gay comedian Frank Maya, who was one of the first openly gay comedians on network television before he died in 1995.

On this episode of Vibe Check, Sam, Saeed, and Zach talk about Serena Williams using and boosting GLP-1 weight loss drugs. And the changes COVID brought to us after five years later.  ----------------------------------------------------Recommendations:ZACH:  CAN I BE FRANK and TA-DA! both Off-BroadwaySAEED: DIJON - Absolutely (Film)SAM: “I'm Dating a Man Who's Married" by Aaron Smith You can find everything Vibe Check related at our official website, www.vibecheckpod.comWe want to hear from you! Email us at vibecheck@stitcher.com, and keep in touch with us on Instagram @vibecheck_pod.Get your Vibe Check merch at www.podswag.com/vibecheck.Subscribe to SiriusXM Podcasts+ to listen to new episodes of Vibe Check ad-free.Start a free trial now on Apple Podcasts or by visiting siriusxm.com/podcastsplus.

Last time we spoke about the crossing of Nanjing's Rubicon. By November 1, Shanghai had become a lost cause, the Chinese were forced to retreat. In the wake of this turmoil, the Japanese set their sights on Nanjing, keenly aware that its fall would spell disaster for Chiang Kai-Shek's government. Despite the desperate situation, guerrilla fighters began fortifying the city as civilians rallied to support the defense, preparing for the inevitable assault that loomed. However, political divisions plagued the Chinese leadership, with some generals advocating for abandoning the city. After intense discussions, it was decided that Nanjing would be a hill worth dying on, driven largely by propaganda needs. As November 12 approached, Japanese troops rapidly advanced west, capturing towns along the way and inflicting unimaginable brutality. On November 19, Yanagawa, a commander, took the initiative, decreeing that pursuing the retreating Chinese forces toward Nanjing was paramount.    #164 The Battle of Lake Tai Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As the Chinese troops fled westwards, at 7:00 am on November 19th, Yanagawa issued instructions to his troops in the field. “The enemy's command system is in disarray, and a mood of defeat has descended over their entire army. They have lost the will to fight. We must not miss the opportunity to pursue the enemy to Nanjing.” The order went out to the 10th Army, sending, the 6th, 18th, and 114th Divisions west along the southern shore of Lake Tai, passing through Huzhou before turning right towards Nanjing. The Kunisaki Detachment, trained for rapid movement by water and land, was ordered east along the Yangtze River near Wuhu city and, if possible, cross the river to cut off the Chinese Army's retreat from Nanjing. Yanagawa envisioned an operation unlike any other conducted by the Japanese Army in recent history. He believed this could not only end the war but also surpass previous victories, such as the defeat of tsarist Russia more than three decades earlier. Confident in a swift victory, he wrote in a follow-up message to his commanders, “The day is near when the banner of the Rising Sun will fly over Nanjing's city wall.” However, Yanagawa's order elicited panic in Tokyo once it became known. His superiors viewed it as an outrageous attempt to entirely change the war focus away from the north. They understood that taking Nanjing was primarily a political decision rather than a strategic one. There was still hopes of finding terms through the Germans to end the conflict, thus carving up more of China. The Japanese did not want to become bogged down in a real war. Major General Tada was particularly opposed to increasing efforts on the Shanghai front. He belonged to a faction that believed the best way to avoid a quagmire in China was to deliver a swift, decisive blow to the Chinese Army. This mindset had turned him into a major advocate for landing a strong force in Hangzhou Bay in early November. Nevertheless, he had initially resisted expanding operations to the Suzhou-Jiaxing line, only relenting on the condition that this line would not be crossed under any circumstances. Tada's immediate response was to halt the 10th Army's offensive. Shimomura Sadamu, Ishiwara Kanji's hardline successor as chief of operations, strongly disagreed, arguing that field commanders should have the authority to make significant decisions. Undeterred, Tada insisted on restraining the field commanders, and at 6:00 pm on November 20th, the Army General Staff sent a cable to the Central China Area Army reprimanding them for advancing beyond Order No. 600, which had established the Suzhou-Jiaxing line. The response from the Central China Area Army arrived two days later whereupon the field commanders argued that Nanjing needed to be captured to bring the war to an early conclusion. To do otherwise, they argued, would provide the enemy with an opportunity to regain the will to fight. Moreover, the officers claimed that delaying the decisive battle would not sit well with the Japanese public, potentially jeopardizing national unity. On the same day it responded to Tokyo, the Central China Area Army instructed the 10th Army to proceed cautiously: “The pursuit to Nanjing is to be halted, although you may still send an advance force towards Huzhou. Each division is to select four or five battalions to pursue the enemy rapidly”. The remainder of the troops were instructed to advance towards Huzhou and prepare to join the pursuit “at any time.” Meanwhile Chiang Kai-shek officially appointed Tang Shengzhi as the commandant of Nanjing's garrison. Born in 1889, Tang embodied the era of officers leading China into war with Japan. They straddled the line between old and new China. During their youth, they lived in a society that had seen little change for centuries, where young men immersed themselves in 2,000-year-old classics to prepare for life. Like their ancestors across countless generations, they were governed by an emperor residing in a distant capital. Following the 1911 revolution, they embraced the new republic and received modern military training, Tang, for instance, at the esteemed Baoding Academy in northern China. Yet, they struggled to fully relinquish their traditional mindsets. These traditional beliefs often included a significant distrust of foreigners. Before his appointment as garrison commander, Tang had led the garrison's operations section. During this time, Chiang Kai-shek suggested that he permit the German chief advisor, General Alexander von Falkenhausen, to attend staff meetings. Tang hesitated, expressing concern due to Falkenhausen's past as a military official in Japan and the current alliance between Germany, Italy, and Japan. “That's not good, is it?” he asked. Chiang reassured him that Falkenhausen was an experienced officer who remembered earlier loyalties despite political shifts in Berlin. “It's all right,” Chiang insisted, “we can trust him.” Reluctantly, Tang acquiesced but never fully trusted the German officer. Tang also faced issues with morale. He was Hunanese, the majority of his troops were locals, many from Nanjing. Tang also suffered from many ongoing illnesses. While he put on a bravado face, its unlikely he expected to be able to defend the capital for very long. On November 19th, the IJA 16th division and Shigeto Detachment conquered Changshu, a crucial point along the Wufu defense line, spanning from Fushan on the Yangtze to Suzhou and then to Wujiang sitting on the shores of Lake Tai. The fight for Changshu had surprised the Japanese. As they approached they ran into a network of interlocking cement pillboxes that had to be taken individually, resulting in heavy casualties. Frequently, when the Japanese believed they had finally destroyed a position and advanced, they were dismayed to discover that some defenders remained alive, continuing to fire at their flanks. Another obstacle facing them was Chinese artillery. During the night's capture of the city, the Japanese makeshift camps were hit relentlessly by bombardment. That same day further south, the IJA 9th division captured Suzhou , reporting to the press they did so without firing a single shot. General Matsui wrote in his diary “The enemy troops near Suzhou have completely lost their morale. Some soldiers are discarding their equipment and surrendering, while others flee westward in utter chaos. Our forces have not encountered the resistance we anticipated. So far, the Shanghai Expeditionary Force has achieved all its objectives. I am thrilled by this.” In reality, this was mere propaganda. The IJA 9th Division actually had to overpower a series of Chinese pillboxes outside the city. Once they entered through the medieval walls, they faced the task of eliminating pockets of resistance one by one. According to Japanese sources, over 1,000 Chinese soldiers were killed during these clearing operations. The Japanese found a wealth of spoils in Suzhou. Among the booty were 100 artillery pieces and other military equipment. Historically known as one of China's wealthiest cities, Suzhou still contained an abundance of loot even after months of conflict. Many Japanese soldiers had their pockets filled with cigarettes after raiding a tobacco factory, while others transported barrels filled with coins after robbing a bank. Meanwhile the government had officially moved from Nanjing to Chongqing. Chongqing was an unusual choice for the new capital as it was historically something of a backwater, not very cosmopolitan such as the great coastal cities in the east. However it was distant enough to be out of reach from the Japanese land forces, but not so distant that it would make governing China impossible. Not all the governmental agencies moved to Chongqing at once. The foreign ministry first moved to Wuhan, as did most of the foreign diplomats. Yet out of some several hundred foreign nationals, 30 American and 19 British did stay behind in Nanjing. Tang Shengzhi met with the remaining foreign community and began promising them guarantees of their lives and property would be protected to the fullest. In turn the foreign community were thinking up ways to help defend the city's civilian population. They formed a special demilitarized district, akin to the one in Shanghai. They named it the Jacquinot Safety Zone after its founder, French Jesuit Robert Jacquinot de Besange. An international committee for establishing a neutral zone for noncombatants in Nanjing was formed on November 19th and famously John Rabe chaired it. The committee knew their neutral zone depended solely upon Japan respecting it, thus Rabe was an ideal pick for chairman. Meanwhile Chiang Kai-Shek was determined to stay for as long as possible in Nanjing, and remain in the public view to maintain morale. Song Meiling also went around touring the capital by automobile to raise public spirit. Preparations for battle were being dished out in haste. Du Yuming, the commander of Nanjing's armored regiment was called up to the headquarters of He Yingqin, then chief of staff. There Du was briefed on Chiang Kai-Shek's war plans and how his tiny armored force would fit in. He Yingqin said “It has been decided that Tang Shengzhi is to defend Nanjing. Chairman Chiang wants the German vehicles to stay in Nanjing and fight.” This was referring to their Leichter Panzerspahwagen or “sd KFZ 221” armored cars. These were recent purchases from Germany. Du questioned using them however “The German vehicles are the best armor we have at the moment, but they have no cannon, only machine guns, so their firepower is limited. We just have 15 of them. And they are not suited for the terrain around Nanjing, with all its rivers and lakes.” Du instead argued for using the British-made Vickers Carden Lloyd tanks. Of these China had recently purchased the amphibious variants. Du said “Those tanks both have machine guns and cannon, and they can float. They are much more useful for the Nanjing area.” He further suggested the tanks might even make it to the other side of the Yangtze once all hope was out. To this He replied “No, don't even think about crossing the Yangtze. The chairman wants the tank crews to fight to the death.” As far as war strategy was concerned, China had actually developed one against Japan decades prior. Ever since the nasty conflicts between the two nations had broken out back during the Great War days, China sought an answer to Japan's aggression. One man rose to the occasion, a young officer named Jiang Baili. In 1922 Jiang wrote “The only way to prevail over the enemy, will be to do the opposite of what he does in every respect. It will be to his advantage to seek a quick resolution; we should aim for protracted warfare. He will try to focus on a decisive blow at the front line; we should move to the second line of defense and rob him of the opportunity to concentrate his forces in one place.” Soon Jiang became the forefather in China for theories involving protracted war. One could also call it a war of attrition, and it was the type of war suited to China. In the words of Jiang “We should thank our ancestors. China is blessed with two major advantages, a vast land area and a huge population. Abstaining from fighting will be enough. And if we do fight, we should drag it out. We should force the front to move west, and turn our weakness into strength, while allowing the enemy to overstretch himself”. China's geography significantly influenced Jiang's military strategy. In his works titled Organization of Mechanized Forces, Jiang wrote “The flat North Chinese plain offers ideal conditions for a large mechanized army. In contrast, the agricultural regions further south, characterized by their mix of rice paddies and waterways, are far less suitable.” Faced with a technologically superior enemy, China had no option but to draw the opponent away from the north, where their armored units would dominate the battlefield, to the Yangtze River area, where their mobility would be severely restricted. Jiang served as the director of the prestigious military academy at Baoding, near Beijing, where he could instill his philosophies in the minds of upcoming leaders of the Chinese armed forces, including Tang Shengzhi. Tang was able to put Jiang's theories into practice. In the autumn of 1935, he played a crucial role in planning and executing the decade's largest military maneuver. Conducted south of the Yangtze, between Nanjing and Shanghai, this drill involved over 20,000 troops, allowing for a realistic simulation of battle conditions. Its primary objective was to test the strategy of "luring the enemy in deep." Upon concluding the maneuver, Tang described the location as exceptionally well chosen, a tank commander's nightmare. The area consisted of steep hills alongside rivers, with very few robust roads and virtually no bridges capable of supporting tanks. Countless small paddy fields were divided by dikes that rarely exceeded a few feet in width, perfectly suited for swift infantry movements but utterly inadequate for tracked vehicles. It appeared to be a graveyard for any mechanized army. As the war broke out with Japan, Jiang's ideas initially seemed validated. Chiang Kai-shek deliberately refrained from deploying his best troops to the northern Beijing area. Instead, he chose to instigate a significant battle in and around Shanghai, where the terrain presented the exact disadvantages for Japanese armor that Jiang had anticipated. Although the Japanese gradually introduced tactical innovations that allowed them to navigate the partly submerged paddy fields north and west of Shanghai, their tanks often found themselves forced along elevated roads, making them vulnerable targets for hidden Chinese infantry. For several weeks during September and October, the Shanghai area indeed resembled a quagmire, seemingly poised to ensnare the Japanese forces until they were utterly depleted. However, the successful Japanese landings in early November, first in Hangzhou Bay and then on the south bank of the Yangtze, dramatically changed things. The stalemate was broken, allowing the Japanese Army to advance despite the persistent challenges posed by the local geography. What would happen next would determine whether Jiang's theories from a decade earlier could work or if Japan's tanks would ultimately triumph even in the river terrain south of the Yangtze.  The Japanese field commanders' decision to shift their focus from defeating Chinese forces near Shanghai to pursuing them all the way to Nanjing, sent ripples throughout the ranks. Every unit had to reconsider their plans, but none felt the impact more acutely than the 6th Division. As one of the first contingents of the 10th Army to come ashore in Hangzhou Bay in early November, its soldiers had advanced with remarkable ease, cutting through the defenses like a knife through butter. Now, with orders to drive west towards Nanjing, they were required to make a huge U-turn and head south. Geography hurt them greatly, specifically the presence of Lake Tai. The original Shanghai Expeditionary Force, bolstered by the 16th Division and other newly arrived units, was set to advance north of the lake, while the 10th Army was tasked with operations to the south of it. This situation implied that the 6th Division had to hurry to catch up with the rest of the 10th Army.   Upon turning south, they reached Jiashan on November 21, only to face a brutal outbreak of cholera among their ranks, which delayed their advance by three days. Meanwhile the other elements of the 10th Army, including the Kunisaki Detachment and the 18th and 114th Divisions advanced  rapidly, entering Huzhou on November 23. To speed up their advance they had commandeered every vessel they could grab and tossed men in piece meal across the southern bank of Lake Tai to its western shore.  However the 10th army was unaware that they would soon face a brutal fight. As the Chinese government evacuated Nanjing, fresh troops from Sichuan province in southwest China were being unloaded at the city's docks and marched toward imminent danger. Starting to disembark on November 20, these soldiers formed the Chinese 23rd Group Army. They presented an exotic sight, sporting broad straw hats typical of southern China, often adorned with yellow and green camouflage patterns. While some appeared freshly uniformed, many were ill-prepared for the colder central Chinese winter, dressed in thin cotton better suited for subtropical climates. A number looked as ragged as the most destitute coolie. Nearly all wore straw shoes that required repairs every evening after a long day of marching. Their equipment was rudimentary and often quite primitive. The most common weapon among the newly arrived soldiers was a locally produced rifle from Sichuan, yet many had no firearms at all, carrying only “stout sticks and packs” into battle. Each division had a maximum of a dozen light machine guns, and radio communication was available only at the brigade level and above. The absence of any artillery or heavy equipment was quite alarming. It was as if they expected to be facing a warlord army of the 1920s. They were organized into five divisions and two brigades, supplied by Liu Xiang, a notable southern warlord. Remarkably, Liu Xiang had been one of Chiang Kai-shek's worst enemies less than a year prior. Now, Liu's troops fought alongside Chiang's against Japan, yet their loyalties remained fiercely provincial, listening to Liu Xiang rather than Chiang Kai-shek. China's warlord era never really ended. Chiang Kai-Shek was actually doing two things at once, meeting the enemy but also getting warlord troops away from their provincial powerbase. This in turn would reduce the influence of regional warlords. Now the Chinese recognized the had to stop the Japanese from reaching Wuhu, a Yangtze port city due south of Nanjing, basically the last escape route from the capital. If it was captured, those in Nanjing would be effectively stuck. General Gu Zhutong, who personally witnessed the chaotic evacuation of Suzhou, had already dispatched two divisions from Guangxi province to block the Japanese advance. However, they were quickly routed. Liu Xiang's troops were then sent to fill the gap on the battlefield. By the last week of November, the Japanese 10th Army and the newly arrived Sichuan divisions, were converging on the same area southwest of Lake Tai. Marching as quickly as possible, they were fated to clash in one of the bloodiest battles of the entire Nanjing campaign. As the Sichuanese troops reached the battlefield at the end of November, they  quickly realized just how ill-equipped they were to confront the modern Japanese Army. The Sichuan divisions hurried towards Lake Tai, primarily marching after sunset to avoid harassment from Japanese aircraft. A significant challenge for the soldiers was the condition of the roads, which were paved with gravel that wore down their straw shoes. Despite their best efforts to repair their footwear late at night, many soldiers found themselves entering battle barefoot. Along their route, they encountered numerous Chinese soldiers retreating. One particular column caught their attention; these troops were better uniformed and equipped, appearing as though they had not seen battle at all. They looked rested and well-nourished, as if they had just emerged from their barracks. This prompted unspoken doubts among the Sichuanese soldiers. Upon arriving in Guangde, the 145th Division quickly began fortifying its positions, particularly around a strategic airfield near the city and dispatched units towards the town of Sian. On November 25, skirmishes erupted throughout the day, and on the following day, the Chinese soldiers began facing the full force of the advancing enemy. Japanese planes bombed the Chinese positions near Sian, followed by rapid tank assaults from the 18th Japanese Division. Unaccustomed to combat against armored vehicles, they quickly routed. The Japanese forces rolled over the shattered Chinese defenses and advanced to capture Sian with minimal resistance. To make matters worse, amidst this critical moment when the Sichuan troops were engaged in their first battle against a foreign enemy, Liu Xiang, fell seriously ill. In his place, Chiang Kai-shek assigned one of his most trusted commanders, Chen Cheng. The Sichuanese soldiers were not happy with the new alien commander. Meanwhile, the Nine Power Treaty Conference in Brussels held its final session. The delegates concluded three weeks of fruitless discussions with a declaration that immediately struck observers as lacking any real substance. The decree stated “Force by itself can provide no just and lasting solution for disputes between nations,”. This was met with approval from all participants except Italy, one of Japan's few allies in Europe. They strongly urged that hostilities be suspended and that peaceful processes be pursued, but offered zero consequences for either belligerent should they choose not to comply. As they say today in politics, a nothing burger. China found itself resorting to shaming the international community into action, with barely any success.  In Berlin, the evening following the conference's conclusion, diplomats gathered as the Japanese embassy hosted a dinner to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-Comintern Pact. Among the guests, though he probably really did not want to be there, was Adolf Hitler. The Japanese Communications Minister, Nagai Ryutaro, speaking via radio stated “The Sino-Japanese conflict is a holy struggle for us. The objective is to hold the Nanjing government accountable for its anti-Japanese stance, to liberate the Chinese people from the red menace, and to secure peace in the Far East.” By hosting such an event, Germany was basically signalling that she would abandon her old Chinese ally to forge a stronger partnership with Japan. This was driving the world into two camps that would emerge as the Axis and Allies. My favorite boardgame by the way, I make a lot of goofy videos on my youtube channel about it.  Back at the front, a city sat midway along the Yangtze River between Shanghai and Nanjing, Jiangyin. By Chinese standards, Jiangyin was not a large city; its population numbered just 50,000, most of whom had already fled by the end of November. The city's military significance had considerably diminished after a naval battle in late September resulted in the sinking of half the Chinese fleet, forcing the remainder to retreat upriver. Nevertheless, the Chinese still maintained control on land. This became a pressing concern for the Japanese after the fall of Suzhou and Changshu led to the collapse of the Wufu defensive line. Consequently, the next line of defense was the Xicheng line, of which Jiangyin formed the northern end. The city stood directly in the path of the 13th Japanese Division, positioned at the far right of the front line. Jiangyin featured 33 partially fortified hills, and like many other cities in the region, its primary defense was a robust 10-mile wall constructed of brick and stone. Standing 30 feet high, the wall was reinforced on the inside by an earthen embankment measuring up to 25 feet in diameter. Defending Jiangyin alone was the 112th Division, comprising approximately 5,000 soldiers. Only in November did it receive reinforcements from the 103rd Division, which had previously participated in the brutal fighting in Shanghai and withdrew westward after the Japanese victory there. Like the 112th, the 103rd also consisted of around 5,000 soldiers from former warlord armies, though they hailed from the hot and humid southwest of China rather than the cold and arid northeast. Both divisions faced an adversary with far superior equipment and training. Just hours after Japanese observation balloons appeared on the horizon, their artillery opened fire. The initial shells fell at approximately 30 second intervals, but the pace quickly accelerated. Most of the shells landed near the river, obliterating the buildings in that area. The explosions tore up telephone wires, severing communication between the scattered Chinese units. As the first shells began to fall over Jiangyin, Tang Shengzhi gathered with Chinese and foreign journalists in Nanjing, openly acknowledging the monumental challenge ahead but resolutely vowing to defend Nanjing to the bitter end. “Even though it is lagging behind in material terms, China has the will to fight. Since the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, we have suffered defeats in various theaters, but we will continue to fight until we achieve final victory.” Tang then promised that Nanjing would be fought to the last man. As early as November 14, the central government had ordered the evacuation of women and children from Nanjing, calling for all means of transportation available to be dedicated to this purpose. However, this directive proved to be an empty proclamation. Almost all resources were directed toward relocating government officials westward. Moving office furniture and filing cabinets took precedence over evacuating people. The government commandeered 600 trucks and 220 boats and ships to aid in this effort, but once those means of transportation were exhausted, little remained for the common people. In the final days of November, Nanjing's mayor, Ma Chaojun, attempted to rectify this dire situation. He sent a cable to the Ministry of Communications requesting that the ships used to relocate government agencies be returned to Nanjing as soon as possible to assist with the evacuation. For most vessels, there wasn't enough time to make the journey back. The people of Nanjing were left to fend for themselves. Meanwhile the battles south and west of the Lake Tai continued to rage in late November. While the 18th Japanese Division advanced toward Guangde, aiming eventually for Wuhu and the Yangtze River, the 114th Japanese Division received different orders. It turned right along the western bank of Lake Tai, clearly intending to push onward to Nanjing. Awaiting them was the 144th Chinese Division, consisting primarily of Sichuanese soldiers. They dug in across the one viable road running west of the lake, with a large body of water on one side and rugged terrain on the other. This terrain forced the Japanese to attack over a narrow front, constraining the advantage they held due to their technological superiority. The Chinese were able to concentrate their limited artillery, primarily mountain guns that could be disassembled and transported by mules or even men, on the advancing Japanese attackers, and utilized it effectively. They allowed the Japanese to shell their positions without immediate retaliation, waiting until the infantry was within 1,000 yards before ordering their mountain guns to open fire. The result was devastating; the Japanese column became disorganized, and their advance stalled. However, just as the Chinese artillery appeared on the verge of achieving a significant victory, the decision was made to withdraw. The officers responsible for the mountain guns argued that the Japanese would soon overrun their positions, and it was preferable to take preemptive measures to prevent their valuable equipment from falling into enemy hands. The commanders of the 144th Division reluctantly concurred. The Chinese did their best to maintain the facade that their artillery remained in position, but the Japanese quickly noticed the weakened defense and attacked with renewed fervor. Despite this setback, Chinese soldiers found their morale boosted as their division commander, Guo Junqi, led from the front, issuing orders from a stretcher after sustaining a leg injury. However, deprived of their artillery, the Chinese faced increasingly dire odds, and they were pushed back along the entire front. As the Chinese front neared collapse, the officers of the 144th Division faced yet another challenge: Japanese infantry approached across Lake Tai in boats commandeered in previous days. With no artillery to defend themselves, the Chinese could only direct small arms fire at the vessels, allowing the Japanese to make an almost unimpeded landing. This was the final straw. Under pressure from two sides, the 144th Division had no choice but to abandon its position, retreating westward toward the main Chinese force around Guangde. Jiangyin endured two days of continuous shelling before the Japanese infantry attack commenced, but the city was fortified to withstand such a bombardment of this magnitude and duration. The 33 hills in and around the city had long served as scenic viewpoints and natural strongholds. The tallest hill, known as Mount Ding, rose 900 feet above the area, providing a commanding view and boasted over 100 artillery pieces. By late November, when the Japanese Army reached the area, most civilians had fled, but their homes remained, and the Chinese defenders effectively utilized them, converting them into concealed strongholds. The attack by the Japanese 13th Division on November 29 was led by the 26th Brigade on its right flank and the 103rd Brigade on its left. The advance proved challenging, constantly disrupted by Chinese ambushes. As a row of Japanese soldiers cautiously crossed an empty field, gunshots would erupt, striking down one of their ranks while the others scrambled for cover, desperately trying to identify the source of the fire. The Chinese launched frequent counterattacks, and on several occasions, individual Japanese units found themselves cut off from the main body and had to be rescued. Despite some setbacks, the 13th Division made satisfactory progress, bolstered by both land and ship-based artillery, and soon nearly encircled Jiangyin, leaving only a narrow corridor to the west of the city. However, the Chinese artillery was well-prepared, effectively targeting Japanese vessels on the Yangtze River. This led to an artillery duel that lasted three hours, resulting in several hits on Japanese ships; however, the Chinese batteries also suffered considerable damage. In the sector of the 103rd Chinese Division, the defenders had taken time to construct deep antitank ditches, hindering the advance of Japanese armored units. During the night of November 29-30, the Chinese organized suicide missions behind enemy lines to level the playing field. Armed only with a belt, a combat knife, a rifle, and explosives, the soldiers infiltrated Japanese positions, targeting armored vehicles. They quietly climbed onto the tanks, dropping hand grenades into turrets or detonating explosives strapped to their bodies. Though reducing Japanese armored superiority granted the Chinese some time, the attackers' momentum simply could not be stopped. On November 30, the Japanese launched a relentless assault on Mount Ding, the dominant hill in the Jiangyin area. Supported by aircraft, artillery, and naval bombardments, Japanese infantry engaged the entrenched Chinese company at the summit. After a fierce and bloody battle, the Japanese succeeded in capturing the position. The Chinese company commander, Xia Min'an, withdrew with his troops toward Jiangyin to report the loss to the regimental command post. When the deputy commander of the 103rd Division, Dai Zhiqi, heard the news, he was furious and wanted to execute Xia on the spot. However, Xia's regimental commander intervened, saving him from a firing squad. Instead, he insisted that Xia redeem himself by recapturing the hill from the Japanese. Xia was put in command of a company that had previously been held in reserve. What followed was a fierce battle lasting over four hours. Eventually, the Japanese were forced to relinquish the hill, but the victory came at a steep price, with numerous casualties on both sides, including the death of Xia Min'an. The last days of November also witnessed chaotic fighting around Guangde, where the unfamiliar terrain added to the confusion for both sides. For the Chinese, this chaos was exacerbated by their upper command issuing contradictory orders, instructing troops to advance and retreat simultaneously. Pan Wenhua, the Sichuanese commander of the 23rd Army, prepared a pincer maneuver, directing the 13th Independent Brigade to launch a counterattack against the town of Sian, which was held by the Japanese, while the 146th Division would attack from the south. Both units set out immediately. However, due to a lack of radio equipment, a common issue among the Sichuanese forces, they did not receive the new orders to withdraw, which originated not from Pan Wenhua but from Chen Cheng, the Chiang Kai-shek loyalist who had taken command after Liu Xiang fell ill and was eager to assert his authority. Fortunately, the officers of the 13th Independent Brigade were alerted to the general order for withdrawal by neighboring units and managed to halt their advance on Sian in time. The 146th Division, however, had no such luck and continued its march toward the Japanese-occupied city. It was joined by the 14th Independent Brigade, which had just arrived from Wuhu and was also unaware of the general retreat order. Upon reaching Sian, these Chinese troops engaged in intense close combat with the Japanese. It was a familiar scenario of Japanese technological superiority pitted against Chinese determination. The Japanese brought armor up from the rear, while the Chinese lay in ambush, tossing hand grenades into tank turrets before jumping onto the burning vehicles to kill any surviving crew members. As the fighting around the flanks slowed, the area in front of Guangde became the focal point of the battle. Japanese soldiers advanced toward the city during the day, passing piles of dead Chinese and numerous houses set ablaze by retreating defenders. At night, the situation became perilous for the Japanese, as Chinese forces infiltrated their positions under the cover of darkness. In the confusion, small units from both sides often got lost and were just as likely to encounter hostile forces as friendly ones. Despite the chaos along the front lines, it was evident that the Japanese were gaining the upper hand primarily due to their material superiority. Japanese artillery bombarded Guangde, igniting many structures, while infantry approached the city from multiple directions. The Chinese 145th Division, led by Rao Guohua, was nearing its breaking point. In a desperate gamble, on November 30, Rao ordered one of his regiments to counterattack, but the regimental commander, sensing the futility of the move, simply refused. This refusal was a personal failure for Rao, one he could not accept. Deeply ashamed, Rao Guohua withdrew from Guangde. As darkness enveloped the battlefield, he and a small group of staff officers found a place to rest for the night in a house near a bamboo grove. Overwhelmed with anguish, he penned a letter to Liu Xiang, apparently unaware that Liu had been evacuated to the rear due to stomach issues. In the letter, he apologized for his inability to hold Guangde. Telling his bodyguard to get some rest, he stepped outside, disappearing into the bamboo grove. Shortly thereafter, his staff heard a single gunshot. When they rushed out and searched the dense bamboo, they found Rao sitting against a tree, his service weapon beside him. Blood streamed thickly from a wound to his temple. He was already dead. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. As the Japanese forces advanced on Nanjing, tensions escalated within the Chinese leadership. While Commander Tang Shengzhi fortified the city, some sought retreat. Japanese Commander Yanagawa, confident of victory, pushed his troops westward, disregarding high command's hesitations. Meanwhile, ill-equipped Sichuanese reinforcements hurried to defend Nanjing, braving cholera and disorganization. Intense battles unfolded around Lake Tai, marked by fierce ambushes and casualties. 

National keynote speaker, MC and author Joel Zeff joins Logan Pratt on this episode of the Meetings Today podcast to talk about the necessity of a good MC at events, the power of "ta-da," celebrating life's small wins and how the power improv can change people's lives for the better.Joel Zeff is the author of Make the Right Choice: Lead with Passion, Elevate Your Team, and Unleash the Fun at Work. And for nearly 30 years has been using the tools of improv and comedy to increase collaboration, productivity, passion and innovation by celebrating life's small wins, or "ta-da" moments.

Welcome back to Truth, Lies & Work, the award-winning podcast where behavioural science meets workplace culture, brought to you by the HubSpot Podcast Network. Hosted by Leanne Elliott, Chartered Occupational Psychologist and business owner, Al Elliott, together they help you simplify the science of work. This week's summer session is about something we don't talk about enough: fun. Our guest, Joel Zeff — keynote speaker, improv performer, and workplace energy expert — believes that celebrating small wins with a simple “ta-da!” can transform how your team feels and performs. Forget forced fun and ping pong tables. Joel's approach is about authentic energy, appreciation, and joy.

Feeling like you never get enough done—even when you're constantly busy? In this episode, I'm introducing the “Ta-Da List,” a simple, empowering productivity tool designed especially for ADHD brains. Learn how this practice boosts dopamine, improves time awareness, and helps shift you out of perfectionist thinking. Whether your day was full of wins or curveballs, this tool can help you celebrate what really matters—your effort!TIME STAMPS:00:00 – Intro: Why this tool is ADHD-friendly00:30 – What is a Ta-Da List?01:00 – The dopamine boost: why this matters for ADHD01:40 – “I don't know what I did all day”: solving that mystery02:10 – How this tool improves time awareness02:40 – From perfectionism to progress: flexible thinking03:20 – Why celebrating effort increases motivation03:50 – Put everything on your Ta-Da List04:30 – Final thoughts: try this today!

This was a fantabulous Friday crossword that will have you saying 49D, "Look what I did!", TADA, if you are able to solve it. On the way to that illustrious goal, you might have a hunch as to an answer, in which case your 22D, Intuitive ability in the Marvel Universe, SPIDERSENSE, might start tingling. And if you were both able to solve the puzzle and let your friends know about it, they might give you a hearty 12D, "Well done!", BRAVO.Besides our analysis of the crossword, we have a Fun Fact Friday™️ segment about the city that boasts the last remaining Blockbuster in the world. To find out that city's name, and why we liked this crossword so much, we strongly urge you to download, listen, and (we hope!) enjoy today's episode.Show note imagery: A TREAD, just one of the many, many parts of a staircase.We love feedback! Send us a text...Contact Info:We love listener mail! Drop us a line, crosswordpodcast@icloud.com.Also, we're on FaceBook, so feel free to drop by there and strike up a conversation!

This episode is a celebration—literally! Joel Zeff brings his signature humor and insight to the mic, showing us why fun isn't a frivolous extra—it's a fundamental part of vibrant leadership and team success. Nicole and Joel dive into what it really means to lead with passion, how celebration fuels performance, and why your workplace desperately needs more "Ta-Da!" moments. From his unforgettable "magic harmonica" story to his formula for sparking creativity and connection, Joel shares why choosing fun might just be the smartest decision a leader can make.Whether you're managing a team or managing yourself, this episode will have you laughing, learning, and thinking differently about what makes a workplace truly thrive.Highlights from this episode:[00:03:52] The Ta-Da Principle: Why celebration at work builds confidence, sparks motivation, and leads to better performance—no confetti required.[00:06:41] Appreciation + Opportunity = Magic: Joel reveals his winning formula for creating team engagement and eliminating "Bye-Bye People."[00:17:02] The Magic Harmonica Moment: How losing a job (with a harmonica in hand) led Joel to discover his purpose—and the power of choosing your attitude.[00:30:38] Defining YOUR kind of fun – (hint: it's different for everyone)FREE DOWNLOAD from Joel:Visit www.joelzeff.com and sign up for his email list or send him a quick note, let him know you were listening to the Build a Vibrant Culture podcast, and Joel will send you a free chapter of his book!Connect with Joel:Buy his book: https://a.co/d/9IRSv4NWebsite: https://www.joelzeff.com/YouTube: youtube.com/channel/UCHHkzviQLQB9wSiQx4zuf0Q LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/joelzeff/Listen today at vibrantculture.com/podcast or your favorite podcast platform!Learn more about Nicole Greer, the Vibrant Coach: https://www.vibrantculture.com/

Ep 348: Allison and Meredith discuss Trump cutting funding to PBS and NPR, CBS canceling Colbert's "Late Show," and the dumb, bad move of selling IMAX tickets to The Odyssey a year early. Then, Allison and Meredith discuss: Caberet with Orville Peck and Eva Noblezada, Golem Owned a Tropical Smoothie, Josh Sharp's "Ta-Da," Eddington, Superman, Jurassic World Rebirth, and M3GAN 2.0. Fan of the show? Support Light Treason News today! Sign up at lighttreason.news or patreon.com/allisonkilkenny. Or rate/review/subscribe and tell a friend! It's a free way to help the show.

Muzika darbe: kada ji padeda, o kada trukdo susikaupti?Europos solidarumo korpuso programa kviečia jaunus žmones prisidėti prie visuomenės gerovės, savanoriaujant vietinėse ar tarptautinėse iniciatyvose Europoje ar už jos ribų.LRT Faktai: dėl Rusijos skleidžiamos propagandos, Ukrainoje, kaip ir Lietuvoje diskutuojama, ar reikia uždrausti susirašinėjimų programėlę „Telegram“.Prieš kelias savaites nuskambėjus istorijai apie šuniuką Gausą, kurį šeimininkai užkasė gyvą, visuomenininkai siūlo griežtinti bausmes už žiaurų elgesį su gyvūnais. Maisto ir veterinarijos tarnybą per ketvirtį pasiekia iki trijų šimtų pranešimų apie žiaurų elgesį su gyvūnais, pusė pasitvirtina.Sprendžiant benamystės problemą, Suomija Europoje yra pirmūnė. Tai, ką ši valstybė daro stengdamasi, kad būtų kuo mažiau benamių, pasaulyje žinoma kaip „Housing first“ arba lietuviškai „Pirmiausia – būstas“ modelis. Tai reiškia požiūrį, kad benamiams arba žmonėms, gyvenantiems ant benamystės slenksčio, pirmiausia reikia suteikti būstą. Tada padedama susitvarkyti su kitomis problemomis, pavyzdžiui, priklausomybėmis ar nedarbu.Ved. Ignas Andriukevičius

"ta-da!" is a new off-Broadway production, featuring collection of stories and jokes presented in 80 minutes with 2,000 power point slides presented. Hear about it from performer Josh Sharp, who leads the show, and director Sam Pinkleton of "Oh, Mary!"

Join our host Brinton in the second “All About Me” episode, featuring Japan Top 10 AudioEditor, Tada! We will dive into a wide variety of Japanese music that influenced Tada throughouthis life, from video game and anime music, to rock and jazz. Enjoy!Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/japan-top-10-ri-ben-nototsupu10-jpop-hits/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Vaisesika Dasa: It's easy to surrender to Krishna than not. I stand by that, from extensive experience. Audience: It feels easier sometimes not to surrender. Vaisesika Dasa: That's ignorance. You know, we get absorbed in ignorance. For instance, scrolling may seem to be a kind of shelter, but it's shelter in the mode of ignorance. And Kṛṣṇa then enlightens us In the Bhagavad Gītā, He says, "Shelter in the mode of ignorance leads to more foolishness. The shelter in the mode of passion leads to misery, but shelter in the mode of goodness leads to a sense of happiness." But the only shelter is shelter of Kṛṣṇa. He gives an example: even in the mode of goodness, it's like poison in the beginning, nectar in the end. And shelter in the mode of passion is nectar in the beginning, poison in the end. Relatable, right? So there is some tapasya in taking shelter of Krishna because of the ways in which the senses have become addicted to passion and ignorance and so forth. The remedy: 'śṛṇvatāṁ sva-kathāḥ kṛṣṇaḥ puṇya-śravaṇa-kīrtanaḥ hṛdy antaḥ stho hy abhadrāṇi vidhunoti suhṛt satām. Naṣṭa-prāyeṣv abhadreṣu nityaṁ bhāgavata-sevayā bhagavaty uttama-śloke bhaktir bhavati naiṣṭhikī.tadā rajas-tamo-bhāvāḥ kāma-lobhādayaś ca ye ceta etair anāviddhaṁ sthitaṁ sattve prasīdati (SB 1.2.17-19).' By hearing Bhāgavatam then gradually all that clears up, and we can understand that our only shelter is Krishna. And then at the verse, "tadā rajas," I know when I was a kid, when we would do a magic show and pull a rabbit out of a hat or something, we would go, "Tada!" So in this verse, there's a point at which tadā means, "at that point." Tadā — I'm free from all these false shelters. Tadā rajas tamo 'bhāvāḥ. They're all diminishing because of the power of Krishna in the Śrīmad-Bhāgavatam. So chanting Hare Krishna and hearing Śrīmad-Bhāgavatam—it's the panacea through which we can give up all bad shelters. ------------------------------------------------------------ To connect with His Grace Vaiśeṣika Dāsa, please visit https://www.fanthespark.com/next-steps/ask-vaisesika-dasa/ ------------------------------------------------------------ Add to your wisdom literature collection: https://iskconsv.com/book-store/ https://www.bbtacademic.com/books/ https://thefourquestionsbook.com/ ------------------------------------------------------------ Join us live on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FanTheSpark/ Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sound-bhakti/id1132423868 For the latest videos, subscribe https://www.youtube.com/@FanTheSpark For the latest in SoundCloud: https://soundcloud.com/fan-the-spark ------------------------------------------------------------ #spiritualawakening #soul #spiritualexperience #spiritualpurposeoflife #spiritualgrowthlessons #secretsofspirituality #vaisesikaprabhu #vaisesikadasa #vaisesikaprabhulectures #spirituality #bhaktiyoga #krishna #spiritualpurposeoflife #krishnaspirituality #spiritualusachannel #whybhaktiisimportant #whyspiritualityisimportant #vaisesika #spiritualconnection #thepowerofspiritualstudy #selfrealization #spirituallectures #spiritualstudy #spiritualquestions #spiritualquestionsanswered #trendingspiritualtopics #fanthespark #spiritualpowerofmeditation #spiritualteachersonyoutube #spiritualhabits #spiritualclarity #bhagavadgita #srimadbhagavatam #spiritualbeings #kttvg #keepthetranscendentalvibrationgoing #spiritualpurpose

The secret to managers' success is revealed and dispensed with, in a hypothetical version of 1976, George Steinbrenner gifts Reggie Jackson with a plane, Hal Chase isn't off the list because he was never on the list, a pre-Orioles pitcher becomes ill indeed, and baserunners are obstructed in 1928 and 2025, with differing outcomes suggesting the ways baseball can be like a sloppily-written document. (Snare Drum Buzz Roll, then Tada by TheRandomSoundByte2637)The Infinite Inning is a journey to the past to understand the present using baseball as our time machine. Baseball, America's brighter mirror, often reflects, anticipates, and even mocks the stories we tell ourselves about our world today. Baseball Prospectus's Steven Goldman discusses the game's present, past, and future with forays outside the foul lines to the culture at large. Expect history, politics, stats, and frequent Casey Stengel quotations. Along the way, we'll try to solve the puzzle that is the Infinite Inning: How do you find the joy in life when you can't get anybody out? 

Kevin Wildes tells the story of the time he tried too hard in tennis and it made him be a worse player. He relates his own experience to Mitchell Robinson not caring about the ‘haters'. Wildes also sprinkles in his new catchphrase throughout. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Cat and Pat are joined this week by special returning guest, Josh Sharp! They discuss what's on their Discover pages, bond over their obsessions with Love On The Spectrum, and Josh announces his new one-man show in New York, "Ta Da!". Pat tells a harrowing tale about losing his table while being a merchant, is celebrated by USC even though he didn't attend that school, and Cat joins us from her cozy bed. Watch the full episode on our YouTube and follow below!Show Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/seektreatmentpodShow Tiktok: https://www.tiktok.com/@seektreatmentpodCat: https://www.instagram.com/catccohenPat: https://www.instagram.com/patreegsSeek Treatment is a production of Headgum Studios. Our associate producer is Allie Kahan. Our producer is Tavi Kaunitz. Our executive producer is Emma Foley. The show is edited, mixed, and mastered by Richelle Chen. The show art was created by Carly Jean Andrews. Like the show? Rate Seek Treatment on Spotify and Apple Podcasts and leave a review.Advertise on Seek Treatment via Gumball.fmSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Welcome to Life in the Leadership Lane where I am talking to leaders making a difference in the workplace and in our communities. How did they get to where they are and what are they doing to stay there! Buckle up and get ready to accelerate in the Leadership Lane! This week, I am talking with Joel Zeff, National Keynote Speaker, Conference Emcee, Awards Host, Humorist, and Author – NEW book “Make The Right Choice”. How did Joel get started in his career? What led himto speaking? When did Joel “find his lane” in his career?What does Joel share about mentors?What does Joel share about his new book “Make TheRight Choice”?What does Joel share about following your passion?What does Joel share about having fun at work?What does Joel share about building and strengthening relationships?What does Joel share about celebrating “TA-DA”?What advice does Joel share to help others in theworkplace?…and more as we spend “Time to Accelerate” with afew more questions. Interview resources:Favorite quote(s) from Joel:“Having fun is the foundation to great leadership and teamwork.”“Fun isn't all about laughing and being silly, it's also finding success, accomplishing and helping people.”Connect with Joel on LinkedInVisit Joel Zeff Website Get Joel's New Book: Make The Right ChoiceLearn more about the podcast host Bruce WallerCheck out Bruce's books Drive With Purpose: Move Your Career from Success toSignificance (#1 New Released book on Amazon)Life in the Leadership Lane; Moving Leaders to Inspire and Change the Workplace Find Your Lane; Change your GPS, Change your Career (“Book Authority” Best Books)Milemarkers; A 5 Year Journey …helping you record daily highlights to keep you on track.Connect with ⁠Bruce on LinkTree⁠Subscribe to Bruce's Blog “Move to Inspire” Get relocation support for your next household goods orcommercial office move across the US by reaching out to Bruce at bwaller@goarmstrong.com or visit The Armstrong Company

What would you say if you had just come back from the dead? Tada! or how about Surprise!? Yet, when Jesus stepped out of the tomb, his first words weren't exclamations or even emphatic declarations, they were questions — questions that cut straight to the heart of our human experience. This Easter, let's uncover how the questions that Jesus asked after his resurrection provide life changing answers for every season of our lives!

What would you say if you had just come back from the dead? Tada! or how about Surprise!? Yet, when Jesus stepped out of the tomb, his first words weren't exclamations or even emphatic declarations, they were questions — questions that cut straight to the heart of our human experience. This Easter, let's uncover how the questions that Jesus asked after his resurrection provide life changing answers for every season of our lives!

This week happiness expert Gretchen Rubin shares practical tips for living with more purpose, joy, and clarity. Get ready to swap your “to-do” list for a “TA-DA” list, discover the link between happiness and your sense of purpose, and learn simple hacks to boost your happiness every day. Whether you're looking to strengthen relationships or eliminate everyday annoyances, Gretchen's down-to-earth advice will leave you inspired. If you want to live a more fulfilled and happy life, this episode is for you.In this episode: How to find more happiness in the daily grind How to spot what's actually making you unhappy The link between happiness and a sense of purpose Why strong relationships are key to lasting happiness Simple daily habits that boost your mood Why you should swap your “to-do” list for a “TA-DA!” list How Gretchen's new book could be a game-changer for your life Here is my favorite quote from this episode:"You're very focused on your to-do list. Pause for a ta-da list and make a list of everything you've accomplished." - Gretchen RubinExciting news! My Lifetime series Kim of Queens is now streaming on Disney Plus! Join me as I help these girls discover true beauty is more than skin-deep. Click this link to check it out now!Have you tried my exclusive ZERO sugar candy yet?Kimmie's Candies Sea Salt Caramels are the perfect gift that's both indulgent and guilt-free. Rich, chocolatey caramel with a touch of sea salt—zero sugar, keto-friendly, and gluten-free. A delicious, guilt-free indulgence!Order now at kimgravelshow.com/candy.Supply is low so get yours before they sell out.Do you want to hear your voice on the show?Call me and leave me a voicemail at 404-913-6460 and let me know why you love who you are! There is BONUS CONTENT in our free newsletter so make sure to subscribe at https://www.kimgravelshow.comCollecting Confidence, my best-selling book is now available in paperback with a brand new discussion guide!Click this link to buy it now.Join my Love Who You Are movement at https://lwya.comConnect with Me:YouTubeFacebookInstagramTikTok                                         WebsiteConnect with Gretchen Rubin:WebsiteInstagramFacebookYouTubeTikTokSecrets of AdulthoodHappier with Gretchen RubinNew episodes of The Kim Gravel Show drop every Wednesday at 6pm EST.Support our show by supporting our Sponsors:PiquePique is on a mission to create doctor-approved, cutting-edge solutions for your head-to-toe health and beauty transformation. Feel more hydrated, energized, and like your best self with Pique products—say goodbye to exhaustion, dull skin, and energy crashes. Get 20% off + a FREE starter kit at Piquelife.com/KIM. Your body and skin will thank you!American FinancingStruggling with high prices and credit card debt? You're not alone—Americans are facing record debt levels. American Financing, a family-owned mortgage lender licensed in all 50 states, can help you use your home's equity to pay off high-interest debt.Their salary-based mortgage consultants are focused on what's best for you—not commissions. Customers save an average of $800 a month, and you may even close in as fast as 10 days. Plus, you could delay up to two mortgage payments, giving you extra breathing room. There are no upfront or hidden fees to see how much you can save. They've helped hundreds of thousands of homeowners, with great reviews to show for it.Call 866-889-5154 or visit https://americanfinancing.net/kim to get started today. Disclaimer: NMLS 182334, www.nmlsconsumeraccess.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoicesSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This week happiness expert Gretchen Rubin shares practical tips for living with more purpose, joy, and clarity. Get ready to swap your “to-do” list for a “TA-DA” list, discover the link between happiness and your sense of purpose, and learn simple hacks to boost your happiness every day. Whether you're looking to strengthen relationships or eliminate everyday annoyances, Gretchen's down-to-earth advice will leave you inspired. If you want to live a more fulfilled and happy life, this episode is for you. In this episode: How to find more happiness in the daily grind How to spot what's actually making you unhappy The link between happiness and a sense of purpose Why strong relationships are key to lasting happiness Simple daily habits that boost your mood Why you should swap your “to-do” list for a “TA-DA!” list How Gretchen's new book could be a game-changer for your life Here is my favorite quote from this episode: "You're very focused on your to-do list. Pause for a ta-da list and make a list of everything you've accomplished." - Gretchen Rubin Exciting news! My Lifetime series Kim of Queens is now streaming on Disney Plus! Join me as I help these girls discover true beauty is more than skin-deep. Click this link to check it out now! Have you tried my exclusive ZERO sugar candy yet? Kimmie's Candies Sea Salt Caramels are the perfect gift that's both indulgent and guilt-free. Rich, chocolatey caramel with a touch of sea salt—zero sugar, keto-friendly, and gluten-free. A delicious, guilt-free indulgence! Order now at kimgravelshow.com/candy. Supply is low so get yours before they sell out. Do you want to hear your voice on the show? Call me and leave me a voicemail at 404-913-6460 and let me know why you love who you are!   There is BONUS CONTENT in our free newsletter so make sure to subscribe at https://www.kimgravelshow.com Collecting Confidence, my best-selling book is now available in paperback with a brand new discussion guide! Click this link to buy it now. Join my Love Who You Are movement at https://lwya.com Connect with Me: YouTube Facebook Instagram TikTok                                          Website Connect with Gretchen Rubin: Website Instagram Facebook YouTube TikTok Secrets of Adulthood Happier with Gretchen Rubin New episodes of The Kim Gravel Show drop every Wednesday at 6pm EST. Support our show by supporting our Sponsors: Pique Pique is on a mission to create doctor-approved, cutting-edge solutions for your head-to-toe health and beauty transformation. Feel more hydrated, energized, and like your best self with Pique products—say goodbye to exhaustion, dull skin, and energy crashes.   Get 20% off + a FREE starter kit at Piquelife.com/KIM. Your body and skin will thank you! American Financing Struggling with high prices and credit card debt? You're not alone—Americans are facing record debt levels. American Financing, a family-owned mortgage lender licensed in all 50 states, can help you use your home's equity to pay off high-interest debt. Their salary-based mortgage consultants are focused on what's best for you—not commissions. Customers save an average of $800 a month, and you may even close in as fast as 10 days. Plus, you could delay up to two mortgage payments, giving you extra breathing room. There are no upfront or hidden fees to see how much you can save. They've helped hundreds of thousands of homeowners, with great reviews to show for it. Call 866-889-5154 or visit https://americanfinancing.net/kim to get started today. Disclaimer: NMLS 182334, www.nmlsconsumeraccess.org Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ta-Da! Look what it is . . . ! Its another long one. A long one about shorts. Gene Pool, Jack Hoff, Gabe Porn, and the Research Department learn some important lessons they forgot exactly when their hangovers cleared.

In this special episode, host Andy Cleff breaks explosive news about the Agile Uprising's hostile takeover of the entire agile establishment. Listen as he reveals how the community-driven coalition has acquired PMI, Agile Alliance, ISO, and Scrum.org in one fell swoop—and why their surprise acquisition of Cologuard might be the most disruptive move of all. Learn about the immediate changes to certification processes, the dramatic condensing of the Scrum Guide, and the coalition's "more than generous offer" to Scaled Agile. This episode will leave you either cheering for the revolution or checking your calendar.. how close to the 91st day of the year are we? The agile world will never be the same... or will it? About the Agile Uprising If you enjoyed this episode, please give us a review, a rating, or leave comments on iTunes, Stitcher or your podcasting platform of choice. It really helps others find us.  Much thanks to the artist  from  who provided us our outro music free-of-charge!  If you like what you heard,     to find more music you might enjoy! If you'd like to join the discussion and share your stories,  please jump into the fray at our  We at the Agile Uprising are committed to being totally free.  However, if you'd like to contribute and help us defray hosting and production costs we do have a .  Who knows, you might even get some surprises in the mail! Sound Effects and Image Credits Ch-Ching.wav by hgernhardt -- https://freesound.org/s/402651/ -- License: Attribution NonCommercial 4.0 Paper Shredder by aunrea -- https://freesound.org/s/495666/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Aha Agreement by kanyonwyvern -- https://freesound.org/s/713754/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 FX dramatic music.wav by v0idation -- https://freesound.org/s/115139/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Applause, huge, thunderous by peridactyloptrix -- https://freesound.org/s/196094/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 record scratch.wav by luffy -- https://freesound.org/s/3536/ -- License: Attribution 4.0 Ba-Dum-Tish#1.wav by Timbre -- https://freesound.org/s/84427/ -- License: Attribution NonCommercial 4.0 Ba-da-dum.wav by Simon_Lacelle -- https://freesound.org/s/37215/ -- License: Attribution 4.0 Beep warning by SamsterBirdies -- https://freesound.org/s/467882/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 another magic wand spell tinkle.flac by Timbre -- https://freesound.org/s/221683/ -- License: Attribution NonCommercial 4.0 another magic wand spell tinkle.flac by Timbre -- https://freesound.org/s/221683/ -- License: Attribution NonCommercial 4.0 Generic Interior Walla by brunoboselli -- https://freesound.org/s/757318/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 wah wah sad trombone.wav by kirbydx -- https://freesound.org/s/175409/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Party Pack, Balloons, Deflate, Moderate, 03-02.wav by InspectorJ -- https://freesound.org/s/484269/ -- License: Attribution 4.0 STORYENDING_02.wav by phantastonia -- https://freesound.org/s/617068/ -- License: Attribution 4.0 15.wav by adcbicycle -- https://freesound.org/s/13824/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 34-muchos papeles moviendose.wav by Tomycatts -- https://freesound.org/s/429340/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Human laughing - Various.wav by ThisIsMiniMe -- https://freesound.org/s/327396/ -- License: Attribution NonCommercial 4.0 FX wait 1.wav by v0idation -- https://freesound.org/s/115143/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Opening A Curtain.wav by EmilZendera98 -- https://freesound.org/s/446046/ -- License: Attribution 4.0 TaDa!.aif by jimhancock -- https://freesound.org/s/256128/ -- License: Creative Commons 0 Megaphone via Freepik.com  

Blamison return to our regular length of blabbering on with this episode on the obscure and FORGOTTEN 1983 film Eureka starring none other than the man, the myth, and the legend: Rutger Hauer....and also Gene Hackman. We don't know quite what to do with this movie even though our review of it is nothing less than glowing. So, sit back and relax as we dig for gold and exploit the native populations under the guise of progressivism.Also talked about: religious faith and TA DA! our kids.Clip: Gene Hackman in Bonnie & Clyde (1967)

Hymns have been sung by the church for centuries to worship, teach the Bible, and to encourage the body. When you sing a great hymn, you’re almost certainly also preaching the gospel to yourself.

Whether at church, home, or in the car, Joni Earekson Tada says her family sang hymns all the time and everywhere. And she wants to encourage everyone to do the same.

Yo Gabba Gabba, No Gabby Gabby! Happy Tuesday! Ta-Da!!! Learn more about the All That To Say Podcast by visiting www.podcatts.com.  Want even more from Miranda and Kristin? Subscribe to our Patreon for as little as $6/month. Enjoy bonus episodecs and exclusive ATTS content you won't find anywhere else! Looking for something we mentioned? Shop our recommendations on our Amazon page! Message us on the Honesty Hotline (HoHo) anytime! Just click here to leave a voice memo. We want to hear from you. Leave an anonymous message to be featured on an upcoming episode! Maybe you need to get something off your chest or need our honest opinion on something? We want to hear it! Follow us on Instagram at @allthattosay_podcast. We love meeting new people, so leave a comment or better yet...share the love with your friends! We look great on camera. You can find weekly podcast videos on our YouTube channel! If you love our content, be sure to like, subscribe, download, rate, and review! We hope to continue bringing this unhinged FIRE CONTENT every week. xoxo

In this episode of The CX Tipping Point Podcast, we spoke to Alexis Bonnell, the Chief Information Officer of the Air Force Research Laboratory, to explore her inspiring journey from her early career in tech to becoming a leader in government innovation. Alexis shares how empathy, curiosity, and clarity have been her guiding principles for driving change and fostering innovation within complex organizations. Alexis was a 2024 Service to the Citizen Award Winner.We delve into the challenges of implementing artificial intelligence, not just as a tool for efficiency but as a way to empower teams and elevate their work. Alexis walks us through a fascinating four-stage process to help people adapt to AI, from the initial "Tada!" moment of excitement to the "Ho-hum" stage of seamless integration.Listeners will learn about the importance of recognizing contributions in teams, the power of positive reinforcement, and Alexis's unique practice of gifting custom shoes to women in government as a token of appreciation for their hard work.The episode also highlights the innovative strategies Alexis is employing to tackle inefficiencies in government processes. From conducting "toil tours" to identify and eliminate waste, to promoting a bold "kill bonus" initiative that rewards stopping unnecessary tasks, Alexis shares actionable insights on creating a culture of progress over activity.Finally, we discuss the human side of AI and change management, exploring how leaders can build trust, empower risk-takers, and shift organizational mindsets from critics to champions.Key Takeaways:How empathy and curiosity fuel innovation in government.The four stages of adapting to AI and its potential to revolutionize work.Strategies for eliminating inefficiencies and fostering a culture of action.Recognizing and rewarding team contributions to drive morale and impact.Stay tuned for a thought-provoking discussion that bridges the gap between technology, people, and purpose.Thank you for listening to this episode of The CX Tipping Point Podcast! If you enjoyed it, please consider subscribing, rating, and leaving a review on your favorite podcast platform. Your support helps us reach more listeners! Stay Connected: Follow us on social media: LinkedIn: @DorrisConsultingInternational Twitter: @DorrisConsultng Facebook: @DCInternational Resources Mentioned: Citizen Services Newsletter 2024 Service to the Citizen Awards Nomination Form

Happiness at work isn't just about perks and lucky circumstances—it's about mindset, choice, and taking control. In this lively and insightful episode, Joel Zeff, a high-energy speaker, improv expert, and author of Make The Right Choice, shares how we can actively create more joy in the workplace. We explore: How improv teaches us to embrace change and seize opportunities. The power of “Ta-Da!” moments—small celebrations that fuel happiness and success. Why fun at work is a performance booster, not a distraction. The crucial role of positive support in building confidence and resilience. Joel's contagious energy and practical insights will leave you rethinking how you approach happiness at work. If you've ever felt stuck in a workplace rut, this episode is for you! ----more---- Key Takeaways Happiness at work is a choice. It's not something that happens to us—we can create it through celebration, mindset, and the way we engage with our work. “Ta-Da!” moments fuel energy and confidence. Celebrating small wins builds momentum, motivation, and creates a positive work culture. Embrace change, don't fear it. Improv teaches us that we don't control change, but we do control how we react to it—and that can be empowering. Support fuels success. People thrive when they receive positive reinforcement and opportunities. Leaders should actively provide both. ----more---- Key Moments The key moments in this episode are: 0:00:10 – Why happiness at work is an active choice 0:03:12 – Joel Zeff's journey from journalism to improv and workplace happiness 0:08:04 – The role of play in unlocking confidence and creativity 0:12:14 – The power of small celebrations: Why “Ta-Da!” moments matter 0:21:41 – How improv teaches us to embrace change and react with confidence 0:26:48 – The myth that fun at work means less productivity 0:33:44 – Redefining fun: Why it looks different for everyone 0:39:38 – Finding meaning in work and connecting with purpose 0:44:15 – Sticky Notes – Three takeaways for taking control of happiness at work ----more---- Join The Conversation Find Andy Goram on LinkedIn here Listen to the Podcast on YouTube here Follow the Podcast on Instagram here Follow the Podcast on Twitter here Follow the Podcast on Facebook here Check out the Bizjuicer website here Get a free consultation with Andy here Check out the Bizjuicer blog here Download the podcast here ----more---- Useful Links Follow Joel Zeff on LinkedIn here Find Joel's website here Find the "Make The Right Choice" book here ----more---- Full Episode Transcript Get the full transcript of the episode here

Shoot us a Text.After a much-needed rest day, we're refreshed from the 2025 NADA Show! Today, we talk about the massive victory for car dealers as a US Appeals Court has tossed the CARS Rule. Plus, we recap the make meetings at NADA that were able to happen and download you on Deepseek, the AI disrupting big tech.Show Notes with links:A major legal victory for auto dealers comes as a U.S. appeals court strikes down the Biden administration's FTC CARS Rule aimed at regulating dealer pricing and add-ons, along with a looming compliance burden.The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled 2-1 that the FTC failed to follow proper procedures in creating the rule.The regulation, which was on hold pending legal challenges, would have required upfront pricing and banned certain add-ons deemed “junk fees.”NADA and TADA led the legal challenge, arguing the rule would add unnecessary complexity and cost to the car-buying process.NADA President Mike Stanton praised the decision as a “victory for the rule of law and a great outcome for consumers.”The make meetings at the NADA Show is the premier opportunity for dealers to meet with factory execs and discuss the year ahead—but the massive snowstorm kept 10 of 26 brands from making it to New Orleans. While some dealers were understanding, others were frustrated. For the brands that made it, key updates were shared.Stellantis pushed a big comeback after a rough 2024, telling dealers to expect major improvements in sales and marketing. Alfa Romeo is also walking back its all-EV plans in favor of a multi-energy strategy.Ford doubled down on affordability, bringing back base trims of the F-150, Escape, and Explorer, plus a new entry-level Bronco. New marketing for the Maverick and Bronco Sport highlights their sub-$30K price tags.Nissan acknowledged dealer struggles, with new Americas Chairman Christian Meunier vowing to improve dealer profits and return on sales. Infiniti will cut the QX50 and QX55 by year's end.Subaru shifted allocation to state-by-state, adjusting for emissions regulations and market conditions instead of regional zones. Incentives will now vary by state.GM will stay the course under Trump, reassuring dealers that policy shifts won't impact product plans, even as new tariffs loom. Cadillac still aims to lead luxury EVs in 2025.The AI stock boom faced a major reality check as China's DeepSeek introduced an AI model that rivals OpenAI—but with a fraction of the computing power. The news sent Nvidia's stock plummeting 17%, wiping out nearly $600 billion in market value in a single day, the largest loss in history for a public company.DeepSeek's AI model challenges the assumption that advanced AI requires vast amounts of Nvidia's high-end chips, rattling the entire AI supply chain.DeepSeek's model solved problems faster than OpenAI's and required fewer resources, suggesting a potentially lower-cost future for AI adoption.The S&P 500's tech sector plunged 5.6%, its worst one-day droHosts: Paul J Daly and Kyle MountsierGet the Daily Push Back email at https://www.asotu.com/ JOIN the conversation on LinkedIn at: https://www.linkedin.com/company/asotu/ Read our most recent email at: https://www.asotu.com/media/push-back-email

And so in that period of anartha-nivṛtti, you want to get to the next stage after anartha-nivṛtti. Then you have nishta, where, as is described in these verses. We've all been quoting 'naṣṭa-prāyeṣv abhadreṣu nityaṁ bhāgavata-sevayā bhagavaty uttama-śloke bhaktir bhavati naiṣṭhikī (SB 1.2.18).' Naiṣṭhikī means nishtha. You know that word 'stha,' it's the same as the word stand. That's where it comes from. The word stand. You know you stand in one place or like you have an understanding, because it's clear to you then, and nishta means that you're no longer pushed by these urges that affect everybody in the material world. That's a miracle, and that miracle happens when you keep going in devotional service and practicing the basic tenets with good association and full faith in the Lord's orders. At a certain time, you start to notice Bhagavatam says, 'tadā rajas-tamo-bhāvāḥ kāma-lobhādayaś ca ye ceta etair anāviddhaṁ sthitaṁ sattve prasīdati (SB 1.2.19).' You know what the word Tada means? It means 'ta-da'. It's like you're practicing. And then all of a sudden, wait a minute, how come I didn't fall asleep? How come I didn't go in the other room and grab my phone while I was chanting? How come I wanted to go to the Bhāgavatam class instead of watching a special on I don't know whatever there is out there. I don't know what all the offerings are, but this is by the mercy of the Lord. Because of your faithful adherence to the process of devotional service. And when you come to nishta, there are so many possibilities open in your life. You've crossed the great desert of anarta nivritti, which seems to go on forever and ever and ever. When you come to nishta, tadā rajas-tamo-bhāvāḥ kāma-lobhādayaś ca ye ceta etair anāviddhaṁ sthitaṁ sattve prasīdati, you actually start to touch the śuddha sattva, which means the spiritual energy. And then from there, it's like you're pushing a big boulder up the hill. And when Ruchi comes, the boulder starts to roll down by itself. Ruchi means, I really want this. It's not that I have to control myself. I have to control myself not to run after Kṛṣṇa. (excerpt from the talk) Chapter for discussion: https://vedabase.io/en/library/sb/1/6/ ------------------------------------------------------------ To connect with His Grace Vaiśeṣika Dāsa, please visit https://www.fanthespark.com/next-steps/ask-vaisesika-dasa/ ------------------------------------------------------------ Add to your wisdom literature collection: https://www.bbtacademic.com/books/ (USA only) https://thefourquestionsbook.com/ ------------------------------------------------------------ Join us live on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FanTheSpark/ Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/sound-bhakti/id1132423868 For the latest videos, subscribe https://www.youtube.com/@FanTheSpark For the latest in SoundCloud: https://soundcloud.com/fan-the-spark ------------------------------------------------------------ #vaisesikaprabhu #vaisesikadasa #vaisesikaprabhulectures #spirituality #bhaktiyoga #krishna #spiritualpurposeoflife #krishnaspirituality #spiritualusachannel #whybhaktiisimportant #whyspiritualityisimportant #vaisesika #spiritualconnection #thepowerofspiritualstudy #selfrealization #spirituallectures #spiritualstudy #spiritualexperience #spiritualpurposeoflife #spiritualquestions #spiritualquestionsanswered #trendingspiritualtopics #fanthespark #spiritualpowerofmeditation #spiritualgrowthlessons #secretsofspirituality #spiritualteachersonyoutube #spiritualhabits #spiritualclarity #bhagavadgita #srimadbhagavatam #spiritualbeings #kttvg #keepthetranscendentalvibrationgoing #spiritualpurpose

Talented storyteller Jason Buck narrates the classic French fairy tale "Puss in Boots" written down by Charles Perrault. In this story, a young man inherits a cat, who persuades his owner they can make their fortune if he can give him a hat, a sack, and some fancy boots. All dressed up, the cat charms the king, outwits an ogre and delights the king's daughter. Tada! Jason has done it again and pulled another cracking fairytale out of the bag. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices